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Home , English Defence League, Football Lads Alliance, Jack Renshaw (terrorist), National Action (UK)

Threat from right-wing extremism continues to increase in UK (JANES) Key Points

• The threat of far-right violence in the UK has increased since the 2016 referendum on membership, with a particular rise in the targeting of individuals along political lines. • The UK far right is ideologically and demographically heterogenous, and can be conceptualised as a three-tiered pyramid, with width representing the quantity of support, and height denoting the increasing violence of the actors’ operational activity. • Although British nationalist sentiment remains an important component of far-right thought in the UK, an increasingly internationalist, culturally focused outlook has resulted in a movement with transnational connections, and groups that adhere to this now represent the vanguard of the far right.

UK counter- police have identified the increasingly serious threat posed by adherents of far-right ideologies, but the movement remains diverse, adaptable, and in many cases committed to violence. The Jane’s Terrorism & Insurgency team assesses the current state of far-right extremism in the UK.

On 3 January 2020, 22-year-old Andrew Dymock appeared at the Old Bailey charged with 12 terrorism offences and three offences of inciting racial hatred, suspected of being a member of two neo-Nazi groups: System Resistance Network (SRM) and Sonnenkrieg Division (SKD). His trial is set for July. The risk of violent far-right activism has demonstrably grown since 2016 and the authorities are responding to the problem with increased gravity. In July 2019, the government announced that right-wing extremism would be included in its assessment for the terrorism threat level, indicating that security services now view this threat as distinct from Islamist or -related dissident republican militancy. Indeed, the head of the UK’s counter-terrorism policing, Neil Basu, stated in 2019 that the threat is “definitely increasing”, and this upward trend has been noted in particular since the 2017 Islamist terrorist attacks in the UK.

The threat posed by far-right groups and individuals can be conceptualised as a three-tiered pyramid, with width representing the quantity of support, and height representing the increasing violence of the actors’ operational activity. Although it is important to note that there is significant overlap and interaction between these tiers, this broadly encapsulates the scope of the threat.

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Pyramid of far-right activism. (©2020 Jane’s/Getty Images)

Tier 1

The first tier of the pyramid represents a broad base of individuals supportive of far-right ideas, predominantly centred on and societal engagement with religious and ethnic minorities. This demographic includes organised groups that conduct rallies and marches to raise awareness for their causes, often by co-opting more mainstream issues. Crucially, although these groups are not committed to violence,

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there have been incidents in which individuals associated with them have participated in far-right violence in the past or been found to have had links to more extreme groups further up the pyramid.

The dominant ideological component within the Tier 1 milieu is British . Groups such as and the (EDL) are well known in this ideological strand of the far right, although they are past their popular peak, as the complexion of the extreme right in the UK has changed since 2016. Although a core British nationalism still underpins the worldview of many groups, those that make this their defining feature have struggled to gain or retain prominence in comparison to those that have embraced more transnational ideas, which leads to the other strong ideological focus of groups in this tier: European cultural nationalism. Groups such as the (the rebranded Generation Identity UK) espouse an ideology predicated on the defence of a more holistic European identity against the encroachment of non-European peoples, and deliberately couch this in terms of culture, which is more palatable in mainstream discourse than race. on 24 August 2019 quoted a member of Generation Identity, who wrote online: “Pushing cultural differences is a more subtle way of implying that there’s very real differences between the people who were originally here and the people who are coming here.” The anti-racist group revealed that identitarian groups of this kind are present in at least 23 countries, demonstrating the reach and broad interconnectedness of the movement.

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People outside the Central Criminal Court, known as the Old Bailey, in London after far-right activist and former leader and founder of the English Defence League (EDL), Tommy Robinson – real name Stephen Yaxley-Lennon – was sentenced to nine months in prison for contempt of court on 11 July 2019. (Luke Dray/Getty Images)

A major driver in the rise in nativist sentiment in Europe has been the migration crisis propelled by conflict and unrest in non-European, largely Muslim-majority countries. Anti-immigration sentiment has become a central pillar of right-wing groups’ ideologies, and has gained significant mainstream political traction. This crisis has driven the “” narrative – a theory popularised by French author Renaud Camus, concerning the dilution and eventual replacement, or ‘genocide by substitution’, of white Europeans with immigrants from other ethnic and cultural backgrounds. This alarmist rhetoric lies at the core of many ultra- nationalist or cultural nationalist ideologies throughout the three tiers, at times motivating violence.

