DOCSLIB.ORG

First President of the European Council European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, March 2010

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
First President of the European Council European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, March 2010 Policy Area: First President of the European Council European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, March 2010 The First President of the European Council Years of soul-searching and institutional introspection preceded the Lisbon Treaty’s coming into force. The new EU structure was expected to resolve the decade-long question: “who do you call when you want to speak with Europe?” For candidates who could pick up that imaginary EU phone, Lisbon created two new top jobs: a High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, and a President of the European Council. While another brief in this series (www.unc.edu/depts/europe/business_media/busbrief1004-high-rep.htm) focuses on Europe's first High Representative, this paper zeros in on the first EU Council President. The election by the EU Heads of State and Government of the little-known Belgian Herman van Rompuy for that post generated surprise and skepticism. But when taking into account the lingering practical institutional challenges that have to be addressed, or when aiming for coordination rather than initiative, Van Rompuy could be considered a successful pick. This brief assesses how the EU came to his election and touches upon what is to be expected of the new EU Council President. On December 1, 2009, the long-awaited Lisbon Treaty came into force. For the EU Council – the EU Heads of State and Government – this means that it has become an official EU institution. And while the rotating six-month country-presidency remains in existence, the Council will now also have a permanent president. In comparison with the sluggish ratification of the Lisbon Treaty, the two newly created high level jobs were filled with unseemly haste. But those that interpreted this speed as a sign of vivacity and eagerness of the “new” EU to play a stronger and more united role in the world were left disappointed. Overall, the negotiation process became one familiar to the “old” EU: consensus and compromise leading to a lowest-common-denominator result. The first President of the European Council was to be rather grey and uncontroversial. In the polite words of Hillary Clinton, the election of Herman van Rompuy constituted “a milestone for Europe and its role in the world”. A more frank reality was harshly brought to the fore by the radical British Member of the European Parliament, Nigel Farage: “We were told that when we had a president, we'd see a giant global political figure, a man who would be the political leader for 500 million people, the man that would represent all of us on the world stage, a man whose job was so important that of course you're paid more than President [Barack] Obama. Well, I'm afraid what we got was you . I don't want to be rude but, really, you have the charisma of a damp rag and the appearance of a low-grade bank clerk and the question I want to ask is: 'Who are you? I'd never heard of you. Nobody in Europe had ever heard of you.’” While Farage was censured for his comments, he had certainly tapped into a vein of opinion across the Union. ___________________________________________________________________________________ The European Union Center of Excellence of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill is funded by the European Union to advance knowledge and understanding of the EU and its member countries. 1 Policy Area: First President of the European Council European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, March 2010 An Unclear Job Description Before the first election, the new position of EU Council President was open to almost endless possibilities. As such, its stature within and outside of the EU was still to be defined. The first person to take the job would thus function as a pathfinder, setting the many boundaries and relationships to other EU institutions and other high level positions. In the coming months, personalities and practice are to fill in much of the blanks left open by the general description as provided in the Lisbon Treaty. That description reads as follows: The European Council shall elect its President, by a qualified majority, for a term of two and a half years, renewable once. In the event of an impediment or serious misconduct, the European Council can end the President's term of office in accordance with the same procedure. The President of the European Council: o shall chair it and drive forward its work; o shall ensure the preparation and continuity of the work of the European Council in cooperation with the President of the Commission, and on the basis of the work of the General Affairs Council; o shall endeavor to facilitate cohesion and consensus within the European Council, and; o shall present a report to the European Parliament after each of the meetings of the European Council. The President of the European Council shall, at his level and in that capacity, ensure the external representation of the Union on issues concerning its common foreign and security policy, without prejudice to the powers of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy. The President of the European Council shall not hold a national office. Again, these abstract terms obviously left a substantial area open for further negotiation and concrete practice. For example, blanks remained regarding the way the EU Council President would concretely work with the High Representative, the President of the Commission, the national leaders and the remaining rotating presidency. A strong and well-known personality could have shaped the job into constituting the external face of Europe – a strongly political job, as famously envisaged by the apocryphal Kissinger question. A less ambitious figure could emphasize the more technical and organizational aspects of the job. With Van Rompuy, the choice has been for the latter. As he himself preaches, it is unlikely that the post of EU Council President will be one of much extra- European stature; the practice of the EU Council presidency will be one of facilitation, arrangement and chairmanship. ___________________________________________________________________________________ The European Union Center of Excellence of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill is funded by the European Union to advance knowledge and understanding of the EU and its member countries. 