Journal of Political Inquiry at New York University, Spring 2014 Issue 1
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Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics Under the ‘Second Republic’
Modern Italy Vol. 12, No. 1, February 2007, pp. 17–38 Remaking Italy? Place Configurations and Italian Electoral Politics under the ‘Second Republic’ John Agnew The Italian Second Republic was meant to have led to a bipolar polity with alternation in national government between conservative and progressive blocs. Such a system it has been claimed would undermine the geographical structure of electoral politics that contributed to party system immobilism in the past. However, in this article I argue that dynamic place configurations are central to how the ‘new’ Italian politics is being constructed. The dominant emphasis on either television or the emergence of ‘politics without territory’ has obscured the importance of this geographical restructuring. New dynamic place configurations are apparent particularly in the South which has emerged as a zone of competition between the main party coalitions and a nationally more fragmented geographical pattern of electoral outcomes. These patterns in turn reflect differential trends in support for party positions on governmental centralization and devolution, geographical patterns of local economic development, and the re-emergence of the North–South divide as a focus for ideological and policy differences between parties and social groups across Italy. Introduction One of the high hopes of the early 1990s in Italy was that following the cleansing of the corruption associated with the party regime of the Cold War period, Italy could become a ‘normal country’ in which bipolar politics of electoral competition between clearly defined coalitions formed before elections, rather than perpetual domination by the political centre, would lead to potential alternation of progressive and conservative forces in national political office and would check the systematic corruption of partitocrazia based on the jockeying for government offices (and associated powers) after elections (Gundle & Parker 1996). -
Quando L'amministrazione Comunale Di Milano Produceva Documentari A
Quando l’Amministrazione comunale di Milano produceva documentari a tutto campo Palazzo Marino presenta... di Pierfranco Bianchetti Nei primi anni Cinquanta quando non ci sono i computer, i cellulari, il web e la televisione italiana deve ancora entrare nelle case degli italiani, i mezzi di comunicazioni più popolari sono la radio, la carta stampata e il cinema. Milano è una città in ricostruzione, che studia per diventare metropoli in tempi brevi. Il Comune è guidato prima dal mitico sindaco della Liberazione, Antonio Greppi, cui si deve la rinascita del Teatro alla Scala, della Galleria Vittorio Emanuele, della Biblioteca Ambrosiana e di molti altri edifici storici distrutti da bombardamenti, e poi dal 1951 dall’ottimo Virgilio Ferrari, artefice dell’aeroporto Forlanini e della Metropolitana. Sono anni nei quali le pubbliche relazioni necessarie a diffondere la conoscenza dei problemi che riguardano la cittadinanza, sono affidati allo strumento più tradizionale, ma efficace: il documentario. Nel 1953 a cura dell’Ufficio Stampa di Palazzo Marino, la sede del Comune in piazza Scala, nasce una vera e propria Cineteca Comunale specializzata nella raccolta di film capaci di incuriosire l’opinione pubblica, come ricorda “Il cinema a Milano”, la bella pubblicazione uscita nel marzo 1966 per volere dell’Amministrazione civica realizzata da Walter Alberti e Gianni Comencini della Cineteca Italiana. A Guido Guerrasio per primo è affidato il compito di raccontare alcuni momenti più significativi della “storia milanese”. Il regista gira nel 1953 il pregevole “Il Sindaco di ferro” dedicato a Gaetano Negri, illustre primo cittadino in carica dal 1884 al 1889, padre del moderno piano regolare della città e poi il suggestivo e pittorico “Gente dei navigli”. -
To the President of the European Commission Mrs. Ursula Von Der Leyen, Rue De La Loi / Wetstraat 200 1049 Brussels
