Analyzing the Agenda of Parliament in the Age of Reform∗
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HEBEELE, Gerald Clarence, 1932- the PREDICAMENT of the BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914
This dissertation has been microfilmed exactly as received 68-3000 HEBEELE, Gerald Clarence, 1932- THE PREDICAMENT OF THE BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914. The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1967 History, modem University Microfilms, Inc., Ann Arbor, Michigan © Copyright by Gerald Clarence Heberle 1968 THE PREDICAMENT OF THE BRITISH UNIONIST PARTY, 1906-1914 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Gerald c / Heberle, B.A., M.A, ******* The Ohio State University 1967 Approved by B k f y f ’ P c M k ^ . f Adviser Department of History ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to express my deepest gratitude to Professor Philip P. Poirier of the Department of History, The Ohio State University, Dr. Poirier*s invaluable advice, his unfailing patience, and his timely encouragement were of immense assistance to me in the production of this dissertation, I must acknowledge the splendid service of the staff of the British Museum Manuscripts Room, The Librarian and staff of the University of Birmingham Library made the Chamberlain Papers available to me and were most friendly and helpful. His Lordship, Viscount Chilston, and Dr, Felix Hull, Kent County Archivist, very kindly permitted me to see the Chilston Papers, I received permission to see the Asquith Papers from Mr, Mark Bonham Carter, and the Papers were made available to me by the staff of the Bodleian Library, Oxford University, To all of these people I am indebted, I am especially grateful to Mr, Geoffrey D,M, Block and to Miss Anne Allason of the Conservative Research Department Library, Their cooperation made possible my work in the Conservative Party's publications, and their extreme kindness made it most enjoyable. -
Download PDF on Financial Privilege
Report Financial Privilege The Undoubted and Sole Right of the Commons? Sir Malcolm Jack KCB PhD FSA Richard Reid PhD FINANCIAL PRIVILEGE THE UNDOUBTED AND SOLE RIGHT OF THE COMMONS? By Sir Malcolm Jack KCB PhD FSA and Richard Reid PhD Acknowlegements The authors thank The Constitution Society for commissioning and publishing this paper. First published in Great Britain in 2016 by The Constitution Society Top Floor, 61 Petty France London SW1H 9EU www.consoc.org.uk © The Constitution Society ISBN: 978-0-9954703-0-9 © Malcolm Jack and Richard Reid 2016. All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise), without the prior written permission of both the copyright owner and the publisher of this book. FINANCIAL PRIVILEGE 3 Contents Acknowlegements 2 About the Authors 4 Summary 5 PART 1 Conventions in Respect of Financial Privilege 6 PART 2 Parliament Acts 19 PART 3 Handling of Bills with Financial Provisions 30 PART 4 Secondary Legislation 41 PART 5 The Strathclyde Review 51 Appendix 1 Parliament Act 1911 62 Appendix 2 Parliament Act 1949 67 4 FINANCIAL PRIVILEGE About the Authors Sir Malcolm Jack was Clerk of the House of Commons from 2006–2011. He is editor of the current, twenty-fourth edition of Erskine May’s Parliamentary Practice, 2011. He lectures and writes on constitutional and historical subjects, having published widely on the history of ideas as well as on aspects of British, European and South African history. -
The 19Th Amendment
National Park Service U.S. Department of the Interior Women Making History: The 19th Amendment Women The right of citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any State on account of sex. Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation. —19th Amendment to the United States Constitution In 1920, after decades of tireless activism by countless determined suffragists, American women were finally guaranteed the right to vote. The year 2020 marks the 100th anniversary of the 19th Amendment. It was ratified by the states on August 18, 1920 and certified as an amendment to the US Constitution on August 26, 1920. Developed in partnership with the National Park Service, this publication weaves together multiple stories about the quest for women’s suffrage across the country, including those who opposed it, the role of allies and other civil rights movements, who was left behind, and how the battle differed in communities across the United States. Explore the complex history and pivotal moments that led to ratification of the 19th Amendment as well as the places where that history happened and its continued impact today. 0-31857-0 Cover Barcode-Arial.pdf 1 2/17/20 1:58 PM $14.95 ISBN 978-1-68184-267-7 51495 9 781681 842677 The National Park Service is a bureau within the Department Front cover: League of Women Voters poster, 1920. of the Interior. It preserves unimpaired the natural and Back cover: Mary B. Talbert, ca. 1901. cultural resources and values of the National Park System for the enjoyment, education, and inspiration of this and All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this work future generations. -