2 Policy Area: First President of the European Council European Union Center of North Carolina EU Briefings, March 2010 The Selection Process Up until a month before his election as the first EU Council President, hardly anyone outside of Belgium knew the 62-year old Belgian Prime Minister Van Rompuy. He himself had never sought to be appointed. Also, until shortly before his election, Van Rompuy's alter-image, embodied by the charismatic British former Prime Minister, Tony Blair, had been the most-debated candidate. Then how did Van Rompuy get to be the chosen one? The Lisbon Treaty aimed to make the mechanisms of the EU more democratic and transparent. The unflattering truth is that the appointment process for the new jobs took place with a substantial level of secrecy and horse-trading behind the scenes. One can only guess at the concrete terms of why Van Rompuy stood out above all the others. Nevertheless, for those familiar with the philosophy and practice of the EU, the negotiation process is easy to imagine. The process is one of bargaining with – and balancing between – a series of totemic factors: nationalities, political affiliations, small and large countries, new and old member states, males and females, and then finding the least worst outcome. For the EU Council Presidency, the bargaining was constrained by several recent appointments. In September 2009, the Portuguese social-democrat José Manuel Barroso had been re-appointed for another five-year term as European Commission President. Also, in July 2009, the Polish Jerzy Buzek (European People's Party, EPP) had taken up the job of president of the European Parliament for the coming two-and-a-half years. The distribution of several important portfolios in the new Barroso Commission were also to form constraints, or – as shown – possible input for bargains. That the High Representative (“The EU Foreign Minister”) was to be named at the same time as the EU Council President opened up several other possible outcomes for the negotiations. On the structural side, the Lisbon Treaty provides for the President of the Council to reflect the running sentiment in the European member states and the European Parliament. Thus, the successful candidate should be drawn from a center-right affiliated party. But as mentioned, next to broad calculations of political affiliation, nationalities were to be balanced, as well as the size and geography of the candidate's country. The gender issue should not be forgotten either. And as always, the knowledge of certain languages was an important element to consider. Because, while English is ever more the lingua franca of the Union, in order to satisfy France, fluency in French is an implicit requirement for those eager to obtain high level jobs. Another element in the selection process – but one that is hard to track and quantify – was the judgment of the eminence grise of the EU. The European Commission President Barroso made explicit that the Commission would not accept the idea of a strong Council President. In his eyes, the President of the Council should be a chairperson, limited in extra-Council ambition and powers. Former European Commission President Jacques ___________________________________________________________________________________ The European Union Center of Excellence of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill is funded by the European Union to advance knowledge and understanding of the EU and its member countries.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Eu Politics and Institutions
    Council of the European Union General Secretariat THINK TANK REVIEW December 2019 Council Library ISSUE 73 This Think Tank Review* covers articles and reports published in November relating to different political and policy topics. As the new leadership takes the helm, this month's section on EU politics and institutions includes a look at the geo-economic focus of von der Leyen's presidency and one article argues for a focus on fundamental values in the EU global strategy 2020. Under competitiveness, articles discuss renewing the industrial strategy and developing an EU approach to artificial intelligence. There are also articles covering the debate on internet governance. The ecofin section includes a discussion on the growth mechanism in Europe as well as an article covering the topic of crisis resolution in eurozone banks and another on eurozone reform. On environmental issues one article asks how to make the green deal work, while another highlights the importance of the circular economy in reaching the goal of climate neutrality. In justice and home affairs there is a call for the EU to act together to tackle antisemitism in Europe. The issue of repatriating foreign fighters and those associated with ISIS is discussed as is the issue of extremism online. The section on transport, telecommunications and energy deals with the question of 5G and the risks it entails. On foreign and security policy priorities for European security are set out and responses within EU foreign and security policy to climate-related security risks are analysed. There is a look at EU-NATO cooperation and there are recommendations for the civilian common security and defence policy, including for making it more gender-balanced.
