Recreational Home Owners in the Leadership and Governance of Peripheral Recreational Communities

Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 233 DOI: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.6 Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 2015 (3) 233–245.

Recreational home owners in the leadership and governance of peripheral recreational communities

Grete KINDEL1 and Garri RAAGMAA2

Abstract

This paper addresses recreational home owners’ role in local leadership and governance, focusing on whether they counteract or reinforce the peripheralisation of remotely located communities. If recreational house owners (RHO) grow in number, they become stronger stakeholders with an increased ability to impact the social and economic life of communities. Possessing high interpretive and network power, they should have fairly good opportunities to contribute to local development. The greatest challenge is to fi nd a balance and create positive synergies between permanent and temporary residents’ interests. Here, leadership quality has a great importance in orchestrating relations and communication between interest groups. Empirically, the paper is based on a comparative case study of Noarootsi and Vormsi, two tiny municipalities located on the Estonian West coast, which is outside the daily commuting area of urban centres. Both case study areas have similar cultural and historical development paths and economic bases. Since they practiced very diff erent leadership models during the last 25 years, we can compare whether and how this impacted governance and overall development. We used media analysis, statistical data and the results of students’ fi eldwork as a background; moreover, we conducted 20 in-depth interviews with key informants. The results show the highly important role of RHOs in local governance depending on their personal background and motives. At the same time, the results also indicate the need for skilful local leadership to encourage the participation and equal involvement of all permanent and temporary resident interest groups in decision making.

Keywords: leadership, governance, recreational home owner, recreational periphery, Estonia

We defi ne recreational peripheries as ter- ritories outside the daily commuting areas of Introduction urban centres where a signifi cant part of the population lives temporarily, mainly during This paper analyses the role of the group of the summer and weekends, and mostly uses recreational home owners (RHO) in the lead- land for recreational purposes such as vari- ership and governance of peripheral com- ous sports, minor hobby cultivation, mush- munities. Recreational, also labelled second, room and berry picking. RHOs oft en remain leisure, vacation, weekend, holiday, beach, invisible in statistics: they are included nei- country or seasonal homes include luxuri- ther in the population registers nor in tour- ous mansion-type buildings, small houses, ism accounts. Nevertheless, whereas a RHO shanties, cabins, cott ages, ski chalets, trailer is ’likely to be less concerned with the fate of homes, and static caravans (Marcouiller, the community where resides and more with W.D. and Chraca, A. 2011). Müller uses the activities that may be scatt ered throughout term “second home”, which is not entirely the [urban] fi eld but are closest to interests, correct since some families own three or even leading to a stronger identifi cation on his part more such properties (Müller, K.D. 2002). with the realm’ (Friedmann, J. and Miller, J.

1 Faculty of Economics, University of Tartu. Narva mnt 4, Tartu, Estonia. E-mail: [email protected] 2 Department of Geography, University of Tartu. Vanemuise 46, Tartu, Estonia. E-mail: [email protected] 234 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

1965, p. 317), then an active and motivated Literature review member of a local community may well contribute to its development. Otherwise, RHOs The choice of location with recreational may also create problems for permanent resi- homes is influenced by natural conditions dents (Farstad, M. 2011) and reinforce periph- (Marcouiller, W.D. and Chraca, A. 2011; eralisation processes when blocking develop- Lipkina, O. 2013). City people are willing to ment initiatives in the local council because of consume qualitatively diff erent amenities that their desire for peace and quiet. they cannot access or aff ord in urban areas and, The RHO phenomenon and their impact thus, they are looking for more distant places to has been well described by several authors charge their batt eries. Recreational homes are (Gallent, N. et al. 2003; Gallent, N. 2007; located mainly in areas of valuable natural en- Paris, C. 2009; Farstad, M. 2011; Rye, F. and vironment: coastland, islands or mountains and Berg, G.N. 2011; Marcouiller, W.D. and places of social and cultural meaning (Gallent, Chraca, A. 2011; Nordin, U. and Marjavaara, N. et al. 2003; Dĳ st, M. et al. 2005; Pitkänen, K. R. 2012; Nordbo, I. 2014) but so far, the litera- 2008; Norris, M. and Winston, N. 2010). ture on the participation of RHOs in local lead- It is typical for places of tourism to be in the ership and governance is fairly limited, thus, it periphery. In this way, remote regions eco- deserves a more thorough investigation. nomically benefi t from factors which cannot The restructuring of local power can coun- be utilised otherwise: high mountain chains, teract or reinforce peripherality. On the one barren, rocky landscapes, heather, unpro- hand, new people usually see new hori- ductive dunes’ (Christaller, W. 1963, p. 96). zons, initiate new developments, apply new Friedmann and Miller described the spread- ways of governance, and, especially when ing urban fi eld and ‘the increasing att ractive- speaking about RHOs, extend networking ness of the periphery to metropolitan popula- (bridging social capital). On the other hand, tions. (Friedmann, J. and Miller, J. 1965, p. a power shift usually causes confl icts and a 315). It has space, it has scenery, and it contains negative image of a place, leading to further communities that remain from earlier periods peripheralisation due to the marginalisation of sett lement and preserve a measure of histor- of some groups who may not be involved in ical integrity and interest’. Thus, recreational the governance any more. land use in geographical peripheries has been Following this reasoning, we chose the described over 50 years ago already. following questions to clarify RHOs’ role in The mobility of people has increased due to local leadership: rising welfare and ever widening car owner- – How do RHOs’ motives and behaviour im- ship (Pettersson, R. 1999; Dĳ st, M. et al. 2005; pact socialisation with local community? Moss, L.A.G. 2006). Less densely populated – How do diff erent representation/leadership wealthy countries and regions in Northern models impact local relations and the involve- America and Europe have witnessed increas- ment of RHOs in local decision making? ing recreational commuting (Müller, K.D. – What are the main lessons for leadership 2002; Dĳ st, M. et al. 2005; Pitkänen, K. 2008; when involving RHOs in local governance? Paris, C. 2009; Norris, M. and Winston, N. We carried out a comparative case study 2010; Marcouiller, W.D. and Chraca, A. 2011; in two municipalities on the Estonian West Lipkina, O. 2013). A growing number of peo- coast. The paper consists of the following ple live and consume in two or more places. sections: (i) the theoretical overview of the The most of geographically remote areas suf- recreational home phenomenon and leader- fered from a steady demographic downward ship connection based on a literature review, trajectory over decades nevertheless, several (ii) a presentation of the case study areas and touristic and seasonal living areas have been the RHOs’ activities in diff erent leadership subject to positive, so called post-productivist regimes, and (iii) fi nally, our conclusion. development (Halfacree, K. 2006), as tourists Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 235

