Understanding the European Union
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Presentation by Mihai Sebe: the Rise of Eurosceptic and Populist Parties in the EU
IED - YDE Winter Academy 2018 The Future of the European Union. What Challenges ahead? 14 – 15 December 2018 Brussels, Thon Hotel EU By Mihai SEBE, PhD Member of the Scientific Committee IED E-mail: [email protected] • The views and opinions expressed in this presentation are those of the author alone and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any organization he is connected to. Session 2: The rise of Eurosceptic and populist parties in the EU Where does populism end and fascism or communism start? Can populism be a temptation for centrist parties as well? As European democrats, how can we listen to and talk to the voters of such parties, while staying strong on our values? What is an Eurosceptic? • A person who is opposed to increasing the powers of the European Union. (OED) • European political doctrine that advocates disengagement from the European Union (EU). Political parties that espouse a Euroskeptic viewpoint tend to be broadly populist and generally support tighter immigration controls in addition to the dismantling or streamlining of the EU bureaucratic structure. (Michael Ray, Britannica) • Hard Euroscepticism is where there is a principled opposition to the EU and European integration and therefore can be seen in parties who think that their counties should withdraw from membership, or whose policies towards the EU are tantamount to being opposed to the whole project of European integration as it is currently conceived. • includes the rejection of the European Union membership. • It is related to the pure Europhobia, and radically denies both economic and political European integration. -
Next Generation EU: Has the Hamiltonian Moment Come for Europe? DI LUCA LIONELLO*
ISSN 2384-9169 Fascicolo n. 4 - 2020 rivista.eurojus.it Next Generation EU: has the Hamiltonian moment come for Europe? DI LUCA LIONELLO* Table of Contents: 1. Introduction. – 2. Why did the EU finally decide to create a common fiscal instrument? – 2.1. The Maastricht paradigm and its adaptations. – 2.2. The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic and the risks of destabilisation for the Union. – 2.3. The structural limits of the economic governance. – 2.4. The ECB in action: the difficulty to repeat “whatever it takes”. – 3. Next Generation EU: main features and functioning. – 3.1. From the Franco-German proposal to the agreement of the European Council. – 3.2. Next Generation EU and the new Multiannual Financial Framework. – 4. The main innovations of Next Generation EU. – 4.1. European debt. – 4.2. Transfer mechanism. – 4.3. Shaping a common macroeconomic policy. – 4.4. Revitalising the community method. – 4.5. Weakening the control of national parliaments on fiscal policy. – 5. Conclusive remarks. 1. Introduction Many commenters hailed the decision to establish a new EU “recovery fund”, namely “Next Generation EU” (NGEU), as a turning point in the process of European integration. For the first time in its history, the Union will be allowed to borrow significant resources from the financial markets and use them to support national economies severely hit by the pandemic Covid-19. Aside from the positive effects on the stability of the euro area and the single market, such an instrument may also have a strategic relevance for the future development of the European Union. -
How Far Can the EU Expand? the Dilemmas of Ukrainian Membership
EU crisis simulation 2013 issue brief How Far Can the EU Expand? The Dilemmas of Ukrainian Membership By Scott N. Duryea While the Council of Europe faces many important issues affect the future of the EU, few involve the geopolitical pressures and question of European identity raised by the possibility of Ukraine membership. Opening membership to European democracies is a foundational concept of the EU, but Ukraine possess great difficulties; it is a very large country (roughly the same in size and population to France), poor it brings difficult relations with Russia. Ukraine has a long border with Russia; 2300 km (1400 miles) long and hosts Russia’s most important navy base. Its population includes are large Russian minority. Some 30 percent of its population (14.5 million out of 45.6 million people) are native Russian-speakers. Bringing Ukraine into the EU would transform the country, and the EU. Refusing to admit Ukraine might have equally powerful consequences. Ukraine is increasingly falling into the fold of the European Union. Many Ukrainians seek eventual membership into the EU, but a number of pressing issues must be resolved before Ukraine fully goes west. These include reforming Ukrainian bureaucracy, obeying the rule of law, cracking down on corruption, and evading Russian attempts to keep Ukraine from breaking away from its unhealthy Eurasian ties. At stake is not just the future of the concept of Europe and European relations with Russia, but the future of Ukrainian democracy and national identity. As stated in the EU Council Conclusions on Ukraine of 10 December 2012, Ukraine’s EU status focuses on three elements of reform: 1 The compliance of the 2012 parliamentary elections with international standards and follow-up actions, Ukraine’s progress in addressing the issue of selective justice and preventing its recurrence, and Implementing the reforms defined in the jointly agreed Association Agenda. -
The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: a Progressive Erosion?
