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Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-12703-6 — Authority and Identity in Medieval Islamic Historiography Mimi Hanaoka Copyright Information More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-107-12703-6 — Authority and Identity in Medieval Islamic Historiography Mimi Hanaoka Copyright information More Information 32 Avenue of the Americas, New York NY 10013 Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge. It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence. www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781107127036 © Mimi Hanaoka 2016 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. First published 2016 Printed in the United Kingdom by Clays, St Ives plc A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication data Names: Hanaoka, Mimi, author. Title: Authority and identity in medieval Islamic historiography : Persian histories from the peripheries / Mimi Hanaoka. Description: New York : Cambridge University Press, 2016. | Series: Cambridge studies in Islamic civilization | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2016013911 | ISBN 9781107127036 (Hardback) Subjects: LCSH: Iran–History–640-1256–Historiography. | Iran–History–1256-1500– Historiography. | Turkey–History–To 1453–Historiography. Classification: LCC DS288 .H36 2016 | DDC 955.0072–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2016013911 ISBN 978-1-107-12703-6 Hardback Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate. -
Russia (D) Netherlands (E) England
Also in the 500 Questions to Know by Test Day series 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP Biology Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP Calculus Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP Chemistry Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP English Language Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP English Literature Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP Environmental Science Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP Human Geography Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP Microeconomics/Macroeconomics Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP Physics Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP Psychology Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP Statistics Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP U.S. Government & Politics Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP U.S. History Questions to Know by Test Day 5 Steps to a 5: 500 AP World History Questions to Know by Test Day Copyright © 2012 by The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc. All rights reserved. Except as permitted under the United States Copyright Act of 1976, no part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed in any form or by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of the publisher, with the exception that the program listings may be entered, stored, and executed in a computer system, but they may not be reproduced for publication, with the exception that the program listings may be entered, stored, and executed in a computer system, but they may not be reproduced for publication. -
THE MYTH of 'TERRIBLE TURK' and 'LUSTFUL TURK' Nevs
THE WESTERN IMAGE OF TURKS FROM THE MIDDLE AGES TO THE 21ST CENTURY: THE MYTH OF ‘TERRIBLE TURK’ AND ‘LUSTFUL TURK’ Nevsal Olcen Tiryakioglu A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of Nottingham Trent University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy December 2015 Copyright Statement This work is the intellectual property of the author. You may copy up to 5% of this work for private study, or personal, non-commercial research. Any re-use of the information contained within this document should be fully referenced, quoting the author, title, university, degree level and pagination. Queries or requests for any other use, or if a more substantial copy is required, should be directed in the owner(s) of the Intellectual Property Rights. i Abstract The Western image of Turks is identified with two distinctive stereotypes: ‘Terrible Turk’ and ‘Lustful Turk.’ These stereotypical images are deeply rooted in the history of the Ottoman Empire and its encounters with Christian Europe. Because of their fear of being dominated by Islam, European Christians defined the Turks as the wicked ‘Other’ against their perfect ‘Self.’ Since the beginning of Crusades, the Western image of Turks is associated with cruelty, barbarity, murderousness, immorality, and sexual perversion. These characteristics still appear in cinematic representations of Turks. In Western films such as Lawrence of Arabia and Midnight Express, the portrayals of Turks echo the stereotypes of ‘terrible Turk’ and ‘lustful Turk.’ This thesis argues that these stereotypes have transformed into a myth and continued to exist uniformly in Western contemporary cinema. The thesis attempts to ascertain the uniformity and consistency of the cinematic image of Turks and determine the associations between this image and the myths of ‘terrible Turk’ and ‘lustful Turk.’ To achieve this goal, this thesis examines the trajectory of the Turkish image in Western discourse between the 11th and 21st centuries. -
