The People and the Nation
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(Transparency of Political Party Funding), Adopted by GRECO At
DIRECTORATE GENERAL I - HUMAN RIGHTS AND RULE OF LAW INFORMATION SOCIETY AND ACTION AGAINST CRIME DIRECTORATE Strasbourg, 21 October 2011 Greco Eval III Rep (2011) 4E Theme II Third Evaluation Round Evaluation Report on Switzerland Transparency of Political Party Funding (Theme II) Adopted by GRECO at its 52nd Plenary Meeting (Strasbourg, 17-21 October 2011) Secrétariat du GRECO GRECO Secretariat www.coe.int/greco Conseil de l’Europe Council of Europe F-67075 Strasbourg Cedex ( +33 3 88 41 20 00 Fax +33 3 88 41 39 55 I. INTRODUCTION 1. Switzerland joined GRECO on 1 July 2006. GRECO adopted the report on the joint first and second evaluation rounds (Greco Eval I-II Rep (2007) 1E) at its 37th meeting (31 March- 4 April 2008). The aforementioned evaluation report, and the corresponding compliance report, are available on the GRECO web site (http://www.coe.int/greco). 2. The current Third Evaluation Round, which started on 1 January 2007, covers the following themes: - Theme I – Incriminations: articles 1a and 1b, 2-12, 15-17 and 19 paragraph 1 of the Criminal Law Convention on Corruption (ETS 173), articles 1-6 of its Additional Protocol (ETS 191) and Guiding Principle 2 (GPC 2) (incrimination of corruption). - Theme II - Transparency of Political Party Funding: articles 8, 11, 12, 13b, 14 and 16 of Recommendation Rec(2003)4 on common rules against corruption in the funding of political parties and election campaigns and – more generally – Guiding Principle 15 on financing of political parties and election campaigns. 3. The GRECO Evaluation Team (hereafter referred to as the “GET”), which carried out an on-site visit to Switzerland from 11 to 13 May 2011, comprised Mr Edmond DUNGA, Head of the Anti- Corruption Secretariat, Regional Anti-Corruption Initiative (Albania) and Professor Richard GHEVONTIAN, Vice-President of the Paul Cézanne University of Aix-Marseille III responsible for legal and statutory affairs, Director of research at the Louis Favoreu Institute, Study and Research group on constitutional justice (France). -
Media Culture for a Modern Nation? Theatre, Cinema and Radio in Early Twentieth-Century Scotland
Media Culture for a Modern Nation? Theatre, Cinema and Radio in Early Twentieth-Century Scotland a study © Adrienne Clare Scullion Thesis submitted for the degree of PhD to the Department of Theatre, Film and Television Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Glasgow. March 1992 ProQuest Number: 13818929 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 13818929 Published by ProQuest LLC(2018). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Frontispiece The Clachan, Scottish Exhibition of National History, Art and Industry, 1911. (T R Annan and Sons Ltd., Glasgow) GLASGOW UNIVERSITY library Abstract This study investigates the cultural scene in Scotland in the period from the 1880s to 1939. The project focuses on the effects in Scotland of the development of the new media of film and wireless. It addresses question as to what changes, over the first decades of the twentieth century, these two revolutionary forms of public technology effect on the established entertainment system in Scotland and on the Scottish experience of culture. The study presents a broad view of the cultural scene in Scotland over the period: discusses contemporary politics; considers established and new theatrical activity; examines the development of a film culture; and investigates the expansion of broadcast wireless and its influence on indigenous theatre. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Controversies Around the System, Organisation and Curriculum Structure of Secondary School Education in Poland, in the Years 1944–1948
Justyna Gulczyńska DOI: 10.14746/bhw.2018.38.37 Department of Educational Studies Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań Controversies Around the System, Organisation and Curriculum Structure of Secondary School Education in Poland, in the Years 1944–1948 Abstract A new form of government of the Polish state was combined with its rather intensive influence on the character of the educational system, including general secondary schools. That time is distin guished by numerous controversies, which then appeared in various social circles, political parties, and referred to the constitutional and organizational structure as well as the program structure of this school level. In the first years the controversies were more of an evolutionary concepts for the Polish route to socialism were still possible. After 1948 there was no more room for discussion; the decisions about this sphere were also made by one group – the people related to the communist par ty (Pol. abbr. PZPR). Already right after the cessation of war activities, the tendencies leading to the centralization of ed ucation management were noticeable, and consequently, ever more intense influence of the govern ment of the working classes (lub the people’s government) on the functioning of schools, but, above all, on the teaching content. The process of centralization was linked with the so-called democratiza tion process of school i.e., the question, of which the ruling communists made their priority. A con sequence of democratization of the general secondary school and rendering it a tool for the manu facture of future citizens – devoted to and subjected to the government of the working classes – was the aspiration for closing private general secondary school, and also the expulsion of religion from school. -
Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies Cultural Exchange: from Medieval
Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies Volume 1: Issue 1 Cultural Exchange: from Medieval to Modernity AHRC Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies JOURNAL OF IRISH AND SCOTTISH STUDIES Volume 1, Issue 1 Cultural Exchange: Medieval to Modern Published by the AHRC Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies at the University of Aberdeen in association with The universities of the The Irish-Scottish Academic Initiative and The Stout Research Centre Irish-Scottish Studies Programme Victoria University of Wellington ISSN 1753-2396 Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies Issue Editor: Cairns Craig Associate Editors: Stephen Dornan, Michael Gardiner, Rosalyn Trigger Editorial Advisory Board: Fran Brearton, Queen’s University, Belfast Eleanor Bell, University of Strathclyde Michael Brown, University of Aberdeen Ewen Cameron, University of Edinburgh Sean Connolly, Queen’s University, Belfast Patrick Crotty, University of Aberdeen David Dickson, Trinity College, Dublin T. M. Devine, University of Edinburgh David Dumville, University of Aberdeen Aaron Kelly, University of Edinburgh Edna Longley, Queen’s University, Belfast Peter Mackay, Queen’s University, Belfast Shane Alcobia-Murphy, University of Aberdeen Brad Patterson, Victoria University of Wellington Ian Campbell Ross, Trinity College, Dublin The Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies is a peer reviewed journal, published twice yearly in September and March, by the AHRC Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies at the University of Aberdeen. An electronic reviews section is available on the AHRC Centre’s website: http://www.abdn.ac.uk/riiss/ahrc- centre.shtml Editorial correspondence, including manuscripts for submission, should be addressed to The Editors,Journal of Irish and Scottish Studies, AHRC Centre for Irish and Scottish Studies, Humanity Manse, 19 College Bounds, University of Aberdeen, AB24 3UG or emailed to [email protected] Subscriptions and business correspondence should be address to The Administrator. -
Information Guide Euroscepticism
Information Guide Euroscepticism A guide to information sources on Euroscepticism, with hyperlinks to further sources of information within European Sources Online and on external websites Contents Introduction .................................................................................................. 2 Brief Historical Overview................................................................................. 2 Euro Crisis 2008 ............................................................................................ 3 European Elections 2014 ................................................................................ 5 Euroscepticism in Europe ................................................................................ 8 Eurosceptic organisations ......................................................................... 10 Eurosceptic thinktanks ............................................................................. 10 Transnational Eurosceptic parties and political groups .................................. 11 Eurocritical media ................................................................................... 12 EU Reaction ................................................................................................. 13 Information sources in the ESO database ........................................................ 14 Further information sources on the internet ..................................................... 14 Copyright © 2016 Cardiff EDC. All rights reserved. 1 Cardiff EDC is part of the University Library -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Anti-Semitism, Adieu? on the Possible Abandonment of the Anti-Semitic Strategy by the French National Rally Under Marine Le Pen
I N T E R N A T I O NA L CO N F E R E N C E RCIC’20 Redefining Community in Intercultural Context Cluj-Napoca, 7-9 May 2020 ANTI-SEMITISM, ADIEU? ON THE POSSIBLE ABANDONMENT OF THE ANTI-SEMITIC STRATEGY BY THE FRENCH NATIONAL RALLY UNDER MARINE LE PEN Sergiu MIȘCOIU* * Faculty of European Studies, Babeș-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania Abstract: This article analyses the implications of the change in the National Front’s top leadership over the traditional anti-Semitic stances of the party. By studying the main reforms implemented by Marine Le Pen, this article shows that the dropping of anti-Semitism is at the same time not only a tactical move but not necessarily a genuine substantive change in the party’s ideology. Rather, like the party’s name change into the National Rally, it is a discursive adaptation on one hand to a general evolution of the French society (anti-Semitism being less entrenched in the public consciousness) and on the other hand to the particular conditions of the 2010s dominated by an increasing concern about the social, cultural and security-related consequences of the non-European and especially Muslim immigration to France. Keywords : far-right; anti-semitism; French politics; strategy; adaptation 1. INTRODUCTION of the National Front’s anti-Semitic discourse and the effective and possible implications of this The election of Marine Le Pen as head of process. In order to do so, I will first study the the National Front in January 2011 closed a page classic position of the National Front on the in the history of this political party and opened a “Jewish question” and the particular circumstances new one. -
Bruno Kamiński