and recreational house dwellers contributed to whose credit ratings are good and those the increase of population (at least seasonally), who have possibilities to invest their savings as well as to retail and service consumption (Norris, M. and Winston, N. 2010). signifi cantly. Increasing fl ows might justify in- (4) The availability of free land is also an im- vestments into local infrastructure from the na- portant factor (Rye, F. and Berg, G.N. 2011), tional budget and also by private developers. explaining why recreational housing is much On the other hand, permanent residents more represented on the sparsely populated and RHOs may compete for local resources edges of Europe (Nordic countries, Eastern (Farstad, M. 2011); extensive recreational Europe and the Mediterranean) and periph- house ownership may increase the tax bur- eral regions further away from cities. den of local residents and even cause the dis- (5) Increasing mobility and ever widening placement of the ’native’ population (Hall, car ownership allows people to commute be- C.M. 2010). Local people’s att itude towards tween second and permanent homes (Rye, F. RHOs depends foremost on their interest and and Berg, G.N. 2011). readiness to contribute to the communities’ (6) Last but not least, rural idyll also att racts social and cultural life (Farstad, M. 2011). RHOs (Müller, K.D. 2002; Pitkänen, K. 2008; Recreational house owners’ socialization Rye, F. and Berg, G.N. 2011). with the local community depends on their The above reasons normally combine. personal willingness to communicate, the Usually, RHOs are well educated and wealthier existing institutional set up, the sett lement people (Dĳ st, M. et al. 2005), own a car for com- structure, and also on the att itude and activi- muting (Stewart, S.I. 2002; Moss, L.A.G. 2006) ties of local governments. RHOs may enrich and are seeking a place where they can spend local close-knit communities with bridging their leisure time and raise children (Lundholm, and linking social capital and create addition- E. 2006). Perlik found that RHOs usually pre- al opportunities (e.g., drag in public or also fer places with social networks and people who private investments from outside, increase share their views, life-style and culture (Perlik, the knowledge level of local entrepreneurs) M. 2010). If RHOs grow in number, they be- and improve the quality of life in a locality come stronger stakeholders with an increased (Robertsson, L. and Marjavaara, R. 2014). ability to impact the social and economic life On the basis of literature, we can outline of communities (Kaltenborn, B.P. et al. 2009). the following factors explaining recreational RHOs are normally bett er educated (Dĳ st, M. house purchases: et al. 2005; Nordbo, I. 2014) and have higher (1) According to compensation theory peo- interpretive power than the locals. They may ple obtain and visit second homes because lack network and resource power (Sotarauta, their permanent home doesn’t off er fully ac- M. 2009) locally, but have bett er networks on ceptable living conditions (Norris, M. and the national and international level. Combining Winston, N. 2010). the strengths and resources of permanent and (2) Life-cycle theory distinguishes the fi rst temporary residents has great potential for stage when people with children are look- positive synergies. ing for a quiet and child-friendly environ- At the other extreme, in the case of confl icts ment (Gallent, N. et al. 2003) and the second and opportunistic behaviour, a great deal of stage before or aft er retirement when people energy might be wasted on internal fi ghts. are willing to move out of the city to fi nd a Local politicians may even focus on RHOs calm and beautiful environment for living or their business related interests and leave (Norris, M. and Winston, N. 2010). Both permanent residents and their problems on groups are looking for lower-priced and less the back seat (Gallent, N. 2007). The greatest centrally located housing. challenge for the communities of recreational (3) Investment theories explain the purchase areas is to fi nd a balance and synergy between of a second house as an investment by those permanent and recreational residents. 236 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