The Impossible Office? Anthony Seldon , Assisted by Jonathan Meakin , Illias Thoms Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-1-316-51532-7 — The Impossible Office? Anthony Seldon , Assisted by Jonathan Meakin , Illias Thoms Index More Information Index 10 Downing Street, 6, 17, 45, 112, 127, 149, Alfred the Great, 26 166, 173, 189–90, 330–1, 338 Aliens Act (1905), 51 ‘Garden Suburb’, 118 Allen, Douglas, 300 14 Downing Street, 255 Althorp, John Charles Spencer, Lord 1922 Committee, 194 Althorp, 108, 285 1958 US–UK Defence Agreement, 35 American Civil War (1861–5), 107, 209, 263 2011 UK Census, 50 American colonies, 71, 72, 74, 75 7/7 terrorist attack, 44 American War of Independence (1775–83), 70 Whitehall, 166, 190 40, 76, 83, 210, 212, 227, 230, 251, 9/11 terrorist attack, 44, 211 254, 256 Amherst, Jeffrey, 253 Abdication crisis (1936), 121, 203, 240 Amiens, Treaty of (1802), 90, 96 Aberdeen, George Hamilton-Gordon, Lord Anderson, John, 295 Aberdeen, 30, 102, 104, 105, 106, 110, Andreotti, Giulio, 140 113, 173, 181, 212, 234, 262, 287, Andrew, Duke of York, 17 316, 319 Anglican Church. See Church of England Act of Settlement (1701), 12, 223, 251 Anglo French Naval Convention (1911), Act of Union (1707), 10, 12, 26, 38, 66, 265 156, 223 Anglo–Japanese Alliance (1902), 264 Act of Union (1800), 39, 89 Anne, Queen, 12, 14, 22, 64, 65, 93, 223, 251 Adams, John, 168, 227 Archbishop of Canterbury, 25 Adams, W. G. S., 118 Argyll, John Campbell, Duke of Argyll, Addington, Henry, 49, 90, 96, 268, 318, 337 23, 82 Adelaide, Queen, 231, 232 aristocracy, 48 Adenauer, Konrad, 140 Armstrong, William, 143, 144, 171, Admiralty, 26, 117, 155, 250, -
Introduction
How did Britain Democratize? Views from the Sovereign Bond Market Aditya Dasgupta1 Daniel Ziblatt2 Abstract To assess competing theories of democratization, we analyze British sovereign bond market responses to the 1832, 1867 and 1884 Reform Acts, and to two failed Chartist agitations. Analyses of high-frequency 3% consol yield data and historical financial press suggest three conclusions. First, democratic reform episodes were preceded by increases in perceived political risk, comparable to democratizing episodes in other countries. Second, both democratic reform and repression were followed by yield de- clines. Third, the source of political risk in Britain was both social unrest and political deadlock. Together, the findings challenge the \Whig" characterization of British de- mocratization as exceptionally risk-free. Introduction The process of democratization in Britain { the franchise expansions legislated in the 1832, 1867, and 1884 Reform Acts in particular { has attracted a great deal of scholarly argument over how democracy emerged. One long-standing view, rooted in a classical \Whig" interpre- tation of history (see critique by Herbert Butterfield (1965)), is that Britain was distinctive in requiring little social and political conflict to democratize. Others argue that, whether driven by destabilizing constitutional crises or even the threat of mass revolution (Acemoglu and Robinson, 2005), the process of democratization in Britain was deeply conflictual. A key empirical issue at stake in this debate is this: what was the level of perceived political risk during each of Britain's major episodes of suffrage expansion? Scholars on both sides of 1PhD Candidate, Department of Government, Harvard University. Email: [email protected] 2Professor, Department of Government, Harvard University. -
The Electric Telegraph
To Mark, Karen and Paul CONTENTS page ORIGINS AND DEVELOPMENTS TO 1837 13 Early experiments—Francis Ronalds—Cooke and Wheatstone—successful experiment on the London & Birmingham Railway 2 `THE CORDS THAT HUNG TAWELL' 29 Use on the Great Western and Blackwall railways—the Tawell murder—incorporation of the Electric Tele- graph Company—end of the pioneering stage 3 DEVELOPMENT UNDER THE COMPANIES 46 Early difficulties—rivalry between the Electric and the Magnetic—the telegraph in London—the overhouse system—private telegraphs and the press 4 AN ANALYSIS OF THE TELEGRAPH INDUSTRY TO 1868 73 The inland network—sources of capital—the railway interest—analysis of shareholdings—instruments- working expenses—employment of women—risks of submarine telegraphy—investment rating 5 ACHIEVEMENT IN SUBMARINE TELEGRAPHY I o The first cross-Channel links—the Atlantic cable— links with India—submarine cable maintenance com- panies 6 THE CASE FOR PUBLIC ENTERPRISE 119 Background to the nationalisation debate—public attitudes—the Edinburgh Chamber of Commerce— Frank Ives. Scudamore reports—comparison with continental telegraph systems 7 NATIONALISATION 1868 138 Background to the Telegraph Bill 1868—tactics of the 7 8 CONTENTS Page companies—attitudes of the press—the political situa- tion—the Select Committee of 1868—agreement with the companies 8 THE TELEGRAPH ACTS 154 Terms granted to the telegraph and railway companies under the 1868 Act—implications of the 1869 telegraph monopoly 9 THE POST OFFICE TELEGRAPH 176 The period 87o-1914—reorganisation of the -
