CTBTO Spectrum: Issue 18
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Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009
1. Japan-Iran Relations Japan-Iran Relations June 2009 (1) Japan-Iran Political Relations • Japan highly values its relations with the Islamic Republic of Iran in view of a stable supply of crude oil and ensure stability in the Middle East. • Based on friendly relations, Japan has conveyed Iran of its stance, as well as the international community’s stern view, on the nuclear issue. • Last year, Japan continued to maintain a close exchange of views with Iran through mutual visits, including the Regular Japan-Iran Vice-Ministerial Consultations in May in Teheran and in December in Tokyo; a visit to Japan in February by Dr. Mohammad-Javad ARDASHIR=LARIJANI, Secretary General of National Supreme Council of Human Rights of the Judiciary; a visit to Iran in June by Senior Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs Itsunori Onodera; a visit to Japan in October by H.E. Dr. Mohammad Baqer Ghalibaf, Mayor of Tehran; a visit to Iran in November by Mr. Taro Nakayama, chairman of the Japan-Iran Parliamentarians Friendship League; and a visit to Japan in November by Vice President Esfandyar Rahim MASHAEE. This year, Minister for Foreign Affairs Hirofumi Nakasone held a telephone conference in January with Iranian Minister of Foreign Affairs Manouchehr Mottaki (on the situation in Gaza). Mr. Samareh Hashemi, Senior Advisor to the President of Iran, visited Japan as a special presidential envoy, and met with Prime Minister Taro Aso, Chief Cabinet Secretary Takeo Kawamura, and Foreign Minister Nakasone. In April, Foreign Minister Mottaki visited Japan to attend the Pakistan Donors Conference and met with Prime Minister Aso and Foreign Minister Nakasone. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science
The London School of Economics and Political Science Policy Networks in Japan: Case of the Automobile Air Pollution Policies Takashi Sagara A thesis submitted to the Department of Geography and Environment of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy i UMI Number: U615939 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615939 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 "KSCSES p m r . rrti - S • - g r t W - • Declaration I, Takashi Sagara, confirm that the work presented in this thesis is my own. Where information has been derived from other sources, I confirm that this has been indicated in the thesis. 2 Abstract The thesis seeks to examine whether the concept of the British policy network framework helps to explain policy change in Japan. For public policy studies in Japan, such an examination is significant because the framework has been rarely been used in analysis of Japanese policy. For public policy studies in Britain and elsewhere, such an examination would also bring benefits as it would help to answer the important question of whether it can be usefully applied in the other contexts. -
Oct2000 Proof 2
Japan Information and Culture Center, EMBASSY OF JAPAN SEARCH FOR STABILITY ON THE KOREAN PENINSULA PROVES ELUSIVE North Korea continues to persist with its nuclear and long-range missile development programs, dissemination of weapons of mass destruction and inflammatory rhetoric in defiance of international concerns even after Japan’s attempt to normalize relations by Prime Minister’s visit in late September. This poses a threat to the entire Asian-Pacific region and constitutes grave concerns in the countries of the region. Therefore, Japan, the U.S., South Korea, China and Russia have all been involved in diplomatic efforts to strongly urge North Korea to dismantley their nuclear, so far to no avail. Tokyo and Washington have been working together closely on the issue. ecretary of State, Colin Powell, and Deputy Secretary of Defense Paul Wolfowitz, hosted Japan’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Yoriko Kawaguchi, and Minister of State for Defense and WINTER 2002 Director General of the Defense Agency, Shigeru Ishiba, in the W S December meeting of the Security Consultative Committee CONTENTS (SCC.) They addressed in particular, North Korea and its program for the development of weapons of mass destruction. The part of the joint The Pyongyang Declaration statement related to North Korea is as follows: In his landmark visit, Koizumi seeks to “The Ministers expressed grave concern about the threat North normalize ties with the enigmatic North. 2 Korea continues to pose to regional security and stability. The Ministers expressed great regret over North Korea’s recent letter to the IAEA and Diplomatic efforts pressed Normalization, trilateral and other talks the public statement that it plans to resume the operation and construction take place on a number of fronts. -
