Prime Minister Mori Wraps up a Busy First Seven Months
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Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009
1. Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009 (1) Japan-Iran Political Relations • Japan highly values its relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran in view of a stable supply of crude oil and ensure stability in the Middle East. • Based on friendly relations, Japan has conveyed Iran of its stance, as well as the international community’s stern view, on the nuclear issue. • Last year, Japan continued to maintain a close exchange of views with Iran through mutual visits, including the Regular Japan-Iran Vice-Ministerial Consultations in May in Teheran and in December in Tokyo; a visit to Japan in February by Dr. Mohammad-Javad ARDASHIR=LARIJANI, Secretary General of National Supreme Council of Human Rights of the Judiciary; a visit to Iran in June by Senior Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Itsunori Onodera; a visit to Japan in October by H.E. Dr. Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf, Mayor of Tehran; a visit to Iran in November by Mr. Taro Nakayama, chairman of the Japan-Iran Parliamentarians Friendship League; and a visit to Japan in November by Vice President Esfandyar Rahim MASHAEE. This year, Minister for Foreign Affairs Hirofumi Nakasone held a telephone conference in January with Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs Manouchehr Mottaki (on the situation in Gaza). Mr. Samareh Hashemi, Senior Advisor to the President of Iran, visited Japan as a special presidential envoy, and met with Prime Minister Taro Aso, Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura, and Foreign Minister Nakasone. In April, Foreign Minister Mottaki visited Japan to attend the Pakistan Donors Conference and met with Prime Minister Aso and Foreign Minister Nakasone. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
La's Little Tokyo Unveils Eco Plan Japan Marks 3.11 Anniversary Film
_________THE NATIONAL NEWSPAPER_OF THE .JACL _________ l.A.'s Little Tokyo Unveils Eco Plan Japan Marks 3.11 Anniversary Film 'Stories From Tohoku' Captures 3.11 Aftermath #3229/VOL. 158, No.5 ISSN: 0030-8579 WWW.PACIFICCITIZEN.ORG March 21-April 3, 2014 2 March 21-April 3, 2014 COMMENTARY PACIFIC e CITIZEN HOW TO REACH US Spring campaign Aids P.C.'s Future Email: [email protected] Online: www.pacificcitizen.org Tel: (213) 620-1767 Fax: (213) 620-1768 Mail: 250 E. FirstSt., Suite 301 s I begin my second year outcomes, directors can make adjustments through a process called Los Angeles, CA 90012 on the editorial board of "forecasting." The catch is, you can only make changes in your STAFF A the Pacific Citizen, I am forecast if it improves the bottom line. So, if you start a new program Executive Editor reminded of my days as a journalist or if you won't need to spend next month's budgeted program Allison Haramoto working at the Rafu Shimpo, the supplies, then you can add that revenue or remove those expenses. Reporter Japanese American daily newspaper But you can't add expenses without at least adding the same amount Nalea J. Ko in Los Angeles. III revenue. Business Manager Truth be told, it was my first And, of course, being at a nonprofit means there is an indelible Susan Yokoyama full-time job, and it took a while to fundraising component to your work. Production Artist get my head out of the fog of life Which brings me to the P.C. -
Banking, Securities, and Insurance
UC Berkeley UC Berkeley Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Inside the Castle Gates: How Foreign Corporations Nagivate Japan's Policymaking Processes Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/3q9796r6 Author Kushida, Kenji Erik Publication Date 2010 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California Inside the Castle Gates: How Foreign Companies Navigate Japan‘s Policymaking Processes By Kenji Erik Kushida A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Steven K. Vogel, Chair Professor John Zysman Professor T.J. Pempel Professor Stephen Cohen Fall 2010 Abstract Inside the Castle Gates: How Foreign Companies Navigate Japan‘s Policymaking Processes by Kenji Erik Kushida Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Steven K. Vogel, Chair Multinational corporations (MNCs) are at the heart of today‘s global economy, but their effects on the politics of advanced industrialized countries have not been studied systematically. This dissertation analyzes the case of Japan, a country most likely to reveal foreign MNCs‘ influence. Japan developed for most of its history with an extremely low presence of foreign MNCs, but it experienced a dramatic influx from the mid-1990s, particularly in long-protected sectors at the core of its postwar development model of capitalism. The dissertation explains an observed divergence in the political strategies of foreign MNCs in Japan—disruptive challenges to existing policymaking processes and norms of government-business interactions, versus insider strategies, in which MNCs worked within established organizations and prevailing modes of policymaking. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Policy Networks in Japan: Case of the Automobile Air Pollution Policies Takashi Sagara A thesis submitted to the Department of Geography and Environment of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i UMI Number: U615939 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615939 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 "KSCSES p m r . rrti - S • - g r t W - • Declaration I, Takashi Sagara, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Abstract The thesis seeks to examine whether the concept of the British policy network framework helps to explain policy change in Japan. For public policy studies in Japan, such an examination is significant because the framework has been rarely been used in analysis of Japanese policy. For public policy studies in Britain and elsewhere, such an examination would also bring benefits as it would help to answer the important question of whether it can be usefully applied in the other contexts. -
Oct2000 Proof 2
Japan Information and Culture Center, EMBASSY OF JAPAN SEARCH FOR STABILITY ON THE KOREAN PENINSULA PROVES ELUSIVE North Korea continues to persist with its nuclear and long-range missile development programs, dissemination of weapons of mass destruction and inflammatory rhetoric in defiance of international concerns even after Japan’s attempt to normalize relations by Prime Minister’s visit in late September. This poses a threat to the entire Asian-Pacific region and constitutes grave concerns in the countries of the region. Therefore, Japan, the U.S., South Korea, China and Russia have all been involved in diplomatic efforts to strongly urge North Korea to dismantley their nuclear, so far to no avail. Tokyo and Washington have been working together closely on the issue. ecretary of State, Colin Powell, and Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, hosted Japan’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Yoriko Kawaguchi, and Minister of State for Defense and WINTER 2002 Director General of the Defense Agency, Shigeru Ishiba, in the W S December meeting of the Security Consultative Committee CONTENTS (SCC.) They addressed in particular, North Korea and its program for the development of weapons of mass destruction. The part of the joint The Pyongyang Declaration statement related to North Korea is as follows: In his landmark visit, Koizumi seeks to “The Ministers expressed grave concern about the threat North normalize ties with the enigmatic North. 2 Korea continues to pose to regional security and stability. The Ministers expressed great regret over North Korea’s recent letter to the IAEA and Diplomatic efforts pressed Normalization, trilateral and other talks the public statement that it plans to resume the operation and construction take place on a number of fronts. -
Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons. -
Japan Joint Nuclear Energy Action Plan
United States -Japan Joint Nuclear Energy Action Plan 1. Introduction 1.1 Background and Objective President Bush of the United States and Prime Minister Koizumi of Japan have both stated their strong support for the contribution of nuclear power to energy security and the global environment. Japan was the first nation to endorse President Bush's Global Nuclear Energy Partnership. During the June 29,2006 meeting between President Bush and Prime Minister Koizumi, "We discussed research and development that will help speed up fnt breeder reactors and new types of reprocessing so that we cmt help deal with the cost of globalization when it comes to energy; make ourselves more secure, economicallyIas well n make us less dependent on hycirocmbons ..... " (I) "U.S.Japanpmtnershipstamis n one of the most accomplished bilateral relationship in history. They reviewed with great sarisfaction the broadened and enhunced cooperuh'on achieved in the alliance Mder their joint steward~hip, and together heralded a new U.S.Japan Alliance of Glohal Cooperation for the 21st Cenhuy. " (2) On January 9,2007, Samuel W. Bodman, Secretary of Energy of the United States, and Akira Amari, Minister of Economy, Trade and Industry of Japan, met in Washingtun, D.C. to review their current and prospective cooperative activities in the energy field. The Secretary and the Minister agreed that both sides are committed to collaboration on the various aspects of the civilian nuclear fuel cycle. They agreed that the United States and Japan would jointly develop a civil nuclear energy action plan that would support such collaboration. Tbe plan would focus on: (a) research and development activities under the Global Nuclear Energy Partnership initiative that will build upon the significant civilian nuclear energy technical cooperation already underway; (b) collaboration on policies and programs that support the cowtrwtion of new nuclear power plants; and (c) regulatory and nonproliferation-related exchanges. -
