1 When Anti-Islamic Protest Comes to Town: Political Responses to The

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

1 When Anti-Islamic Protest Comes to Town: Political Responses to The CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by White Rose E-theses Online When Anti-Islamic Protest Comes to Town: Political Responses to the English Defence League William Edward Charles Allchorn Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Leeds School of Politics and International Studies September 2016 1 Declaration The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his/her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. The right of William Edward Charles Allchorn to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. © 2016 The University of Leeds and William Edward Charles Allchorn. 2 Contents List of Abbreviations and Acronyms List of Tables and Figures Acknowledgements Abstract Chapter 1: Introduction and Thesis Structure P.11 1.1 Background: Anti-Islamic Activism and the UK Far-right 1.2 Lacuna: EDL Studies and Political Responses 1.3 Thesis’ Contribution: Main Empirical and Theoretical Aims 1.4 Thesis Structure and Chapterisation Chapter 2: Literature Review - Understanding the English Defence League and Responses to it P.21 2.1: Introduction 2.2: Interpreting the EDL - Far-right, Football Hooligan or Sui Generis? 2.3: From Causes to Consequences - The EDL ‘Response’ Literature 2.4: Conclusion Chapter 3: Methodology – How to Study Political Responses to the EDL and Why? P.51 3.1: Introduction 3.2: Political Responses towards the EDL: The Social-Scientific, Philosophical and Normative Underpinnings of the Project 3.3: Research Methods I - Qualitative versus Quantitative Approaches 3.4: Research Methods II - Research Techniques and Practical Considerations 3.5: Conclusion Chapter 4: Birmingham – Early Responses to Anti-Islamic Protest P.69 4.1: Introduction 4.2: Context 4.3: Birmingham’s First EDL Demonstrations (4th July, 8th August and 5th September 2009) 4.4: Birmingham’s Second Major EDL Demonstration (17th October 2011) 4.5: Birmingham’s Third Major EDL Demonstration (20th July 2013) 4.6: Birmingham’s Fourth Major EDL Demonstration (10th October 2014) 4.7: Conclusion 3 Chapter 5: Bradford and Keighley – Responses to Anti-Islamic Protest in West Yorkshire P.97 5.1: Introduction 5.2: Bradford – A ‘Post-Riots’ Response a) Context b) Bradford’s First EDL Demonstration (28th August 2010) c) Bradford’s Second EDL Demonstration (12th October 2013) 5.3: Keighley – Balancing Tensions, Regaining Trust a) Introduction b) Context c) Keighley EDL Demonstration (4th August 2012) 5.4: Conclusion Chapter 6: Leicester – ‘Somewhere near the Clock Tower’ P.127 6.1: Introduction 6.2: Context 6.3: Leicester’s First EDL Demonstration (9th October 2010) 6.4: Leicester’s Second EDL Demonstration (4th February 2012) 6.5: Leicester’s Third EDL Demonstration (1st June 2013) 6.6: Conclusion Chapter 7: Luton – ‘Where it all began’ P.149 7.1: Introduction 7.2: Context 7.3: Luton’s First English Defence League Demonstration (5th February 2011) 7.4: Luton’s Second EDL Demonstration (5th May 2012) 7.5: Luton’s Third EDL Demonstration (22nd November 2014) 7.6: Conclusion Chapter 8: Tower Hamlets - Anti-Islamic Protest in the East End of London P.173 8.1: Introduction 8.2: Context 8.3: Tower Hamlets’ First EDL Demonstrations (27th June 2009 and 20th June 2010) 8.4: Tower Hamlets’ Second EDL Demonstration (3rd September 2011) 8.5: Tower Hamlets’ Third EDL Demonstration (9th September 2013) 8.6: Conclusion 4 Chapter 9: Conclusion - National Responses and Beyond P.199 9.1: Introduction 9.2: Context - ‘Clean-hands’ beyond the BNP? National Political Responses to the English Defence League 9.3: Key Findings and Contributions - From Causes to Consequences 9.4: Lessons and Policy Recommendations 9.5: Future Avenues of Research – Far-right Protest and Responses to it 9.6: Concluding Remarks: Towards an ‘Inclusivist Turn’? Appendix A: Summary of Interview Findings P.219 Appendix B: List of Interviewees P.229 Bibliography P.231 5 List of Abbreviations and Acronyms BNP = British National Party BUF = British Union of Fascists CCCPG = Community Cohesion Contingency Planning Group CONTEST = UK Government’s Counter-Terrorism Strategy CSE = Child Sexual Exploitation DCLG = Department of Communities and Local Government EDL = English Defence League HMIC = Her Majesty’s Inspectorate of Constabularies LDDC = London Docklands Development Cooperation MP = Members of Parliament MEP = Member of European Parliament NF = National Front REP = Republikaner Party SFC = Structured Focused Comparison Tell MAMA = Tell Measuring Anti-Muslim Attacks UAF = Unite Against Fascism UPL = United People of Luton 6 List of Tables and Figures Fig 3.1: Causal Model of Politician’s EDL Responses Fig 3.2: Political Affiliation of Interviewees Fig 3.3: Interview Type Fig 3.4: Political Composition: Local Areas under Study