How Far Can the EU Expand? the Dilemmas of Ukrainian Membership
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Report on the Human Rights Situation in Ukraine 16 May to 15 August 2018
Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Report on the human rights situation in Ukraine 16 May to 15 August 2018 Contents Page I. Executive summary .......................................................................................................................... 1 II. OHCHR methodology ...................................................................................................................... 3 III. Impact of hostilities .......................................................................................................................... 3 A. Conduct of hostilities and civilian casualties ............................................................................. 3 B. Situation at the contact line and rights of conflict-affected persons ............................................ 7 1. Right to restitution and compensation for use or damage of private property ..................... 7 2. Right to social security and social protection .................................................................... 9 3. Freedom of movement, isolated communities and access to basic services ...................... 10 IV. Right to physical integrity ............................................................................................................... 11 A. Access to detainees and places of detention ............................................................................ 11 B. Arbitrary detention, enforced disappearance and abduction, torture and ill-treatment ............... 12 C. Situation -
Presentation by Mihai Sebe: the Rise of Eurosceptic and Populist Parties in the EU
IED - YDE Winter Academy 2018 The Future of the European Union. What Challenges ahead? 14 – 15 December 2018 Brussels, Thon Hotel EU By Mihai SEBE, PhD Member of the Scientific Committee IED E-mail: [email protected] • The views and opinions expressed in this presentation are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization he is connected to. Session 2: The rise of Eurosceptic and populist parties in the EU Where does populism end and fascism or communism start? Can populism be a temptation for centrist parties as well? As European democrats, how can we listen to and talk to the voters of such parties, while staying strong on our values? What is an Eurosceptic? • A person who is opposed to increasing the powers of the European Union. (OED) • European political doctrine that advocates disengagement from the European Union (EU). Political parties that espouse a Euroskeptic viewpoint tend to be broadly populist and generally support tighter immigration controls in addition to the dismantling or streamlining of the EU bureaucratic structure. (Michael Ray, Britannica) • Hard Euroscepticism is where there is a principled opposition to the EU and European integration and therefore can be seen in parties who think that their counties should withdraw from membership, or whose policies towards the EU are tantamount to being opposed to the whole project of European integration as it is currently conceived. • includes the rejection of the European Union membership. • It is related to the pure Europhobia, and radically denies both economic and political European integration. -
News from Copenhagen
News from Copenhagen Number 423 Current Information from the OSCE PA International Secretariat 29 February 2012 Prisons, economic crisis and arms control focus of Winter Meeting The panel of the General Committee on Democracy, Human The panel of the General Committee on Economic Affairs, Rights and Humanitarian Questions on 23 February. Science, Technology and Environment on 23 February. The 11th Winter Meeting of the OSCE Parliamentary the vice-chairs on developments related to the 2011 Belgrade Assembly opened on 23 February in Vienna with a meeting Declaration. of the PA’s General Committee on Democracy, Human Rights The Standing Committee of Heads of Delegations met on and Humanitarian Questions, in which former UN Special 24 February to hear reports of recent OSCE PA activities, as Rapporteur on Torture Manfred Nowak took part, along with well as discuss upcoming meetings and election observation. Bill Browder, Eugenia Tymoshenko, and Iryna Bogdanova. After a discussion of the 4 March presidential election in Committee Chair Matteo Mecacci (Italy) noted the impor- Russia, President Efthymiou decided to deploy a small OSCE tance of highlighting individual stories to “drive home the PA delegation to observe. urgency of human rights.” In this regard, Browder spoke Treasurer Roberto Battelli presented to the Standing Com- about the case of his former attorney, the late Sergei Magnit- mittee the audited accounts of the Assembly for the past finan- sky, who died in pre-trial detention in Russia. cial year. The report of the Assembly’s outside independent Eugenia Tymoshenko discussed the case of her mother, professional auditor has given a positive assessment on the former Ukrainian Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, cur- PA´s financial management and the audit once again did not rently serving a seven-year prison sentence. -
