Ukraine's Orange Revolution and U.S. Policy
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
Constitution of Ukraine
Constitution of Ukraine Preamble The Verkhovna Rada (the Parliament) of Ukraine on behalf of the Ukrainian people - Ukrainian citizens of all nationalities, expressing the sovereign will of the people, relying on the centuries-old history of Ukrainian state-building and upon the right to self- determination realised by the Ukrainian nation, all the Ukrainian people, aspiring to ensure human rights and freedoms, and life conditions worthy of human dignity, supporting the strengthening of civil harmony on the Ukrainian soil, striving to develop and strengthen a democratic, social, law-based state, realizing the responsibility in the eyes of God, before our own conscience, past, present and future generations, guided by the Act of Declaration of the Independence of Ukraine of 24 August 1991, approved by the national vote on 1 December 1991, adopts this Constitution as the Fundamental Law of Ukraine. Title I General Principles Article 1. Ukraine shall be a sovereign and independent, democratic, social, law-based state. Article 2. The sovereignty of Ukraine shall extend throughout its entire territory. Ukraine shall be a unitary state. The territory of Ukraine within its present borders shall be indivisible and inviolable. Article 3. An individual, his life and health, honour and dignity, inviolability and security shall be recognised in Ukraine as the highest social value. Human rights and freedoms, and guarantees thereof shall determine the essence and course of activities of the State. The State shall be responsible to the individual for its activities. Affirming and ensuring human rights and freedoms shall be the main duty of the State. Article 4. There shall be a single form of citizenship in Ukraine. -
Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych. -
How Far Can the EU Expand? the Dilemmas of Ukrainian Membership
EU crisis simulation 2013 issue brief How Far Can the EU Expand? The Dilemmas of Ukrainian Membership By Scott N. Duryea While the Council of Europe faces many important issues affect the future of the EU, few involve the geopolitical pressures and question of European identity raised by the possibility of Ukraine membership. Opening membership to European democracies is a foundational concept of the EU, but Ukraine possess great difficulties; it is a very large country (roughly the same in size and population to France), poor it brings difficult relations with Russia. Ukraine has a long border with Russia; 2300 km (1400 miles) long and hosts Russia’s most important navy base. Its population includes are large Russian minority. Some 30 percent of its population (14.5 million out of 45.6 million people) are native Russian-speakers. Bringing Ukraine into the EU would transform the country, and the EU. Refusing to admit Ukraine might have equally powerful consequences. Ukraine is increasingly falling into the fold of the European Union. Many Ukrainians seek eventual membership into the EU, but a number of pressing issues must be resolved before Ukraine fully goes west. These include reforming Ukrainian bureaucracy, obeying the rule of law, cracking down on corruption, and evading Russian attempts to keep Ukraine from breaking away from its unhealthy Eurasian ties. At stake is not just the future of the concept of Europe and European relations with Russia, but the future of Ukrainian democracy and national identity. As stated in the EU Council Conclusions on Ukraine of 10 December 2012, Ukraine’s EU status focuses on three elements of reform: 1 The compliance of the 2012 parliamentary elections with international standards and follow-up actions, Ukraine’s progress in addressing the issue of selective justice and preventing its recurrence, and Implementing the reforms defined in the jointly agreed Association Agenda. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Idp Voting Rights in Ukraine
UKRAINE FEBRUARY 2019 VOTING RIGHTS OF INTERNALLY DISPLACED PERSONS IN UKRAINE © UA News / Voting in elections in Ukraine © UA News / Voting in elections in Ukraine houses BACKGROUND houses 1 There are 1.4 million internally displaced people (IDPs) registered in Ukraine , who have Intention of IDPs to vote in the been displaced from Crimea and Donetsk and Luhansk oblasts. They make up 4% of next presidential and parliamentary elections voters i n Ukraine. In 2019, Ukraine will hold presidential election in March and parliamentary elections in October. Local elections will follow in October 2020. It is important that IDPs are able to I am going to 2 vote in these elections. vote 21 I am not going to vote Voting rights are key for successful long-term integration of IDPs, as voting ensures that 44 Do not know IDPs have a voice in their community, encourages IDPs to participate in their community, No response and helps to ensure that elected officials are accountable to all those residing in their 33 constituencies. In Ukraine, changes in legislation are required for IDPs to enjoy full voting rights. IDP VOTING RIGHTS IN UKRAINE Although IDPs are guaranteed the same rights to vote by international law as other Reasons for not voting in citizens of their country, in Ukraine voting rights are linked to residence registration. As the next presidential and parliamentary© intv.ua elections IDPs’ permanent residence registration is in their place of origin (Crimea or non- % of those intending not to vote government controlled areas of Luhansk and Donetsk oblast, NGCA), they are not able to vote in their current community. -
