Blackshirts, Brownshirts & Leagues
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Europe in Crisis: Class 5 – the Rise of Fascism
Lecture Notes Europe in Crisis: Class 5 – The Rise of Fascism Slide 2 Postwar European Economies: • After the war, Europe suffered great economic problems. These problems varied from country to country. All countries had taken out loans to fight the war, and were trying to figure out how to pay those back. o England: Used to be a manufacturing powerhouse. Now, had lost many of its markets to foreign competitors like Japan and the US. Also, in 1914, England had risked falling behind Germany and the US technologically. This problem was exacerbated by a war that left Britain poor and the US rich. Economy falters, during the interwar period, Britain has a steady unemployment rate of about 10%. o France: Had taken out more loans than anyone else. Also, had to rebuild about a quarter of their country. Relied on German reparation payments for all this. Most people have work, though, because of jobs created by rebuilding. In 1923, when Germany defaults on reparations, France invades the Ruhr, and collects the profits from the coal mines here. An agreement is reached in 1924 with the Dawes Plan – American bankers promise to invest in Germany, thus boosting its economy, if France leaves the Ruhr, reduces reparations and agrees to a two-year moratorium. o Germany: Was reeling after the war, and had trouble getting its economy back on track. Problems were exacerbated when France invaded the Ruhr in 1923. Germany responded by encouraging workers to strike. Meanwhile, they kept printing money, trying to come up with a way to pay the French. -
Far-Right Anthology
COUNTERINGDEFENDING EUROPE: “GLOBAL BRITAIN” ANDTHE THEFAR FUTURE RIGHT: OFAN EUROPEAN ANTHOLOGY GEOPOLITICSEDITED BY DR RAKIB EHSAN AND DR PAUL STOTT BY JAMES ROGERS DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS ReportApril No 2020. 2018/1 Published in 2020 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society Millbank Tower 21-24 Millbank London SW1P 4QP Registered charity no. 1140489 Tel: +44 (0)20 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2020. All rights reserved. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its Trustees. Title: “COUNTERING THE FAR RIGHT: AN ANTHOLOGY” Edited by Dr Rakib Ehsan and Dr Paul Stott Front Cover: Edinburgh, Scotland, 23rd March 2019. Demonstration by the Scottish Defence League (SDL), with supporters of National Front and white pride, and a counter demonstration by Unite Against Facism demonstrators, outside the Scottish Parliament, in Edinburgh. The Scottish Defence League claim their protest was against the sexual abuse of minors, but the opposition claim the rally masks the SDL’s racist beliefs. Credit: Jeremy Sutton-Hibbert/Alamy Live News. COUNTERINGDEFENDING EUROPE: “GLOBAL BRITAIN” ANDTHE THEFAR FUTURE RIGHT: OFAN EUROPEAN ANTHOLOGY GEOPOLITICSEDITED BY DR RAKIB EHSAN AND DR PAUL STOTT BY JAMES ROGERS DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS ReportApril No 2020. 2018/1 Countering the Far Right: An Anthology About the Editors Dr Paul Stott joined the Henry Jackson Society’s Centre on Radicalisation and Terrorism as a Research Fellow in January 2019. An experienced academic, he received an MSc in Terrorism Studies (Distinction) from the University of East London in 2007, and his PhD in 2015 from the University of East Anglia for the research “British Jihadism: The Detail and the Denial”. -
Donald Trump, the Changes: Aanti
Ethnic and Racial Studies ISSN: 0141-9870 (Print) 1466-4356 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rers20 Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution Ed Pertwee To cite this article: Ed Pertwee (2020): Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution, Ethnic and Racial Studies, DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 17 Apr 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 193 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rers20 ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution Ed Pertwee Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, UK ABSTRACT This article explores the “counter-jihad”, a transnational field of anti-Muslim political action that emerged in the mid-2000s, becoming a key tributary of the recent far- right insurgency and an important influence on the Trump presidency. The article draws on thematic analysis of content from counter-jihad websites and interviews with movement activists, sympathizers and opponents, in order to characterize the counter-jihad’s organizational infrastructure and political discourse and to theorize its relationship to fascism and other far-right tendencies. Although the political discourses of the counter-jihad, Trumpian Republicanism and the avowedly racist “Alt-Right” are not identical, I argue that all three tendencies share a common, counterrevolutionary temporal structure. -
The Local Impact of Falling Agricultural Prices and the Looming Prospect Of