The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: A Progressive Erosion? Paolo PONZANO, Costanza HERMANIN and Daniela CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Studies & 89 Research Study & The Power of Initiative 89 of the European Commission: Research A Progressive Erosion? PAOLO PONZANO, COSTANZA HERMANIN AND DANIELA CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Paolo PONZANO is a senior fellow at the European University Institute and a special adviser of the European Commission. Former collaborator of Altiero Spinelli at the Institute for International Affairs in Rome, he has worked for the European Commission from 1971 to 2009. He was formerly Director for Relations with the Council of ministers, subsequently for Institutional Matters and Better Regulation. He was also Alternate Member of the European Convention in 2002/2003. He published several articles and chapters on the EU institutions. He teaches European Governance and Decision-Making at the University of Florence and at the European College of Parma as well as European Law at the University of Rome. Costanza HERMANIN is a researcher in the department of social and political science of the European University Institute, where she is about to complete her PhD. Her research interests comprise EU social and immigration policy, EU institutional affairs, and human rights and immigration policy in Italy. She has been visiting fellow at several places (WZB, CERI, Columbia, Berkeley). She is the co-editor of a forthcoming book on “Fighting Race Discrimination in Europe” (Routledge, 2012). She has been publishing on Italian and English speaking journals. Daniela CORONA is currently research collaborator at the Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute in Florence where she completed her PhD. -
The European Union: Questions and Answers
The European Union: Questions and Answers Updated October 27, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov RS21372 SUMMARY RS21372 The European Union: Questions and Answers October 27, 2020 The European Union (EU) is a political and economic partnership that represents a unique form of cooperation among sovereign countries. The EU is the latest stage in a process of integration Kristin Archick begun after World War II, initially by six Western European countries, to foster interdependence Specialist in European and make another war in Europe unthinkable. The EU currently consists of 27 member states, Affairs including most of the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, and has helped to promote peace, stability, and economic prosperity throughout the European continent. How the EU Works The EU has been built through a series of binding treaties. Over the years, EU member states have sought to harmonize laws and adopt common policies on an increasing number of economic, social, and political issues. EU member states share a customs union; a single market in which capital, goods, services, and people move freely; a common trade policy; and a common agricultural policy. Nineteen EU member states use a common currency (the euro), and 22 member states participate in the Schengen area of free movement in which internal border controls have been eliminated. In addition, the EU has been developing a Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), which includes a Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), and pursuing cooperation in the area of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) to forge common internal security measures. Member states work together through several EU institutions to set policy and to promote their collective interests. -
José Manuel Barroso's Leadership of the European Commission
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Kassim, Hussein Working Paper A new model presidency: José Manuel Barroso's leadership of the European Commission WZB Discussion Paper, No. SP IV 2013-502 Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Kassim, Hussein (2013) : A new model presidency: José Manuel Barroso's leadership of the European Commission, WZB Discussion Paper, No. SP IV 2013-502, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/103427 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence -
First President of the European Council European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, March 2010