Vs. Interviewees Fig 4.1: Birmingham’s Total EDL Demonstrators and Arrest Count, July 2009 - October 2014 Fig 7.1: Luton’s Total EDL Demonstrators and Arrest Count, April 2009 – November 2014 Fig A.1: Exclusionary Vs. Inclusionary Responses Fig A.2: Political Responses to the EDL - All Fig A.3: Response Rationales and Motivations Fig A.4: Response Roles 7 Acknowledgements I would like to thank here a number of people who have helped and supported me throughout my PhD. First, I would like to thank my friends and family who have offered me a great deal of emotional and financial support over the past few years. In particular, I would like to thank my parents, sister and fiancée who have supported me along my academic journey. In the words of my principal supervisor, they have helped me ‘keep the faith’. I would also like to thank the School of Politics and International Studies at the University of Leeds. I was enormously grateful to receive the POLIS Research Scholarship. This has enabled me to devote considerable time and attention to my PhD studies. I would also like to thank PhD colleagues and members of staff who have provided new angles and perspectives on the topic of political responses as well as departmental support staff for responding to any administrative queries I’ve had during the course of my research studies. Thirdly, I would like to thank all thirty-four local politicians and six behind-the- scenes policymakers who agreed to participate in the project. Their insights and accounts have helped deepen and expand the horizons of my PhD far beyond what I had originally imagined. I express the greatest of gratitude for their willingness to take time out of their busy schedules and for sharing with me their experiences of responding to EDL protest. Finally, and by no means least, I would like to thank my supervisors, Dr Stuart McAnulla and Dr Richard Hayton, for their expert guidance, support and mentoring throughout my PhD. Their comments, insights and willingness to look over early drafts of this thesis have played no small role in making it the sharp and coherent document you see before you. Stuart and Richard have been approachable and rigorous as well as generous with their time, which is all I could ever wish for in a supervisory team. 8 Abstract Seven years since its formation, scant academic attention has been paid to how politicians and policymakers have responded to the English Defence League. While a small and fragmented literature has charted some governmental, policing and civil society responses to this form of anti-Islamic protest, little is known about how UK politicians and policymakers have responded to the group where the EDL has demonstrated the most: at the local level. This study aims to address this lacuna. Using semi-structured elite interviews with thirty-four Members of Parliament and local Councillors as well as six behind-the-scenes policy officials, this thesis maps the types of responses issued by local politicians in Birmingham, Bradford, Leicester, Luton and Tower Hamlets. Moreover, it generates a new typology for anti-EDL responses – charting a continuum from ‘hard’ to ‘soft’ exclusion and on towards more inclusionary measures. Additionally, it provides the first cross-case analysis of the EDL and its protest – positing de-industrialisation, migration as well as prior histories of extremism and disorder as key contextual drivers when the EDL comes to town. What will be found here is significant. Whilst the majority of political responses towards the EDL have been largely static and exclusionary in nature, how these exclusionary responses manifest themselves and what drives such responses varies greatly. Moreover, some responses have exhibited a more inclusionary character - with a minority of responses involved in engagement and interaction work with both communities prone to and affected by EDL protest. This thesis will argue it is only through politicians’ engagement with the politically disaffected and the construction of meaningful forms of interaction between (previously isolated) communities that we can counteract the populist and prejudicial barbs of the EDL and other far-right groups across Europe. 9 [Page Left Intentionally Blank] 10 Chapter One Introduction and Thesis Structure Chapter Outline 1.1 Background: Anti-Islamic Activism and the UK Far-right 1.2 Lacuna: EDL Studies and Political Responses 1.3 Thesis’ Contribution: Main Empirical and Theoretical Aims 1.4 Thesis Structure and Chapterisation 11 1.1 Background: Anti-Islamic Activism and the UK Far-right The role of Islam in the UK and Western societies more generally has become a hot topic over recent decades. Starting with the Salman Rushdie affair in the late 1980’s through various measures imposed against Jihadi terrorism and culminating in debates on its public expression, Islam and its adherents have been subject to significant antagonism in Western Europe and the U.S.
