African Freedom Day * * Action Against Apartheid

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African Freedom Day * * Action Against Apartheid ** * * ** ** ** ** * * * AFRICAN FREEDOM DAY * * ACTION AGAINST APARTHEID * ** ** * * ** ** ** ** * CONFERENCE WORKING PAPERS * ** ** ** ** * * ** ** ** ** * * ** ** ** * GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY * * WASHINGTON, D.C. * * APRIL 10-11, 1964 * ** ** ** * * " t and South West Africa" Polback serie* USNSA (pate) "U.S9 Business in South AfrIca" by the Aerican ~cmttee on Africa AMrca, &cdia (separator) "»n ics of parthe ld" Mm~e.-ts by .. Spooner, Al Hepple and Sean Boud #Dra verv~>d Of South Afi" by,4~ ~Wi r A Christian Aotim Po 1 "A Fresh Look at South AfrIca' south African Informlation Service ý ett Politica in the Union; l l Ut COohensir of Native Politics in South Africa" tv Leslie Rubin Conference, 1963 "Force: Its Thrust and Prognosis: South Africa' by John Iarcum and Allard K. Lowensteln AXSAC Conference, 1963 "k Statemout by !ls Mar Be On" on the Rivonia Trial. LIM Specal con4ltte., p41ieo of Aparh 'High Co~ ~ssio Trritoriets: In Pa to A~ i" by margaret Roberts Afrlca Todav Olhe ~113fy Aflianef by< Rogalynde Ainslie Autt eid N ovenent Pamplet, London *South Africa aid World Opinion" by i4ary Benson T~ward A Iorld Policy for South A:Loca' by Patrick Duncan APP X: Statmene of United States Policy in the United Nations Resolutions adopted by the United Nations United States Corporations with outlets in South Africa Pil~ on South Africa A Partial B±bliography INTRODUCTION The working papers which follow are by no means comprehensive. They are a sampler of current information and analysis of events inside of South Africa. They are designed to stimulate further inquiry, to satisfy certain minimum requirements for information, and to arouse the conscience of the reader. But more important, and directly tied in with the essential function of the conference, is their ability to serve as a resource for beginning and continuing campus and general action programs against South Africa's current policy. To this aim they are dedicated. Special thanks go to those publishers who'were kind enough to giver permission for reprinting many of the articles which follow, and to the members of the Workin Papers Committee, all Oberlin College students, who gave of their timb and energy to research and compile these papers. Lynn Levine Bob Weinberger Co-chairmen, Committee on Working Papers Oberlin, Ohio April 8, 1964 The Economic Consequences of Apartheid * by F. P. Spooner Until some twelve years ago the word apartheid was almost unknown in Afrikaans; today it has acquired the international status not of fame but of notoriety..Literally, the word means 'separateness' or 'the state of being separate', but its real political significance is impossible to define at present, because to different people it means different things...Its meaning to Afrikaner Nationalists could be anything from outright baasskap - that is, perpetual servitude of the non- Whites because of their alleged inferiority as human beings to complete independence of Africans in separately-assigned territories...When it is interpreted as outright baasskap, or even a modified form of it, apartheid will bring in its train those consequences which have already been described - the ultimate collapse of South Africa's economy and the likely eclipse of White leadership within the lifetime of our younger generations...The latter policy...is found to be not a policy but a make-believe solution of the racial issue that could only be feasible in a dream-world. However, it has this merit, that it serves to circumvent the prejudices and still the conscience of the dreamers -- but at what cost only the future will tell. Some years ago a Commission was appointed to examine the feasibility and draw up a blue-print of a scheme for the separate economic development of the native Reserves. After an exhaustive inquiry, the Commission, under Professor Tomlinson, submitted a lengthy report...Its most significant finding was that, under the most favourable conditions, there would still be some six million Africans living in the areas reserved for Whites by the end of the present century, and many whose homes would be in the native Reserves would still have to seek employment in the White areas under migratory labour conditions, if their families were to be kept from starvation...By that year, the total African population of the Union would be approximately 20 million, or roughly 4million families. According to the Tomlinson report, about 6 million of these Africansi or 1.2 million families, would still be living in White areas and 350,000 families would be earning a livelihood from farming in the Reserves. So 2.45 million families would have to be accommodated in the Reserves, in occupations other than farming. The problem to be considered, therefore, is what it takes in capital and other necessaries to place these families - in all, approximately 12.5 million people - in an industrialized economy. It would be impossible at this stage to consider in detail every requirement for