ASSEMBLY 30 July 1963
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Declaration Signed by the Five Prime Ministers / 1
Declaration Signed by the Five Prime Ministers / 1 Declaration Signed by the Five Prime Ministers United Kingdom, 1944 We, The King’s Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, have now, for the first time since the outbreak of the war, been able to meet together to discuss common problems and future plans. The representatives of India at the War Cabinet and the Prime Minister of Southern Rhodesia have joined in our deliberations and are united with us. At this memorable meeting, in the fifth year of the war, we give thanks for deliverance from the worst perils which have menaced us in the course of this long and terrible struggle against tyranny. Though hard and bitter battles lie ahead, we now see before us, in the ever growing might of the forces of the United Nations, and in the defeats already inflicted on the foe, by land, by sea and in the air, the sure presage of our future victory. To all our Armed Forces who in many lands are preserving our liberties with their lives, and to the peoples of all our countries whose efforts, fortitude and conviction have sustained the struggle, we ex press our admiration and gratitude. We honour the famous deeds of the Forces of the United States and of Soviet Russia, and pay our tribute to the fighting tenacity of the many states and nations joined with us. We re member indeed the prolonged, stubborn resistance of China, the first to be attacked by the authors of world-aggression, and we rejoice in the unquenchable spirit of our comrades in every country still in the grip of the enemy. -
March 03, 1976 South African Government Cabinet Minutes on Rhodesia, 3 March-1 September 1976
Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified March 03, 1976 South African Government Cabinet Minutes on Rhodesia, 3 March-1 September 1976 Citation: “South African Government Cabinet Minutes on Rhodesia, 3 March-1 September 1976,” March 03, 1976, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, South African National Archives, CAB 1/1/6. Included in "Southern Africa in the Cold War, Post-1974," edited by Sue Onslow and Anna-Mart Van Wyk. http://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/118528 Summary: Excerpts from discussions on the situation in Rhodesia, the possible implications that a hostile Rhodesia would pose to South African defense calculations, and the policies South Africa should pursue with regards to Rhodesia. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the Leon Levy Foundation. Original Language: English Contents: English Transcription Report of the Rhodesia position. Worsens according to all reliable sources. Request came from Kaunda to intervene in Rhodesia as Zambia’s position is becoming untenable with regard to the purpose of a thoroughfare and bases for Cubans on their way to Rhodesia and Mozambique. According to message from this source the situation in Rhodesia has reached crisis proportions. South Africa’s standpoint remains unchanged in that it is not prepared to exert pressure on Rhodesia. South Africa did not pressurize or influence Rhodesia to have discussions. We informed Rhodesia that in calculations it must, in the case of war, operate with the assumption that it is alone. The difficult decision, however, awaits the government, namely if Rhodesia becomes involved in war could South Africa remain on the outside. -
JOSHUA NKOMO Issued 27Th June, 2000
FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF THE DEATH OF DR. JOSHUA NKOMO Issued 27th June, 2000 (Extracted from first day cover stiffener)2 Joshua's father, Thomas Nyongolo Letswansto Nkomo and his mother Mlingo, nee Hadebe, had a total of eight children. Joshua's parents worked for the London Missionary Society and brought up their family in a Christian manner, which included bible reading, hymn singing and prayers in the evenings. From Standard One until Standard Six Joshua Nkomo was a prize winning student who nearly always came out top of his class. After completing Standard Six he took a carpentry course at the Tsholotsho Government Industrial School. He studied there for a year before becoming a driver. He later tried animal husbandry before becoming a schoolteacher specialising in carpentry at Manyame School in Kezi. In 1942, aged 25 and during his occupation as a teacher, he decided that he should go to South Africa to further his education and do carpentry and qualify to a higher level. When he returned to Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) in 1947 he rose to the leadership of the Railway Workers Union and then to the leadership of the African National Congress in 1952. In 1960 he became President of the National Democratic Party. He married his wife Johanna Mafuyana on 1 October 1949. After the NDP was banned by the Rhodesian government, he formed ZAPU (Zimbabwe African Peoples Union). After ZAPU was also banned he went into exile in Tanzania. On his return to Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) he was arrested by the government and then restricted to Kezi his birthplace near Bulawayo for three months. -
Central African Examiner, 1957-19651
The African e-Journals Project has digitized full text of articles of eleven social science and humanities journals. This item is from the digital archive maintained by Michigan State University Library. Find more at: http://digital.lib.msu.edu/projects/africanjournals/ Available through a partnership with Scroll down to read the article. Zambezia (1996), XXIII (ii). THE CENTRAL AFRICAN EXAMINER, 1957-19651 ANTHONY KING2 St Antony's College, Oxford, UK Abstract The Central African Examiner is a well known source for the study of Zimbabwean history in the seminal period 1957-1965, although the story of its foundation and the backroom manoeuvrings which dogged its short life are relatively unknown. Its inception was the result of industry attempting to push the Federal Government into implementing partnership in a practical way. Up to 1960, the Examiner's internal politics mirrored this conflict, and it was during this time that the Examiner's position as a critical supporter of Government policy was at its most ambiguous. After 1960, the Examiner became a more forthright Government critic — indeed by 1964, it was the only medium left for the expression of nationalist opinion. INTRODUCTION IN THE WAKE of the Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) in Rhodesia on 11 November 1965, censorship was imposed on the press. Most newspapers and magazines appeared with a number of blank spaces which would have been filled with articles had they not fallen foul of the censors. One magazine had so much of its content for the December 1965 issue banned that it resorted to making it a 'Do-It-Yourself edition, urging readers to fill in the blanks themselves. -