Recommended publications
  • Briefing Document on the Government's Anti-Terror Proposals
    . [email protected] . PO Box 273, Forest Gate, London E7 . 07956210332*07905 891299*07786776665 * 07958174451 protect our rights a briefing document on the governments anti- ..........terrorism proposals A joint analysis from UK’s leading civil society organisations . CONTENTS 1. Summary 2. Briefing 3. Text of Statement by the Prime Minister 4. Breakdown of Govt Proposals 5. Joint Statement To Protect Our Rights 6. Supporting Organisations 2 SUMMARY The UK’s counter-terrorism legislation is among the most developed in the world. There is no evidence that the wide-ranging powers, already in place, are in anyway inadequate to investigate and prosecute those involved in any way in the incidents that have recently occurred. Daily reporting of the progress of police investigations suggest that conventional police investigations are piecing together an extensive breadth and range of evidence. There are no suggestions by the police that they have been thwarted in any relevant investigation by any lack of legal powers. The greatest threat to our security comes not from an inability to counter terrorism but the government’s refusal to conduct an honest debate on the causes of the attacks against London in July 2005. In place of that debate, Tony Blair has turned the spotlight on Britain’s Muslim communities. British tolerance has fertilised terrorism, he suggests. Multiculturalism and human rights are to be the scapegoats. In the context of an ill advised and counter productive “war on terror”, these proposals pave the way for an equally misguided “war on Islamic extremism”. There can be no doubt that the measures they envisage – restrictions on free speech, freedom of association and freedom of conscience - coupled with the simplistic and inflammatory portrayal of Islam as a “dangerous” religion, will further alienate and marginalise the very communities in which the government professes to be combating radicalisation.
    [Show full text]
  • The English Defence League: Challenging Our Country and Our Values of Social Inclusion, Fairness and Equality
    THE ENGLISH DEFENCE LEAGUE: CHALLENGING OUR COUNTRY AND OUR VALUES OF SOCIAL INCLUSION, FAIRNESS AND EQUALITY by Professor Nigel Copsey Professor of Modern History School of Arts and Media Teesside University (UK) On Behalf of Faith Matters 2 Foreword This report focuses on the English Defence League (EDL) and asks whether the organisation poses a threat to our country and our values of social inclusion, fairness and equality. This report demonstrates clearly that the English Defence League does not represent the values which underpin our communities and our country: respect for our fellow citizens, respect for difference, and ensuring the safety and peace of communities and local areas. On the contrary, actions by the EDL have led to fear within communities and a sense that they are ‘under siege’ and under the media and national ‘spotlight’. Many within these communities feel that the peace and tranquillity which they deserve has been broken up by the EDL, whose main aim is to increase tension, raise hate and increase community division by the use of intimidating tactics. These are not the actions of a group ‘working against extremism’. These are the actions of extremists in their own right, masquerading as a grass roots social force, supposedly bringing their brand of community resilience against ‘Muslim extremism’. It is essential to inoculate communities against the toxins that are being injected into these areas by the EDL and other extremist groups like Al-Muhajiroun. Letting these groups go unchecked destroys what we stand for and damages our image globally. This report has been put together in partnership with Professor Nigel Copsey and we hope that it activates social action against those who seek to divide our communities.