    [Show full text]
  • Stoicism and Political Thought from Lipsius to Rousseau
    Philosophic Pride Brooke.indb 1 1/17/2012 12:09:47 PM This page intentionally left blank Brooke.indb 2 1/17/2012 12:09:47 PM Philosophic Pride stoicism and political thought from lipsius to rousseau Christopher Brooke princeton university press Princeton and Oxford Brooke.indb 3 1/17/2012 12:09:47 PM Copyright © 2012 by Princeton University Press Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, New Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 6 Oxford Street, Woodstock, Oxfordshire OX20 1TW press.princeton.edu Jacket illustration: The Four Philosophers, c. 1611–12 (oil on panel), by Peter Paul Rubens (1577–1640); Palazzo Pitti, Florence, Italy. Reproduced courtesy of The Bridgeman Art Library; photo copyright Alinari All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Brooke, Christopher, 1973– Philosophic pride : Stoicism and political thought from Lipsius to Rousseau / Christopher Brooke. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references (p. 253) and index. ISBN 978-0-691-15208-0 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Political science—Philosophy— History. I. Title. JA71.B757 2012 320.01—dc23 2011034498 This book has been composed in Sabon LT Std Printed on acid-free paper. ∞ Printed in the United States of America 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 00 Brooke FM i-xxiv.indd 4 1/24/2012 3:05:14 PM For Josephine Brooke.indb 5 1/17/2012 12:09:47 PM This page intentionally left blank The Stoic last in philosophic pride, By him called virtue, and his virtuous man, Wise, perfect in himself, and all possessing, Equal to God, oft shames not to prefer, As fearing God nor man, contemning all Wealth, pleasure, pain or torment, death and life— Which, when he lists, he leaves, or boasts he can; For all his tedious talk is but vain boast, Or subtle shifts conviction to evade.
    [Show full text]
  • Next Generation EU: Has the Hamiltonian Moment Come for Europe? DI LUCA LIONELLO*
    ISSN 2384-9169 Fascicolo n. 4 - 2020 rivista.eurojus.it Next Generation EU: has the Hamiltonian moment come for Europe? DI LUCA LIONELLO* Table of Contents: 1. Introduction. – 2. Why did the EU finally decide to create a common fiscal instrument? – 2.1. The Maastricht paradigm and its adaptations. – 2.2. The outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic and the risks of destabilisation for the Union. – 2.3. The structural limits of the economic governance. – 2.4. The ECB in action: the difficulty to repeat “whatever it takes”. – 3. Next Generation EU: main features and functioning. – 3.1. From the Franco-German proposal to the agreement of the European Council. – 3.2. Next Generation EU and the new Multiannual Financial Framework. – 4. The main innovations of Next Generation EU. – 4.1. European debt. – 4.2. Transfer mechanism. – 4.3. Shaping a common macroeconomic policy. – 4.4. Revitalising the community method. – 4.5. Weakening the control of national parliaments on fiscal policy. – 5. Conclusive remarks. 1. Introduction Many commenters hailed the decision to establish a new EU “recovery fund”, namely “Next Generation EU” (NGEU), as a turning point in the process of European integration. For the first time in its history, the Union will be allowed to borrow significant resources from the financial markets and use them to support national economies severely hit by the pandemic Covid-19. Aside from the positive effects on the stability of the euro area and the single market, such an instrument may also have a strategic relevance for the future development of the European Union.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding the European Union
    SAMPLE SYLLABUS – SUBJECT TO CHANGE POL-UA 9595L01 Understanding the European Union NYU London Instructor Information ● Dr. Eiko Thielemann ● Individual meetings can usually be arranged for before or after class. Course Information ● Tuesdays 9:00 – 12:00 ● Location: Room 303 ● Prerequisites: none Course Overview and Goals The European Union constitutes the most prominent experiment in peaceful international cooperation in world history. The course will explore the origins, evolution and impact of the European Union. You will be introduced to the workings of the EU institutions such as the Council, the Commission, the Parliament and the Court of Justice. We will also explore the key areas of EU competence, such as the European Single Currency, the Single Market and free movement, asylum & immigration, the Common Agricultural Policy etc. Through small group debates, we will address questions such as: Is the European Union an economic giant but a political dwarf? Why is the EU so controversial among the European public? Why did the UK vote for Brexit and what will that mean for both Britain and the EU? Can the EU effectively manage immigration? How can the EU's institutions be made more democratic? Will the EURO survive? How far and how fast should the EU be enlarged? Will Europe develop into a federal (super) state? Course delivery will be through short lectures, small group discussions and in-class debates. Upon Completion of this Course, students will be able to critically analyze: ● the European integration process; ● the operation of the EU as a political system; ● the process of EU policy-making; ● and the EU’s role in the world.
