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Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009
1. Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009 (1) Japan-Iran Political Relations • Japan highly values its relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran in view of a stable supply of crude oil and ensure stability in the Middle East. • Based on friendly relations, Japan has conveyed Iran of its stance, as well as the international community’s stern view, on the nuclear issue. • Last year, Japan continued to maintain a close exchange of views with Iran through mutual visits, including the Regular Japan-Iran Vice-Ministerial Consultations in May in Teheran and in December in Tokyo; a visit to Japan in February by Dr. Mohammad-Javad ARDASHIR=LARIJANI, Secretary General of National Supreme Council of Human Rights of the Judiciary; a visit to Iran in June by Senior Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Itsunori Onodera; a visit to Japan in October by H.E. Dr. Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf, Mayor of Tehran; a visit to Iran in November by Mr. Taro Nakayama, chairman of the Japan-Iran Parliamentarians Friendship League; and a visit to Japan in November by Vice President Esfandyar Rahim MASHAEE. This year, Minister for Foreign Affairs Hirofumi Nakasone held a telephone conference in January with Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs Manouchehr Mottaki (on the situation in Gaza). Mr. Samareh Hashemi, Senior Advisor to the President of Iran, visited Japan as a special presidential envoy, and met with Prime Minister Taro Aso, Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura, and Foreign Minister Nakasone. In April, Foreign Minister Mottaki visited Japan to attend the Pakistan Donors Conference and met with Prime Minister Aso and Foreign Minister Nakasone. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
North Korea: a Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020
North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 May 5, 2020 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R46349 North Korea: A Chronology of Events from 2016 to 2020 Contents Introduction ..................................................................................................................................... 1 Chronology ...................................................................................................................................... 3 1994 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 1998 ........................................................................................................................................... 3 2003 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2005 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2006 ........................................................................................................................................... 4 2007 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2009 ........................................................................................................................................... 5 2011 .......................................................................................................................................... -
Begun Is Half Done Prospects for US-North Korea Nuclear Diplomacy
Begun is Half Done Prospects for US-North Korea Nuclear Diplomacy February 2019 By Catherine Killough Catherine Killough is the Roger L. Hale Fellow at the Ploughshares Fund, where she focuses on North Korea’s nuclear and missile development. She is involved in efforts to promote diplomatic solutions to the US-North Korea nuclear crisis, and to encourage greater engagement between the two countries. Prior to joining Ploughshares Fund, Catherine interned at the State Department Office of Korean Affairs and the National Committee on North Korea. She has a Master’s degree in Asian Studies from the School of Foreign Service at Georgetown University, where she specialized in the politics and security of Korea. Acknowledgements I would like to express my gratitude to Philip Yun for sharing his sharp insights and personal experiences on North Korea with me. I especially thank Tom Collina for his encouragement and guidance throughout the writing of this report. I am also grateful for Joe Cirincione’s tireless mentorship, and for the opportunity to learn from my smart colleagues John Carl Baker, Michelle Dover, Mary Kaszynski, Meghan McCall, and Geoff Wilson. Special thanks to Zack Brown for providing graphics and excellent feedback in the review of the final draft. Finally, I would like to thank Roger L. Hale, who made this report and fellowship at the Ploughshares Fund possible. Ploughshares Fund Study Report No. 4 ©Ploughshares Fund, February 2019 Begun is Half Done Prospects for US-North Korea Nuclear Diplomacy February 2019 By Catherine Killough Executive Summary The United States may be within reach of an agreement A critical review of the US-North Korea negotiation record that could meaningfully advance the denuclearization calls into question the conventional narrative that diplomacy of North Korea and build lasting peace on the Korean has been a categorical failure, that North Korea has always Peninsula. -
North Korea Challenges for the US-Japan Alliance
North Korea Challenges for the US-Japan Alliance Yuki Tatsumi Editor March 2011 North Korea Challenge for the US–Japan Alliance Yuki Tatsumi Editor March 2011 Copyright © 2010 The Henry L. Stimson Center ISBN: 978-0-9845211-7-3 Cover and book design/layout by Shawn Woodley All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from the Stimson Center. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW, 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 Telephone: 202.223.5956 Fax: 202.238.9604 www.stimson.org Contents Abbreviations and Acronyms ............................................................................................. iv Acknowledgements ............................................................................................................ vi Preface ............................................................................................................................... vii Ellen Laipson, President and CEO of the Stimson Center Introduction ..........................................................................................................................1 Alan D. Romberg and Yoshihide Soeya Chapter 1: America’s “North Korea Problem” and US–Japan Relations ............................8 Balbina Y. Hwang Chapter 2: North Korea Problems and US–Japan Relations: A View from Japan .............26 Yasuhiro Izumikawa Chapter 3: Japan–US Cooperation on North Korea: Regional Perspectives .....................44 Katsuhisa Furukawa Chapter 4: Regional Factors: -
North Korea: a Phased Negotiation Strategy
NORTH KOREA: A PHASED NEGOTIATION STRATEGY 1 August 2003 ICG Asia Report N°61 Washington/Brussels 1 August 2003 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS................................................. i I. INTRODUCTION................................................................................................................ 1 I. INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................... 2 II. THE NORTH KOREAN REGIME.............................................................................. 2 A. THE “DEAR LEADER” ...........................................................................................................2 B. MILITARY POSTURE ..............................................................................................................2 C. ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE....................................................................................................3 D. HUMAN RIGHTS ....................................................................................................................3 III. KOREA’S NUCLEAR ROGRAM: EARLY HISTORY AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK............................................................. 4 A. SOVIET ASSISTANCE .............................................................................................................4 B. THE NPT AND IAEA ............................................................................................................5 C. THE 1991 DENUCLEARISATION DECLARATION .....................................................................6 -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Policy Networks in Japan: Case of the Automobile Air Pollution Policies Takashi Sagara A thesis submitted to the Department of Geography and Environment of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i UMI Number: U615939 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615939 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 "KSCSES p m r . rrti - S • - g r t W - • Declaration I, Takashi Sagara, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Abstract The thesis seeks to examine whether the concept of the British policy network framework helps to explain policy change in Japan. For public policy studies in Japan, such an examination is significant because the framework has been rarely been used in analysis of Japanese policy. For public policy studies in Britain and elsewhere, such an examination would also bring benefits as it would help to answer the important question of whether it can be usefully applied in the other contexts. -
CTBTO Spectrum: Issue 18
A need for united action for the early entry into force of the CTBT An appeal from the country of Hiroshima, Nagasaki and Fukushima by YORIKO KAWAGUCHI On behalf of the Japanese people and in my various capacities, in particular as Co-Chair of the International the International Commission on Nuclear Foreign Minister of Japan from 2002 to Commission on Nuclear Non-proliferation and Non-proliferation and Disarmament 2004 as well as Co-Chair of the ICNND. Disarmament (ICNND), (ICNND), I have the honour to send a Member of House of message to the readers of Spectrum. Firstly, ever since chairing the Councillors of Japan The importance of the Comprehensive 1st Conference on Facilitating the Entry Nuclear-Test-Ban Treaty (CTBT) cannot into Force of the CTBT in 1999, Japan be overemphasized. The CTBT, along has participated actively in all ensuing with the International Atomic Energy conferences. As Foreign Minister at the Agency (IAEA) safeguards, is an time, I participated in the 3rd Conference indispensable pillar of the international on Facilitating the Entry into Force of the nuclear non-proliferation and disarma- CTBT in 2003 and the 1st and 2nd “Friends ment regime based on the Nuclear of the CTBT” Foreign Ministers Meetings Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). Japan in 2002 and 2004. In August 2003, coop- thus attaches the utmost importance to erating with Foreign Ministers of Austria the early entry into force of the CTBT. and Finland, I sent Joint Ministerial Letters to the States that had not yet signed or As the only nation to have ratified the CTBT in order to facilitate suffered nuclear devastation as a result the early entry into force of the Treaty. -
CNS Special Report on North Korean Ballistic Missile Capabilities
Center for Nonproliferation Studies Monterey Institute of International Studies CNS Special Report on North Korean Ballistic Missile Capabilities March 22, 2006 Recent North Korean flight-tests of a new short-range ballistic missile have reinforced concerns about North Korea’s missile program and its ability to deliver weapons of mass destruction (WMD). North Korea has an array of short- and intermediate-range missile systems that can deliver conventional, chemical and possibly biological payloads. North Korea has not demonstrated the capability to deliver nuclear weapons with its ballistic missiles, but possibly could equip its medium-range Nodong missiles, which can reach Japan, with nuclear warheads. North Korea currently does not have an operational missile that can strike the United States.1 However, U.S. intelligence estimates of the untested Taepodong-2’s range have increased in recent years. According to a former director of the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency, a two-stage Taepodong-2 could theoretically strike “portions of U.S. territory” and a three-stage version could strike “most of the continental United States.”2 At least two other mobile missiles are under development that would increase North Korea’s military capabilities once they are deployed and operational. This special report answers key questions about North Korean ballistic missiles and presents CNS estimates of North Korea’s ballistic missile capabilities. Although North Korea’s cruise missile development poses an increasing threat, this report does not address Pyongyang’s cruise missiles. 1. What can North Korea hit with its ballistic missiles? a) Can North Korean missiles strike the continental United States? North Korea does not currently have an operational missile that can strike the United States. -
Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons. -
Proposals to the Japanese Government Concerning the Denuclearization of North Korea
FEB. 2020 WORKING GROUP ON NEW INITIATIVES FOR NUCLEAR ENERGY AND NUCLEAR NON-PROLIFERATION SASAKAWA PEACE FOUNDATION Preface The Sasakawa Peace Foundation (SPF) established the International Peace and Security Department in order to contribute to peace and security in Japan, the Asia-Pacific region, and the rest of the world. The department conducts research and makes policy recommendations based on its research. In September 2018, the SPF established the Working Group on New Initiatives for Nuclear Energy and Nuclear Non-Proliferation. The aim of this Working Group is to explore the contributions that Japan can make in the field of global nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation, as a leading nation in the civilian use of nuclear energy and the only country to have been subjected to nuclear bombings. The Working Group started discussions about Japan’s role and the ways in which Japan can contribute internationally. To date, it has conducted research on a wide range of topics, including international management of nuclear fuel, denuclearization of North Korea, and global nuclear disarmament, and it has compiled the results into a sequence of policy recommendations. The first set of recommendations was published as “Proposals to the Japanese Government Concerning International Management of Plutonium—Aiming for reduction in plutonium stocks and adoption of new international norms” in May 2019, and this was delivered to the (then) Minister for Foreign Affairs, Taro Kono, in August 2019. The Working Group has now compiled new policy recommendations on the role of the Japanese government concerning the denuclearization of North Korea (Democratic People's Republic of Korea). -
The Republic of Korea: a Defence and Security Primer
Today, the Republic of Korea (ROK) is a global economic and Primer Security and A Defence Korea: of The Republic industrial powerhouse and is identified as a world leader in ship- building, motor manufacturing and information technology. South Korea has also developed into a vibrant democracy. Despite all its successes the country remains locked in a deadly stand-off with its northern neighbour. Almost 60 years after the end of the Korean War, issues concerning defence and security remain of pri- mary societal and political importance in South Korea. This report attempts to summarise the ROK’s defence and security sectors. In four chapters the report addresses security policy and politics, defence reform, defence industry and R&D. Main findings in the report are that South Korea’s defence and security sector is in a period of general transition and change. Threat perceptions and the fragility of security on the Korean Peninsula have intensified over the past few years. Political reconsiderations of South Korea’s security and defence policies have raised contentions over the direction of its defence reform process, and how it will be implemented. South Korea’s defence industrial and R&D sector is actively seeking increased independence and profitability. It is however limited in how it can pursue these structural changes. This volume is published as part of the Asia Security Studies programme. The Republic of Korea: Download our other reports at www.foi.se/asia A Defence and Security Primer Kaan Korkmaz and John Rydqvist FOI-R--3427--SE