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Brexit

An increasingly important aspect of the ideology of groups operating at tier 1 level in the UK is anti- establishment sentiment. A narrative of betrayal by the political establishment is espoused, and has gained significant traction in the febrile political atmosphere since the 2016 referendum on EU membership. Marches railing against ‘ betrayal’ have been conducted in London, and the issue of Brexit has been effectively used by far-right groups to provide a disguise and an outlet for a number of their views, including anti-immigrant, anti-Islamic, anti-left, anti-minority, and anti-establishment feeling. London’s reported a 20% increase in hate crimes in 2016, with a spike following the referendum.

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Brexit's position in far-right sentiment (Jane's)

This anti-establishment streak has been fused with a narrative of ‘left-wing media bias’ and an alleged silencing of right-wing voices on television and online. The far-right has adopted a view that freedom of speech – and by extension British values – is being eroded, leading to hostility towards the political elite. This has animated supporters of former EDL leader Stephen Yaxley-Lennon (alias Tommy Robinson), who rallied outside ’s offices in London on 3 August 2019 to protest against Robinson’s incarceration and his ‘deplatforming’ from . Right-wing demonstrators that day were filmed taunting and even attacking police officers, and calling them ‘traitors’.

When groups of protesters and counter-protesters are present, the risk of violence from tier 1 actors is highest. Perhaps the most violent recorded recent incident by such groups occurred on 14 July 2018, when a group affiliated to the Democratic (DFLA), the Chelsea Headhunters, attacked and wounded Steven Hedley, the Rail, Maritime and Transport Union’s Assistant General Secretary, after he had spoken at a counter-protest to a rally supporting Tommy Robinson.

Although the constellation of groups at this level does not present a serious threat of violence, they are important in gauging the grassroots support for far-right ideas, in providing possible recruits for networks with more radical agendas, and perhaps most significantly in normalising far-right views. Some far-right actors effectively intersperse mainstream ideas among its extremist ones on social media, such as personal freedoms, respect for the military, and national traditions, thereby broadening their audience and subtly normalising radical views.

Tier 2

Tier 2 of the far-right pyramid encompasses lone actors and small groups of individuals perpetrating hate crimes that target both people and property, often spurred to action by an environment increasingly amenable to the violent manifestation of bigotry. This tier represents a step up from the vocal posturing and occasional violence of groups in the previous tier.

Jane’s Terrorism and Insurgency Centre (JTIC) has recorded a wide range of attacks at this level, from verbal abuse directed at minorities, to arson targeting places of worship, and even vehicle-impact attacks. This violence can be divided broadly into four categories based on targeting patterns: anti-Islamic, anti- Semitic, anti-political, and generally anti-minority (comprising other racist, xenophobic, and homophobic incidents). A notable trend observed between 2017 and 2019 is the increase – in both absolute and proportional terms – of attacks against political targets. Since the beginning of 2017, far-right actors have focused their violence increasingly on political ‘enemies’, including left-wing establishments, anti-fascist

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activists, and pro-Remain MPs. In 2017, attacks on political targets accounted for only 2.9% of recorded incidents recorded by JTIC, in a year dominated by anti-Islamic violence in the wake of high-profile militant Islamist attacks at London Bridge, Westminster Bridge, and the Manchester Arena. In 2018, this number increased to 18.2%, and in 2019 it rose again to 28% of all attacks recorded by JTIC. The targeting of politicians in particular is an area of potential significance in the near future. An obvious and severe example of the threat posed by the far right to public figures is the murder of MP on 16 June 2016, but other politicians have had plots against them disrupted, notably including a plot to kill Labour MP by , who was active in neo-Nazi group National Action, which was later proscribed by the UK authorities in December 2016. The jury at his March 2019 trial could not agree whether he remained a member after the group was proscribed.

The risk posed by exponents of far-right ideology is heightened by the nature of the threat. Counter- terrorism services have commented on the speed at which some individuals can become radicalised in relative isolation. Darren Osborne, who killed one person and wounded 10 others when he drove a van into Muslim worshippers at London’s Finsbury Park mosque in June 2017, was reported to have become radicalised in just three weeks, after seeking out posts online written by Tommy Robinson and Britain First. Moreover, it is lone actors that present the biggest threat, meaning that individuals such as Osborne may be rapidly propelled into a position of violent radicalisation without a great deal of prior warning.

Tier 3

At the pinnacle of the far-right pyramid are small groups – or disparate cells under a group’s ideological umbrella – which espouse extreme worldviews. As mentioned, actors at this level may have ties lower down the pyramid, but distinctions separate them from the rest. First, the ideologies of groups at this level are predicated explicitly upon the use of violence to achieve desired ends, with many groups adhering to neo- . Second, they are secretive, at times obsessively so, about their membership and activities, unlike tier 1 groups, which publicly rally. Third, groups at this level are more likely to have practical and ideological links to networks in other countries. Last, they often adopt nihilist and accelerationist worldviews. Where other groups in the pyramid are anti-establishment, within this tier they are often opposed to the prevailing civilisation itself. These far-right actors are wedded to the idea that societal collapse is an eventuality that must be precipitated and hastened by violent action, often to bring about a ‘race war’. Significant attention was given to this notion of ‘’ in the manifesto of Brenton Tarrant, who was arrested and charged with the murder of 51 people following attacks at two mosques in Christchurch, New Zealand, in March 2019. Tarrant pleaded not guilty to all charges and his trial is due to begin in June 2020.