Policy Area: First President of the European Council European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, March 2010 The First President of the European Council Years of soul-searching and institutional introspection preceded the Lisbon Treaty’s coming into force. The new EU structure was expected to resolve the decade-long question: “who do you call when you want to speak with Europe?” For candidates who could pick up that imaginary EU phone, Lisbon created two new top jobs: a High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and a President of the European Council. While another brief in this series (www.unc.edu/depts/europe/business_media/busbrief1004-high-rep.htm) focuses on Europe's first High Representative, this paper zeros in on the first EU Council President. The election by the EU Heads of State and Government of the little-known Belgian Herman van Rompuy for that post generated surprise and skepticism. But when taking into account the lingering practical institutional challenges that have to be addressed, or when aiming for coordination rather than initiative, Van Rompuy could be considered a successful pick. This brief assesses how the EU came to his election and touches upon what is to be expected of the new EU Council President. On December 1, 2009, the long-awaited Lisbon Treaty came into force. For the EU Council – the EU Heads of State and Government – this means that it has become an official EU institution. And while the rotating six-month country-presidency remains in existence, the Council will now also have a permanent president. -
Relations Between the European Council and the European Parliament
Relations between the European Council and the European Parliament Institutional and political dynamics STUDY EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service Author: Desmond Dinan European Council Oversight Unit PE 630.288 – November 2018 EN Relations between the European Council and the European Parliament Institutional and political dynamics This study explores the development of relations between the European Council (of Heads of State or Government) and the European Parliament, two institutions that have become increasingly central to the operation of the European Union political system, especially since the 2009 Lisbon Treaty. It explains the Treaty framework for relations between the two institutions and traces their practical evolution over time, including an analysis of the roles of the presidents of each institution in such interaction. It also examines points of contention in the relationship to date, including in relation to 'legislative trespassing' by the European Council and the Spitzenkandidaten process. EPRS | European Parliamentary Research Service AUTHOR This study has been written by Desmond Dinan, Ad Personam Jean Monnet Chair and Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University, Virginia, United States, at the request of the European Council Oversight Unit of the Directorate for Impact Assessment and European Added Value of the European Parliamentary Research Service (EPRS). Professor Dinan completed this work during his half-year as a Visiting Fellow at EPRS. ADMINISTRATOR RESPONSIBLE Astrid Worum, European Council Oversight Unit, EPRS To contact the publisher, please e-mail [email protected] LINGUISTIC VERSIONS Original: EN Manuscript completed in September 2018. DISCLAIMER AND COPYRIGHT This document is prepared for, and addressed to, the Members and staff of the European Parliament as background material to assist them in their parliamentary work. -
The European Council
President: Jacques Delors THE EUROPEAN COUNCIL Philippe de Schoutheete and Helen Wallace Research and European Issues No. 19 September 2002 STUDY AVAILABLE IN FRENCH AND ENGLISH http://www.notre-europe.asso.fr/Fichiers/Etud19-fr © Notre Europe, September 2002 This publication benefits from the financial support of the European Commission. Nevertheless its content is the sole responsibility of the authors. Neither the European Commission nor Notre Europe is to be held responsible for the manner in which the information in this text may be used. This text may be reproduced provided that the source cited. Helen Wallace Professor Helen Wallace is Director of the Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute. She is a Professorial Fellow of the Sussex European Institute, University of Sussex, where she was previously founding Director and then Co- Director. She is also a visiting professor at the College of Europe. She has written widely on European political integration and been actively involved in policy advisory groups in Britain and in Brussels on European issues. Philippe de Schoutheete Philippe de Schoutheete, a former Belgian diplomat, was ambassador in Madrid, political director at the Belgian Foreign ministry and his country’s permanent representative to the European Union from 1987 to 1997. Today he is special adviser to Michel Barnier, member of the European Commission and in this capacity follows the European institutional debate. He is visiting professor at the Catholic University of Louvain and at the College of Europe in Natolin (Poland). He is the author of a number of academic books, including “La Coopération Politique Européenne” (Brussels, Labor. -
EU Centre Working Paper 12Th July 2017