such a development; but primarily four essentials would have to be provided. These are 1, a supply of labour, suitably trained; 2, adequate capital; 3, suitable raw materialS; 4, available markets. Now let us see to what extent these are available in the Reserves; labour is there'in plenty, but raw and untrained; capital *excerpts reprinted from South African Predicament; The Economics of A artheid, by F. P. Spooner, 15U, with permission of friedeick A. Praeger, publishers. available for buildings equipment and stocks, virtually nil; raw materials suitable for processing, an extremely limited supply; and markets for industrial products, next to nothing, because of lack of buying'power. Worse still, the Reserves themselves cannot feed the present population of under 4 million, let alone the 14 million that are to be accommodated by the end of the present century. It would be interesting nevertheless, to examine these requirements in greater detail... From this analysis it becomes clear beyond any shadow of doubt that true apartheid, which entails the development of the native Reserves as viable entities in which the bulk of the African populations can work, live and prosper, is quite impracticable. The capital required for development and the ensuing problems of balancing the external accounts of the Reserves, and of progressing at the' rate necessary to achieve the objective, make the project absurdly unreal and any policy that envisages it not-strictly honest... From the economic point of view apartheid is a one-way street leading to the collapse of the country's economy. A sine qua non of true or territorial apartheid is the industrialization of the Reserves as a separate economic entity. Whether such industrialization is a success or failure, it can have only one effect upon the 'economy of the rest of the Union -ddisintevration and the undermining of White standards. Success - a most unlikely outcome - will mean the wholesale collapse of industries in White areas, while failure will result in the Reserves becoming a colossal liability that could only be sustained by ever more onerous subsidies -a veritable millstone round the necks of White South Africans. It will doubtless be asked why I stress the idea of economic apartheid when certain ministers have recently stated that it is no longer the Government's aim to achieve such an objective, but merely political apartheid in the Reserves. I do so because political apartheid, as outlined in the recent proposals, is absolutely worthless unless the Reserves become..economically self-supporting; otherwise it is, tantamount to severing the head from the body. As more and more Africans are crammed within their borders., the Reserves (unless they become viable) will soon degenerate into vast concentration camps.,. No matter what ministers may say, the vast majority of the rank and file- amongNationalists still believe in and devoutly cherish the idea of Bantustans capable of separate development, where the bulk of the Africans may live in comfort and thrive without being a menace to White South Africa. The fact is that if these separate African areas cannot become economically self-supporting territories within the foreseeable future, the whole concept of apartheid as envisaged by the Nationalists breaks down completely and becomes a dismal failure. In such event the policy of the Nationalists can no longer be described as apartheid in the original sense of the word. It becomes unadulterated baasskap.... The development of the Reserves into viable territories capable of supporting, at reasonably low living standards, the majority of the Africans who will be living in the-Union by the year 2000, is a hopelessly impossibleproposition. Eve i ift he:High Commission Territories are ultimately to be incorporated in the Union, the proposition will not be feasible. This isbecause both Basutoland and Swaziland are small, mountainous and thickly-populated areas, and the Bechuanaland Protectorate, while large in size., is threequarters desert and the balance, where it is not swamp, capable of supporting only a small population under pastoral conditions. Moreover, the incorporation of these territories in the Union is by no means a foregone conclusion - especially in the light of recent developments inside and outside the Union. There can be no escaping the conclusion, therefore, that apartheid will prove a flop, and that the policy is the deception that Field-Marshal Smuts described it as being at the outset. The tragedy about this much-flaunted policy is that, its bill of costs has not yet been presented, and it will be the generations to come that will have to meet it - not only in money, but also in heartbreak, sweat and tears, if not in blood. Africans - The Working Class Majority * by Alex Hepple, M.P. In South Africa, workers are not only classified according to their occupations and skills. They are also identified by their race. One speaks of European (or White) workers, Coloured workers, Indian workers, and Native (or African workers.) The Whites perform most of the skilled work.
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