Maḥmūd Ibn Muḥammad Ibn ʿumar Al-Jaghmīnī's Al-Mulakhkhaṣ Fī Al
Maḥmūd ibn Muḥammad ibn ʿUmar al-Jaghmīnī’s al-Mulakhkhaṣ fī al-hayʾa al-basīṭa: An Edition, Translation, and Study by Sally P. Ragep Ad Personam Program Institute of Islamic Studies & Department of History McGill University, Montreal August 2014 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctoral of Philosophy © Sally P. Ragep, 2014 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract .......................................................................................................................................... iv Résumé .............................................................................................................................................v Acknowledgements ........................................................................................................................ vi Introduction § 1.0 The Arabic Edition and English Translation of Jaghmīnī’s Mulakhkhaṣ .............1 § 2.0 A Study of the Mulakhkhaṣ ...................................................................................7 PART I Chapter 1 The Dating of Jaghmīnī to the Late-Twelfth/Early-Thirteenth Centuries and Resolving the Question of Multiple Jaghmīnīs ............................................11 § I.1.1 A Man Who Should Need No Introduction ........................................................13 § I.1.2a Review of the Literature .....................................................................................15 § I.1.2b A Tale of Two Jaghmīnīs ....................................................................................19 -
The History of Arabic Sciences: a Selected Bibliography
THE HISTORY OF ARABIC SCIENCES: A SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY Mohamed ABATTOUY Fez University Max Planck Institut für Wissenschaftsgeschichte, Berlin A first version of this bibliography was presented to the Group Frühe Neuzeit (Max Planck Institute for History of Science, Berlin) in April 1996. I revised and expanded it during a stay of research in MPIWG during the summer 1996 and in Fez (november 1996). During the Workshop Experience and Knowledge Structures in Arabic and Latin Sciences, held in the Max Planck Institute for the History of Science in Berlin on December 16-17, 1996, a limited number of copies of the present Bibliography was already distributed. Finally, I express my gratitude to Paul Weinig (Berlin) for valuable advice and for proofreading. PREFACE The principal sources for the history of Arabic and Islamic sciences are of course original works written mainly in Arabic between the VIIIth and the XVIth centuries, for the most part. A great part of this scientific material is still in original manuscripts, but many texts had been edited since the XIXth century, and in many cases translated to European languages. In the case of sciences as astronomy and mechanics, instruments and mechanical devices still extant and preserved in museums throughout the world bring important informations. A total of several thousands of mathematical, astronomical, physical, alchemical, biologico-medical manuscripts survived. They are written mainly in Arabic, but some are in Persian and Turkish. The main libraries in which they are preserved are those in the Arabic World: Cairo, Damascus, Tunis, Algiers, Rabat ... as well as in private collections. Beside this material in the Arabic countries, the Deutsche Staatsbibliothek in Berlin, the Biblioteca del Escorial near Madrid, the British Museum and the Bodleian Library in England, the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, the Süleymaniye and Topkapi Libraries in Istanbul, the National Libraries in Iran, India, Pakistan.. -
The Language of «Patronage» in Islamic Societies Before 1700
THE LANGUAGE OF «PATRONAGE» IN ISLAMIC SOCIETIES BEFORE 1700 Sonja Brentjes Max Planck Institut für wissenschaftsgeschichte Resumen No resulta fácil escribir sobre el lenguaje del mecenazgo en las sociedades islámicas, dado que en el árabe y el persa medievales no existe un término preciso para describirlo. A través de los siglos y en contextos diferentes se utilizan diversos términos para designar tal realidad. En ocasiones unas simples palabras bastaban para expresar relaciones de jerarquía, ascenso social o conocimiento entre las personas, mientras que otras veces se requería de un auténtico caudal lingüístico por el que se narraban, calibraban y enjuiciaban dichas relaciones. El uso de dichas palabras, así como su signifi cado, estaba también defi nido espacial y socialmente. Este estudio pretende ofrecer una descripción de los problemas básicos a los que nos en- frentamos, ilustrándolos mediantes ejemplos procedentes de la medicina, la astrología y en ocasiones de la fi losofía y la teología. Palabras clave: mecenazgo, sociedades islámicas, vocabulario. Abstract It is by no means easy to write a meaningful paper about the language of «patronage» in 11 Islamic societies, because in medieval Arabic and Persian there is no unambiguous term for it. Over the centuries and in diff erent contexts, there were various terms to describe this reality. Sometimes only a few words suffi ced to express relationships of hierarchy, promo- tion and knowledge between people, while at other times a veritable linguistic manifold was tapped into for narrating, diff erentiating and evaluating. Th e use of the words and their meaning diff ered also territorially and socially. -