CHAPTER SIX `BARLEY AND PEACE': THE BRITISH UNION OF FASCISTS IN NORFOLK, SUFFOLK AND ESSEX, 1938-1940 1. Introduction The local impact of falling agricultural prices and the looming prospectof war with Germany dominated Blackshirt political activity in Norfolk, Suffolk and Essex from 1938. Growing resentment within the East Anglian farming community at diminishing returns for barley and the government's agricultural policy offered the B. U. F. its most promising opportunity to garner rural support in the eastern counties since the `tithe war' of 1933-1934. Furthermore, deteriorating Anglo-German relations induced the Blackshirt movement to embark on a high-profile `Peace Campaign', initially to avert war, and, then, after 3 September 1939, to negotiate a settlement to end hostilities. As part of the Blackshirts' national peace drive, B. U. F. Districts in the area pursued a range of propaganda activities, which were designed to mobilise local anti-war sentiment. Once again though, the conjunctural occurrence of a range of critical external and internal constraints thwarted B. U. F. efforts to open up political space in the region on a `barley and peace' platform. 2. The B. U. F., the `Barley Crisis' and the Farmers' March, 1938-1939 In the second half of 1938, falling agricultural prices provoked a fresh wave of rural agitation in the eastern counties. Although the Ministry of Agriculture's price index recorded a small overall reduction from 89.0 to 87.5 during 1937-1938, cereals due heavy from 1938 and farm crops were particularly affected to the yields the harvests. ' Compared with 1937 levels, wheat prices (excluding the subsidy) dropped by fourteen 2 Malting barley, by 35 per cent, barley by 23 per cent, and oats per cent. -
Transnational Neo-Nazism in the Usa, United Kingdom and Australia
TRANSNATIONAL NEO-NAZISM IN THE USA, UNITED KINGDOM AND AUSTRALIA PAUL JACKSON February 2020 JACKSON | PROGRAM ON EXTREMISM About the Program on About the Author Extremism Dr Paul Jackson is a historian of twentieth century and contemporary history, and his main teaching The Program on Extremism at George and research interests focus on understanding the Washington University provides impact of radical and extreme ideologies on wider analysis on issues related to violent and societies. Dr. Jackson’s research currently focuses non-violent extremism. The Program on the dynamics of neo-Nazi, and other, extreme spearheads innovative and thoughtful right ideologies, in Britain and Europe in the post- academic inquiry, producing empirical war period. He is also interested in researching the work that strengthens extremism longer history of radical ideologies and cultures in research as a distinct field of study. The Britain too, especially those linked in some way to Program aims to develop pragmatic the extreme right. policy solutions that resonate with Dr. Jackson’s teaching engages with wider themes policymakers, civic leaders, and the related to the history of fascism, genocide, general public. totalitarian politics and revolutionary ideologies. Dr. Jackson teaches modules on the Holocaust, as well as the history of Communism and fascism. Dr. Jackson regularly writes for the magazine Searchlight on issues related to contemporary extreme right politics. He is a co-editor of the Wiley- Blackwell journal Religion Compass: Modern Ideologies and Faith. Dr. Jackson is also the Editor of the Bloomsbury book series A Modern History of Politics and Violence. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author, and not necessarily those of the Program on Extremism or the George Washington University. -
HISM052 Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Britain from 1945 to the Present Day | University of Northampton
09/26/21 HISM052 Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Britain from 1945 to the Present Day | University of Northampton HISM052 Fascism and Anti-Fascism in View Online Britain from 1945 to the Present Day [1] Allardyce, G. 1979. What fascism is not: thoughts on the deflation of a concept. (AHA forum). American Historical Review. 84, 2 (1979). [2] Allen, C. 2011. Opposing Islamification or promoting Islamophobia? Understanding the English Defence League. Patterns of Prejudice. 45, 4 (Sep. 2011), 279–294. DOI:https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2011.585014. [3] Allen, C. 2017. Proscribing National Action: Considering the Impact of Banning the British Far-Right Group. The Political Quarterly. 88, 4 (Oct. 2017), 652–659. DOI:https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.12368. [4] Anti-Fascist Archive | The Largest Public Collection of Anti-Fascist Action Material: http://antifascistarchive.org/. [5] Bean, J. 2013. Many shades of black: inside Britain’s far right. Ostara Publications. [6] 1/17 09/26/21 HISM052 Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Britain from 1945 to the Present Day | University of Northampton Bernstein, G.L. 2004. The myth of decline: the rise of Britain since 1945. Pimlico. [7] Billig, M. 1978. Fascists: a social psychological view of the National Front. Harcourt, Brace Jovanovich. [8] Blair, A. 2015. Britain and the world since 1945. Routledge. [9] Bows, H. 2018. Closing the gap: Women and the far right in contemporary Britain. Tomorrow belongs to us: the British far right since 1967. Routledge. [10] Bray, M. 2017. Antifa: the anti-fascist handbook. Melville House. [11] Buettner, E. 2016. -