Nordin and Marjavaara found that RHOs’ However, their contribution could be even involvement in local communities is an im- stronger. Giannias, D. et al. (2010) point portant factor in avoiding possible confl icts out that local power in peripheries is oft en (Nordin, U. and Marjavaara, R. 2012). locked in and avoids innovations. According Gallent uses the term ”dwelling hierarchy” to Barca, F. (2009), ‘rent-seeking’ local elites which means that diff erent parties are com- restrain critical social innovations and hinder municating with each other and it is the foun- potential economic development (invest- dation for a strong and uniform community ments, new business entries). Can we con- (Gallent, N. 2007). Rye and Berg point out sider RHOs, when they are suffi ciently em- that the second home phenomenon infl uences bedded in the local communities, as people the social structures of communities horizon- who can break path dependency or, as Daft, tally and enhances their social and cultural L.R. (1998) writes, as people ‘participating heterogeneity through embracing new people in change’ and predisposed to innovation and traditions in the area (Rye, F. and Berg, (Sotarauta, M. 2009)? Can RHOs become G.N. 2011). Time and common experiences local leaders or at least join and encourage create a basis for social communion causing leadership processes? Under what conditions positive development (Falk and Kilpatrick and in what way might that happen? What 2000; op. cit. Gallent, N. 2007). Social capi- consequences may this intervention have? tal creating process can help to build a com- Horlings, I. (2010), Sotarauta, M. (2012) munity, where common bases are evoked by and Raagmaa, G. et al. (2012) examined the trust and a growing well-being (Gallent, N. role of public sector leaders and found that 2007), as well as a collaborative governance they have an essential role in igniting new approach (Purdy, J.M. 2012). local/regional development and social capital Farstad found that RHO involvement in lo- creating process. However, Mintzberg, H. cal community depends on how much they (1998) stressed that the followers and teams are interested in local life and how much they around leaders are no less important. How are ready to contribute to it (Farstad, M. 2011). can RHOs as potential agents of change mo- RHOs oft en consider from their own interests, tivate local people? Do they understand each demanding privileges, rights, authority and other and do they share similar values? Quite local resources without giving anything in oft en, RHOs have an active social life in their return. They do not consider local needs and recreational destination (due to family ties, they are interested in topics that are connected friendship) and rather limited communica- to their property or environment directly or tion with their neighbours in their city apart- implicitly. Usually, they protest against any ments or suburban neighbourhoods. RHOs developments which can damage their living possessing high interpretative and network environment. On the positive side, RHOs may power (Sotarauta, M. 2009) have fairly good contribute to the improvement of employ- opportunities to contribute to local leadership ment, consuming local products and services and to enter local governance structures. (e.g., pushing snow, selling fi rewood and veg- etables, doing repair works) that stimulates the local economy (Müller, K.D. 2002; Rye, Methodology and data F. and Berg, G.N. 2011). In addition, RHOs ought to pay taxes to the local municipality. RHOs remain ‘invisible’ in population sta- Consequently, if the RHOs manage to im- tistics or are incorrectly registered because prove local economic and social qualities, they of the rigidity of the registration systems are accepted more by the community. Thus, that do not account for people’s increased leadership quality has a great importance in mobility (Marcouiller, W.D. and Chraca, orchestrating relations and communication A. 2011). RHOs are normally embedded into between diff erent interest groups. local community aff airs one way or another. Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 237

It is common that aft er many years of statisti- casual relations. Therefore, we compared cal invisibility, a recreational homeowner be- the social phenomena of two municipali- ing part of the community and local decision ties, using Keddie’s comparative case study making for years registers and becomes a methodology (Keddie, V. 2006). Campell, S. permanent resident. Therefore, we chose the et al. (2010) explained how this method helps case study method, focussing on interviews to study the context and the characteristics of att empting to pinpoint and describe causal concrete phenomena: the comparative case processes and identify the real involvement study aims to fi nd contrasts, similarities and of part-time residents in local governance. patt erns of diff erent cases, thus, it rests on the The methodological frame of this study is combination of diff erent sources and data. based on Sayer´s critical realism (Sayer, A. We chose two rural municipalities 1992). He states that the traditional (positivis- – Noarootsi and Vormsi in West Estonia – tic) social science approach usually describes with a high share of recreational population the top of the iceberg without seeking deeper (Figure 1). Both of them are well-discussed

Fig 1. Location of Noarootsi and Vormsi municipalities inside Lääne county in West Estonia. In case of their 9 villages extra investigations were carried out 238 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

in the national media because of local power The content analysis materials were collect- struggles. These two municipalities are rec- ed from the Lääne County newspaper Lääne reational peripheries: located outside the Elu and two national newspapers Maaleht daily commuting area of the regional capital (rural weekly) and Eesti Päevaleht (daily). The Haapsalu. They have att racted numerous main keywords were ‘Vormsi’, ‘Noarootsi‘, second house owners form the capital city ‘Estonian Swedes’ and ‘elections’. Tallinn and abroad (mainly Sweden). Basic Aft er choosing the ﬁ elds and analysing data for booth municipalities can be seen in their conditions, the study plan was updated Table 1. and then, twenty in-depth semi-structured

Table 1. Basic data for the investigated rural municipalities Driving distance from Area in Population, person Municipality Tallinn Haapsalu km2 1934 1989 2015 km minutes km minutes Noarootsi 296 4,388 909 840 110 90 37 30 Vormsi 93 2,547 347 412 123 240* 25 150* *Including ferry