Aaboe, Asger, 80, 266N.8, 271N.13
General Index Aaboe, Asger, 80, 266n.8, 271n.13. Abbasid, 270n.4. Persian elements in, 10. revolution, 74. ‛Abd al-Ḥamīd b. Yaḥyā (d. 750), kātib, 45. ‛Abd al-Malik b. Marwān (rl. 685-705), 46, 54. new coins, 57. reforms, 58, 65, 68, 73, 80, 81, 125, 270n.3. ṭawāmīr, 51. translation of the dīwān, 52. writes sūrat al-ikhlāṣ, 50. Abharī, Athīr al-Dīn, al- (c. 1240), 21. Absurdity, (muḥālāt), 102, 145, 146, , 154, 174, 178, 215. muḥāl fāḥish (absurd impossibility), 101. physically impossible, 98, 141, 147, 155. Ptolemy’s, 95, 96, 97. main features of, 135. Abū al-Fidā’, geography, 261n.31, mukhtaṣar, 287n.6. Abū Ḥārith, in bukhalā’, 76. Abū Hilāl al-‛Askarī, 50, 268n.44. Abū Hilāl al-Ṣābi’ (d. 1010), 83. Abū Ibrāhīm, in bukhalā’, 76. Abū ‛Īsā, in bukhalā’, 76. Abū Isḥāq Ibn Shahrām, 48. Abū Ma‛shar, 35, 36, 38, 266n.12, 266n.18. ḥadīth scholar, 35. ḥattā alḥada, 36. ikhtilāf al-zījāt, 36. Introduction to Astrology, 39, 135, 276n.7. origins of science, second story, 36, 40. Abuna, Albert, Adab al-lugha al-ārāmīya, 267n.28. Abū Sahl, al- Kūhī, (c. 988), 83. Abū Ṣaqr Ibn Bulbul (d. ca. 892), kātib, 71. patronized Almagest translation, 71. Abū Sulaimān al-Manṭiqī al- Sijistānī, 48. Abū Sulaimān, teacher of al-Nadīm, 38. Abū Thābit Sulaimān b. Sa‛d, 45. translator of Syrian dīwān, 45. Abū ‛Ubayd, [al-Jūzjānī], 116. Abū Zakarīya, in bukhalā’, 76. Academia de Lincei (1603), 252, Eye of the Lynx, see Freedberg, 288n.27. Academie des sciences of France (1666), 252. -
A Lesson from the Arcane World of the Heavenly Spheres According to Maimonides
A LESSON FROM THE ARCANE WORLD OF THE HEAVENLY SPHERES ACCORDING TO MAIMONIDES by DAVID R. BLUMENTHAL Emory Univeristy, Atlanta, GA 30322 The Teaching and the Text So that the ordinary Jew have an informed view of creation as a step toward true conviction about God, Maimonides devotes chapter three of "Hillscot yesode hattoriih" of the Mifoe Torah to an exposition of medieval astrophysics. The system he expounds has several traits that are strange to modern ears: first, it is geocentric; second, the heavenly bodies do not move by themselves in space but are embedded in transparent spheres which move; third, there is no empty space at all between these spheres; and fourth, Aristotelian physics demanded a system with circular uniform movement about a single fixed center. However, since the actually observed motions of the heavenly bodies do not fit this model, ancient and medieval astrophysicists invented a complicated series of spheres-within-spheres to account for the actual phenomena. This attempt to "save the phenomena," as Simplicius put it, seems very artificial to us, particularly since we now know it to have been a useless undertaking. We reject geocentrism, we accept the idea of space, and we are not bound by the idealist definitions of motion in Aristotelian physics. Maimonides, however, accepted all this and, as we shall see, took an important place in the extended fight over which of the explanations available to him was the correct one. 1 I. The best history of these matters remains the classic by Duhem ( 1913). Volumes I and II cover antiquity and the middle ages. -
Freeing Astronomy from Philosophy: an Aspect of Islamic Influence on Science Author(S): F
Freeing Astronomy from Philosophy: An Aspect of Islamic Influence on Science Author(s): F. Jamil Ragep and Alī al-Qūshjī Source: Osiris, Vol. 16, Science in Theistic Contexts: Cognitive Dimensions (2001), pp. 49- 64+66-71 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of The History of Science Society Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/301979 Accessed: 11-09-2018 13:33 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: https://www.jstor.org/stable/301979?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms The History of Science Society, The University of Chicago Press are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Osiris This content downloaded from 132.206.197.151 on Tue, 11 Sep 2018 13:33:18 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms Freeing Astronomy from Philosophy An Aspect of Islamic Influence on Science By F Jamil Ragep* I. INTRODUCTION IF ONE IS ALLOWED to speak of progress in historical research, one may note with satisfaction the growing sophistication with which the relationship between science and religion has been examined in recent years. -