19:1 Notes “America and the World” the Rise of Dictators *The Treaty
19:1 Notes “America and the World” The Rise of Dictators *The treaty that ended World War I and the economic depression that followed contributed to the rise of dictatorships in Europe and Asia. --Italy: Benito Mussolini --Russia : Joseph Stalin --Germany: Adolf Hitler *Italy: -developed the first major dictatorship in Europe -Mussolini established the Fascist Party -Fascism was a kind of aggressive nationalism -Fascists believed the nation was more important than the individual -Fascists believed that a nation became great by expanding its territory and building its military -Fascists were anti-Communist -a militia known as Blackshirts backed Mussolini allowing him to begin his dictatorship *Russia: -the Bolshevik Party was led by Vladimir Lenin -during WWI Lenin set up Communist governments throughout the Russian empire -these Russian territories were renamed the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics or Soviet Union -by 1926 Joseph Stalin had become the new Soviet dictator -Stalin began a massive effort to industrialize the country -millions of peasants who resisted the Communist policies were killed *Germany: -After WW I, the political and economic chaos in Germany led to the rise of new political parties -the Nazi Party was nationalistic and anti-Communist -Adolf Hitler, a member of the Nazi Party, called for the unification of all Germans under one government -Hitler believed certain Germans were part of a “master race” destined to rule the world -he wanted Eastern Europeans enslaved -he felt Jews were responsible for many of the world’s -
Loud Proud Passion and Politics in the English Defence League Makes Us Confront the Complexities of Anti-Islamist/Anti-Muslim Fervor
New Ethnographies ‘These voices of English nationalism make for difficult listening. The great strength of Hilary PILKINGTON Pilkington’s unflinching ethnography is her capacity to confound and challenge our political and preconceptions and makes us think harder. This is an important, difficult and brave book.’ Les Back, Professor of Sociology, Goldsmiths, University of London ‘Pilkington offers fresh and crucial insights into the politics of fear. Her unflinchingly honest depiction of the EDL breaks apart stereotypes of rightist activists as simply dupes, thugs, and racists and Loud proud PASSION AND POLITICS IN THE ENGLISH DEFENCE LEAGUE makes us confront the complexities of anti-Islamist/anti-Muslim fervor. This terrific, compelling book is a must-read for scholars and readers concerned about the global rise of populist movements on the right.’ Kathleen Blee, Distinguished Professor of Sociology, University of Pittsburgh Loud and proud uses interviews, informal conversations and extended observation at English Defence League events to critically reflect on the gap between the movement’s public image and activists’ own understandings of it. It details how activists construct the EDL and themselves as ‘not racist, not violent, just no longer silent’ through, among other things, the exclusion of Muslims as a possible object of racism on the grounds that they are a religiously not racially defined Loud group. In contrast, activists perceive themselves to be ‘second-class citizens’, disadvantaged and discriminated against by a two-tier justice system that privileges the rights of others. This failure to recognise themselves as a privileged white majority explains why ostensibly intimidating EDL street demonstrations marked by racist chanting and nationalistic flag waving are understood by activists as standing ‘loud and proud’; the only way of being heard in a political system governed by a politics of silencing. -
Violent Protest and Heterogeneous Diffusion
BRITAIN FIRST AND THE UK INDEPENDENCE PARTY: SOCIAL MEDIA AND MOVEMENT-PARTY DYNAMICS1 Thomas Davidson and Mabel Berezin2 FORTHCOMING IN DECEMBER 2018 ISSUE OF MOBILIZATION. PLEASE CITE THE PUBLISHED VERSION. Social movement scholars have recently turned their attention to the interactions between political parties and social movements, but little is known about how social media have impacted these relationships, despite widespread adoption of these technologies. We present a case study of the relationship between Britain First, a far-right anti-Muslim social movement, and the U.K. Independence Party, the Eurosceptic political party that spearheaded the Brexit campaign. The movement appeared marginal in the press but it dominated social media, using this presence to support to the party. We examine the dynamics of the relationship between these groups from 2013 until 2017, drawing upon data from social media, newspapers, and other online sources, and focusing on interactions between elites and rank-and-file supporters. Our findings illustrate how far-right groups have used new technologies to generate an unprecedented amount of popular support and to attempt to influence the political mainstream. A number of western democracies have recently experienced a resurgence of right-wing political activity in both the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary sphere (Akkerman, de Lange, and Rooduijn 2016; Mudde 2016; Muis and Immerzeel 2017). In Germany, the unprecedented electoral performance of the anti-immigrant Alternative for Germany (AfD) party -