Noarootsi and Vormsi have a similar cul- interviews were conducted with former and tural background (the areas were populated actually appointed mayors, civil servants, mainly by Swedes before World War II) and NGO leaders, village elders, municipality RHOs actively participate in local govern- council members and RHOs involved in local ance. At the same time, they have had diff er- aff airs between November 14, 2012 and May ent leadership practices in the past: Noarootsi 23, 2014. Each conversation was recorded was ruled by one strong charismatic leader for and transcribed. 22 years (1987–2009), whereas Vormsi has had The interview guide covered the following a constantly changing weak local leadership. topics: For the background study, we made a (1) identity and community feeling, media analysis and analysed statistical data (2) interpersonal relations and social capital, provided by the Statistics Estonia and the (3) leadership, and National Electoral Committee. Moreover, (4) governance. we employed students to collect recreation- The identity questions aimed to fi gure out al housing fi eldwork data in the selected diff erent local sub-groups. The questions ad- Noarootsi and Vormsi villages in 2014 and dressing social relations and capital revealed 2015 (Table 2). permanent residents’ and RHOs’ relations and their involvement in community life. Table 2. Recreational households in the villages of the two Leadership and governance-related municipalities questions helped to understand the Total Recreational motivations behind power changes. Municipality Villages number of households households number % Elbiku 48 32 66.7 The formation of recreational Einbi 47 31 66.0 population in Noarootsi and Vormsi Höbringi 14 9 64.3 Noarootsi Riguldi 47 38 80.9 Noarootsi rural municipality covers Rooslepa 26 21 80.7 Spithami 34 31 91.2 an area of 296 km² in Lääne County, Kersleti 15 8 53.3 western Estonia. According to the Vormsi Borrby 16 15 93.8 population register, 840 inhabitants Rälby 24 18 75.0 lived in Noarootsi municipality on Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 239

July 1, 2015. The real situation is diff erent, fl uctuating recently due to the so-called elec- as a number of registered inhabitants are tion migration, such as to the registration of RHOs and students living elsewhere. The trusted voters on the island. In 2011, many average population density in Noarootsi is people signed out because of the new land very low (3 persons per km²). Nevertheless, taxation system and of the availability of free local population is tripled in the summer sea- public transport in Tallinn. Vormsi Isle is de- son. Noarootsi has about 100 km of sandy sirable for RHOs from Tallinn because of its coastline, and it is highly att ractive as a rec- closeness to the capital and its insularity. The reational area. Its main economic activities dominant economic activities in Vormsi are are tourism, wood processing, forestry and tourism, forestry and agriculture (Photo 2). agriculture (Photo 1). Our case study area used to be the area in- Vormsi, Estonia’s fourth largest island (93 habited by Estonian Swedes or Costal Swedes km²) is located in also in Lääne County, on (in Swedish Estlandssvenskar and colloquially, the Western part of Estonia and has 14 vil- Aibofolke) in the largest number before World lages. On July 1, 2015, Vormsi had 417 reg- War II. The beginning of continuous sett le- istered inhabitants (4.3 persons per km²), ment in these areas (known as Aiboland) Nevertheless, in statistical estimations, dates back to the 13th century. According three-quarters of them do not live there to the 1934 census, 7,641 Estonian Swedes permanently. An additional motivation for lived in Estonia. About 7,000 of them fl ed registering on the island comes from the to Sweden in 1944 (EE 2014) and only a few 50 percent discount on ferry tickets for lo- of them chose to stay. Newcomers from the cal people. Vormsi population has also been mainland sett led in the area and additional

Photo 1. Permanent Estonian-Swedish inhabitant with Aiboland’s ﬂ ag in Noarootsi 240 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

Photo 2. Norby village street view in Vormsi (Photos by G. Kindel) permanent residents were att racted to the Estonia initiated a restitution-based land area by the organisation of collective farms. reform in 1992 that returned property to pre- During the Soviet time, migration in war owners and their heirs. The majority of the border zones was strictly controlled. Estonian Swedes used this opportunity but Regardless of the border regime, next to the some of them either disclaimed or sold their permanent residents, an access to the area land to new people, mainly to the new RHOs was also granted to the Communist Party from Tallinn. The majority of Swedish peo- elites who were able to get building permits ple did not return as permanent residents, for new summerhouses or to purchase local but started to use their property for recrea- farmhouses and renovate them as summer tional purposes. The formation of new rec- cott ages. Owning a second house on the coast reational house communities was diff erent and particularly, on the islands has gained in Noarootsi and Vormsi. popularity among the political elites and in- The Swedish returnees and other new land tellectuals since the 1970s. By 1980 Vormsi owners were always welcome by the Noarootsi and Noarootsi were already functioning as Mayor, Ülo Kalm. His aim was to increase the recreational housing areas. Additionally, sev- number of permanent residents (thus, person- eral industrial enterprises and central gov- al income tax revenues) and for this he tried ernment organisations set up their holiday to convince RHOs to register in the Noarootsi house complexes and camps there. Therefore, municipality. Meanwhile, the Vormsi munici- the fi rst generation of RHOs had a specifi c pality decided not to return land to Estonian elitist background. Several former RHOs still Swedes and proposed to create small zones live in the area as permanent residents; they where Estonian Swedes could build their rec- are well embedded in the local networks and reational homes. This idea was not supported generally respected by other people. by the Estonian Parliament and accelerated the Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 241

confl ict between Estonian Swedes and Vormsi of Noarootsi (2012) and 80 percent (2011) of municipality. As a result of the disputes, the Vormsi land belongs to people living outside majority of Estonian Swedes got back their of Estonia, mostly Estonian Swedes. land but not the houses which were inhabited The majority of Estonian Swedes visit the by new bona fi de owners. area once a year. They are not interested in According to the 2011 census, 77 Estonians agricultural production, thus, they let their owned a second house in Vormsi and 236 in land to local farmers. Estonian Swedes pur- Noarootsi municipality (Statistics Estonia sue social activities in the summer, but these 2014). Today, Noarootsi and Vormsi RHOs events are solely for the ‘insiders’. Estonian are mainly middle-aged, well-educated, Swedes’ organisations such as Riguldi- well-off people that confi rms earlier research Noarootsi Union in Noarootsi and Vormsi results on the structure of RHO population Kodukandi Union mainly att empt to main- (e.g. Dĳ st, M. et al. 2005; Lundholm, E. 2006). tain old traditions. Permanent residents Second home owners from the 1990s on- think, that Estonian Swedes are peaceful and wards are mainly from Tallinn, and they are do not participate in local governance. wealthier than locals and the 1970s RHOs. Newcomers have more contacts with each other and with their neighbours. Governance and leadership in Noarootsi The interviewees complained about that the and Vormsi newcomers have a strong NIMBY mentality; they oft en fi ght against new developments or The municipality councils in Noarootsi as well for their own business projects. Relationships as in Vormsi have nine members. Five par- between Estonian RHOs and permanent resi- ties in Vormsi and four parties and one single dents depend on specifi c persons. The inter- candidate in Noarootsi ran for the municipal viewees found that the RHOs’ open-minded- council membership at the last (2013) elec- ness and their understanding of local habits tions. Noarootsi municipality has had four help to pursue an easy life together. Warmer mayors between 1990 and 2014 and Vormsi relationships are sett led with the RHOs who municipality had 12 mayors subsequently. have been there for a long time and who take Vormsi and Noarootsi municipalities prac- part in the locals’ projects and events. Some ticed entirely diff erent leadership styles until RHOs are members of local NGOs and help to 2009. While Noarootsi experienced 22 years arrange local actions. Nevertheless, a number of sustained governance under one leader, of recreational home owners do not want to Vormsi mayors were frequently replaced. take part in any local actions and prefer to Noarootsi mayor Ülo Kalm took offi ce in 1987 stay isolated in peace and quiet. as Pürksi Village Soviet chairperson when RHOs from Sweden were not included in Estonia was still part of the Soviet Union. He Estonian Census data. According to our in- was elected mayor aft er the establishment of terviews and the students’ fi eldwork (Bø, E. the municipal system in Estonia and contin- et al. 2014; Tamm, H. et al. 2015), about half of ued in that position through several re-elec- the RHOs in Roslepa and Spithami villages tions until 2009. He arguably relied on broadly in Noarootsi and 10–30 percent in Borrby, defi ned collaborative governance but due to Kersleti and Rälby villages in Vormsi are his parentage, the municipal development ac- Estonian Swedish (Ausdahl, K. et al. 2014). tion was clearly focussed on the development They are overwhelmingly elderly people of Estonian-Swedish cultural heritage that who are att ached to their property because used to be dominant in the area before the of their historical roots − the personal or their 1940s. Ülo Kalm, as a descendant of Estonian parents’ memories − and the idyll of the beau- Swedes achieved very warm contacts with the tiful coastal landscapes. According to mu- Estonian-Swedish community that contrib- nicipal landowner registers, about 30 percent uted signifi cantly to local development. 242 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