Public Image and Political Influence of Princess Charlotte and Queen Adelaide
W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects 2003 Reform, Radicalism, and Royalty: Public Image and Political Influence of Princess Charlotte and Queen Adelaide Eileen Robin Hintz College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Hintz, Eileen Robin, "Reform, Radicalism, and Royalty: Public Image and Political Influence of Princess Charlotte and Queen Adelaide" (2003). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539626412. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-ehge-1b89 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REFORM, RADICALISM, AND ROYALTY: Public Image and Political Influence of Princess Charlotte and Queen Adelaide A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of the Department of History The College of William and Mary in Virginia In Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts by Eileen Hintz 2003 APPROVAL SHEET This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Eileen Hintz Approved by the Committee, December 2003 _ ___ James McCord Chandos Brown ff — Gilbert McArthur TABLE OF CONTENTS Page ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS iv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS v ABSTRACT vi INTRODUCTION 2 CHAPTER I. THE DEATH OF PRINCESS CHARLOTTE [NOVEMBER 1817] 6 CHAPTER II. -
Clothing the New Poor Law Workhouse in the Nineteenth Century1
Clothing the New Poor Law Workhouse in the Nineteenth Century1 Peter Jones*, Steven King*, Karen Thompson** * Department of History, University of Leicester, United Kingdom; ** Centre for Textile Conservation, University of Glasgow, United Kingdom Corresponding author: Peter Jones; email: [email protected] The workhouse remains a totemic institution for social historians, yet we still know very about the day-to-day experiences of the indoor poor. Nowhere is this clearer than in discussions about workhouse clothing, which remain overwhelmingly negative in the literature and consistent with the predominant view of the workhouse as a place of suffering and humiliation. Yet more often than not, this view is based on relatively shallow empirical foundations and tends to rely on anecdotal evidence or on the uncritical use of subjective sources such as photographs, newspaper editorials and other cultural products. This article takes a different approach by looking again at the whole range of meanings that workhouse clothing held for paupers and those who oversaw its allocation, and at the practical and symbolic usages to which it was put by them. On the basis of this evidence the authors argue that, contrary to the orthodox view, workhouse clothing was rarely intended to be degrading or stigmatising; that it would have held very different meanings for different classes of paupers; and that, far from being a source of unbridled misery, paupers often found it to be a source of great strategic and practical value. Keywords: workhouse, clothing, poverty, poor law, pauper agency Introduction Notwithstanding the fact that outdoor relief remained the modus operandi of the New Poor Law throughout its existence, the workhouse still holds a firm grip on the historiographical and public imagination. -
The Basis of Vicarious Liability
Laski, harola Joseph The basis of vicarious liabil. Kl) 1999 I 38 1916 ( . 1 NOBA Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2008 with funding from 1 IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/basisofvicariousOOIaskuoft I^irvt^, rrf. UJ-X4J^ / The Basis of Vicarious Liability HAROLD J. LASKI {Reprinted from the Yale Law Journal^ December, 1916) THE BASIS OF VICARIOUS LIABILITY I If a master choose to give orders to his servant, no one can fail to understand why he should be held liable for the conse- quences of their commission.^ Nor is the case in substance dif- ferent when he ratifies his servant's act. To stamp what is done for him with the seal of his approval is tacitly, but obviously, to accept the act as his own f and that is true no less where the ratification is implicit, than where it is expressly made manifest.^ No one, moreover, deems it necessary to take objection to lia- bility which is consequent upon a general negligence.* I may knowingly employ a clearly incompetent person.^ I may con- sciously fail to provide proper means for the performance of the allotted work.^ I may fail to give my servant information which I know to be essential to the right completion of his task.'' 1 may fail to take adequate precautions against the commission of a tort in my presence.^ In cases such as these, where the master is directly involved, it is essential to any scheme of law that he should be held liable for such damage as his servant may cause. -
Voting, Rhetoric, and the Determinants of Electoral Reform∗
Taking the Leap: Voting, Rhetoric, and the Determinants of Electoral Reform∗ Scott Mosery Andrew Reevesz May 1, 2013 Abstract The Second Reform Act ushered in the age of democratic politics in the UK by expanding the voting franchise to include the working classes and providing new representation to industri- alized cities. Using unsupervised topic model analysis of parliamentary debates and quantitative analysis of roll call votes, we use new historical data to investigate why electoral reform suc- cessfully passed the House of Commons in 1867. Specifically we consider why reform passed under a minority Conservative government while a similar bill failed under a majority Liberal government despite no election or change in membership of the House of Commons. We find that party, not constituency, is responsible for explaining votes on reform and that, ultimately, it was the reduction in the number of aspects in the debate over reform that allowed a minority Conservative government to enact the Second Reform Act. ∗Paper prepared for the The Westminster Model of Democracy in Crisis? Comparative Perspectives on Origins, Development and Responses, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, May 13-14, 2013. yAssistant Professor, Department of Government, University of Texas at Austin, 1 University Sta. A1800, Austin, TX, 78712; http://smoser.webhost.utexas.edu/, [email protected], (512) 232-7305. zW. Glenn Campbell and Rita Ricardo-Campbell National Fellow and the Robert Eckles Swain National Fellow at the Hoover Institution; Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, 232 Bay State Road, Boston University, Boston, MA 02215; http://andrewreeves.org, [email protected], (650)723-8016. 1 Over the course of the nineteenth century, the United Kingdom's electoral system was trans- formed from an aristocratic oligarchy to one exhibiting most of the modern hallmarks of a democ- racy. -
October 2019 PAPER 6: BRITISH POLITICAL HISTORY SINCE 1880
1 October 2019 PAPER 6: BRITISH POLITICAL HISTORY SINCE 1880 Sources clockwise from top left: United Ireland, The British Library, Jeff Johnston, Tony Withers, Imperial War Museum. FACULTY READING LIST AND LIST OF CORE AND SURVEY LECTURES Between 1880 and the beginning of the twenty-first century, the United Kingdom became a full political democracy based on universal suffrage, and witnessed major party-political realignments as well as the rise of social rights, identity politics and new non-governmental movements. The UK also experienced civil war (in Ireland, 1916-1923 and in Northern Ireland from 1972 to 1998), total war (in 1914-18 and 1939-45), and the loss of a global empire. Throughout the period there was a vigorous debate on the role of the state and the freedom of the markets in a globalized and deeply unequal economic system. This 1 2 was accompanied by struggles over what it meant to be a citizen of the United Kingdom and who had the right to belong. All had profound political consequences, although these have not always been immediately obvious. The party system and much of the constitution remains in place, parliamentary democracy has survived the challenges of Fascism and Communism apparently unscathed, and politicians have spent much of the past hundred years congratulating themselves on the country’s remarkable capacity to ‘return to normal’ in the aftermath of major crises. Many recent or on-going political controversies, such as devolution, the future of the House of Lords, or Britain’s relationship with Europe have obvious parallels with late Victorian debates. -
The Canterbury Association
The Canterbury Association (1848-1852): A Study of Its Members’ Connections By the Reverend Michael Blain Note: This is a revised edition prepared during 2019, of material included in the book published in 2000 by the archives committee of the Anglican diocese of Christchurch to mark the 150th anniversary of the Canterbury settlement. In 1850 the first Canterbury Association ships sailed into the new settlement of Lyttelton, New Zealand. From that fulcrum year I have examined the lives of the eighty-four members of the Canterbury Association. Backwards into their origins, and forwards in their subsequent careers. I looked for connections. The story of the Association’s plans and the settlement of colonial Canterbury has been told often enough. (For instance, see A History of Canterbury volume 1, pp135-233, edited James Hight and CR Straubel.) Names and titles of many of these men still feature in the Canterbury landscape as mountains, lakes, and rivers. But who were the people? What brought these eighty-four together between the initial meeting on 27 March 1848 and the close of their operations in September 1852? What were the connections between them? In November 1847 Edward Gibbon Wakefield had convinced an idealistic young Irishman John Robert Godley that in partnership they could put together the best of all emigration plans. Wakefield’s experience, and Godley’s contacts brought together an association to promote a special colony in New Zealand, an English society free of industrial slums and revolutionary spirit, an ideal English society sustained by an ideal church of England. Each member of these eighty-four members has his biographical entry.