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In the UK, the groups that most clearly embody these traits currently, and perhaps present the biggest contemporary threat, are SKD and Feuerkrieg Division (FKD). These neo-Nazi groups are both offshoots of the US group , and have recruited members from the now-depleted, proscribed neo- Nazi group National Action, and its own offshoot System Resistance Network. SKD and FKD exhibit virulent anti-Semitism and in their propaganda, and significant portions of both have enthusiastically fused neo-Nazi ideology with elements of Satanism and the occult. This ideological cocktail, with its strong nihilist component, has resulted in a doctrine that celebrates degeneracy as a central component, leading to what they see as justification for murder, rape, and paedophilia. Indeed, Renshaw was convicted in May 2019 of attempting to murder an MP, admitted terrorism offences, and was earlier also found guilty of grooming adolescent boys.

Examination of this nihilism exposes an important ideological difference from other far-right organisations. SKD and FKD media herald the destruction of civilisation, which differs radically from the focus on preservation and restoration that animates more traditionalist groups. Where many groups on the far right fly national flags and identify themselves specifically as ‘English’, or ‘British’, neo-Nazi groups have adopted what can be termed ‘pre-national’ and traditional folkloric imagery. One small, cult-like neo-Nazi group in the UK – with alleged ties to National Action – is called Woden’s Folk, and has drawn its inspiration from Germanic legend, indicative of the transnational, ethno-cultural ideas prevalent in white supremacist, Nordicist groups. The neo-Nazi fixation with pre-Christian European runes is a clear expression of this desire to associate with a fabled, ‘unadulterated’ European heritage.

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A poster posted by neo-Nazi group Feuerkrieg Division (FKD) on . (Source withheld )

SKD and FKD also hold admiration for the ruthlessness of Islamist militants such as the Islamic State. This lauding of jihadists is anathema to the practice of other groups within the far-right milieu, which are characterised predominantly by their anti-Islamic bent, and use the actions of Islamist militants to disparage European Muslim communities as a whole. FOR INTERNAL USE ONLY Page 9 of 13 This report is for internal use of only and includes content which is copyright of Jane’s Group (www.janes.com) and is reproduced herein with Jane’s permission. Please note that Jane’s material might have been amended or changed herein and Jane’s has not been directly involved in the creation of this report and has not reviewed its content which might include comments, opinions, analysis and other additions. accepts full and sole responsibility for this report and will indemnify and hold Jane’s harmless in respect of any loss suffered by or claim against Jane’s in relation to this report. Jane’s makes no representation or warranty as to the content and disclaims any liability for any errors or omissions or any loss, damage or expense incurred by reliance on this report. This report is not to be construed as legal, financial or other advice and has been created for internal information purposes only.

One reason that individuals at this level of radicalisation present such a threat is the prevalence of the idea of catalysing other likeminded people – often connected online – into action through one’s own activism. This kind of ‘propaganda of the deed’ was demonstrated by the individual who attacked a synagogue in the German city of Halle on 9 October 2019, who wrote in his manifesto, “After all, if every White Man kills just one, we win”. For groups such as SKD and FKD, who actively encourage acts of depravity in service of destabilising society, the number of people killed may be just as significant as the symbolic value of the target, if not more so. Tarrant stated in his manifesto that media attention was a “bonus”, with the attack being an “end in itself”. Despite the number of individuals with membership of these groups being unknown and likely to be no more than 100 people, the informal, decentralised structure of group affiliation, and the degeneracy of their worldviews, necessitates extreme vigilance.

There have been a number of high-profile convictions of neo-Nazis in the past two years. On 18 June 2019, two members of the SKD – Oskar Dunn-Koczorowski and Michal Szewczuk – were convicted and sentenced for calling for attacks against Prince Harry, whom they deemed “a race traitor”, and for glorifying Anders Breivik, the perpetrator of the 22 July 2011 attacks in Norway, in which 77 people were killed. Illustrating the close relationships and often overlapping membership of extremist far-right groups, during Dunn-Koczorowski’s trial, the court heard that he was believed to have joined National Action as a youth and also to have been a member of System Resistance Network.