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock Or Re-Start? Ukraineukraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine Has Over the Past Ten Years Developed a Very Close Partnership with NATO
Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start? UkraineUkraine and and NATO: NATO: Ukraine has over the past ten years developed a very close partnership with NATO. Key areas of Deadlock or Re-start? consultation and co-operation include, for instance, peacekeeping operations, and defence and Deadlock or Re-start? security sector reform. NATO’s engagement serves two vital purposes for Ukraine. First, it enhan- Jakob Hedenskog ces Ukraine’s long-term security and serves as a guarantee for the independence of the state; and JAKOB HEDENSKOG second, it promotes and encourages democratic institutionalisation and spreading of democratic norms and values in the country. JAKOB HEDENSKOG Ukraine and NATO: Deadlock or Re-start NATO’s door for Ukraine remains open. The future development of the integration depends on Ukraine’s correspondence to the standards of NATO membership, on the determination of its political leadership, and on an effective mobilisation of public opinion on NATO membership. This report shows that Ukraine has made progress in reaching the standards for NATO membership, especially in the spheres of military contribution and interoperability. However the absence of national consensus and lack of political will and strategic management of the government hamper any effective implementation of Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic integration. It is also crucial to neutralise Russia’s influence, which seriously hampers Ukraine’s Euro-Atlantic course. Leading representati- ves of the current leadership, especially Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych and his Party of Regions of Ukraine, prefer for the moment continued stable relations with Russia rather than NATO mem- ? bership. Jakob Hedenskog is a security policy analyst at the Swedish Defence Re- search Agency (FOI) specialised on Ukraine. -
Media Policy in a Pandemic: Lessons from Moldova, Ukraine and Latvia
This policy brief series is part of the Media Enabling Democracy, Inclusion and Accountability in Moldova (MEDIA-M) project November 2020 | No 14 Media Policy in a Pandemic: Lessons from Moldova, Ukraine and Latvia Anastasia Nani, Lolita Buka, Gina Lentine Introduction Since the outbreak of the global coronavirus pandemic in March 2020, governments around the world have struggled to protect citizens from both the pathogen itself and its multifaceted impact on society. The regulatory framework for independent media has emerged as a central arena of this struggle, as governments strove to balance national health priorities and an “infodemic” of disinformation with the need to keep citizens informed and uphold fundamental media freedoms. In Moldova, Ukraine and Latvia, government approaches to regulating media during the pandemic grappled with similar vulnerabilities, including the lack of a cohesive national informational space in multilingual societies, high levels of disinformation, and social and economic legacies of Soviet influence. Despite these common challenges, each government adopted a distinct approach to addressing media-related issues under the pandemic that has contributed to markedly different results – both in terms of adherence to citizens’ democratic rights and freedoms and to overall societal health outcomes. This brief argues that the approach of each government and society to media policy, including its adherence to fundamental media freedoms, is a key factor in determining the overall effectiveness of the country’s pandemic response. The brief compares government policies relating to media during the pandemic, considers how these policies impacted media and the effectiveness of the country’s coronavirus response, and presents actionable recommendations for Moldova and other countries in the region to develop more effective media policy in times of crisis. -
What Does Ukraine's Orange Revolution Tell Us About the Impact
FREE POLICY NETWORK BRIEF SERIES John S. Earle, George Mason University Scott Gehlbach, University of Wisconsin-Madison November, 2016 What Does Ukraine’s Orange Revolution Tell Us About the Impact of Political Turnover on Economic Performance? Political turnover is a normal, even desirable, feature of competitive politics, yet turnover in a context of weak institutions can create policy uncertainty, disrupt political connections, and threaten the security of property rights. What is the impact of political turnover on economic performance in such an environment? We examine the behavior of over 7,000 enterprises before and after Ukraine's Orange Revolution—a moment of largely unanticipated political turnover in a country with profoundly weak institutions. We find that the productivity of firms in regions that supported Viktor Yushchenko increased after the Orange Revolution, relative to that of firms in regions that supported Viktor Yanukovych. Our results illustrate that the efficiency consequences of turnover can be large when institutions are weak. Introduction Ukraine in 2004 Politics in much of the world is a winner-take-all Three factors make Ukraine in 2004 an appropriate contest. When Viktor Yanukovych fled Kyiv in setting for identifying the effect of political February 2014, for example, he was joined by a turnover on economic performance. First, Ukraine close group of associates overwhelmingly drawn under Kuchma was a paradigmatic case of from the country’s Russian-speaking East, “patronal presidentialism,” in which the president including Yanukovych’s home region of Donetsk. “wields not only the powers formally invested in The governors who ran Ukraine’s regions under the office but also the ability to selectively direct Yanukovych fared no better. -
Elections, Revolution and Democracy in Ukraine
ELECTIONS, REVOLUTION AND DEMOCRACY IN UKRAINE: REFLECTIONS ON A COUNTRY’S TURN TO DEMOCRACY, FREE ELECTIONS AND THE MODERN WORLD By Jeffrey Clark With Jason Stout October 2005 DEVELOPMENT ASSOCIATES: STRENGTHENING ELECTORAL ADMINISTRATION IN UKRAINE PROJECT This publication was made possible through support provided by the Regional Mission for Ukraine, Belarus and Moldova, U.S. Agency for International Development, under the terms of Agreement No. 121-A-00- 04-00701-00. The opinions expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the U.S. Agency for International Development. PREFACE A USAID-supported activity known as the Strengthening Electoral Administration in Ukraine Project (SEAUP), administered by Development Associates, played a decidedly important role in facilitating Ukraine’s turn to democracy in 2004. The pages that follow provide evidence of that unequivocal conclusion, but just as importantly offer reflections on how the project was perceived and implemented of interest to promoters of free elections and democratization elsewhere. SEAUP’s success would have been unattainable without the unwavering support USAID gave the initiative and the trust placed in its professional staff. The Kyiv Mission granted considerable administrative flexibility that proved essential as political tensions increased and unplanned program inputs had to be devised virtually overnight to meet the challenges of a massively fraudulent vote and a court-ordered revote. The efforts of external players to foment anti-American sentiments further complicated the environment and imposed additional constraints on project implementers. USAID sponsored other implementing agencies actively supporting democratic consolidation in Ukraine, working directly with NDI, IRI, Freedom House, InterNews, and ABA/CEELI. -
The Russian-Ukrainian Political Divide
IZA DP No. 2530 The Russian-Ukrainian Political Divide Amelie Constant Martin Kahanec Klaus F. Zimmermann DISCUSSION PAPER SERIES PAPER DISCUSSION December 2006 Forschungsinstitut zur Zukunft der Arbeit Institute for the Study of Labor The Russian-Ukrainian Political Divide Amelie Constant IZA, Georgetown University and DIW DC Martin Kahanec IZA Klaus F. Zimmermann IZA, Bonn University, DIW Berlin, Free University Berlin and CEPR Discussion Paper No. 2530 December 2006 IZA P.O. Box 7240 53072 Bonn Germany Phone: +49-228-3894-0 Fax: +49-228-3894-180 E-mail: [email protected] Any opinions expressed here are those of the author(s) and not those of the institute. Research disseminated by IZA may include views on policy, but the institute itself takes no institutional policy positions. The Institute for the Study of Labor (IZA) in Bonn is a local and virtual international research center and a place of communication between science, politics and business. IZA is an independent nonprofit company supported by Deutsche Post World Net. The center is associated with the University of Bonn and offers a stimulating research environment through its research networks, research support, and visitors and doctoral programs. IZA engages in (i) original and internationally competitive research in all fields of labor economics, (ii) development of policy concepts, and (iii) dissemination of research results and concepts to the interested public. IZA Discussion Papers often represent preliminary work and are circulated to encourage discussion. Citation of such a paper should account for its provisional character. A revised version may be available directly from the author. IZA Discussion Paper No. -
Ukraine's Foreign Affairs Minister Has High Praise for Constructive Atmosphere in Relations with U.S
INSIDE:• UCCA, UCC to send election observers to Ukraine — page 3. • $25,000 literary award is presented — page 12. • New exhibit focuses on life in the Chornobyl zone — page 13. Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association Vol. LXXIV HE KRAINIANNo. 12 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MARCH 19, 2006 EEKLY$1/$2 in Ukraine Ukraine’s foreign affairs minister has high praise T U YushchenkoW denounces negative tone for constructive atmosphere in relations with U.S. of Party of the Regions campaign by Yaro Bihun Economy Minister Arsenii Yatseniuk, by Zenon Zawada recognized as a free market economy by Special to The Ukrainian Weekly sign a bilateral World Trade Organization Kyiv Press Bureau the United States and the European accession agreement here on Tuesday, Union,” the president said. “Had that WASHINGTON – “I cannot recall March 7, the U.S. House of KYIV – President Viktor Yushchenko existed before?” such an exceptionally constructive and Representatives vote to free Ukraine criticized the negative tone of the Party The U.S. Congress’s recent moves to of the Regions election campaign, stating positive atmosphere in our relations.” from the economic shackles of the graduate Ukraine from the Jackson- that the party lacks an agenda that can That was how Foreign Affairs Minister Jackson-Vanik Amendment on Vanik Amendment will allow for exports intellectually compete with the govern- Borys Tarasyuk, who says that in one way Wednesday, March 8, and the Senate pas- to grow by $200 million, Mr. ment’s program. or another he has been involved in sage of the House version of that legisla- Yushchenko said.