The building of the so-called Coastal and even tried to manage the municipality Swedish (Rannarootsi in Estonian) identity from outside Vormsi, visiting the municipal was defi nitely successful and the municipal- offi ce only while the meetings. Naturally, ity became a popular touristic and recrea- council members could not tolerate this. tional housing destination. However, the re- The municipality council had elected and established Estonian-Swedish community is then dismissed 12 mayors between 1991 and small and consists mainly of elderly RHOs 2015 subsequently. Somewhat surprisingly, recently. The Swedish people have not been Vormsi people did not consider the endless extensively integrated into the local networks change of mayors a substantial issue, because due to the language barriers, thus, they have the most infl uential council members were a rather weak position in the local leadership. always the same. Interviewees considered This gradually ageing and weakening com- the frequently changing leadership as a con- munity could not support the mayor in ac- sequence of the small size of the community complishing his Estonian-Swedish agenda. and of the confl icts between permanent resi- Moreover, permanent residents and Estonian dents and RHOs stemming from their very RHOs did not fully understand and accept diff erent views on local life. Whereas per- the mayor’s plan for uplift ing of the vanish- manent residents are mostly concerned with ing Estonian-Swedish culture and commu- the availability and quality of local services nity. Thus, the promotion of Coastal-Swedish they need in their daily practices (kinder- identity could not be successful. garten, school, shop, etc.), while RHOs who Estonian RHOs created a local party ‘Bett er consume those services at their permanent Noarootsi’ for the 2009 elections. The personal places of residence are concerned rather motivation of RHOs and their representatives with ferry traffi c, roads, power and security. was predominantly related to new real estate To achieve their own goals, the latt er group developments and spatial planning proce- started to play power games. They joined dures. They won 5 of the 9 local council man- the local party ‘Wintertime in Vormsi too’ dates as they managed to get the support of (In Estonian: Ka talvel Vormsil) and registered the other RHOs. During the election campaign, their friends from the mainland to Vormsi to they promised that Ülo Kalm would be re- increase the number of trusted voters. elected but fi nally, they invited a new mayor. Actually, they carried out an electoral fraud Voters who had thought that Ülo Kalm would that was reported even in the national media. be appointed again, thus, supported the RHO ‘Wintertime in Vormsi too’ won the 2009 elec- party were in shock. Local people collected 311 tion, gett ing 5 mandates of the available 9. Two signatures to support Ülo Kalm, but the new businessmen elected for the Vormsi council in- council elected Aivar Kroon, a Noarootsi RHO itiated a wind farm project immediately. This and businessman as a mayor. Quite soon, he was unacceptable for both the permanent resi- was replaced by a professional administrator dents and also for RHOs. 169 people joined the Annika Kapp, an outsider from North-Estonia. meeting arranged by the municipality (2010) Noarootsi informants stressed that municipal to discuss the windmill project that was fi nally development was hindered signifi cantly aft er rejected. It was the very fi rst time when the Ülo Kalm had left ; there were considerably majority of Vormsi people had a joint political fewer events and projects. Estonian Swedes action based on a consensus. emphasized that they had lost their connection Nevertheless, there have been series of with the municipality just because nobody was confl icts between permanent inhabitants and able to speak Swedish. RHOs’ representatives in the local council of The majority of Vormsi mayors were Vormsi since the establishment of local gov- businessmen who attempted to lead the ernment. RHOs were always active in infl u- municipality like a company. Some of them encing council members’ decisions. Despite had no real connection with the local people its small scale, there are no relationships Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 243

based on trust on the island: networks are ei- heterogeneous places need particularly skilled ther focused only on the villages or are tem- leadership and wider involvement of interest porary and dominated by interest groups − groups in the decision making processes. related to projects that need approval within Our comparative case study showed how the municipal council. Similarly to Noarootsi, weak (Vormsi) or imbalanced participatory the main motivation of Estonian RHOs for leadership (Noarootsi) raised dissatisfaction intervening in local governance was to ac- and how the ambition of the RHOs induced complish their business ideas, for instance, actions such as running for power to realise to change the local planning regulations or their own agendas. Local leaders of Vormsi to get a construction permit. and Noarootsi did not involve RHOs equally at the beginning. RHOs in turn did not join informal municipal networks; rather, they Conclusion chose a few local collaborators to communicate with and to trust them as their repre- Townspeople´s growing incomes and ex- sentatives. tending opportunities to spend leisure time As a consequence, personal (business) in- in geographically distant areas has increased terests started to dominate instead of collec- their desire to possess property in the coun- tive values. Balanced municipal (community tryside with beautiful landscapes. Vormsi based) leadership was not considered impor- and Noarootsi rural municipalities – our tant by any parties and the orchestration of case study areas – are coastal villages that various interests (the involvement of poten- were turned into recreational destinations tial stakeholders in community development) and obtained a highly seasonal character. was either missing or one-sided. As a result, Recreational peripheries may well benefi t a small number of RHOs – notably, young from increased temporary population, who Estonian business persons − became strong may act not only as consumers but also as stakeholders, increased their impact on local active community members, able to enrich governance by incorporating some of the lo- the bridging and enhancing the social capital cal leaders into their business schemes, and of the communities. Nevertheless, so far, the took over institutional power. However, other involvement of RHOs in local leadership and groups started to play a similar game, acceler- governance has been studied insuffi ciently. ating confl icts within the local councils. This paper was an att empt to reduce this Permanent residents became minorities in gap by analysing the power relations of the terms of the power relations and defending RHOs and the permanent population and by their interests in the municipal councils. The discussing whether the restructuring of local same applies to Estonian-Swedish commu- power reinforced or reduced peripherality. nities: they actually own 80 percent of the According to Frisvoll, S. (2012), social re- land, while their infl uence on the municipal lations are crucial in the local cultural and decision making is limited. Power games in economic development of rural peripheries. local councils have induced some desperate The synergies may work in both directions. actions by local people such as going to court Improving interpersonal relations and increas- or approaching national media to make dis- ing social capital stimulates innovativeness puted cases – which they lost at the municipal and competitiveness (Horlings, I. 2010) that council − public. This did improve neither the presupposes vital social relationships between image of the municipalities nor their internal RHOs and the local community. Otherwise, solidarity. However, refl ections in the national segregation, competitive behaviour, and the media made these places more ‘visible’ prob- lack of communication between diff erent in- ably, contributing to local tourism businesses terest groups tend to erode trust and reduce and recreational home development. Such internal development capacity. Thus, culturally processes call for further studies. 244 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

We may presume, recreational house own- Commissioner for Regional Policy. DG REGIO, ers are defi nitely capable of local leadership Manuscript, 218 p. and under certain circumstances, they aspire Bø, E., Kindel, G., Orre, L. and Rohula, T. 2014. Estonian-Swedish second home owners in Noarootsi, also for being part of it. Their intervention three villages; Spithamn, Dirhamn and Rooslep. Case- defi nitely caused a major change in local gov- study report. Nordplus intensive course, Pärnu. ernance. It is too early to say whether it had Campell, S., Albert, J.M., Durepos, G. and Wiebe, E. positive or rather negative consequences in 2010. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research. Thousand the long run, but recreational peripheries are, Oaks, CA. Sage Publications. Christaller, W. 1963. Some considerations of tourism in many cases, less ‘peripheral’ due to their location in Europe. Papers of the Regional Science actions and the social capital they possess. To Association 12. 95–105. reduce potential confl icts and release positive Daft, L.R. 1998. Organization theory and design. synergies, it is a crucial issue to involve RHOs Cincinnati, OH, South-Western Publishing in community life and to improve the relation- Company. Dijst, M., Lanzendorf, M. and Smit, L. 2005. ships of diff erent stakeholders (e.g., remote Second homes in Germany and the Netherlands: villagers) as much as possible. Local leaders as Ownership and travel impact explained. Tĳ dschrift well as civil servants should be more aware of voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 96. (2): social processes and the ways in which these 139–152. residents can be involved in local aff airs for Farstad, M. 2011. Rural residents´ opinions about the mutual benefi t of all parties. recreational home owners´ pursuit of own interests in the host community, Norsk Geografi sk Tidsskrit/ Future research should consider the high- Norwegian Journal of Geography 65. (3): 165–174. ly complex composition of both permanent Friedmann, J. and Miller, J. 1965. The Urban Field. and temporary population − there are always Journal of the American Institute of Planners 31. (4): more than two groups involved in confl icts, 312–320. organised oft en by villages and neighbour- Frisvoll, S. 2012. Power in the production of spaces transformed by rural tourism. Journal of Rural hoods, along various motives. As changes in Studies 28. (4): 447–457. leadership raise emotional reactions, an ad- Gallent, N. 2007. Second home, community and a ditional objective for future research should hierarchy of dwelling. Area 39. (1): 97–106. be the analysis of the actual (fi nancial, eco- Gallent, N., Mace, A. and Tewdwr-Jones, M. 2003. nomic) results of the diff erent types of local Dispelling a myth? Second homes in rural Wales. Area 35. (3): 271–284. governance models. Moreover, the impact of Giannias, D., Chepurko, Y., Figus, A. and Lameyikon, the media should also be studied − as coast- Y. 2010. Transformation core-periphery socio-eco- al areas have a very positive image per se, nomic relations (quality of life indices approach even negative refl ections may be benefi cial within European funding programmes). Journal to those places. Finally, we must also real- of Organisational Transformation and Social Change ise that the databases available – including 7. (3): 285–299. Halfacree, K. 2006. ‘From dropping out to leading even the population census − do not refl ect on? British counter-cultural back-to-the-land in a the reality of the temporary population of changing rurality’. Progress in Human Geography recreational peripheries. 30. 309–336. Hall, C.M. 2015. Second homes planning, policy and governance. Journal of Policy Research in Tourism, Leisure and Events 7. (1): 1–14. REFERENCES Horlings, I. 2010. How to generate sustainable European Rural Regions: The Role of Social Capital, Ausdahl, K., Khanal, B., Raun, J. and Ruberg, G. Leadership and Policy arrangements. Regions 280. 2014. Eff ects of the presence of the temporary residents (Winter): 8–12. on permanent residents lives. Case-study report. Kaltenborn, B.P., Andersen, O. and Nellemann, Nordplus intensive course, Pärnu. C. 2009. Amenity development in the Norwegian Barca, F. 2009. An agenda for a reformed cohesion mountains. Eff ects of recreational home owner policy. A place-based approach to meeting European environmental att itudes on preferences for alter- Union challenges and expectations. Independent native development options. Landscape and Urban Report prepared at the request of Danuta Hübner, Planning 91. 195–201. Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 245