To the President of the European Commission Mrs. Ursula von der Leyen, Rue de la Loi / Wetstraat 200 1049 Brussels To the Executive Vice-President of the European Commission Mr. Vladis Dombrovskis Rue de la Loi / Wetstraat 200 1049 Brussels Brussels, 22 October 2020, Subject: the EU must impose an import ban on Chinese companies using forced labour Dear President von der Leyen, Dear Vice-President Dombrovskis, For years, the Chinese regime has been detaining millions of human beings in camps, just because they were born Uyghurs. For years, Europe and the world have been witnessing a crime against humanity without opposing any resistance to it. In recent months, several studies have reported the use of Uyghur forced labour for the benefit of major European companies. Indeed, many Chinese factories, directly supplying EU brands exploit the Uyghurs and benefit from their forced labour. Facing this abjection, Europe must act to protect the lives and fundamental rights of Uyghurs. The EU should use its trade and market power to safeguards the founding principles enrichened in our Treaties and guiding our external policies. As the US did lately through an imports ban passed almost unanimously in the US House of Representatives, Europe urgently needs to establish a blacklist of Chinese companies implicated in Uyghur forced labour. We look forward to your response. Yours sincerely, 1. Raphaël Glucksmann, S&D 2. Dietmar Köster, S&D 3. Francisco Guerreiro, Greens 4. Sylvie Guillaume, S&D 5. Aurore Lalucq, S&D 6. Izaskun Bilbao Barandica, Renew 7. Anna Cavazzini, Greens 8. Nora Mebarek, S&D 9. -
Euroscepticism in Political Parties of Greece
VYTAUTAS MAGNUS UNIVERSITY FACULTY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE AND DIPLOMACY DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Eimantas Kočanas EUROSCEPTICISM IN POLITICAL PARTIES OF GREECE Master’s Thesis Contemporary European politics study program, state code 621L20005 Political sciences study direction Supervisor: Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas Defended: PMDF Dean - Prof. Doc. Šarūnas Liekis Kaunas 2016 European Union is like a painting displayed in a museum. Some admire it, others critique it, and few despise it. In all regards, the fact that the painting is being criticized only shows that there is no true way to please everybody – be it in art or politics. - Author of this paper. 1 Summary Eimantas Kocanas ‘Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece’, Master’s Thesis. Paper supervisor Prof. Doc. Mindaugas Jurkynas, Kaunas Vytautas Magnus University, Department of Diplomacy and Political Sciences. Faculty of Political Sciences. Euroscepticism (anti-EUism) had become a subject of analysis in contemporary European studies due to its effect on governments, parties and nations. With Greece being one of the nations in the center of attention on effects of Euroscepticism, it’s imperative to constantly analyze and research the eurosceptic elements residing within the political elements of this nation. Analyzing eurosceptic elements within Greek political parties, the goal is to: detect, analyze and evaluate the expressions of Euroscepticism in political parties of Greece. To achieve this: 1). Conceptualization of Euroscepticism is described; 2). Methods of its detection and measurement are described; 3). Methods of Euroscepticism analysis are applied to political parties of Greece in order to conclude what type and expressions of eurosceptic behavior are present. To achieve the goal presented in this paper, political literature, on the subject of Euroscepticism: 1). -
Meeting the Challenge of Crisis and Opportunity Left Refoundation and Party Building
Meeting the Challenge of Crisis and Opportunity Left Refoundation and Party Building About this paper: The Party-Building Commission The slogan of Left Refoundation arises out of our of Freedom Road Socialist Organization takes assessment of the ideological and structural crisis pleasure in circulating the following paper. Like among Leftists here in the U.S. and other parts of other socialist organizations, since its inception, the world. Four major occurrences define this crisis: Freedom Road has looked for opportunities to com- (1) The crisis of socialism, which predates the bine our own organizing with opportunities for collapse of the Soviet Union strengthening the unity and coherence of socialist efforts overall. We endorse the themes presented (2) The dismantling of the welfare state, here as an important part of our efforts in this gen- (3) The crisis of national liberation movements, eral direction. Members of our organization from and several cities worked on this paper over the last year and a half. We also appreciate the invaluable (4) The rise of neoliberalism. comments of friends and co-workers from other or- All four are connected. The rise of neoliberalism and ganizations who have seen this in draft and helped the crisis of socialism are intertwined with the de- shape it. We don't see this as the final word on the struction of the welfare state and the crisis of na- way forward for the socialist left. Nor do we even tional liberation movements. This crisis is an ideo- see it as the first word, since others have also grap- logical and structural vacuum in which words such pled with similar issues throughout this past decade. -
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2