Inquiry Into Recognition of Service with the Commonwealth Monitoring Force – Rhodesia 1979-80
INQUIRY INTO RECOGNITION OF SERVICE WITH THE COMMONWEALTH MONITORING FORCE – RHODESIA 1979-80 LETTER OF TRANSMISSION Inquiry into Recognition of Service with the Commonwealth Monitoring Force – Rhodesia 1979-80 Senator the Hon David Feeney Parliamentary Secretary for Defence Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600 Dear Parliamentary Secretary, I am pleased to present the report of the Defence Honours and Awards Tribunal on the Inquiry into Recognition of Service with the Commonwealth Monitoring Force – Rhodesia 1979-80. The inquiry was conducted in accordance with the Terms of Reference. The panel of the Tribunal that conducted the inquiry arrived unanimously at the findings and recommendations set out in its report. Yours sincerely Professor Dennis Pearce AO Chair 8 November 2010 2 CONTENTS LETTER OF TRANSMISSION.............................................................................................2 CONTENTS..............................................................................................................................3 TERMS OF REFERENCE .....................................................................................................4 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .....................................................................................................5 RECOMMENDATION...........................................................................................................6 REPORT OF THE TRIBUNAL.............................................................................................7 Conduct of the Inquiry....................................................................................................7 -
The Central African Liberals M
THE CENTRAL AFRICAN LIBERALS M. D. McWILLIAM Graduate of Oriel and Nuffield Colleges, Oxford; formerly resident in Rhodesia. The peculiar problem facing liberals in Central Africa is to devise a procedure whereby the European minorities can pro gressively share power with the African majorities in a way that maintains the standards of government and the confidence of the racial groups in one another. In the past the favourite device has been communal electorates, the theory being that if minor ities were guaranteed representation in the legislature, and eventually the government, it should lead to a reconciliation of conflicting viewpoints. However, experience of the working of communal electorates has not supported this theory. So far from easing communal fears, separate representation seems to have had the effect of emphasizing the individuality of the •different communities and of hardening their attitudes. The selective franchise on a common roll is the new approach to this great problem. The mechanism of the common roll is a rigid sieve that, in the first instance, lets through Europeans and Africans (and Asians) in proportions corresponding roughly to the existing balance of power; but, at the same time, the franchise •qualifications provide a slow-working, but automatic, device by which the dominance of the European minority is progressively diminished. In theory, the Europeans will gradually reconcile themselves to their reduced position during this transition period. But the scheme poses a crucial question: will the European community really carry through a policy which reduces it to a political minority? Or, to consider it from an African viewpoint: will the process proceed far enough and fast enough to satisfy African aspirations? It is my view that, left to themselves, the Europeans will stop short of the final step which puts them in a minority, and might even refuse to concede any substantial powers to Africans; instead they will attempt to consolidate a liberal oligarchy. -
The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project
The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project DISCUSSION PAPER 59 THE ZIMBABWEAN NATION-STATE PROJECT A Historical Diagnosis of Identity and Power-Based Conflicts in a Postcolonial State SABELO J. NDLOVO-GATSHENI NORDISKA AFRIKAINSTITUTET, UppSALA 2011 Indexing terms: Zimbabwe Nationalism State Political conflicts Political development Political leadership Elite Ethnicity National identity Nation-building Post-colonialism The opinions expressed in this volume are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the views of Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Language checking: Peter Colenbrander ISSN 1104-8417 ISBN 978-91-7106-696-1 © The author and Nordiska Afrikainstitutet 2011 Production: Byrå4 Print on demand, Lightning Source UK Ltd. The Zimbabwean Nation-State Project Contents Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................................4 List of Acronyms ...............................................................................................................................................5 Foreword .............................................................................................................................................................7 1. Introduction ...................................................................................................................................................9 2. Defining the African National Project ................................................................................................18 -
The Rhodesian Crisis in British and International Politics, 1964
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Archive, E-theses Repository THE RHODESIAN CRISIS IN BRITISH AND INTERNATIONAL POLITICS, 1964-1965 by CARL PETER WATTS A thesis submitted to the University of Birmingham For the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY School of Historical Studies The University of Birmingham April 2006 University of Birmingham Research Archive e-theses repository This unpublished thesis/dissertation is copyright of the author and/or third parties. The intellectual property rights of the author or third parties in respect of this work are as defined by The Copyright Designs and Patents Act 1988 or as modified by any successor legislation. Any use made of information contained in this thesis/dissertation must be in accordance with that legislation and must be properly acknowledged. Further distribution or reproduction in any format is prohibited without the permission of the copyright holder. Abstract This thesis uses evidence from British and international archives to examine the events leading up to Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence (UDI) on 11 November 1965 from the perspectives of Britain, the Old Commonwealth (Canada, Australia, and New Zealand), and the United States. Two underlying themes run throughout the thesis. First, it argues that although the problem of Rhodesian independence was highly complex, a UDI was by no means inevitable. There were courses of action that were dismissed or remained under explored (especially in Britain, but also in the Old Commonwealth, and the United States), which could have been pursued further and may have prevented a UDI. -
University of Florida Thesis Or Dissertation Formatting
PATHS TO SUCCESS, PATHS TO FAILURE: HISTORICAL TRAJECTORIES TO DEMOCRATIC STABILITY By ADAM BILINSKI A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA 2015 1 © 2015 Adam Bilinski 2 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Throughout the work on this project, I received enormous help from a number of people. The indispensable assistance was provided by my advisor Michael Bernhard, who encouraged me to work on the project since I arrived at the University of Florida. He gave me valuable and timely feedback, and his wide knowledge of the European political history and research methods proved irreplaceable in this regard. He is otherwise a warm, humble and an understanding person, a scholar who does not mind and even appreciates when a graduate student is critical toward his own ideas, which is a feature whose value cannot be overestimated. I received also valuable assistance from members of my dissertation committee: Benjamin Smith, Leonardo A. Villalon, Beth Rosenson and Chris Gibson. In particular, Ben Smith taught me in an accessible way about the foundational works in Political Science, which served as an inspiration to write this dissertation, while Chris Gibson offered very useful feedback on quantitative research methods. In addition, I received enormous help from two scholars at the University of Chicago, where this research project passed through an adolescent stage. Dan Slater, my advisor, and Alberto Simpser helped me transform my incoherent hypotheses developed in Poland into a readable master’s thesis, which I completed in 2007. -
Fake Heroines and the Falsification of History in Zimbabwe 1980 - 2009
African Journal of History and Culture (AJHC) Vol. 1 (5), pp. 076-083, December, 2009 Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/ajhc © 2009 Academic Journals Full Length Research Paper Fake heroines and the falsification of history in Zimbabwe 1980 - 2009 Dorothy Goredema1 and Percyslage Chigora2* 1Department of History and Development Studies, Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe. 2Department of History and Development Studies, Midlands State University, Private Bag 9055,Gweru, Republic of Zimbabwe. Accepted 10 December, 2009 The ideology of femocracy is so entrenched in Zimbabwean politics that it has become a tradition. It started as a tendency during the liberation struggle of making room and integrating a few women into politics. After independence, it developed into a habit of promoting the same women who had been exposed during the liberation struggle into political offices. Finally, at independence it became a tradition whereby the state confers heroine status to the very women who had held position during the war. However, one feature that stands glaring at the national heroes’ acre is that the heroines who were lay, are all related to men in political positions in both current ruling party and the state. This paper will demonstrate that most Zimbabwean heroines are forgotten. It also proves that even at death the patriarchal nature of Zimbabwean politics manifests itself when one considers that the number of male heroes vis-à-vis the heroines who lay at the acre. Finally the paper will show how femocracy as an ideology has led to the falsification and misrepresentation of historical facts all in an attempt to promote nationalist history. -
ZANU-PF's Use of Ethnic Conflict As a Means of Maintaining Political
S TRATEGY OF D OMINATION ZANU-PF’S USE OF ETHNIC CONFLICT AS A MEANS OF MAINTAINING POLITICAL CONTROL IN ZIMBABWE, 1982-2006 Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy Thesis Submitted by Brian Eric Abrams 25 April 2006 © 2006 Brian Eric Abrams http://fletcher.tufts.edu Abstract Zimbabwe is currently a country in crisis politically and economically. President Robert Mugabe’s extreme policies against the opposition have led to Zimbabwe’s international isolation. Within Africa, however, Mugabe has largely been shielded from criticism. The framing of his campaign against the opposition within the rhetoric of anti- colonialism has created a veil of legitimacy behind which Mugabe has been free to act. This paper argues that Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party have habitually used ethnic conflict as a self-serving political weapon in Zimbabwe. It first develops a two- tiered theoretical framework within which the case of Zimbabwe can analyzed. It then analyzes three case studies in which Mugabe utilized ethnic conflict to neutralize political opposition: the campaign against the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (1982-1987); the legitimization of the seizure of white-owned farms by ex-combatants (1998-2005); and the repression of the Movement for Democratic Change (2000-2006). 2 3 Table of Contents I. Introduction ...........................................................................................................................5 II. Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................9 -
Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself.