Historical Verities in the Gospel of Luke

Merrill C. Tenney

Among the twenty-seven documents that compose the canonical New Testament, the writings of Luke are of outstanding importance. The two volumes which he wrote comprise at least one quarter of the total canon and provide the only piece of continuous historical writing that covers the period from the birth of Jesus of Nazareth to the establishment of a church in the capital of the Roman Empire. This dual document is the earliest designed effort to interpret the history of Christianity. It was probably written in the seventh decade of the first century — possibly later — and is a conscious attempt to provide a rational account of the origin and spread of the new gospel from its inception in Palestine to the heart of the Roman commonwealth.

LUKE'S WRITING METHODOLOGY The first four verses of the third Gospel give the author's preface in which he explains, among other things, the methods of his writing: Inasmuch as many have undertaken to compile an account of the things accomplished among us, just as those who from the be­ ginning were eyewitnesses and servants of the Word have handed them down to us, it seemed fitting to me as well, having investigated everything carefully from the beginning, to write it out for you in consecutive order, most excellent Theophilus; so that you might know the exact truth about the things you have been taught (Luke 1:1-4). EDITOR'S NOTE: This article is adapted from one of the lectures given by the author at the Buermann-Champion Lectures at Western Conservative Baptist Seminary, Portland, Oregon, fall, 1975. 126 Historical Verities in the Gospel of Luke / 127 HE WENT TO RELIABLE SOURCES Luke's information concerning the life of Jesus was professedly derived from "eyewitnesses and servants of the Word" (Luke 1:2). While eyewitnesses can err in their observation, their testimony is usually given high value because they were present when the given events occurred. Luke undoubtedly had access to members of the apostolic band as well as to other associates or contemporaries of Jesus. His acquaintance with the early church sprang not only from Paul, who is the chief figure in his narrative of the expansion of the church, but also from a host of other persons whom he mentions and from his own participation in the missionary enterprise, of which the "we" sections in Acts (16:10-17; 20:5-21:17; 27:1-16) bear abundant witness. HE CAREFULLY INVESTIGATED THE EVENTS HE DESCRIBED The verb παρηκολουθηκότι (1:3) means literally, "to follow along with, accompany, attend," and is so used in Mark 16:19. It may also have the connotation of "trace" or "investigate." Paul used this word concerning Timothy, who, he said, had "followed" the "sound doctrine" (1 Tim. 4:6), and had also "followed" the manner of life which Paul had exhibited at Antioch (of Pisidia), Iconium, and Lystra, where Timothy first met him. The latter text implies personal conduct and observation rather than literary research. Whether one should conclude that Luke was here classing himself as a research scholar or simply as a careful observer may be debat­ able; but in either case he was asserting that he had not been fabri­ cating or transmitting carelessly the events and teachings that his works describe.

HE ENDEAVORED TO ASCERTAIN THE ORIGINS OF THE MOVEMENT HE WAS DISCUSSING "From the beginning" is a translation of the word άνωθεν, which may be rendered into English in several ways. Two differing interpretations have been given. One interprets it as meaning "from above," and as Luke's claim of inspiration from heaven. It is true that lexically it is composed of the root άνω, which implies vertical motion or height, and the suffix -θεν, which denotes origin. In the Gospel of John it usually has this meaning, and can be so rendered in the familiar text of John 3:3: "Except one is born from above he cannot see the kingdom of God." (Cf. also John 3:27; 19:23; Mark 15:38.) In the Lukan writings, however, it appears only here and in Acts 26:5, where it is chronological: "for a long time pre- 128 / Bibliotheca Sacra — April-June 1978 viously." Arndt and Gingrich render it "from the beginning" in Luke 1:3, although they admit that the second rendering is also possible.1 The first meaning would be unusual, and not in accord with the Lukan usage in Acts. The New American Standard Bible and the New International Version both translate it "from the begin­ ning." In any case, the author asserted that he had given serious consideration to the claims of Christianity, and that he had gone back to its origins to explain it. This interpretation accords with the structure of the Gospel and of Acts, both of which relate to the beginnings of the Christian faith and which deal with the incipient actions of the narratives which they contain.

HE CLAIMED TO HAVE COVERED THE MAJOR FACTS "All things" does not mean that Luke professed to have listed every minute occurrence of Jesus' life. Rather it conveys the impres­ sion that nothing significant for his purpose was omitted. A compari­ son of Luke with Matthew and Mark shows plainly that there were numerous episodes or sayings included in their records that Luke does not mention. On the other hand, although the emphases may differ, the major events accord generally with their presentation.

HE CLAIMED TO HAVE WRITTEN ACCURATELY No author would state that he was writing inaccurately, but the claim here is more than a conventionality. The apocryphal gospels, mostly a product of the second and third centuries, contain exag­ gerations and fantasies that are absent from the canonical four. Perhaps some of the stories relating to Jesus in Luke's time were distorted and untrustworthy, so that Luke did not want his friend to be led astray by misinformation. The problem of the apocryphal works lies not so much in a complete falsification of truth as in embellishment, either for the purpose of satisfying curiosity or for giving support to some distortion of doctrine. For instance, the ac­ count of the resurrection in the Gospel of Peter, which is a late apocryphal and Gnostic gospel, tells some things about the resur­ rection that the other Gospels do not mention, and some things that seem to be absolutely incredible. There is much in the resurrection that seems impossible, but these details are not only incredible but also unnecessary. Luke does draw a distinction between fantasy and fact. A person as unique as Jesus would necessarily become a subject of inquiry and speculation, which would enlarge on the wonders he

1 William F. Arndt and F. Wilbur Gingrich, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament and Other Early Christian Literature, s.v. "άνωθεν,"p. 76. Historical Verities in the Gospel of Luke / 129 performed, and imagine others to supplement them. Luke avoided such legendary embroidery. If his procedure in Acts is any criterion of his method in the Gospel, he was both a keen observer and a faithful recorder of historical fact. HE STATED THAT HE WROTE "IN CONSECUTIVE ORDER." Writers use various kinds of order: chronological, psychological, or literary. Chronological order attempts to narrate actions in the exact temporal sequence in which they occurred. Sometimes that is impossible when a writer is attempting to follow two distinct but interwoven strands of activity. He must of necessity deal first with one and then with the other, so that the sequence of the written text is not the exact sequence of the action. Psychological order may deal with the order of thinking, or with cause and effect. Sometimes an idea long precedes its external effect; sometimes the effect is immediate. Literary order involves a grouping of related events which may not have occurred in temporal sequence or which do not belong to the immediate chain of activities in the life of one person. In general the items in the Lukan writings follow their natural order of succession, but in some instances they may be grouped together topically, as in the collection of sayings or parables, or they may omit probable intermediate steps for lack of sufficient space to discuss them.

THE HISTORICAL VERITY IN THE LIFE OF JESUS The events in the life of Jesus and of the church were not a legend from an undatable and illusory past, but were definitely re­ lated to actual events in the known world and in the experience of his reader. One of the great distinctions between Christianity and all other religions, Judaism excepted, is its relationship to the course of his­ tory. Not only can the origins of Christianity be located at a definite time and place, but also it is founded on the actual irruption of the supernatural into the course of natural cause and effect. Yet, though supernatural, it is not antinatural or bizarre. It was a new revelation set in a terrestrial framework. As John puts it, "the Word became flesh." The birth of Jesus was supernatural, yet it occurred under the most commonplace conditions and in a recognizable location. The Transfiguration took place on an actual mountain and was observed by very ordinary men, but at the same time it was an unusual hap­ pening. The crucifixion of Jesus did not differ in manner nor in 130 / Bibliotheca Sacra — April-June 1978 appearance from that of any other Roman execution, yet the cen­ turion confessed that it was distinctive because of the person who died. Christ's resurrection, the mode of which is not described, left a tomb empty in Joseph's garden that did not differ from dozens of others in Palestine. The "supernatural" is not so much a disruption of the natural order as the relationship of an event to another dimen­ sion that includes but transcends the customary order of the world. The historical witness to the verity of this supernatural revela­ tion may be found in several areas.

THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS The Gospel of Luke pictures the actual social conditions of its time. It begins with the status of the Jewish people, who were at that period centered in Palestine, though the Diaspora had ranged far and wide. Jewish communities and synagogues, the refugees of the Babylonian captivity and exile, could be found in every major city of the Mediterranean basin. Alexandria harbored an enormous colony, so large that it had its own governor and laws. Tarsus was the home of Paul's family, who were orthodox Pharisees (Phil. 3:5). Throughout Asia Minor and Macedonia, Achaia, and other prov­ inces, Jews could be found in greater or lesser numbers in almost every city. In Rome they were sufficiently strong in the fifth decade of the first century to be expelled by imperial edict (Acts 18:2). The gathering of Jews in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost brought them together from every part of the Roman world: Parthia, Media, and Elam in the east; Cappadocia, Pontus, Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia in the north; Egypt, Cyrenaica, and Libya to the south; and Rome to the west. With the Jewish people went also their law, so that even the Roman proconsul Gallio, in Corinth, recognized their influence (Acts 18:12-15). Their synagogues served as the central preaching point for Christian evangelists. Another great social force was Hellenism. The culture of the Greek city states, renowned for its scientific and philosophical achievements, had been carried eastward by the conquests of Alex­ ander, and had controlled Egypt and the Levant under the Ptolemaic and Seleucid kings. The Greek language had become the lingua franca of the territory from Rome eastward, by means of which men of dozens of different dialects could communicate with each other gracefully and accurately. The introduction to Luke's history is written in a semi-classical style, differing sharply from the rest of his Gospel and from much of the record in Acts. The philosophical Historical Verities in the Gospel of Luke / 131 influence of the Greek world appears in the reference to the Stoics and the Epicureans in Paul's speech before the Areopagus in Athens. Paul himself, although "a Hebrew of the Hebrews," was born in Tarsus, a Greek city, and was not totally unaffected by that environment. Whereas the Judaic culture was religious and moral and the Greek was philosophical and aesthetic, the Roman was political and practical. The Romans were primarily engineers and organizers. Imperialism was in their blood, and their sense of national unity was strong. Their sentiment is well illustrated by Luke's report of the military tribune who had ordered Paul to be scourged as a means of extracting information from him. When Paul asserted his rights as a Roman citizen which exempted him from such treatment, the tribune said, "I acquired this citizenship with a large sum of money." Paul's reply was, "I was actually born a citizen" (Acts 22:27-38). On the part of both, a high value was placed on their membership in the Roman commonwealth, not only because of the exemptions it provided, but also because of the honor it conferred. To some extent, at least, the sentiment among the Gentile converts was transmuted into a missionary passion. As citizens of the kingdom of God they felt obligated to extend its borders as far as possible. Probably not until many centuries later did the church as a whole show equal concern for the evangelization of the contemporary culture.

THE RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS The writings of Luke accord with the religious conditions of the time to which they are ascribed. Relatively little is said about the pagan pantheon which was memorialized by statutes and temples in every city of the empire. There are scattered allusions in Acts to Zeus and Hermes (Acts 17:14) and to votive altars (17:23), and to the temple of Artemis in Ephesus (19:17). There were undoubtedly many like the inhabitants of Ephesus who worshiped one of these deities with devotion and enthusiasm, but the state religions were largely dying cults. A state religion sooner or later becomes a purely formal observance, which tends to become increasingly impersonal and perfunctory. By the middle of the first century the mixture of peoples in the empire, the tensions of the civil wars, and the compe­ tition of other religious forces had rendered the older worship obsolescent. Philosophies flourished, especially Stoicism and Epicureanism. The former appealed to the temperament that practiced self-restraint 132 / Bibliotheca Sacra — April-June 1978 and that depended on reason for its guide; and the latter appealed to those who desired excitement and indulgence. As a cultured cos­ mopolite, Luke must have been well acquainted with both, for they were popular among the upper classes. Luke mentions also the occult practices in Ephesus and Philippi (Acts 16:16-18; 19:11-20). Noth­ ing is said directly about foreign cults such as those of Isis and Mithra which had entered the Mediterranean world from Egypt and the East, nor is there any patent reference to astrology, which was widely practiced. To all of these the Christian message maintained uncom­ promising resistance. Luke does not discuss them at length, but he does make unmistakably plain that the gospel of Christ is totally different from them in its origin, provisions, and claims.

THE POLITICAL CONDITIONS The Gospel and Acts relate the growth of Christianity to the political conditions of the time. Although Luke does not elaborate the nature of the civil struggles within the Roman Empire, he ap­ parently was aware of current trends, and to the extent that they impinged on his interests, he related to them. His first connection with contemporaneous events is the allusion to the reign of Herod the Great, which ended with the latter's death in 4 B.C. Herod was an important figure, since he had rebuilt the temple in which Zacharias, the father of John the Baptist, ministered. Luke does not comment on the character of Herod's reign, but the fact that the annunciation of the birth of John the Baptist and of Jesus came before his death locates both chronologically. Jesus must have been born in the interval between the time when the census ¡under Augustus became effective in Palestine and the time of Herod's death (Luke 2:1; Matt. 2:1). Since the Roman census was taken on an average of every fourteen years, and since one was definitely conducted in A.D. 8, it is quite probable that the census mentioned by Luke was taken in 6 B.C., shortly before Herod died, about the time when Augustus was pressing Herod to accept the full obligations of Roman suzerainty. The census under Quirinius of which Luke speaks has been a cause of considerable debate (Luke 2:1-3). It has been charged against Luke that he blundered by confusing the time of Jesus' birth with that of the latter census ascribed to Quirinius by Josephus.2 The language of Luke is somewhat ambiguous, both in Greek and in the English translation. Ramsay argued that Quirinius was the imperial

2 Antiquities 17. 355; 18. 1. Historical Verities ¡η the Gospel of Luke / 133 legate holding command over Syria during the Homonadensian war in Asia Minor,3 though the evidence for this conclusion is somewhat cloudy. Heichelheim, however, gives this rendering: "This census was the first before that under the prefectureship of Quirinius in Syria."4 Does the statement mean that it was the first census which Quirinius personally conducted in Palestine, or that it was the first census, which may have been conducted by another, but during Quirinius's general administration? If the former alternative is cor­ rect, then it must be that this census was that of A.D. 8, in which Quirinius participated when he was sent to Judea by Augustus to settle the affairs of Archelaus, who had just been deposed. Quirinius was not the procurator, but was apparently the emperor's special representative. There is, however, indirect evidence that he had held a post of authority in Syria several years before, as Ramsay suggested. The prefect at that time was P. Quintilius Varus, who later lost a disastrous campaign in Germany, and whom Augustus may not have trusted completely on his first appointment. Herod had fallen out of favor by a rather rash attack on the neighboring Nabatean king­ dom which Augustus wished to retain as an ally. In order to retain a firm hold on the situation, Augustus may have assigned the super­ vision to Quirinius. Admittedly positive evidence concerning Quirin­ ius's early activity in Syria and Judea is scarce; but Luke's testimony cannot lightly be set aside. The second alternative is a strong possi­ bility, and in the absence of definitely negative proof, must remain a live option. The birth of Jesus at this time was a singular manifestation of the purpose of God. When Augustus began his work of reorganizing the government of Rome, a new wave of expectation swept over the Roman world. The cessation of the bloody civil wars that had racked Rome during the previous century, the coming of a prince who seemed not to arrogate power to himself, the return of prosperity as the treasury was once more replenished and began to grow, and the success in maintaining a barrier against the irruption of barbarian hordes produced a sense of unity and hope among the people. The literature of the period reflected this sentiment, especially the Aeneid of Vergil, who connected the origin of Rome with the fugitives from

3 William Ramsay, Was Christ Born at Bethlehem? (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1898), pp. 229-83. 4 F. M. Heichelheim, "Roman Syria," in An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, ed. Tenney Frank, 6 vols. (Paterson, NJ: Pageant Books, 1959), 4:160-61. 134 / Bibliotheca Sacra — April-June 1978 Troy, and predicted the advent of a divine child who would govern the world in peace and safety. The desire for a ruler who would reshape the political and social chaos of the commonwealth and lead it to new stability and power was a widespread sentiment in the empire. That was the Roman dream, all too soon shattered by the encroaching tyranny of the Caesars, the fickleness of the masses, and the later invasions of the barbarians. Within this empire emerged another historical force — the kingdom of God. Without negating the prophetic aspect which still points to a visible and material manifestation, the invisible in­ fluence of the kingdom over the lives of believers made it a potent force in Roman history. Furthermore, the peaceful rule of Augustus provided a safe cradle for the youth of Jesus. Luke alludes also to the reign of Tiberius, Augustus's stepson and successor (A.D. 14-37). During his rule Jesus came of age, was presented by John the Baptist, completed His brief mission, was crucified, resurrected, and ascended. The political intrigues within the Roman court and the struggle for power which accompanied them did not affect the ministry of Jesus directly. As a dweller in the empire, however, Luke must have been aware of these conditions. His presentation of the person of Jesus contrasts strongly with the historical scene. Tiberius, although a diplomat and a military strategist of no mean order, had been long held in a secondary posi­ tion by Augustus, who favored his nephew, Marcellus, his grandsons, Gaius and Lucius, and his stepson, Drusus, Tiberius's brother, rather than Tiberius himself. When death claimed the others one by one, Augustus was compelled by necessity to appoint Tiberius as his suc­ cessor at the age of fifty-seven. Although alienated by Augustus's apparent neglect, Tiberius was summoned to take command of Rome at the price of divorcing his first wife, for whom he had deep affec­ tion, and marrying Augustus's daughter, Julia, who had five children by her second husband. Julia was profligate by disposition, and she found little in the stern and introverted Tiberius to attract her. In the last years of his life, contemporary with the ministry of Jesus, Tiberius, disappointed by the lack of popular appreciation of his work and disgusted by the intrigues of his family circle, withdrew to Capri, leaving the active government of Rome to Sejanus, the prefect of the Praetorian Guard. Sejanus saw an opportunity to gain control of the empire. He seduced the widow of Tiberius's son, Drusus, and was rapidly pro­ gressing toward a seizure of power. In A.D. 31, when the one-man Historical Verities in the Gospel of Luke / 135 conspiracy was about to be perfected, Tiberius accused Sejanus to the Senate in a well-timed action, and eliminated a dangerous rival. The rather thrilling details of that episode may be found in the narrative of Suetonius. The long succession of snubs, neglect, popular disrespect, and final treachery of his trusted aid soured Tiberius's disposition. He died in A.D. 37, hated by the Senate and by the populace alike. His relation to the career of Jesus was indirect, but significant. When the mob in Jerusalem shouted at Pilate, "If you release this man, you are no friend of Caesar" (John 19:12), Pilate was already under suspicion because of his blunders in dealing with his Jewish subjects. He feared that any accusation would cause Tiberius to think that he had dealt too easily with a potential rival king. Furthermore, Pilate was an appointee of Sejanus, and with the downfall of his patron, Pilate stood in a precarious position. The thinly veiled threat of the mob warned Pilate that he would be doubly suspect of mischief as the friend of a traitor. Realizing his political peril, Pilate equivocated, and Jesus was condemned. The third emperor, Claudius, is mentioned by Luke in connec­ tion with the time of a famine in Palestine (Acts 11:28) and with reference to the expulsion of Jews from Rome (18:2). He succeeded to the throne of the empire after the assassination of the insane Caligula, and reigned from A.D. 41 to 54. He was physically defective, possibly a spastic, whose halting gait, stammering speech, and un­ coordinated manner made him the butt of family jokes. He was ele­ vated to the throne by the Praetorian Guard, whom the Senate dared not oppose. Behind his imbecille facade he maintained a keen mind, but a weak will. He had an interest in religion, and there has been some speculation whether the edict that removed the Jews from Rome and forced Aquila and Priscilla to take their business to Corinth may not have been prompted by a riot in the Jewish com­ munity, arising from the preaching in their synagogues of Jesus as the Messiah. The disintegration of the imperial system of Rome was caused by several factors: the failure of Augustus to make constitutional pro­ vision for determining the succession of imperial power, the conse­ quent opportunity for the use of intrigue or of military force to take over the government, and a general moral decline that so weakened the fiber of the citizens that the barbarian invaders found no adequate resistance to their attacks. The collapse did not come immediately, but the seeds were there from the beginning. 136 / Bibliotheca Sacra — April-June 1978 Against this background for slowly creeping dissolution one can see in relief the need for a ruler who would be wise enough to under­ stand the times, diplomatic enough to deal with the headstrong and ignorant, firm enough to maintain standards, and powerful enough to enforce a rule of righteousness. Rome had some able rulers, but none who could meet these requirements. Luke, in his picture of Christ, presented the only alternative, the kingdom of God adminis­ tered by the Son of God. When Luke wrote his work, Nero was in the seat of power. His moral debauchery, his reckless expenditures, his malicious exploitation of his power, and his unbearable tyranny must have been well known to Luke. The significance of the three emperors whom he named and of the one during whose reign he wrote but whom he did not name, does not depend primarily on what they did positively or negatively. Luke was attempting to demon­ strate that the person and message of Jesus were related to the needs and atmosphere of the empire. Into the complex currents of the pagan world, dominated by intrigue, lust, militarism, and materialism, a new force had entered. The gospel was not the product of its times, but the revelation of God for those times. Luke speaks often of "the Word of God," of which the Apostles and their successors were eyewitnesses (Luke 1:2), which Jesus had proclaimed by life and speech (Acts 10:26), and which was preached from Jerusalem (4:31) to Samaria (8:4), to the outlying lands of the Mediterranean Sea (11:9; 12:24), and then westward through Cyprus (13:5) to Antioch of Pisidia (14:44, 48-49), Philippi of Macedonia (16:32), Ephesus (19:20), and finally Rome (28:31). The reality of this message that flourished under opposition, that survived the incidents of political and social change, and that was adapted to all types and conditions of men, was an inescapable certainty.

THE BIOGRAPHICAL VERITY IN THE LIFE OF JESUS

Luke's emphasis on historical certainty is not confined to the external conditions that form the context for his work, but extends also to the internal structure. This is not exclusively a feature of the Lukan writings; it is shared by all four Gospels. He does, however, attach great importance not only to the relevance of his narrative and teaching to the contemporary scene, but also to the acts of God in Christ and the work of the early church. The presentation of the personality of Jesus would alone be sufficient to establish historical certainty in the mind of Theophilus. Historical Verities in the Gospel of Luke / 137 Luke wrote in a civilization that was familiar with tales of the super­ natural actions of the gods, but they were remote in time and not verifiable by credible witnesses. Least of all did they have any direct effect on the nature of their worshipers. Jesus had lived in a relatively small territory, where He was well known and where His activities had been widely publicized. These activities had been observed by more than one person. Luke professed to have had ample testimony on which to found his narratives. From this information he has presented a person so amazing in His paradoxical simplicity and versatility, in His humility and dignity, in His suffering and power, that He could not be simply a fictitious invention. It would take a Jesus to invent a Jesus. In addition, the effect of Jesus on the lives of His followers be­ came a part of history. The transformation of their characters, the miracles they performed in His name, and the tremendous revolution they produced both in Judaism and in paganism substantiated the claims that they advanced for their faith. If Theophilus were ac­ quainted with only a few of the characters Luke mentioned in his writings, he would have ample reason for believing firmly in the gospel that Luke and his colleagues preached. While Luke thus presents a Christ who has theological signifi­ cance, he does not make Him merely a wooden figure to be decorated with a dogma. The Christ of Luke was a living person whose disciples observed Him under all kinds of circumstances and conditions. Sometimes the disciples were querulous, sometimes inquisitive, some­ times doubting, and sometimes impertinent. They were occasionally obstinate and incredulous. Nevertheless, they followed Him; and al­ though His death seemed at first to plunge them into complete des­ pair, they became convinced of the fact of His resurrection, and proceeded to preach to His enemies that He still lived and was active in their destiny (Acts 2:22-24).

CONCLUSION

If Theophilus were inclined on second thought to wonder whether or not Jesus was simply an illusory or legendary figure, he was presented in Luke (and Acts) with a mass of evidence that related Jesus vitally to the environment in which He lived. There are more numerous and reliable sources for information concerning Him than there are for some of the emperors in whose time He lived. Luke gives a definite dating for His life and death; he acknowledges 138 / Bibliotheca Sacra — April-June 1978 His resurrection; and he sketches the origins and growth of the early Christian church in precisely the same vein. Jesus is not so vague as the figures of stereotyped legend; instead He is a person who had a biography as genuine as that of any man, though He was more than man. Again, Jesus brought a new element into history. The historical figures and processes that form the backdrop of Luke's narrative are tragic in their impotence and failure. Augustus founded an empire, but failed to provide adequately for its continuance. The element of weakness in the succession of rulers which he bequeathed to it proved its ultimate undoing. The career of Tiberius, whose abilities were neglected, circumscribed, and soured by intrigue and misunderstand­ ing ended in misery for himself and for his subjects. Of the successors of Tiberius, all had relatively short reigns, and of the nine who ruled until the end of the century, including Tiberius and Augustus, only two died natural deaths. Jesus Himself shared the tragedy of death, but He rose from the dead; and the account of His sovereignty over the fortunes of the infant church must have given assurance to Theophilus concerning the future. The pagan Romans worshiped the emperor and deified the state; but neither emperor nor state could be a ground of confidence. The risen Lord is the master and maker of history, and He will outlast the Caesars of earth. ^s

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