A Partnership of EU Centre Working Paper 12th July 2017 Challenges to the EU's Policies on Migrants and Asylum Seekers By Julia Gour, Research Associate, EU Centre in Singapore (Image credit: Courtesy of Debating Europe) In Europe, but also globally, we are seeing the largest displacement crisis since World War II. Worldwide 65 million people are forcibly displaced, including over 21 million refugees, 3 million asylum seekers and over 40 million internally displaced persons. 2015 was the beginning of the so called “refugee crisis” in Europe, with more than 1 million arrivals, the majority of which came from the top refugee-producing countries such as Syria and Afghanistan. The UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) defines refugees as people facing persecution and conflict. “They are defined and protected in international law, and must not be expelled or returned to situations where their life and freedom are at risk.” In contrast, an asylum seeker “is someone whose request for sanctuary has yet to be processed.” Much of the debate about policy responses by the European Union (EU) towards migrants and asylum seekers focused on issues around security and cultural identity. In recent years, EU policies are focused on preventing arrivals and cooperation with countries of origin and transit. This paper aims to explore this dimension of the EU policies, often referred to EU Centre Working Paper as externalisation (Frelick, 2016). But research has also shown that such policies have had little effect on the total numbers of arrivals. Therefore, the EU should re-examine the external dimension of its policies and put in place other policies that can effectively manage the flows of people coming to its borders to seek a new life. -
OCR GCE Government and Politics
Government and Politics GCE Government and Politics Delivery Guide The European Union www.ocr.org.uk Oxford Cambridge and RSA GCE Government and Politics Delivery Guide CONTENTS Introduction Page 3 Curriculum Content Page 4 Thinking Conceptually Page 5 Thinking Contextually Page 7 2 Introduction Delivery guides are designed to represent a body of knowledge about teaching a particular topic and contain: KEY • Content: A clear outline of the content covered by the Click to view associated resources delivery guide; within this document. • Thinking Conceptually: Expert guidance on the key concepts involved, common difficulties students may have, approaches to teaching that can help students Click to view external resources understand these concepts and how this topic links conceptually to other areas of the subject; • Thinking Contextually: A range of suggested teaching activities using a variety of themes so that different activities can be selected which best suit particular classes, learning styles or teaching approaches. If you have any feedback on this Delivery Guide or suggestions for other resources you would like OCR to develop, please email [email protected] 3 Curriculum Content The European Union Concepts: federalism; devolution; subsidiarity; sovereignty The EU Nature; origins; aims and objectives. The structure of the EU The Council; the Council of Ministers; the Commission; the European Parliament; the European Court of Justice; the decision-making process. How decisions are made Policy-making processes; role and power of major EU bodies and member states. The impact of membership of the EU on the British Impact on British government and politics; issues such as government, politics and constitution. -
Reading Between the Lines of Council Agreement on the MFF and Next Generation EU Jorge Núñez Ferrer
No 2020-18 / July 2020 Reading between the lines of Council agreement on the MFF and Next Generation EU Jorge Núñez Ferrer Abstract The recent agreement on the EU budget is an unprecedented and historic achievement for the European Union. It has broken a taboo and advanced the integration process. We all saw that the negotiations were arduous, but given the magnitude of the challenge facing the heads of state and government, it would have been naïve to expect otherwise. It is virtually impossible to find a comparable agreement between numerous countries in any other part of the world; by this measure alone it is impressive. Having said that, what has been agreed is complex and bewildering to many. While attention has focused on the Next Generation EU, the agreement also includes the ‘normal’ multiannual financial framework (MFF) 2021-27. Comments to the effect that the EU has deleted all funding for health, or much of the research budget, are based on the Next Generation EU ‘temporary’ measure and not on the underlying MFF. This paper aims to present a brief rundown of the actual changes in numbers and reflect on the meaning of the agreement. Jorge Núñez Ferrer is a Senior Research Fellow at CEPS. CEPS Policy Insights offer analyses of a wide range of key policy questions facing Europe. As an institution, CEPS takes no position on questions of European policy. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the author in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which he is associated. Available for free downloading from the CEPS website (www.ceps.eu) © CEPS 2020 CEPS ▪ Place du Congrès 1 ▪ B-1000 Brussels ▪ Tel: (32.2) 229.39.11 ▪ www.ceps.eu 2 | JORGE NÚÑEZ FERRER In a nutshell, the major decisions taken are the following: a) The level of grants in Next Generation EU was cut from €500 billion to €390 billion.