Fear Management. Foreign threats in the postwar Polish propaganda – the influence and the reception of the communist media (1944 -1956) Bruno Kamiński Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Florence, 14 June 2016 European University Institute Department of History and Civilization Fear Management. Foreign threats in the postwar Polish propaganda – the influence and the reception of the communist media (1944 -1956) Bruno Kamiński Thesis submitted for assessment with a view to obtaining the degree of Doctor of History and Civilization of the European University Institute Examining Board Prof. Pavel Kolář (EUI) - Supervisor Prof. Alexander Etkind (EUI) Prof. Anita Prażmowska (London School Of Economics) Prof. Dariusz Stola (University of Warsaw and Polish Academy of Science) © Bruno Kamiński, 2016 No part of this thesis may be copied, reproduced or transmitted without prior permission of the author Researcher declaration to accompany the submission of written work Department of History and Civilization - Doctoral Programme I <Bruno Kamiński> certify that I am the author of the work < Fear Management. Foreign threats in the postwar Polish propaganda – the influence and the reception of the communist media (1944 -1956)> I have presented for examination for the Ph.D. at the European University Institute. I also certify that this is solely my own original work, other than where I have clearly indicated, in this declaration and in the thesis, that it is the work of others. I warrant that I have obtained all the permissions required for using any material from other copyrighted publications. -
L'extrême-Droite À La Dérive
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Archive Ouverte a LUniversite Lyon 2 L'extr^eme-droite `ala d´erive : r´e´equilibragedu syst`eme partisan et recomposition `adroite Gilles Ivaldi, Jocelyn Evans To cite this version: Gilles Ivaldi, Jocelyn Evans. L'extr^eme-droite`ala d´erive : r´e´equilibragedu syst`emeparti- san et recomposition `adroite. Revue Politique et Parlementaire, 2007, pp.113-122. <halshs- 00320680> HAL Id: halshs-00320680 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00320680 Submitted on 11 Sep 2008 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L'archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destin´eeau d´ep^otet `ala diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publi´esou non, lished or not. The documents may come from ´emanant des ´etablissements d'enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche fran¸caisou ´etrangers,des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou priv´es. L’extrême-droite à la dérive : rééquilibrage du système partisan et recomposition à droite Gilles Ivaldi, Chargé de recherche, URMIS-Université de Nice Sophia Antipolis-CNRS Jocelyn Evans, Reader, University of Salford, UK Revue Politique et Parlementaire, n°1044, juillet-septembre, pp.113-122 Les élections présidentielle et législatives de 2007 ont témoigné d’un profond recul de l’extrême-droite : au soir du 22 avril, Jean-Marie Le Pen recueille un maigre 10.4 % des suffrages qui le place loin derrière ses principaux concurrents ; au premier tour des législatives, son mouvement s’effondre avec 4.3 % des voix. -
Polish Regionalism — Present Challenges and Threats
Barometr regionalny tom 11 nr 2 Polish Regionalism — Present Challenges and Threats Wojciech Orłowski University of Maria Curie-Skłodowska in Lublin, Poland University of Management and Administration in Zamość, Poland Abstract After the accession of Poland to the European Union our country started to be defined as a decentral- ized state with a regional structure. The aim of this paper is to compare Polish legal solutions to the Italian and Spanish solutions regarded as classic models of regionalism. The effect of the analysis is the conclusion that the biggest obstacle for the development of regionalism in Poland is the lack of proper legal regulations including constitutional regulations. It is responsible for the fact that Polish voivodeships do not have guarantees of territorial integrity. Theoretically there is even a possibility to replace them with other units of territorial division. Other restrictions for regional development are: insufficient level of financing and the lack of formed social ties in newly formed voivodships. Due to these factors voivodships do not play their own political role. The situation could be changed as a result of an enlargement of regional competences and granting voivodships limited autonomy similarly to the situation in Italy and Spain. Introduction In foreign literature, and even in works being official documents of the European Union there is a description of Poland equally with Italy and Spain as a state with a decentralized regional struc- ture . There are opinions that the experience of some of the countries preparing for EU accession further confirms the link between European integration and the restructuring of sub-national tiers of government . -
M.I.L Vigilance
permettra au pouvoir d’achat de progresser sur un rythme annualisé de près de 4% au 1er semestre 2007 Jean•François COPÉ M.I.L «LE PCF PAIE SON PASSE, SON HISTOIRE» Il existe un grand clivage entre d'une part la logique de la gauche mouvementiste, hétérogène, constituée de militants altermondialistes, VIGILANCE syndicaux, associatifs et d'autre part, la logique d'appareils qui forment ce que j'appelle le «néocommunisme», comme Lutte ouvrière, la Ligue N° 1/2007 La lettre interne des adhérents du M.I.L. communiste révolutionnaire et le PCF. Ceux•ci se livrent une compétition acharnée. LO présente un candidat à toutes les élections INTERNET : Nous diffusons régulièrement des informations et des présidentielles, c'est une donnée historique . La LCR vient de dévoiler analyses grâce à internet. Si vous ne recevez rien, cela signifie que son vrai visage : derrière une formation en apparence ouverte pointe un nous n’avons pas votre adresse de courriel. vieux courant trotskiste. Quant au Parti communiste, s'il est absent de la Pour remédier à cela, il suffit de nous la transmettre en nouscompétition présidentielle, il signe son arrêt de mort. La gauche envoyant un courriel à mil•[email protected] en indiquant votre mouvementiste, elle, veut faire de la course à l'Elysée une simple nom, votre prénom et votre qualité d’adhérent du MIL. tribune pour ses idées. (… )Le Parti communiste paie son passé, son De même, nous avons un nouveau site internet : histoire. Ce parti, très lié à l'Union soviétique, qui fonctionnait sous le régime du centralisme démocratique, très réticent auparavant aux http://www.lemil.org nouveautés (comme le droit de vote des étrangers ou la défense des SARKOZY CONTENT DE SON BILAN minorités sexuelles, par exemple) conserve un héritage fait d'autoritarisme.