    [Show full text]
  • The New Eu Foreign Policy Architecture
    THE NEW EU FOREIGN POLICY ARCHITECTURE REVIEWING THE FIRST TWO YEARS OF THE EEAS NIKLAS HELWIG PAUL IVAN HRANT KOSTANYAN CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES (CEPS) BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound policy research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe. The views expressed in this book are entirely those of the authors and should not be attributed to CEPS or any other institution with which they are associated or to the European Union. Niklas Helwig is a Marie Curie Researcher of the EXACT network at the University of Edinburgh and Cologne and focuses on the institutional development of EU foreign policy. He worked for the Centre for European Policy Studies and the Finnish Institute of International Affairs. Paul Ivan is a Romanian diplomat. Previously, he worked as a researcher for the Centre for European Policy Studies, where he focused on EU political and institutional issues and the European External Action Service. Hrant Kostanyan is an associate research fellow at CEPS and a PhD candidate at the Centre for EU Studies at Ghent University. He worked as an external expert for International Alert, based in London, in the Eastern Europe and South Caucasus research project. He also worked as an expert on a European Commission-funded project on the EU’s relations with Russia and the Eastern Partnership at the EU Neighbourhood Info Centre. The authors thank Piotr Maciej Kaczyński for his comments on an earlier draft. ISBN 978-94-6138-262-7 © Copyright 2013, Centre for European Policy Studies and the authors.
    [Show full text]
  • The Negotiation of the European External Action Service: Theoretical and Policy Implications
    The Negotiation of the European External Action Service: Theoretical and Policy Implications MPP Professional Paper In Partial Fulfillment of the Master of Public Policy Degree Requirements The Hubert H. Humphrey School of Public Affairs The University of Minnesota Matthew Stenberg May 6, 2011 Signature below of Paper Supervisor certifies successful completion of oral presentation and completion of final written version: _______________________________ ____________________ ___________________ Robert Kudrle, Paper Supervisor Date, presentation Date, paper completion Orville and Jane Freeman Professor of International Trade and Investment Policy ________________________________________ ___________________ Sherry Gray, Coordinator and Lecturer, Global Policy ` Date Signature of Second Committee Member, certifying successful completion of professional paper ________________________________________ ___________________ Steve Andreasen, Lecturer ` Date Signature of Third Committee Member, certifying successful completion of professional paper Stenberg 1 Abstract Supranationalist and intergovernmentalist scholars have long debated the driving forces behind European integration. The creation of the European External Action Service (EEAS) forces an examination of this debate in a different way. Many of those countries pushing for the EEAS foresaw it as an intergovernmentalist institution during the Lisbon Treaty Negotiations. Indeed, its provisions upon implementation look strikingly intergovernmental. Despite its current form, the negotiating process between the European Commission and European Parliament during 2010 was sweepingly supranational in nature, as the EP asserted its influence as a democratically elected, pan- European body to demand changes to the final form of the EEAS as well as a greater oversight role. Though the present form of the EEAS is intergovernmental, the negotiating process has indicated that a more assertive Parliament may result in greater long-term, supranational developments.