JAPAN LABOR BULLETIN Vol.36 - No.09, September
JAPAN LABOR BULLETIN Vol.36 - No.09, September JAPAN LABOR BULLETIN ISSUED BY THE JAPAN INSTITUTE OF LABOUR Vol.36 - No.09 September 1997 CONTENTS General Survey Preliminary Release of the 1997 White paper Working Conditions and the Labor Market Outcome of a Special Survey of the Labor Force Survey in 1997 Human Resources Management Fifty Five Percent of Big Companies Have an Early-Retirement Preferential Program: Preliminary Results from the 1997 Employment Management Survey Labor-Management Relations Tekko Roren Shifting to Multiple-Year Agreements 1997 Shunto Wage Talks Settled with Greater Emphasis on Bonuses Public Policy First Female Administrative Vice Minister for Labor Special Topic "Personal Rights" in the Workplace: The Emerging Law Concerning Sexual Harassment in Japan Statistical Aspects Recent Labor Economy Indices Trends in the Percentage of Those Who were Became Unemployed in the Last Year by Current Employments Status - 1 - JAPAN LABOR BULLETIN Vol.36 - No.09, September New Minister of Labour Prime Minister Ryutaro Hashimoto reshuffled his Cabinet on September 11 with the inauguration of the second Hashimoto Cabinet, Bunmei Ibuki, a member of the LDP, was appointed as the new Minister of Labour, replacing former Labour Minister Yutaka Okano. Ibuki was born in Kyoto city in 1938. After graduating from the Kyoto University, he joined the Ministry of Finance and was attached to the Budget Bureau and the International Finance Bureau. Before entering politics in 1983, Ibuki also served as a Private Secretary to the Minister of Finance. With his experience as the vice minister for Ministry of Health and Welfare, he is well-versed in policy matters, especially social welfare. -
India-Japan Maritime Security Cooperation (1999-2009) : a Report PANNEERSELVAM, Prakash Guest Researcher “A Strong India Is I
JMSDF Staff College Review Volume 2 English version (Selected) India-Japan Maritime Security Cooperation (1999-2009) : A Report PANNEERSELVAM, Prakash Guest Researcher “A Strong India is in the best interest of Japan, and a strong Japan is in the best interest of India.” Former Prime Minister of Japan, Shinzo Abe Speech at the Indian parliament, 22 August 2007 Introduction India-Japan interactions have been marked by goodwill and singularly free from any structural impediments. However, the bilateral relationship between the two started to take centre stage only after the end of Cold War. However, both countries refrained from discussing defence and security matters, until Prime Minister Mori visit to India in 2000. The brief talk between two Prime Ministers in New Delhi removed many deadlocks in the bilateral relationship. Since then, India-Japan relationship maintained steady course and attained the stature of “Strategic Partnership” in 2005. The remarkable change in Indo-Japan relationship in the post-Cold War dramatically changed the security perspective of Asia-pacific region. Notably, maritime security cooperation between the two countries captured global attention. At the same time, the growing interaction between two naval forces in the recent years raised some serious questions about the intention and objectives of India-Japan maritime security cooperation. A preliminary literature survey on this topic reveals that, not too many research works has been done on this subject. Most of literature on India-Japan relationship largely focuses on complicated relationship that existed between two countries during post-world war era or bilateral relationship in Post-Cold War. This policy analysis is important because it focuses exclusively on India-Japan maritime security cooperation to identify the key factor to strengthen the strategic cooperation. -
The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups
JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal del Pilar Álvarez, María; del Mar Lunaklick, María; Muñoz, Tomás The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 26- 49 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 26-49 THE LIMITS OF FORGIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: GROUPS SUPPORTING THE YASUKUNI SHRINE IN JAPAN AND POLITICAL TENSIONS IN EAST ASIA María del Pilar Álvarez [email protected] Research Professor at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Salvador (USAL, Argentina) and Visiting Professor of the Department of International Studies at the University T. Di Tella (UTDT). Coordinator of the Research Group on East Asia of the Institute of Social Science Research (IDICSO) of the USAL. Postdoctoral Fellow of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) of Argentina. Doctor of Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Holder of a Master Degree on East Asia, Korea, from Yonsei University. Holder of a Degree in Political Science (UBA). -
Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No
Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No.