    [Show full text]
  • Far-Right Anthology
    COUNTERINGDEFENDING EUROPE: “GLOBAL BRITAIN” ANDTHE THEFAR FUTURE RIGHT: OFAN EUROPEAN ANTHOLOGY GEOPOLITICSEDITED BY DR RAKIB EHSAN AND DR PAUL STOTT BY JAMES ROGERS DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS ReportApril No 2020. 2018/1 Published in 2020 by The Henry Jackson Society The Henry Jackson Society Millbank Tower 21-24 Millbank London SW1P 4QP Registered charity no. 1140489 Tel: +44 (0)20 7340 4520 www.henryjacksonsociety.org © The Henry Jackson Society, 2020. All rights reserved. The views expressed in this publication are those of the author and are not necessarily indicative of those of The Henry Jackson Society or its Trustees. Title: “COUNTERING THE FAR RIGHT: AN ANTHOLOGY” Edited by Dr Rakib Ehsan and Dr Paul Stott Front Cover: Edinburgh, Scotland, 23rd March 2019. Demonstration by the Scottish Defence League (SDL), with supporters of National Front and white pride, and a counter demonstration by Unite Against Facism demonstrators, outside the Scottish Parliament, in Edinburgh. The Scottish Defence League claim their protest was against the sexual abuse of minors, but the opposition claim the rally masks the SDL’s racist beliefs. Credit: Jeremy Sutton-Hibbert/Alamy Live News. COUNTERINGDEFENDING EUROPE: “GLOBAL BRITAIN” ANDTHE THEFAR FUTURE RIGHT: OFAN EUROPEAN ANTHOLOGY GEOPOLITICSEDITED BY DR RAKIB EHSAN AND DR PAUL STOTT BY JAMES ROGERS DEMOCRACY | FREEDOM | HUMAN RIGHTS ReportApril No 2020. 2018/1 Countering the Far Right: An Anthology About the Editors Dr Paul Stott joined the Henry Jackson Society’s Centre on Radicalisation and Terrorism as a Research Fellow in January 2019. An experienced academic, he received an MSc in Terrorism Studies (Distinction) from the University of East London in 2007, and his PhD in 2015 from the University of East Anglia for the research “British Jihadism: The Detail and the Denial”.
    [Show full text]
  • Internal Brakes the British Extreme Right (Pdf
    FEBRUARY 2019 The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation The British extreme right in the 1990s ANNEX B Joel Busher, Coventry University Donald Holbrook, University College London Graham Macklin, Oslo University This report is the second empirical case study, produced out of The Internal Brakes on Violent Escalation: A Descriptive Typology programme, funded by CREST. You can read the other two case studies; The Trans-national and British Islamist Extremist Groups and The Animal Liberation Movement, plus the full report at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/news/internal- brakes-violent-escalation-a-descriptive-typology/ To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: www.crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/internal-brakes-violent-escalation/ About CREST The Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (CREST) is a national hub for understanding, countering and mitigating security threats. It is an independent centre, commissioned by the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and funded in part by the UK security and intelligence agencies (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). www.crestresearch.ac.uk ©2019 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ................................................................................................................................5 2. INTERNAL BRAKES ON VIOLENCE WITHIN THE BRITISH EXTREME RIGHT .................10 2.1 BRAKE 1: STRATEGIC LOGIC .......................................................................................................................................10
    [Show full text]
  • Uk Government and Special Advisers
    UK GOVERNMENT AND SPECIAL ADVISERS April 2019 Housing Special Advisers Parliamentary Under Parliamentary Under Parliamentary Under Parliamentary Under INTERNATIONAL 10 DOWNING Toby Lloyd Samuel Coates Secretary of State Secretary of State Secretary of State Secretary of State Deputy Chief Whip STREET DEVELOPMENT Foreign Affairs/Global Salma Shah Rt Hon Tobias Ellwood MP Kwasi Kwarteng MP Jackie Doyle-Price MP Jake Berry MP Christopher Pincher MP Prime Minister Britain James Hedgeland Parliamentary Under Parliamentary Under Secretary of State Chief Whip (Lords) Rt Hon Theresa May MP Ed de Minckwitz Olivia Robey Secretary of State INTERNATIONAL Parliamentary Under Secretary of State and Minister for Women Stuart Andrew MP TRADE Secretary of State Heather Wheeler MP and Equalities Rt Hon Lord Taylor Chief of Staff Government Relations Minister of State Baroness Blackwood Rt Hon Penny of Holbeach CBE for Immigration Secretary of State and Parliamentary Under Mordaunt MP Gavin Barwell Special Adviser JUSTICE Deputy Chief Whip (Lords) (Attends Cabinet) President of the Board Secretary of State Deputy Chief of Staff Olivia Oates WORK AND Earl of Courtown Rt Hon Caroline Nokes MP of Trade Rishi Sunak MP Special Advisers Legislative Affairs Secretary of State PENSIONS JoJo Penn Rt Hon Dr Liam Fox MP Parliamentary Under Laura Round Joe Moor and Lord Chancellor SCOTLAND OFFICE Communications Special Adviser Rt Hon David Gauke MP Secretary of State Secretary of State Lynn Davidson Business Liason Special Advisers Rt Hon Amber Rudd MP Lord Bourne of
    [Show full text]
  • Morrison: Essential Public Affairs for Journalists 6E
    Morrison: Essential Public Affairs for Journalists 6e CHAPTER 1: THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION AND MONARCHY TABLE 1A MAIN ENTITLEMENTS LISTED IN BILL OF RIGHTS 1689 Freedoms for all ‘Englishmen’ Sanctions for Roman Catholics Freedom from royal interference with the law— Ban on Catholics succeeding to English throne— sovereigns forbidden from establishing their own reflecting the supposed fact that ‘it hath been found courts, or acting as judge themselves by experience that it is inconsistent with the safety and welfare of this protestant kingdom to be governed by a papist prince’ Freedom from being taxed without Parliament’s Obligation on newly crowned sovereigns to swear agreement oaths of allegiance to Church of England Freedom to petition reigning monarch Freedom for Protestants only to possess ‘arms for Bar on carrying weapons defence’ Freedom from drafting into peacetime army without Parliament’s consent Freedom to elect MPs without sovereign’s interference Freedom from cruel and unusual punishments and excessive bail Freedom from fines and forfeitures without trial TABLE 1B RULES GOVERNING MONARCHICAL SUCCESSION IN THE ACT OF SETTLEMENT 1701 Details Protestants only The Crown should pass to Protestant descendants of Electress Sophie of Hanover (first cousin once removed of Queen Anne, who inherited throne after deaths of Mary and William) No marriages to Catholics Monarchs ‘shall join in communion’ with Church of England and not marry Roman Catholics England for the English If anyone not native to England inherits throne, the country will not wage war for ‘any dominions or territories which do not belong to the Crown of England without the consent of Parliament’ Loyalty from the Crown No monarch may leave ‘British Isles’ without Parliament’s consent (repealed by George I in 1716) Openness before Parliament All government matters within Privy Council’s jurisdiction (see p.
    [Show full text]
  • THE 422 Mps WHO BACKED the MOTION Conservative 1. Bim
    THE 422 MPs WHO BACKED THE MOTION Conservative 1. Bim Afolami 2. Peter Aldous 3. Edward Argar 4. Victoria Atkins 5. Harriett Baldwin 6. Steve Barclay 7. Henry Bellingham 8. Guto Bebb 9. Richard Benyon 10. Paul Beresford 11. Peter Bottomley 12. Andrew Bowie 13. Karen Bradley 14. Steve Brine 15. James Brokenshire 16. Robert Buckland 17. Alex Burghart 18. Alistair Burt 19. Alun Cairns 20. James Cartlidge 21. Alex Chalk 22. Jo Churchill 23. Greg Clark 24. Colin Clark 25. Ken Clarke 26. James Cleverly 27. Thérèse Coffey 28. Alberto Costa 29. Glyn Davies 30. Jonathan Djanogly 31. Leo Docherty 32. Oliver Dowden 33. David Duguid 34. Alan Duncan 35. Philip Dunne 36. Michael Ellis 37. Tobias Ellwood 38. Mark Field 39. Vicky Ford 40. Kevin Foster 41. Lucy Frazer 42. George Freeman 43. Mike Freer 44. Mark Garnier 45. David Gauke 46. Nick Gibb 47. John Glen 48. Robert Goodwill 49. Michael Gove 50. Luke Graham 51. Richard Graham 52. Bill Grant 53. Helen Grant 54. Damian Green 55. Justine Greening 56. Dominic Grieve 57. Sam Gyimah 58. Kirstene Hair 59. Luke Hall 60. Philip Hammond 61. Stephen Hammond 62. Matt Hancock 63. Richard Harrington 64. Simon Hart 65. Oliver Heald 66. Peter Heaton-Jones 67. Damian Hinds 68. Simon Hoare 69. George Hollingbery 70. Kevin Hollinrake 71. Nigel Huddleston 72. Jeremy Hunt 73. Nick Hurd 74. Alister Jack (Teller) 75. Margot James 76. Sajid Javid 77. Robert Jenrick 78. Jo Johnson 79. Andrew Jones 80. Gillian Keegan 81. Seema Kennedy 82. Stephen Kerr 83. Mark Lancaster 84.
    [Show full text]
  • Tory Modernisation 2.0 Tory Modernisation
    Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg Guy and Shorthouse Ryan by Edited TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 MODERNISATION TORY edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 THE FUTURE OF THE CONSERVATIVE PARTY TORY MODERNISATION 2.0 The future of the Conservative Party Edited by Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg The moral right of the authors has been asserted. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a re- trieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. Bright Blue is an independent, not-for-profit organisation which cam- paigns for the Conservative Party to implement liberal and progressive policies that draw on Conservative traditions of community, entre- preneurialism, responsibility, liberty and fairness. First published in Great Britain in 2013 by Bright Blue Campaign www.brightblue.org.uk ISBN: 978-1-911128-00-7 Copyright © Bright Blue Campaign, 2013 Printed and bound by DG3 Designed by Soapbox, www.soapbox.co.uk Contents Acknowledgements 1 Foreword 2 Rt Hon Francis Maude MP Introduction 5 Ryan Shorthouse and Guy Stagg 1 Last chance saloon 12 The history and future of Tory modernisation Matthew d’Ancona 2 Beyond bare-earth Conservatism 25 The future of the British economy Rt Hon David Willetts MP 3 What’s wrong with the Tory party? 36 And why hasn’t
    [Show full text]
  • Case Study on the United Kingdom and Brexit Juliane Itta & Nicole Katsioulis the Female Face of Right-Wing Populism and Ex
    Triumph of The women? The Female Face of Right-wing Populism and Extremism 02 Case study on the United Kingdom and Brexit Juliane Itta & Nicole Katsioulis 01 Triumph of the women? The study series All over the world, right-wing populist parties continue to grow stronger, as has been the case for a number of years – a development that is male-dominated in most countries, with right-wing populists principally elected by men. However, a new generation of women is also active in right-wing populist parties and movements – forming the female face of right-wing populism, so to speak. At the same time, these parties are rapidly closing the gap when it comes to support from female voters – a new phenomenon, for it was long believed that women tend to be rather immune to right-wing political propositions. Which gender and family policies underpin this and which societal trends play a part? Is it possible that women are coming out triumphant here? That is a question that we already raised, admittedly playing devil’s advocate, in the first volume of the publication, published in 2018 by the Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung Triumph of the women? The Female Face of the Far Right in Europe. We are now continuing this first volume with a series of detailed studies published at irregular intervals. This is partly in response to the enormous interest that this collection of research has aroused to date in the general public and in professional circles. As a foundation with roots in social democracy, from the outset one of our crucial concerns has been to monitor anti-democratic tendencies and developments, while also providing information about these, with a view to strengthening an open and democratic society thanks to these insights.
    [Show full text]
  • Donald Trump, the Changes: Aanti
    Ethnic and Racial Studies ISSN: 0141-9870 (Print) 1466-4356 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/rers20 Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution Ed Pertwee To cite this article: Ed Pertwee (2020): Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution, Ethnic and Racial Studies, DOI: 10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 © 2020 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group Published online: 17 Apr 2020. Submit your article to this journal Article views: 193 View related articles View Crossmark data Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at https://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=rers20 ETHNIC AND RACIAL STUDIES https://doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1749688 Donald Trump, the anti-Muslim far right and the new conservative revolution Ed Pertwee Department of Sociology, London School of Economics, London, UK ABSTRACT This article explores the “counter-jihad”, a transnational field of anti-Muslim political action that emerged in the mid-2000s, becoming a key tributary of the recent far- right insurgency and an important influence on the Trump presidency. The article draws on thematic analysis of content from counter-jihad websites and interviews with movement activists, sympathizers and opponents, in order to characterize the counter-jihad’s organizational infrastructure and political discourse and to theorize its relationship to fascism and other far-right tendencies. Although the political discourses of the counter-jihad, Trumpian Republicanism and the avowedly racist “Alt-Right” are not identical, I argue that all three tendencies share a common, counterrevolutionary temporal structure.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Cultural & Social Affairs Department Oic
    Cultural & social affairs Department OIC islamophobia Observatory Monthly Bulletin – March 2014 I. Manifestations of Islamophobia: 1. UK: Legoland cancels Muslim family fun day in fear of “guest and employee safety” – Legoland cancelled a family outing organized by a prominent Muslim scholar in fear of guest and staff safety after they received a number of threatening calls, emails and social media posts. The family fun day which was organised by Sheikh Haitham al Haddad of the Muslim Research and Development Foundation (MRDF) for Sunday 9th March and would not be going ahead after a barrage of violent messages were made by far- right Islamophobic extremists. The English Defence League, Casuals United and other far-right groups vowed to hold a protest outside Legoland, many threatening to use violence to prevent the family outing. Legoland issued the following statement: The Legoland Windsor Resort prides itself on welcoming everyone to our wonderful attraction; however due to unfortunate circumstances the private event scheduled for Sunday 9th March will no longer take place. This was an incredibly difficult made after discussions with the organisers and local Thames Valley Police, following the receipt of a number of threatening phone calls, emails and social media posts to the Resort over the last couple of weeks. These alone have led us to conclude that we can no longer guarantee the happy fun family event which was envisaged or the safety of our guests and employees on the day – which is always our number one priority. “Sadly it is our belief that deliberate misinformation fuelled by a small group with a clear agenda was designed expressly to achieve this outcome.
    [Show full text]
  • HISM052 Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Britain from 1945 to the Present Day | University of Northampton
    09/26/21 HISM052 Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Britain from 1945 to the Present Day | University of Northampton HISM052 Fascism and Anti-Fascism in View Online Britain from 1945 to the Present Day [1] Allardyce, G. 1979. What fascism is not: thoughts on the deflation of a concept. (AHA forum). American Historical Review. 84, 2 (1979). [2] Allen, C. 2011. Opposing Islamification or promoting Islamophobia? Understanding the English Defence League. Patterns of Prejudice. 45, 4 (Sep. 2011), 279–294. DOI:https://doi.org/10.1080/0031322X.2011.585014. [3] Allen, C. 2017. Proscribing National Action: Considering the Impact of Banning the British Far-Right Group. The Political Quarterly. 88, 4 (Oct. 2017), 652–659. DOI:https://doi.org/10.1111/1467-923X.12368. [4] Anti-Fascist Archive | The Largest Public Collection of Anti-Fascist Action Material: http://antifascistarchive.org/. [5] Bean, J. 2013. Many shades of black: inside Britain’s far right. Ostara Publications. [6] 1/17 09/26/21 HISM052 Fascism and Anti-Fascism in Britain from 1945 to the Present Day | University of Northampton Bernstein, G.L. 2004. The myth of decline: the rise of Britain since 1945. Pimlico. [7] Billig, M. 1978. Fascists: a social psychological view of the National Front. Harcourt, Brace Jovanovich. [8] Blair, A. 2015. Britain and the world since 1945. Routledge. [9] Bows, H. 2018. Closing the gap: Women and the far right in contemporary Britain. Tomorrow belongs to us: the British far right since 1967. Routledge. [10] Bray, M. 2017. Antifa: the anti-fascist handbook. Melville House. [11] Buettner, E. 2016.
    [Show full text]