    [Show full text]
  • Facilitating Peaceful Protests
    ACADEMY BRIEFING No. 5 Facilitating Peaceful Protests January 2014 Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights Geneva Académie de droit international humanitaire et de droits humains à Genève Academ The Academy, a joint centre of ISBN: 978-2-9700866-3-5 © Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights, January 2014. Acknowledgements This Academy Briefing was written by Milena Costas Trascasas, Research Fellow, and Stuart Casey-Maslen, Head of Research, at the Geneva Academy of International Humanitarian Law and Human Rights (Geneva Academy). The Academy would like to thank all those who commented on an earlier draft of this briefing, in particular Anja Bienart and Brian Wood of Amnesty International, and Neil Corney of Omega Research Foundation. The Geneva Academy would also like to thank the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs (DFAE) for its support to the Academy’s work on facilitating peaceful protests, especially the Human Security Division for its funding of the publication of this Briefing. Editing, design, and layout by Plain Sense, Geneva. Disclaimer This Academy Briefing is the work of the authors. The views expressed in it do not necessarily reflect those of the project’s supporters or of anyone who provided input to, or commented on, a draft of this Briefing. The designation of states or territories does not imply any judgement by the Geneva Academy, the DFAE, or any other body or individual, regarding the legal status of such states or territories, or their authorities and institutions, or the delimitation of their boundaries, or the status of any states or territories that border them.
    [Show full text]
  • The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: a Progressive Erosion?
    The Power of Initiative of the European Commission: A Progressive Erosion? Paolo PONZANO, Costanza HERMANIN and Daniela CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Studies & 89 Research Study & The Power of Initiative 89 of the European Commission: Research A Progressive Erosion? PAOLO PONZANO, COSTANZA HERMANIN AND DANIELA CORONA Preface by António Vitorino Paolo PONZANO is a senior fellow at the European University Institute and a special adviser of the European Commission. Former collaborator of Altiero Spinelli at the Institute for International Affairs in Rome, he has worked for the European Commission from 1971 to 2009. He was formerly Director for Relations with the Council of ministers, subsequently for Institutional Matters and Better Regulation. He was also Alternate Member of the European Convention in 2002/2003. He published several articles and chapters on the EU institutions. He teaches European Governance and Decision-Making at the University of Florence and at the European College of Parma as well as European Law at the University of Rome. Costanza HERMANIN is a researcher in the department of social and political science of the European University Institute, where she is about to complete her PhD. Her research interests comprise EU social and immigration policy, EU institutional affairs, and human rights and immigration policy in Italy. She has been visiting fellow at several places (WZB, CERI, Columbia, Berkeley). She is the co-editor of a forthcoming book on “Fighting Race Discrimination in Europe” (Routledge, 2012). She has been publishing on Italian and English speaking journals. Daniela CORONA is currently research collaborator at the Robert Schuman Center for Advanced Studies at the European University Institute in Florence where she completed her PhD.
    [Show full text]
  • Department for Constitutional Affairs Resource Accounts for the Year
    Resource Accounts for the year ended 31 March 2006 Department for Constitutional Affairs Resource Accounts for the year ended 31 March 2006 Presented pursuant to the Government Resources and Accounts Act 2000, Chapter 20, Section 6 Ordered by the House of Commons to be printed on 12th October 2006 HC 1605 LONDON: The Stationery Office £13.85 © Crown Copyright 2006 The text in this document (excluding the Royal Arms and departmental logos) may be reproduced free of charge in any format or medium providing that it is reproduced accurately and not used in a misleading context. The material must be acknowledged as Crown copyright and the title of the document specified. Any enquiries relating to the copyright in this document should be addressed to The Licensing Division, HMSO, St Clements House, 2-16 Colegate, Norwich, NR3 1BQ. Fax: 01603 723000 or e-mail: [email protected] Department for Constitutional Affairs Resource Accounts 2005-06 Contents Annual Report 1 Management Commentary 5 Remuneration Report 13 Statement of Accounting Officers’ Responsibilities 24 Statement on Internal Control 25 Certificate and Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General to the House of Commons 31 The Accounting Schedules: Statement of Parliamentary Supply 33 Operating Cost Statement 34 Balance Sheet 36 Cash Flow Statement 37 Consolidated Statement of Operating Costs by Departmental Aims and Objectives 37 Notes to the Accounts 40 Department for Constitutional Affairs Resource Accounts 2005-06 Annual Report The Department for Constitutional Affairs (DCA) For purposes of the Department’s Resource is the Government department responsible for Accounts, the ‘Consolidated’ accounts upholding justice, rights and democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Profile Catherine Ashton
    profile Catherine Ashton European Commissioner for Trade Catherine Ashton was born in Upholland in Lancashire, from where she takes her title, Baroness Ashton of Upholland. From 1983-89 she was Director of Business in the Community, and established the Employers' Forum on Disability, Opportunity Now, and the Windsor Fellowship. Catherine Ashton chaired the Health Authority in Hertfordshire from 1998 to 2001, and became a Vice President of the National Council for One Parent Families. In 1999 Catherine Ashton became a life peer. She was made Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State in the Department for Education and Skills in 2001, and then Parliamentary Under-Secretary in the Department for Constitutional Affairs and subsequently Ministry of Justice with responsibilities for human rights, freedom of information and equalities. She became a Privy Councillor in May 2006. Catherine Ashton was appointed Leader of the House of Lords and Lord President of the Council in Gordon Brown’s first Cabinet in June 2007. As well as Leader of the Lords, she took responsibility in the House of Lords for equalities issues. In 2005 Catherine Ashton was voted House Magazine Minister of the Year and Channel 4 Peer of the Year. In 2006, she was voted Stonewall Politician of the Year. Catherine Ashton brings with her significant European experience, including steering the Lisbon Treaty through the UK's upper chamber and dealing with EU justice and home affairs issues in her previous positions. During her time as Director of Business in the Community, Catherine Ashton worked together with companies and communities on creating effective business strategies, while ensuring equality and diversity in the workforce.
    [Show full text]
  • José Manuel Barroso's Leadership of the European Commission
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Kassim, Hussein Working Paper A new model presidency: José Manuel Barroso's leadership of the European Commission WZB Discussion Paper, No. SP IV 2013-502 Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Kassim, Hussein (2013) : A new model presidency: José Manuel Barroso's leadership of the European Commission, WZB Discussion Paper, No. SP IV 2013-502, Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung (WZB), Berlin This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/103427 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence
    [Show full text]
  • Information Note from the General Secretariat on the Council's Buildings Programme (27 February 2003)
    Information note from the General Secretariat on the Council’s buildings programme (27 February 2003) Caption: On 27 February 2003, the General Secretariat of the Council of the European Union proposes to the Committee of Permanent Representatives (Coreper II) that the Council’s buildings programme be updated with a view to future enlargements. This information note sets out the required conversion work on existing buildings as well as possible construction projects required to meet the requirements connected with the forthcoming enlargements. Source: Note d'information du Secrétariat général du Conseil au Comité des Représentants Permanents (2ème partie). Objet: Programmation immobilière dans la perspective des prochains élargissements, 6864/03, IMM 1. Bruxelles: Conseil de l'Union européenne, 27.02.2003. 13 p. http://register.consilium.europa.eu/pdf/fr/03/st06/st06864fr03.pdf. Copyright: (c) Translation CVCE.EU by UNI.LU All rights of reproduction, of public communication, of adaptation, of distribution or of dissemination via Internet, internal network or any other means are strictly reserved in all countries. Consult the legal notice and the terms and conditions of use regarding this site. URL: http://www.cvce.eu/obj/information_note_from_the_general_secretariat_on_the_co uncil_s_buildings_programme_27_february_2003-en-eedaed44-70ca-4e27-b801- 1f7bc5bf2472.html Last updated: 05/07/2016 1/8 Information note from the General Secretariat of the Council to the Committee of Permanent Representatives (Part II) on the property programme (Brussels, 27 February 2003) I. Introduction With future enlargements in mind, the Committee of Permanent Representatives took some policy decisions in 2001 and 2002 on the Council’s property programme on the basis of figures drawn up by the General Secretariat.
    [Show full text]