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | the New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8
Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 1 of 8 Font Size: A A A March 20, 2014 Issue Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine Timothy Snyder This article will appear in the coming March 20, 2014 issue of The New York Review. Valery Sharifulin/ITAR-TASS/Corbis The opposition leader Vitali Klitschko attending a protest rally in Maidan square, Kiev, December 16, 2013 The students were the first to protest against the regime of President Viktor Yanukovych on the Maidan, the central square in Kiev, last November. These were the Ukrainians with the most to lose, the young people who unreflectively thought of themselves as Europeans and who wished for themselves a life, and a Ukrainian homeland, that were European. Many of them were politically on the left, some of them radically so. After years of negotiation and months of promises, their government, under President Yanukovych, had at the last moment failed to sign a major trade agreement with the European Union. When the riot police came and beat the students in late November, a new group, the Afghan veterans, came to the Maidan. These men of middle age, former soldiers and officers of the Red Army, many of them bearing the scars of battlefield wounds, came to protect “their children,” as they put it. They didn’t mean their own sons and http://www.nybooks.com/articles/archives/2014/mar/20/fascism-russia-and-ukraine/?... 20/02/2014 Fascism, Russia, and Ukraine by Timothy Snyder | The New York Review of Books Page 2 of 8 daughters: they meant the best of the youth, the pride and future of the country. -
Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2014, Baden-Baden 2015, pp. 219-235. Iryna Solonenko Ukrainian Civil Society from the Orange Revolution to Euromaidan: Striving for a New Social Contract This is the Maidan generation: too young to be burdened by the experi- ence of the Soviet Union, old enough to remember the failure of the Orange Revolution, they don’t want their children to be standing again on the Maidan 15 years from now. Sylvie Kauffmann, The New York Times, April 20141 Introduction Ukrainian civil society became a topic of major interest with the start of the Euromaidan protests in November 2013. It has acquired an additional dimen- sion since then, as civil society has pushed for reforms following the ap- pointment of the new government in February 2014, while also providing as- sistance to the army and voluntary battalions fighting in the east of the coun- try and to civilian victims of the war. In the face of the weakness of the Ukrainian state, which is still suffering from a lack of political will, poor governance, corruption, military weakness, and dysfunctional law enforce- ment – many of those being in part Viktor Yanukovych’s legacies – civil so- ciety and voluntary activism have become a driver of reform and an import- ant mobilization factor in the face of external aggression. This contribution examines the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during the period between the 2004 Orange Revolution and the present day. Why this period? The Orange Revolution and the Euromaidan protests are landmarks in Ukraine’s post-independence state-building and democratiza- tion process, and analysis of the transformation of Ukrainian civil society during this period offers interesting findings.2 Following a brief portrait of Ukrainian civil society and its evolution, the contribution examines the rela- tionships between civil society and three other actors: the state, the broader society, and external actors involved in supporting and developing civil soci- ety in Ukraine. -
Svoboda Party – the New Phenomenon on the Ukrainian Right-Wing Scene
OswcOMMentary issue 56 | 04.07.2011 | ceNTRe fOR eAsTeRN sTudies Svoboda party – the new phenomenon on the Ukrainian right-wing scene NTARy Me Tadeusz A. Olszański ces cOM Even though the national-level political scene in Ukraine is dominated by the Party of Regions, the west of the country has seen a progressing incre- ase in the activity of the Svoboda (Freedom) party, a group that combines tudies participation in the democratically elected local government of Eastern s Galicia with street actions, characteristic of anti-system groups. This party has brought a new quality to the Ukrainian nationalist movement, as it astern refers to the rhetoric of European anti-liberal and neo-nationalist move- e ments, and its emergence is a clear response to public demand for a group of this sort. The increase in its popularity plays into the hands of the Party of Regions, which is seeking to weaken the more moderate opposition entre for parties (mainly the Yulia Tymoshenko Bloc). However, Svoboda retains its c independence from the ruling camp. This party, in all likelihood, will beco- me a permanent and important player in Ukrainian political life, although its influence may be restricted to Eastern Galicia. NTARy Me Svoboda is determined to fight the tendencies in Ukrainian politics and the social sphere which it considers pro-Russian. Its attitude towards Russia and Russians, furthermore, is unambiguously hostile. In the case of Poland, ces cOM it reduces mutual relations almost exclusively to the historical aspects, strongly criticising the commemoration of the victims of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army’s (UPA) crimes. -
International Organizations and Settlement of the Conflict in Ukraine
International Organizations and Settlement of the Conflict in Ukraine Alena F. Douhan* Abstract 195 I. Introduction 196 II. The United Nations and the Conflict in Ukraine 199 1. UN Security Council 199 2. UN General Assembly 201 3. Other UN Organs 202 III. Regional Organizations and the Conflict in Ukraine 203 1. Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe 203 2. Council of Europe 205 3. European Union 206 4. North Atlantic Treaty Organization 208 5. Collective Security Treaty Organization 209 IV. Conclusions 211 Abstract The situation in Ukraine has been a matter of concern for the interna- tional community since January 2014 and remains a central focus of legal and political scientists. The United Nations (UN) Security Council ap- peared to be unable not only to settle the conflict but also to take any feasi- ble measures for its settlement. As a result, a range of regional organizations became involved in the crisis. This article examines the legal perspectives of the activity of the UN and regional organizations which aimed to prevent, detain and settle the conflict in Ukraine. It also determines the specifics of methods used by each organization, assesses the efficacy of their activity and develops proposals for enhancement of their effectiveness. * Associate Professor of the International Law Department, Belarusian State University, Ph.D. (Minsk); where in this article only the title of a document is mentioned in a footnote, reference is made to press-statements of the United Nations accessible at <http://www.un. org>. ZaöRV 75 (2015), 195-214 http://www.zaoerv.de © 2015, Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht 196 Douhan I. -
Understanding the European Union
SAMPLE SYLLABUS – SUBJECT TO CHANGE POL-UA 9595L01 Understanding the European Union NYU London Instructor Information ● Dr. Eiko Thielemann ● Individual meetings can usually be arranged for before or after class. Course Information ● Tuesdays 9:00 – 12:00 ● Location: Room 303 ● Prerequisites: none Course Overview and Goals The European Union constitutes the most prominent experiment in peaceful international cooperation in world history. The course will explore the origins, evolution and impact of the European Union. You will be introduced to the workings of the EU institutions such as the Council, the Commission, the Parliament and the Court of Justice. We will also explore the key areas of EU competence, such as the European Single Currency, the Single Market and free movement, asylum & immigration, the Common Agricultural Policy etc. Through small group debates, we will address questions such as: Is the European Union an economic giant but a political dwarf? Why is the EU so controversial among the European public? Why did the UK vote for Brexit and what will that mean for both Britain and the EU? Can the EU effectively manage immigration? How can the EU's institutions be made more democratic? Will the EURO survive? How far and how fast should the EU be enlarged? Will Europe develop into a federal (super) state? Course delivery will be through short lectures, small group discussions and in-class debates. Upon Completion of this Course, students will be able to critically analyze: ● the European integration process; ● the operation of the EU as a political system; ● the process of EU policy-making; ● and the EU’s role in the world. -
Ukraine's Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues
Order Code RL32691 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Updated February 1, 2005 Steven Woehrel Specialist in European Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress Ukraine’s Political Crisis and U.S. Policy Issues Summary In 2004, many observers believed that Ukraine was at a key period in its transition that could shape its geopolitical orientation for years to come, in part due to presidential elections held on October 31, November 21, and December 26, 2004. In their view, Ukraine could move closer to integration in Euro-Atlantic institutions, real democracy and the rule of law, and a genuine free market economy, or it could move toward a Russian sphere of influence with “managed democracy” and an oligarchic economy. For the past decade, Ukraine’s political scene had been dominated by President Leonid Kuchma and the oligarchic “clans” (regionally based groups of powerful politicians and businessmen) that have supported him. The oligarchs chose Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovych as their candidate to succeed Kuchma as President. The chief opposition candidate, former Prime Minister Viktor Yushchenko, was a pro-reform, pro-Western figure seen by many observers as a man of high personal integrity. International observers criticized the election campaign and the first and second rounds of the election as not free and fair, citing such factors as government-run media bias in favor of Yanukovych, abuse of absentee ballots, barring of opposition representatives from electoral commissions, and inaccurate voter lists. Nevertheless, Yushchenko topped the first round of the vote on October 31 by a razor-thin margin over Yanukovych. -
Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine's 2019 Elections
Études de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Reports 25 KREMLIN-LINKED FORCES IN UKRAINE’S 2019 ELECTIONS On the Brink of Revenge? Vladislav INOZEMTSEV February 2019 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. ISBN: 978-2-36567-981-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 How to quote this document: Vladislav Inozemtsev, “Kremlin-Linked Forces in Ukraine’s 2019 Elections: On the Brink of Revenge?”, Russie.NEI.Reports, No. 25, Ifri, February 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Author Dr Vladislav Inozemtsev (b. 1968) is a Russian economist and political researcher since 1999, with a PhD in Economics. In 1996 he founded the Moscow-based Center for Post-Industrial Studies and has been its Director ever since. In recent years, he served as Senior or Visiting Fellow with the Institut fur die Wissenschaften vom Menschen in Vienna, with the Polski Instytut Studiów Zaawansowanych in Warsaw, Deutsche Gesellschaft für Auswärtige Politik in Berlin, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and the Johns Hopkins University in Washington. -
Resilient Ukraine Resilient
Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Russian from Society Ukraine: Safeguarding Resilient Research Paper Mathieu Boulègue and Orysia Lutsevych Ukraine Forum | June 2020 Resilient Ukraine Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Mathieu Boulègue and OrysiaLutsevych Chatham House Contents Summary 2 1 Introduction 3 2 The Impact of the Armed Conflict 13 3 Creating Resilience Dividends: Case Studies 27 4 Recommendations 33 5 Conclusion 37 About the Authors 38 Acknowledgments 39 1 | Chatham House Resilient Ukraine: Safeguarding Society from Russian Aggression Summary • Despite military conflict and an increasingly adversarial relationship with Russia, Ukraine has largely maintained its democratic reforms thanks to its resilience and determination to decide its own future. The country is gradually developing the capacity of its state institutions and civil society to address the political and social consequences of Russian aggression. • Russia’s three main levers of influence in Ukraine include the ongoing armed conflict, corruption, and the poor quality of the political sphere. The Kremlin seeks to exploit these vulnerabilities to promote polarization and encourage a clash between Ukraine’s citizens and its governing elite by taking military action, manipulating the corruption narrative, supporting pro-Russia parties, and fuelling religious tensions through the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC). • The ramifications of the military operation in Donbas reverberate strongly across the country and domestic politics. The most prominent spillover effects include the circulation of firearms and the weakened capacity of authorities to reintegrate internally displaced people (IDPs) and war veterans. • With no clear way to end the armed conflict, there is a growing risk of societal polarization. This could have negative consequences for any prospective peace agreement. -
The European Union: Questions and Answers
The European Union: Questions and Answers Updated October 27, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21372 SUMMARY RS21372 The European Union: Questions and Answers October 27, 2020 The European Union (EU) is a political and economic partnership that represents a unique form of cooperation among sovereign countries. The EU is the latest stage in a process of integration Kristin Archick begun after World War II, initially by six Western European countries, to foster interdependence Specialist in European and make another war in Europe unthinkable. The EU currently consists of 27 member states, Affairs including most of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and has helped to promote peace, stability, and economic prosperity throughout the European continent. How the EU Works The EU has been built through a series of binding treaties. Over the years, EU member states have sought to harmonize laws and adopt common policies on an increasing number of economic, social, and political issues. EU member states share a customs union; a single market in which capital, goods, services, and people move freely; a common trade policy; and a common agricultural policy. Nineteen EU member states use a common currency (the euro), and 22 member states participate in the Schengen area of free movement in which internal border controls have been eliminated. In addition, the EU has been developing a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), which includes a Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), and pursuing cooperation in the area of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) to forge common internal security measures. Member states work together through several EU institutions to set policy and to promote their collective interests.