Keddie, V. 2006. Case study method. In The Sage Robertsson, L. and Marjavaara, R. 2014. The Seasonal Dictionary of Social Research Methods. Ed.: Jupp, V. Buzz: Knowledge Transfer in a Temporary Sett ing. London, Sage Publications. Tourism Planning and Development 12. (3): 251–265. Lipkina, O. 2013. Motives for Russian Recreational Rye, F. and Berg, G.N. 2011. The second home phe- home ownership in Finland. Scandinavian Journal nomen and Norwegian rurality. Norsk Geografi sk of Hospitality and Tourism 13. (4): 299–316. Tiddskrift /Norwegian Journal of Geography 65. (3): Lundholm, E. 2006. Are Movers still the Same? 126–136. Characteristics of Interregional Migrants in Sweden Sayer, A. 1992. Method in Social Science: A Realist 1970–2001. Tĳ dschrift voor Economische en Sociale Approach. London, Routledge. Geografi e 98. 336–348. Sotarauta, M. 2009. Regional development and re- Marcouiller, W.D. and Chraca, A. 2011. Recreational gional networks: The role of regional development Homes, Amenities, and their Gateway Communities: offi cers in Finland. European Urban and Regional A Summary of Extant Knowledge for Planning and Studies 17. (4): 387–400. Public Policy. Paper writt en for presentation at the Sotarauta, M. 2012. Leadership and Change in World Planning Schools Congress 5–8 July, 2011, Sustainable Regional Development. London and New Perth, Australia. York, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. Mintzberg, H. 1998. Covert Leadership: Note on Stewart, S.I. 2002. „Amenity Migration“. Trends 2000: Managing Proff esionals. Harvard Business Review Shaping the Future. Proceedings of the 5th Outdoor 76. (6): 140–147. Recreation and Tourism Trends Symposium, Moss, L.A.G. 2006. The Amenity Migrants: Seeking and Lansing, MI, Recreation and Tourism Resources, Sustaining Mountains and their Culture. Wallingford, East Lansing. CAB International. Tamm, H., Fernández, D.C., Sink, G., Alho, E. and Müller, K.D. 2002. Reinwenting the Countryside: Tómasdóttir, A.D. 2015. Consumption of space and German Second-home Owners in Southern local governance in core-periphery relations. Case- Sweden. Current Issues in Tourism 5. (5): 426–446. study report. Nordplus intensive course, Tartu. Nordbo, I. 2014. Beyond the Transfer of Capital? Second-Home Owners as Competence Brokers for Rural Entrepreneurship and Innovation. European Internet sources: Planning Studies 22. (8): 16–41. Nordin, U. and Marjavaara, R. 2012. The local non- Eesti Entsüklopeedia (EE), 2015. htt p://entsyklop- locals: Recreational home owners associational eedia.ee/. 16.03.2015 engagement in Sweden. Tourism: An International Eesti Päevaleht, 2015. www.epl.ee. 16.03.2015 Interdisciplinary Journal 60. (3): 293–305. Lääne Elu, 2015. www.le.ee. 16.03.2015 Norris, M. and Winston, N. 2010. Second-Home Maaleht, 2015. www.maaleht.ee. 16.03.2015 Owners: Escaping, Investing or Retiring? Tourism Noarootsi valla arengukava aastateks 2013-2020 Geographies 12. (4): 546–567. (NVA), 2012 htt ps://noarootsi.kovtp.ee/et/valla- Paris, C. 2009. Re-positioning Second Homes arengukava. 14.05.2014 within Housing Studies: Household Investment, Population Register, 2015. htt ps://www.siseminis- Gentrifi cation, Multiple Residence, Mobility and teerium.ee/elanike-arv 30.06.2015 Hyper-consumption. Housing Theory and Society Statistics Estonia, 2015. www.stat.ee. 14.05.2015 26. (4): 292–310. Vormsi valla arengukava aastateks 2011-2025 (VVA), Perlik, M. 2010. The problems with applying the 2011. htt p://avalik.amphora.ee/VORMSIVV/docu- amenity-led migration concept in a Europe context. ment.aspx?id=41592. 14.05.2014 Regions 280. (Winter): 25–27. Pettersson, R. 1999. Foreign Second Home Purchases – The Case of Northern Sweden, 1990–96. CERUM Working Paper 14, Umeå, Umeå University. Pitkänen, K. 2008. Second-home Landscape: The Meaning(s) of Landscape for Second- Home Tourism in Finnish Lakeland. Tourism Geographies 10. (2): 196–192. Purdy, J.M. 2012. A framework for assessing power in collaborative governance processes. Public Administration Review 72. (3): 409–417. Raagmaa, G., Kindel, G. and Lüsi, M. 2012. Leadership and Change in Sustainable Regional Development. London and New York, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. 246 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

Geography in Visegrad and Neighbour Countries

Regional Socio-Economic Processes in Central and Eastern Europe – 20 Years in Transition and 2 Years in Global Economic Crisis

Edited by Ágnes Erőss and Dávid Karácsonyi

Geographical Research Institute Hungarian Academy of Sciences Budapest, 2011. 169 p.

During the last twenty years the erstwhile Soviet bloc countries in Central and Eastern Eu- rope (CEE) have taken distinct routes in post-socialist development, wherein the national trends and internal regional processes proved to be in deep contrast. Responses to the challenges of the global economic crisis also varied, repeatedly brought to the surface long existing regional issues, structural problems and ethnic conﬂ icts. Hu- man geographers are divided in the assessment of the shift s that oc- curred during the past twenty years and the exchange of experience is vital for ﬁ nding adequate answers to the new challenges. In order to provide a forum for discussion the Geographical Research Institute Hungarian Academy of Sciences with the generous support of the International Visegrad Fund Small Grant Programme organized a conference in order to induce the revival of contact between the in- stitutes of geography of Visegrad Countries and their Western and Eastern neighbours. Present volume is a selection of presentations aim- ing to provide a deeper insight in socio-economic processes and their

------Price: EUR 10.00 Order: Geographical Institute RCAES HAS Library, H-1112 Buda- pest, Budaörsi út 45. E-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu