The English Defence League and the Counter Jihad

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relative deprivation [and the] anger, The English Defence anomie, anxiety and alienation, which stems from frustration at LIVES blocked avenues for advancing a League and the counter meaningful life’ (Standing, 2011). Time and again we have heard jihad of personal defeats, experiences of victimisation, humiliation. Marginalisation and frustration

INSECURE James Treadwell asks whether precariousness form the context of a hatred that is a factor in extremist violence can become manifest in explosions of targeted violence (Treadwell and Garland, 2011). This is borne out of the reality of lives lived ince the murderous shooting simple (Treadwell et al., 2013), with aggressively and competitively spree of Anders Behring Breivik considerably less consideration of against a backdrop of ever growing Sin Norway in 2011, there has its socio-economic and cultural social precariousness; such concepts been a growing concern with what drivers, many commentators have both characterise the social and has been termed the counter jihad taken the emergence of the EDL, cultural context of the EDL and the movement. This comprises a useful and their involvement in public very real, nasty and visceral violence reconﬁguration of debates about disorder, as simply a problem with that can be perpetrated by its more radicalisation that has re-positioned no obvious cause (Busher, 2012). active supporters (ibid). both the far right and Islamic In both cases, political leaders Understanding what drives these extremism as similarly worrying display an orientation against individuals (admittedly the phenomena. However, it remains deeper understanding of the social, exceptional minority) onto the the case that discussion of political and cultural drivers of streets and, in some cases, into radicalisation and extremism still disorder and have deliberate violent commonly separates off and actively purged Marginalisation and victimisation of segregates extremism into categories any discussion others (mostly, which are then considered as of those from the frustration form the though by no exclusive and distinct. Potentially public discourse. means discussions around what are viewed Any attempts to context of a hatred that exclusively, as the precarious, marginalised offer explanations can become manifest in young Islamic groups in society offer scope to of where social men), should consider instead the commonality of action emerges explosions of targeted rightly be the the contexts of exclusion, from, of how focus of disempowerment and frustration that it develops as violence research. give rise to the UK’s current a response to Moreover, we manifestations of far-right extremism. circumstances with a far broader perhaps ought to recognise that, reach than just the actors themselves, when it comes to mobilising With the fragmentation of the are quickly sidelined (as if explaining numbers on the streets it is the EDL’s traditional British far right (and were condoning) in favour of simple clamour for recognition, crudely particularly the British National condemnatory pronouncements. articulated through racist and often Party) there has been a growing violent Islamophobic language and concern focused on the English Understanding what drives behaviour, resonates with some (and Defence League (EDL), a street anger of course by no means all) protest movement that has been The drivers of the anger of the street disengaged, disenfranchised and involved in violent demonstrations protesting EDL members are in resentful sections of what would in numerous cities (Garland and need of critical once have been Treadwell, 2010). However, while understanding. Just as the EDL socially termed the white the EDL have received increasing Garland and working class. levels of academic attention, Treadwell’s represent anxious lives This identity especially as they were cited as a ethnographic crisis, caused potential inspiration for Breivik, study of core lived on the precipice, ultimately by there has been little empirical supporters of so too are those that precariousness academic engagement with the the EDL seeking and buffeted by EDL as an organisation (Treadwell to bring their they target as rivals socio-economic and Garland, 2010). Just as, in the motivations to insecurity is most wake of the UK riots, we witnessed light, suggests that deeply a very public proclamation that the they are driven by a precariousness problematic when it advances disorder was ‘criminality pure and they feel envelops them; ‘a sense of beyond simply articulated

rCJM No 93.indd 8 13/08/2013 10:46:30 resentment and becomes physical, more commonly live in crowded Yet these common sufferings do not targeted hate violence. More accommodation in households add up: they divide and separate. generally, it creates a climate of without central heating. Over one They deny commonality as appeals hostility in some disadvantaged third are growing up in households to solidarity sound ludicrous. The LIVES communities which experience very which are ‘precariat’ rounds segregated existences even as they amongst the most The drivers that unite upon one another, live cheek by jowl. disadvantaged and the drivers faith group in the them in common that unite them in Frustrations and otherness British labour common

It is also interesting how frequently market, with condition push them condition push INSECURE the specific issues that are Bangladeshis and apart in experience them apart in highlighted by the EDL relate Pakistanis being experience. This to criminal justice and, more 2.5 times more results, ultimately, specifically, frustrations at the likely than the white population to in a futile process of mutual criminal justice system, which run be unemployed and 3 times more intolerance and disdain, which is from the macro level of government likely to be in low paid jobs. They particularly perpetuated amongst the policy to the micro level of personal are similarly over represented in the most marginalised elements of each perceptions of mistreatment, such prison system, making up around 3 group. n as differential treatment of EDL per cent of the general population members. Accordingly, their but 9 per cent of the prison Dr James Treadwell is Lecturer in grievances run a range of concerns population (Briggs and Birdwell, Criminology, University of Birmingham that converge around a core 2009). concern: the dangerous Muslim While the EDL seem to believe References ‘other’. Since 9/11 and 7/7 (and that the police dare not interfere with Busher, J. (2012), ‘There are none sicker most recently in Woolwich in May the Islamic community, that the than the EDL: Narratives of racialization this year) Islamic communities in criminal justice system is stifled by a and resentment from Whitehall and the UK have become connected desire to avoid community tensions Eltham, London’, in Briggs, D. (ed.), The English Riots of 2011 A Summer of with deeper anxieties about and is over respectful of ethnic Discontent, Winchester: Waterside Press. Britain’s growing diversity and sensitivities, the bulk of the evidence apparent loss of a cohesive identity: runs to the contrary.Of course, in Briggs, R. and Birdwell, J. (2009), Radicalisation among Muslims in the UK, this is in part the more widespread this respect, the EDL are not alone: MICROCON Policy Working Paper 7, and common context of the their concerns frequently both stem Brighton: MICROCON. emergence of the EDL. from and mirror those anxiety-filled Garland, J. and Treadwell, J. (2010), ‘No A great unspoken is that the stories of the tabloid press that Surrender to the Taliban’: Football group being ‘othered’, the Islamic castigate a criminal justice system Hooliganism, Islamophobia and the Rise community, are themselves all too perceived to be soft, liberal and of the English Defence League, Papers frequently united in a similar illogical. The truth is inevitably from the British Criminology Conference, precariousness that cuts invidiously much more complex. Rather than the 10(1), pp. 19-35. across both communities. Just as the experience of marginalisation Standing, G. (2011), The Precariat: EDL socially represent anxious lives generating a common agenda to The New Dangerous Class, London: lived on the precipice, so too are action, in similarly disadvantaged Bloomsbury. those that they target as rivals. communities there is a tendency to Treadwell, J., Briggs, D., Winlow, S. and Muslim communities similarly target what is seen as ‘other’. A good Hall, S. (2013), ‘Shopocalypse Now: represent some of the most deprived example is the recent jailing of the Consumer Culture and the English Riots communities in the UK. It has been Birmingham terrorist cell who of 2011’, British Journal of Criminology, suggested that approximately a third planned to target the EDL in 53(1), pp. 1-17. of Muslims of working age have no Dewsbury.What unites precarious Treadwell, J. and Garland, J. (2011). qualifications (the highest proportion groups as a collective and integrates ‘Masculinity, Marginalisation and for any distinct faith group). Muslim a remarkably variegated collective of Violence: A Case Study of the English children score highly for risk factors individuals into a cohesive category, Defence League’, British Journal of associated with child poverty; they is the similarity of their condition. Criminology, 51(4), pp. 621-634.

Una Padel Award 2013

It will soon be time to nominate for this year’s award. Details will be on our Works for Freedom website: www.worksforfreedom.org

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