The BBC reported on 7 January 2020 that an unnamed 17-year-old male had been sentenced for planning a far-right terrorist attack in the city of Durham, County Durham. On 13 September 2019, in response to the man’s detention, the FKD published a poster on social media of Chief Constable of Dave Thompson, with the caption “responsible for the arrest of a 16-year-old National Socialist” and listed, in a subsequent post, all “publicly available police stations, training facilities, offices and detainment centres” that “should be considered high value targets to any local National Socialists”. This police officer was not the first person that the FKD had personally threatened online. Earlier in 2019, the group targeted two Estonian women – athlete Grete Šadeiko and leader of the country's Green Party Züleyxa Izmailova – for their perceived transgressions. The founder of the far-right website Fascist Forge, whose screenname is Mathias, posted on the site on 10 September 2018 that posters threatening specific representatives of the state directly is an effective way to cause hysteria and incite violence: “[t]he key is to keep the message concrete and away from abstractions, such as ‘us vs. the system’… we don’t target ‘the system’ itself as an abstract entity but rather the people who make the system work”. Similar discussions have been documented across social media platforms used by the far right. FKD’s threat against these individuals is representative of the approach expressed by Mathias, and points to the likely influence that online discussions such as this have on the real-world activities of far-right groups.

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Groups linked to the UK neo-Nazi movement exist across Europe, North America, and Australasia. Inter- personal links between some members have been documented, but these groups also, in a deliberate manner, weave themselves into a communal narrative, as part of a transnational movement engaged in a transnational struggle. After raiding the sites used by Partito Nazionalsocialista Italiano dei Lavoratori (PNIL) throughout Italy, police announced on 28 November 2019 that the group had links to seemingly disparate organisations such as Portugal’s Nova Ordem Social and the UK’s . This can be partly explained by the importance of online forums in the dissemination of ideas and in establishing connections internationally. The far-right website Iron March – which was hacked in November 2019 – was the platform on which the founders of US neo-Nazi group Atomwaffen Division made connections, while one of the site’s administrators, Benjamin Raymond, was a co-founder of the British group National Action, which in turn heavily influenced the SKD and FKD.

Eco-

As environmental issues have become increasingly prominent in the public consciousness, several ‘eco- fascist’ groups have emerged in the UK, forming another node in the network of far-right ideologies. In January 2019, a group called British Revival set up a account, and has since been banned from Facebook due to violations of its hate speech policy. Its founder, Michael Wrenn, was a former member of Generation Identity who claimed that British Revival was a “platform for patriots who wish to defend [British] heritage and identity”.

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A screenshot of the Twitter profile of ‘eco-fascist’ group British Revival. (Source withheld)

Other groups espouse environmentalism as a central tenet, essentially presenting fascist, accelerationist action as a solution to the environmental crisis. The Green Brigade, an online group started in the US, claimed in mid-January 2020 to have established an online and offline presence in the UK. In posters distributed in London, the Green Brigade parroted the environmentalist slogan “the Earth isn’t dying, it’s being killed”, but revealed its far-right core in other propaganda featuring symbols such as the double Sig rune of the Nazi Schutzstaffel (SS). The group explicitly stated that its members practice an “environmental lifestyle with a fascist emphasis”, and conforming to the trend identified earlier, the Green Brigade has also called for acts of “eco-terrorism” targeting politicians.

Although eco-fascism itself is not a new phenomenon, the emergence of a modern domestic eco-fascist scene within the far-right milieu demonstrates the degree to which some extremist actors grasp the mutability of public perceptions and are able to identify the prominence of certain issues in wider discourse.

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Environmentalism, like the issue of sovereignty and individual rights following the 2016 EU membership referendum, is increasingly being co-opted by far-right groups to further their cause. The growth of eco- fascism therefore illustrates that the far right is multi-faceted and adaptable.

Jane’s is an independent information provider. Inclusion of any material in its information services in no way implies endorsement of the views expressed or of the organisations portrayed therein.

Outlook Outlook By using the aforementioned three-tiered pyramid as a framework to assess the composition and state of the far right in the UK, four key observations come to light. First, the threat of far-right violence, in reach and severity, has grown since 2016, and continues to do so. Second, although group affiliation certainly exists, the greatest threat is posed by lone actors or small cells, and not centralised organisations. This may render radicalised individuals harder to identify and preventive measures harder to take. Third, significant heterogeneity exists within what is termed the far right, both in the ideology and methodology of groups. Fourth, Jane’s has also broadly identified that the more transnational a group’s ideology, the more militant its outlook and action, and that groups that adhere to these ideologies are the current vanguard of the movement.

On the web

UK’s far-right groups flee to alternative platforms to evade scrutiny

OSINT Snapshot: Europe-focused neo-Nazi group sets up UK branch

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