We Are Publishing the Correct Times of the Presidency of Religious Affairs (Of Türkiye) in the Year 1982 and Before
As the “Türkiye Calendar”, we are publishing the correct Times of the Presidency of Religious Affairs (of Türkiye) in the year 1982 and before. The Presidency of Religious Affairs (of Türkiye) changed those correct times beginning on 1 January 1983. All imsâk and salât times published by the Presidency of Religious Affairs (of Türkiye) since 1983 up to the present day are all wrong. Before the year 1983, the salât times in all calendars were all the same. As a matter of fact, the correct time calculation principles and rules have been abandoned in all Calendars published by the Presidency of Religious Affairs, beginning first with the year 1983; while in all calendars the true times of imsâk and salât were given, as can be seen in any calendar one looks at published in Türkiye in 1982 and the preceding years. It is proved below that the times of imsâk and salâts published by the Presidency of Religious Affairs are erroneous even according to the evidences belonging to the Presidency of Religious Affairs themselves. EXPLANATION ON THE ERRONEOUS SALÂT TIMES IN 1983 AND THE FOLLOWING YEARS As can be seen on the calendar pages given above, the salât times have been changed by the Presidency of Religious Affairs (of Türkiye) beginning with 1 January 1983. While no change had taken place in the celestial 1 (orderly) motions of the Globe and the Sun, the imsâk times have been changed for Ankara; by taking 20 minutes forward (later) the imsâk time, and by taking backward (earlier) 9 minutes the ‘ishâ’ (nightfall). -
1 the Study of Islam's Origins Since W. Montgomery Watt's Publications Fred M. Donner
The Study of Islam’s Origins since W. Montgomery Watt’s Publications Fred M. Donner (The University of Chicago) Presented Friday, November 23, 2015, at the University of Edinburgh I wish to thank Dr. Anthony Gorman of Islamic and Middle Eastern Studies, and Professor Hugh Goddard of the Prince Alwaleed bin Talal Centre, and their colleagues for honoring me with the invitation to speak at this important occasion, celebrating Professor William Montgomery Watt’s long and distinguished career at Edinburgh. Montgomery Watt (1909-2006) was one of the most important and respected scholar of Islamic studies alive when I was beginning my scholarly career in the late 1960s and early 1970s—certainly, he was one of the most important for me, although, unfortunately, I never had the opportunity to meet him in person. His numerous studies—above all his works on the prophet Muḥammad1 and his several short introductory volumes in the Edinburgh University Press’s “Islamic Surveys” series (which, I believe, he may have instigated), especially his Islamic Philosophy and Theology (1962) and Islamic Political Thought: the basic concepts (1968)—were, on the one hand, models of lucid, careful scholarship and, on the other, incredibly helpful introductions to various topics within Islamic studies. Without his work to learn from and absorb, I know that my own development as a scholar would have been far more difficult, and much less pleasant. 1 W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Mecca (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1953); idem, Muhammad at Medina (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1956); idem, Muhammad, Prophet and Statesman (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961). -
Muḥammad's Deputies in Medina
Muḥammad’s Deputies in Medina MICHAEL COOK Princeton University ([email protected]) Abstract It would be a reasonable inference from our sources that each time Muḥammad was away from Medina he left behind a deputy. The object of this paper is to collect and interpret the information our sources provide about these deputies. After a brief introduction, the second and third sections assemble and contextualize the data. The fourth section then discusses questions of interpretation: how far we can rely on the information in our sources, what this information can tell us about the kind of people Muḥammad would appoint as deputies, and how the emerging pattern might be explained historically. The main finding is that the data, if at all reliable, indicate that deputies were frequently people with little ability to cope with emergencies, and that Muḥam- mad must have been giving priority to political considerations in choosing them. Readers interested only in the interpretative questions could skip the second and third sections. 1. Introduction One respect in which leaders vary enormously is their readiness to delegate authority.1 But no leader can avoid such delegation altogether, if only because humans lack the ability to be in two places at once; and how a leader reacts to this constraint can tell us much about the character of his leadership. Admittedly in the case of Muḥammad we have the word of ʿĀʾisha that when he was taken on his night journey, it was his spirit (rūḥ) that traveled while his body remained behind;2 but this was a unique event in his life, and in 1.