1. Debbie Abrahams, Labour Party, United Kingdom 2. Malik Ben Achour, PS, Belgium 3. Tina Acketoft, Liberal Party, Sweden 4. Senator Fatima Ahallouch, PS, Belgium 5. Lord Nazir Ahmed, Non-affiliated, United Kingdom 6. Senator Alberto Airola, M5S, Italy 7. Hussein al-Taee, Social Democratic Party, Finland 8. Éric Alauzet, La République en Marche, France 9. Patricia Blanquer Alcaraz, Socialist Party, Spain 10. Lord John Alderdice, Liberal Democrats, United Kingdom 11. Felipe Jesús Sicilia Alférez, Socialist Party, Spain 12. Senator Alessandro Alfieri, PD, Italy 13. François Alfonsi, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (France) 14. Amira Mohamed Ali, Chairperson of the Parliamentary Group, Die Linke, Germany 15. Rushanara Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 16. Tahir Ali, Labour Party, United Kingdom 17. Mahir Alkaya, Spokesperson for Foreign Trade and Development Cooperation, Socialist Party, the Netherlands 18. Senator Josefina Bueno Alonso, Socialist Party, Spain 19. Lord David Alton of Liverpool, Crossbench, United Kingdom 20. Patxi López Álvarez, Socialist Party, Spain 21. Nacho Sánchez Amor, S&D, European Parliament (Spain) 22. Luise Amtsberg, Green Party, Germany 23. Senator Bert Anciaux, sp.a, Belgium 24. Rt Hon Michael Ancram, the Marquess of Lothian, Former Chairman of the Conservative Party, Conservative Party, United Kingdom 25. Karin Andersen, Socialist Left Party, Norway 26. Kirsten Normann Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 27. Theresa Berg Andersen, Socialist People’s Party (SF), Denmark 28. Rasmus Andresen, Greens/EFA, European Parliament (Germany) 29. Lord David Anderson of Ipswich QC, Crossbench, United Kingdom 30. Barry Andrews, Renew Europe, European Parliament (Ireland) 31. Chris Andrews, Sinn Féin, Ireland 32. Eric Andrieu, S&D, European Parliament (France) 33. -
U20 2021 Summit Press Release
PRESS RELEASE CONTACT: [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] 28 Cities Urge G20 to Invest in Green and Just Recovery, Vaccine Equity, Climate Action, and Divest from Fossil Fuels Ahead of G20 Summit in Italy and COP26. Urban 20 calls upon G20 nations to foster greater collaboration with cities and local governments to accelerate solutions to the climate crisis, COVID-19, and the economic and social recovery Rome, Italy (June 17, 2021) - Today, the Urban 20 (U20), led by Virginia Raggi, Mayor of Rome and Giuseppe Sala, Mayor of Milan, urged the Group of Twenty (G20) Leaders to deliver a green and just recovery from COVID-19, ensure global vaccine equity, strengthen local public service provision and expand collaboration with local governments to achieve an inclusive, sustainable, and prosperous future. The U20’s official communique, detailing cities’ demands for national leaders, was signed by 28 cities. With the majority of the world’s population living in urban areas, cities will serve as the engines of a global green and just COVID-19 recovery. On the frontlines of the pandemic response, mayors and governors have championed bold, equitable solutions to the intersecting public health, economic, social and climate crises, though they often lack supplies, funding, and other means of support needed to reach these goals. The pandemic has emphasized that health moves beyond just the health response and that strong public institutions and service provision are vital to protecting our communities and the planet. Greater cooperation between national and local governments is needed to scale up solutions, sustain critical public service provisions, and ensure that no one - and no place - is left behind. -
ITA Parliamentary 2013
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC EARLY PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 24 and 25 February 2013 OSCE/ODIHR NEEDS ASSESSMENT MISSION REPORT 7-10 January 2013 Warsaw 22 January 2013 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................. 1 II. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ................................................................................................................... 1 III. FINDINGS .............................................................................................................................................. 3 A. BACKGROUND AND POLITICAL CONTEXT ............................................................................................. 3 B. LEGAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................................................. 3 C. ELECTORAL SYSTEM ............................................................................................................................. 4 D. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION ................................................................................................................. 5 E. VOTING METHODS ................................................................................................................................ 6 F. VOTER RIGHTS AND REGISTRATION ...................................................................................................... 7 G. CANDIDATE RIGHTS AND REGISTRATION -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