Brazil, Japan, and Turkey
BRAZIL | 1 BRAZIL, JAPAN, AND TURKEY With articles by Marcos C. de Azambuja Henri J. Barkey Matake Kamiya Edited By Barry M. Blechman September 2009 2 | AZAMBUJA Copyright ©2009 The Henry L. Stimson Center Cover design by Shawn Woodley Photograph on the front cover from the International Atomic Energy Agency All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means without prior written consent from The Henry L. Stimson Center. The Henry L. Stimson Center 1111 19th Street, NW 12th Floor Washington, DC 20036 phone: 202-223-5956 fax: 202-238-9604 www.stimson.org BRAZIL | 3 PREFACE I am pleased to present Brazil, Japan, and Turkey, the sixth in a series of Stimson publications addressing questions of how the elimination of nuclear weapons might be achieved. The Stimson project on nuclear security explores the practical dimensions of this critical 21st century debate, to identify both political and technical obstacles that could block the road to “zero,” and to outline how each of these could be removed. Led by Stimson's co-founder and Distinguished Fellow Dr. Barry Blechman, the project provides useful analyses that can help US and world leaders make the elimination of nuclear weapons a realistic and viable option. The series comprises country assessments, published in a total of six different monographs, and a separate volume on such technical issues as verification and enforcement of a disarmament regime, to be published in the fall. This sixth monograph in the series, following volumes on France and the United Kingdom, China and India, Israel and Pakistan, Iran and North Korea, and Russia and the United States, examines three countries without nuclear weapons of their own, but which are nonetheless key states that would need to be engaged constructively in any serious move toward eliminating nuclear weapons. -
India-Japan Politico-Economic Engagement: Between The
Acknowledgements This monograph is the product of my research as a Visiting Research Fellow (VRF) at the Institute of Developing Economies, IDE-JETRO. During the span of three months of the research project, I greatly benefited from the support of a number of people, to whom I would like to express my deepest gratitude. I am thankful to IDE President Takaishi Shiraishi and a number of anonymous members of selection committee who found merit in my research proposal and selected me for the fellowship. I am thankful to Dr. Rajaram Panda and Professor Takenori Horimoto for giving me recommendation for the fellowship. Takao Tsuneishi and Chisato Ishii, through a series of emails provided me guidance even prior to my visit to Japan and arranged accommodation and other hospitalities for me. They remained with me like an angels whenever I faced any problem including during my brief illness. I am indebted to my counterpart and guide Dr. Norio Kondo, who provided useful inputs for my research and introduced me to a number of scholars from whom I benefited a lot. The library staffs had been very humble in listening to my queries and provided all assistance I required. During my stay at the IDE my work was greatly improved with inputs I received from Professor Hori Sato, Prof. Takenori Horimoto, Professor Makoto Kojima and Professor Masanori Kondo. I consulted a number of people for some of the data back in India. I am thankful to Ambassador Arjun Asrani who agreed for an interview despite his busy schedule and provided useful insights on India-Japan relations. -
The Anatomy of Japan's Shifting Security Orientation
Tsuyoshi Sunohara The Anatomy of Japan’s Shifting Security Orientation On June 2, 2010, Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama’s farewell address included the parting shot that ‘‘I do not believe it is a good idea for Japan to depend on the United States for her security over the next 50 or 100 years.’’1 One could dismiss this as typical Hatoyama, who has repeatedly insisted that Japan should try to establish an ‘‘equal relationship’’ with the United States. Yet, it is not just one leader, but Japan itself that has been asking: can we survive as a responsible stakeholder in the twenty-first century given the status quo? A Twenty-Year Debate At the end of World War II, Japan adopted the so-called ‘‘Yoshida Doctrine’’ under which it would focus more on economic growth and rebuilding its infrastructure while effectively relying on the United States for its security. Japan’s first postwar prime minister, Shigeru Yoshida (1946—1947, 1948—1954), believed Japan needed to enshrine the new security arrangement through a formal pact. The U.S.—Japan Security Treaty was subsequently signed in 1960.2 Under the treaty’s framework, Japan was required to provide bases on its soil (Article VI) and later agreed to provide extensive financial host-nation support for U.S. forces. In return, the United States agreed to come to the defense of Japan if she was attacked (Article V). Unlike NATO, which treats an attack Tsuyoshi Sunohara is a senior writer with the Japanese newspaper Nikkei, and covers U.S.—Japan relations in Tokyo. -
MEIJI INSTITUTE for GLOBAL AFFAIRS MIGA Column “Global Diagnosis”
MEIJI INSTITUTE FOR GLOBAL AFFAIRS MIGA Column “Global Diagnosis” May 2, 2016 Yoriko Kawaguchi Professor, Meiji Institute for Global Affairs, Meiji University Short Curriculum Vitae) Yoriko Kawaguchi University of Tokyo and Yale Graduate School graduate. After joining the Ministry of International Trade and Industry, served as a World Bank economist and a minister at the Embassy of Japan in the United States. Retired from office in 1993. After working as a corporate executive, appointed in 2000 as Director General of Environment Agency in the Mori Cabinet. Also held posts as Minister of the Environment and Minister for Foreign Affairs in the Koizumi Cabinet, and after leaving office took up the appointment of Special Advisor to the Prime Minister (in charge of Foreign Affairs). Elected for the first time to the House of Councilors for Kanagawa Prefecture in 2005 in a by-election (endorsed by the Liberal Democratic Party). Did not run in the July 2013 Upper House election, and retired from politics. Implications of the Paris Agreement In December of last year, the Paris Agreement was adopted, an accord relating to a global framework concerning post-2020 climate change. In 1992, the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change was agreed upon, and this marks the first genuine landmark global level agreement since the Kyoto Protocol was adopted in 1997. What, then, makes it groundbreaking? Firstly, that long-term objectives have been agreed upon. More specifically, it is the citation to hold the increase in global average temperature to below 2 °C above 1 pre-industrial levels and pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5 °C. -
1 Asia's Turn to Geopolitics: China and Japan in Central And
Asia’s Turn to Geopolitics: China and Japan in Central and Southeast Asia Rachel Vandenbrink MALD, The Fletcher School, Tufts University Chinese President Xi Jinping toured four countries in Central Asia in September 2013, stopping at Nazarbayev University in Astana, Kazakhstan for a seminal speech urging regional states to join hands with China and “build a beautiful future together.”1 This was the speech in which Xi first unveiled his vision for the revival of ancient Silk Road routes in Asia. In the speech Xi proposed transforming Central Asia into an overland trade and infrastructure corridor linking China with markets in Europe, and in a separate speech a month later added a maritime component running through Southeast Asia. Together the two came to be known as the “One Belt One Road” (OBOR) initiative, forming the blueprint of a grand strategy to extend China’s influence across Asia. Two years after Xi’s trip, Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe made a similar tour in October 2015, visiting all five Central Asian states plus Mongolia. He, too, stopped for a speech at Nazarbayev University, promising “Japan will dramatically strengthen its relationship with the nations of Central Asia.”2 Abe’s visit to the region, which so closely paralleled Xi’s, was a clear message that Japan would not be left in the dust on China’s One Belt One Road. The two key regions of the OBOR initiative, Central Asia and Southeast Asia, are spaces where China and Japan compete for leadership of the continent. Both areas are 1 Xi Jinping, “Hongyang renmin youyi, gongchuang meihao weilai” [Promote People-to-People Friendship and Create a Better Future], speech given at Nazarbayev University, Astana, Kazakhstan, September 7, 2013, http://politics.people.com.cn/n/2013/0908/c1024-22845281.html. -
Oil and Power: the Rise and Fall of the Japan-Iran Partnership in Azadegan
Volume 4 | Issue 12 | Article ID 2296 | Dec 02, 2006 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Oil and Power: The Rise and Fall of the Japan-Iran Partnership in Azadegan Michael Penn Oil and Power: The Rise and Fall of the Japan-Iran Partnership in Azadegan By Michael Penn The story of how Japan gained, and then lost, the development rights to one of the richest oil fields in the world has been treated rather casually in the international media despite the fact that it will strongly affectJapan ’s relations with Iran and other countries for many years to come. The issue of the Japanese involvement in the Azadegan oil field was divisive from the start, but became more Azadegan oil field and more so as the political situation in the Persian Gulf deteriorated after September 11 and the U.S. invasion of Iraq. This essay traces the development of the Japan-Iran partnership in Azadegan from its inception in November 2000 to its effective dissolution in October 2006. Map of Azadegan oil field 1 4 | 12 | 0 APJ | JF The Courtship signaled Tokyo’s desire to tighten both political and economic links withIran , On September 28, 1999, Iranian Oil including the resumption of yen loans for Minister Bijan Zanganeh announced to the previously-suspended Karun River the world during a radio interview the Dam project in southernIran . discovery of a major oil field in the southwestern portion of the country, near No Japanese foreign minister had visited the Iraqi border. In fact, this area had Iran since Nakayama Taro in May 1991, been a battlefield during the Iran-Iraq and yen loans to Iran had been frozen War, and was still littered with landmines since 1993 in deference to Washington. -
Easing Tensions in Northeast Asia: the Way Forward
Easing Tensions in Northeast Asia: The Way Forward Masahiro Akiyama Ralph A. Cossa Yoriko Kawaguchi Chu Shulong Kim Sung-han Sheila Smith Gerald L. Curtis Introduction by Donald S. Zagoria he National Committee on American Foreign Policy (NCAFP) was founded in 1974 by Professor Hans J. Morgenthau and others. It is a nonprofit activist T organization dedicated to the resolution of conflicts that threaten U.S. interests. Toward that end, the NCAFP identifies, articulates, and helps advance American foreign policy interests from a nonpartisan perspective within the framework of political realism. American foreign policy interests include: Preserving and strengthening national security; Supporting countries committed to the values and the practice of political, religious, and cultural pluralism; Improving U.S. relations with the developed and developing worlds; Advancing human rights; Encouraging realistic arms control agreements; Curbing the proliferation of nuclear and other unconventional weapons; Promoting an open and global economy. An important part of the activities of the NCAFP is Track I ½ and Track II diplomacy. Such closed-door and off-the-record endeavors provide unique opportunities for senior U.S. and foreign officials, think-tank experts, and scholars to engage in discussions designed to defuse conflict, build confidence, and resolve problems. Believing that an informed public is vital to a democratic society, the National Committee offers educational programs that address security challenges facing the United States and publishes a variety of publications, including its bimonthly journal, American Foreign Policy Interests, that present keen analyses of all aspects of American foreign policy. Introduction. .1 Donald S. Zagoria Japan-U.S.-China Trilateral Relations: Prospects for an Improved Security Environment. -
The Evolution of Japanese Diplomacy Towards Central Asia Since the Collapse of the Soviet Union
In: IFSH (ed.), OSCE Yearbook 2011, Baden-Baden 2012, pp. 441-458. Timur Dadabaev The Evolution of Japanese Diplomacy towards Central Asia since the Collapse of the Soviet Union Central Asian states’ relations with Japan have always had a great deal of potential. Even during the era of the Soviet Union, a majority of the popula- tion in Central Asian republics had highly positive views of Japan, rooted in factors such as their sympathy towards Japan as the first victim of nuclear bombs, respect for its modernization and technological innovations, and in- terest in its indigenous culture. After the Second World War, moreover, a number of Japanese prisoners of war (POWs) were brought to several repub- lics in the region such as Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan and were involved in the process of reconstructing those republics. The quality of the POWs’ work on the construction sites left a very good impression on the populations of those republics. When the Central Asian republics achieved independence, expectations of further development for these relationships were high on the part of Central Asian governments and Japan alike. What are the key features of relations between Japan and Central Asia? What were Japan’s strategies for approaching this complicated region? How did these policies evolve over the time, and what were the changes in the course of their implementation? These questions will be raised in this contribution. This contribution begins by outlining general problems in the conceptu- alization of Central Asia in Japan’s foreign policy. Secondly, it details the evolution of Japan’s foreign policy and the initiatives the country has under- taken over the years in respect of Central Asia.