The Fascist Movement in Britain
Robert Benewick THE FASCIST MOVEMENT IN BRITAIN Allen Lane The Penguin Press JLE 14- Ie 1 Contents Copyright © Robert Benewick, 1969 and 1972 Preface to Revised Edition 7 First published in 1969 under the title Acknowledgements 10 Po/iJi,a/ Vio/en,e anti Pub/i, Ortler 1. II This revised edition first published in 1972 The Political Setting Allen Lane The Penguin Press 1.. Precursors 1.1. 74 Grosvenor Street, London WI 3· Portrait oja Leader 5I ISBN 0 7139 034 1 4 4. The New Party 73 Printed offset litho in Great Britain by 5. From Party to Mcvement 85 Cox & Wyman Ltd 6. Leaders and Followers 108 London, Fakenham and Reading 1.,u f'i.~, 7. British Fascist Ideology 131. G d ~ - • F. Set In Monotype aramon ~ ~~ '" .~ 8. OlYmpia 169 9· Disenchantment and Disorder 193 ~~ : 10. The East London Campaign 1.17 .,.~ \ .. ''''' lem ~ -<:.. ~~ I 1. The Public Order Act 1. 35 ~" .. , . 11.. TheDeciineojBritishFascism 263 •• (1' 13, A CiviiSociety 300 ••• Bibliograpf?y 307 Index 330 support from possible sources ofdiscontent. The most impor 7. British Fascist Ideology tant were its appeals to youth, nationalism, anti-Communism, anti-Semitism and its attacks on the political liites. Policy was often manipulated with a callous disregard for principles so that at least one of the themes, anti-Semitism, gained ascendancy over the B.O.F.'s proposals for reform. Policy was hinged to the likelihood ofan impending economic crisis and attempts were made to locate the causes and to pre scribe its resolution. As the probability ofan economic crisis _ and hence political power - grew remote, the possibility of an international crisis was stressed. -
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DOI: 10.4119/ijcv-3805 IJCV: Vol. 14(2)/2020 Connecting Structures: Resistance, Heroic Masculinity and Anti-Feminism as Bridging Narratives within Group Radicalization David Meieringi [email protected] Aziz Dzirii [email protected] Naika Foroutani [email protected] i Berlin Institute for Integration and Migration Research (BIM) at the Humboldt University Berlin Vol. 14(2)/2020 The IJCV provides a forum for scientific exchange and public dissemination of up-to-date scien- tific knowledge on conflict and violence. The IJCV is independent, peer reviewed, open access, and included in the Social Sciences Citation Index (SSCI) as well as other rele- vant databases (e.g., SCOPUS, EBSCO, ProQuest, DNB). The topics on which we concentrate—conflict and violence—have always been central to various disciplines. Consequently, the journal encompasses contributions from a wide range of disciplines, including criminology, economics, education, ethnology, his- tory, political science, psychology, social anthropology, sociology, the study of reli- gions, and urban studies. All articles are gathered in yearly volumes, identified by a DOI with article-wise pagi- nation. For more information please visit www.ijcv.or g Suggested Citation: APA: Meiering, D., Dziri, A., & Foroutan, N. (2020). Connecting structures: Resistance, heroic masculinity and anti-feminism as bridging narratives within group radicaliza- tion. International Journal of Conflict and Violence, 14(2), 1-19. doi: 10.4119/ijcv-3805 Harvard: Meiering, David, Dziri, Aziz, Foroutan, Naika. 2020. Connecting Structures: Resistance, Heroic Masculinity and Anti-Feminism as Bridging Narratives within Group Radicalization. International Journal of Conflict and Violence 14(2): 1-19. doi: 10.4119/ijcv-3805 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution—NoDerivatives License. -
The Croatian Ustasha Regime and Its Policies Towards
THE IDEOLOGY OF NATION AND RACE: THE CROATIAN USTASHA REGIME AND ITS POLICIES TOWARD MINORITIES IN THE INDEPENDENT STATE OF CROATIA, 1941-1945. NEVENKO BARTULIN A thesis submitted in fulfilment Of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of New South Wales November 2006 1 2 3 Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisor Dr. Nicholas Doumanis, lecturer in the School of History at the University of New South Wales (UNSW), Sydney, Australia, for the valuable guidance, advice and suggestions that he has provided me in the course of the writing of this thesis. Thanks also go to his colleague, and my co-supervisor, Günther Minnerup, as well as to Dr. Milan Vojkovi, who also read this thesis. I further owe a great deal of gratitude to the rest of the academic and administrative staff of the School of History at UNSW, and especially to my fellow research students, in particular, Matthew Fitzpatrick, Susie Protschky and Sally Cove, for all their help, support and companionship. Thanks are also due to the staff of the Department of History at the University of Zagreb (Sveuilište u Zagrebu), particularly prof. dr. sc. Ivo Goldstein, and to the staff of the Croatian State Archive (Hrvatski državni arhiv) and the National and University Library (Nacionalna i sveuilišna knjižnica) in Zagreb, for the assistance they provided me during my research trip to Croatia in 2004. I must also thank the University of Zagreb’s Office for International Relations (Ured za meunarodnu suradnju) for the accommodation made available to me during my research trip.