China's Communist Party Absorbs More of the State
March 23, 2018 China’s Communist Party Absorbs More of the State In March 2018, China’s national legislature, the National usual two terms. Xi’s second term in his Party posts is People’s Congress (NPC), approved amendments to scheduled to end in 2022, and his second term as president China’s state constitution, including the elimination of term is scheduled to end in March 2023. limits for the positions of President and Vice President. The NPC also supported the creation of a new anti-graft agency, Many analysts warn that by undermining China’s efforts to approved a reorganization of government agencies, create norms around the orderly transfer of power, the installed a new lineup of state and NPC leaders, and removal of term limits could increase the risk of a future endorsed economic and other targets. On March 21, 2018, destabilizing succession crisis in the world’s second-largest immediately after the NPC session closed, the Communist economy. Some U.S. observers have expressed cautious Party released a document outlining a broad re-organization hope that with the prospect of staying in power indefinitely, of large parts of China’s political system, including the President Xi may feel he has a freer hand to pursue needed Party. The events served to strengthen the position of economic reforms. Others have expressed concern that Xi Communist Party General Secretary and State President Xi could pursue an even more assertive foreign policy. Jinping, to expand the Communist Party of China’s already dominant role in China’s political life, and to give the Party Strengthening the Constitutional Basis for more tools to pursue its nationalist agenda. -
M Franchi Thesis for Library
The London School of Economics and Political Science Mediated tensions: Italian newspapers and the legal recognition of de facto unions Marina Franchi A thesis submitted to the Gender Institute of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, May 2015 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 88924 words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help (if applicable) I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Hilary Wright 2 Abstract The recognition of rights to couples outside the institution of marriage has been, and still is, a contentious issue in Italian Politics. Normative notions of family and kinship perpetuate the exclusion of those who do not conform to the heterosexual norm. At the same time the increased visibility of kinship arrangements that evade the heterosexual script and their claims for legal recognition, expose the fragility and the constructedness of heteronorms. During the Prodi II Government (2006-2008) the possibility of a law recognising legal status to de facto unions stirred a major controversy in which the conservative political forces and the Catholic hierarchies opposed any form of recognition, with particular acrimony shown toward same sex couples. -
E42 Mark Blyth & David Kertzer Mixdown
Brown University Watson Institute | E42_Mark Blyth & David Kertzer_mixdown [MUSIC PLAYING] MARK BLYTH: Hello, and welcome to a special edition of Trending Globally. My name is Mark Blyth. Today, I'm interviewing David Kertzer. David is the former provost here at Brown University. But perhaps more importantly, he knows more about Italy than practically anybody else we can find. Given that the elections have just happened in Italy and produced yet another kind of populist shock, we thought is was a good idea to bring him in and have a chat. Good afternoon, David. DAVID KERTZER: Thanks for having me, Mark. MARK BLYTH: OK, so let's try and put this in context for people. Italy's kicked off. Now, we could talk about what's happening right now today, but to try and get some context on this, I want to take us back a little bit. This is not the first time the Italian political system-- indeed the whole Italian state-- has kind of blown up. I want to go back to 1994. That's the last time things really disintegrated. Start there, and then walk forward, so then we can talk more meaningfully about the election. So I'm going to invite you to just take us back to 1994. Tell us about what was going on-- the post-war political compact, and then [BLOWS RASPBERRY] the whole thing fell apart. DAVID KERTZER: Well, right after World War II, of course, it was a new political system-- the end of the monarchy. There is a republic. The Christian Democratic Party, very closely allied with the Catholic Church, basically dominated Italian politics for decades.