HUNGARIAN GEOGRAPHICAL BULLETIN 64 2015 (3)

CONTENT

Discussing inequalities from the periphery

Erika Nagy: Discussing inequalities from the periphery ...... 167

Thilo Lang: Socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation and socio-spatial peripheralisation in Central and Eastern Europe: a research agenda ...... 171

József Benedek and Aura Moldovan: Economic convergence and polarisation: towards a multi-dimensional approach ...... 187

Bradley Loewen: Contextualising regional policy for territorial cohesion in Central and Eastern Europe ...... 205

Péter Balogh: The Land of Storms and the region where the country´s heart beats: changing images of peripherality in Hungary ...... 219

Grete Kindel and Garri Raagmaa: Recreational home owners in the leadership and governance of peripheral recreational communities ...... 233

Literature

Hartemink, A.E. and McSweeney, K. (eds.): Soil Carbon (Zoltán Szalai and Gergely Jakab) ...... 247

Viktória Szirmai (ed.): From spatial inequalities to social well-being (Tamás Egedy) ...... 249

Chronicle

Report on the 5th EUGEO Congress (Gyula Nagy) ...... 252

Nagy E. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 167–170. 167 DOI: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.1 Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 2015 (3) 167–170.

Discussing inequalities from the periphery

Erika NAGY1

Recently, the Hungarian Geographical Bul- demographic, social, environmental, politi- letin – that had been a forum for introducing cal, etc.) dimensions in Europe and deepened empirically focused papers covering vari- further as a consequence of the recent crisis ous social and physical geographical issues have raised criticism towards the neoliberali- for decades – became engaged increasingly sation of principles and institutional practices in academic discourses on socio-spatial in- of European and national policies, as well as equalities, embracing various approaches towards the scholarly concepts that under- and problems with diff erent scalar foci. The pinned them. A growing body of academic theoretical and methodological diversity that research focused on socio-spatial polarisation ranged from classical spatial analysis through – including East-West diff erences – explain- humanistic geography to critical structural- ing the process in the context of the global ism and post-structuralism represented a shift capital fl ows, European division of labour and not only toward a conceptual openness in of imbalanced power relations (in economy, geographical discourses but also to a (more) politics and knowledge production) driv- socially engaged research agenda. This mul- ing political discourses on development and tiplicity and the ‘internationalisation’ of the cohesion and thus, the social construction of journal – the switch for English language and cores and peripheries (see e.g. Smith, A. and the growing number of international authors Pickles, J. 1998; Smith, A. and Timár, J. 2010; – involved the Bulletin in academic discourses Hajdimichalis, C. 2011; Ehrlich, K. et al. 2012; revolving around the major problems of so- Hirt, S. et al. 2013). Moreover, series of stud- cio-spatial polarisation, marginality, depend- ies focused on daily social practices at local ence and exclusion in European and also in scale in transition societies – revealing, how global context. This special issue is meant to peripherality and marginality is experienced contribute to these ongoing debates on the and responded to – raised a concern with diverse forms, contexts and processes of the agency and socio-cultural (historical) diver- (re)production of socio-spatial polarisation sity in spaces labelled ‘backward’ or ‘periph- – form a Central and East European perspec- eral’ in popular and political discourses (see tive, bringing authors together from various e.g. Hörschelmann, K. 2001; Váradi, M. 2005; institutions and countries working together Stenning, A. et al. 2011; Nagy, E. et al. 2015). in the Marie Curie ITN project ‘Socio-eco- The evolving debates on macrostructural nomic and Political Responses to Regional processes, discourses and daily lives (re-)pro- Polarisation in Central and Eastern Europe’ ducing unevenness stimulated the critical (RegPol2)2. revision of embedded concepts of centrality, Socio-spatial inequalities that manifested peripherality, polarisation and peripheralisa- at multiple scales along various (economic, tion, raising arguments for relational thinking

1 Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, Hungarian Academy of Sciences; H-5600 Békéscsaba, Szabó Dezső u. 42. E-mail: [email protected] 2 “Socio-economic and Political Responses to Regional Polarisation in Central and Eastern Europe” (RegPol²), coordinated by the Leibniz Institute for Regional Geography, Leipzig, Germany. The project received funding from the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme FP7/2007–2013/ under REA grant agreement n 607022. 168 Nagy E. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 167–170.

on power, agency and discursive construc- interpreting the notions of centralisation and tions of space – and against dichotomies-led peripheralisation as processes driven by mul- thinking (Massey, D. 2008; Berndt, M. and tiple social relations, and the refocusing our Colini, L. 2013; Lang, T. 2015 in this issue). research on how centrality and peripheral- This special issue does not endeavour to ity is constructed, performed, reacted to and give an overview of recent debates over the reproduced by interactions and strategies above notions. However, the papers question of social agents linked to various scales. In earlier argumentations, reveal the diversity this way, the paper contributes to avoiding of concepts of polarisation and peripheralisa- the fallacies of dichotomy-biased thinking tion, and contribute to their re-conceptualisa- on the (re)production of inequalities in CEE tion explicitly – by discussing the related the- and beyond – driving academic discourses ories critically – or implicitly – by employing oft en unperceived. relational approach and focusing on agency József Benedek and Aura Moldovan fo- and on the social constructions of space. cuses on a more specifi c aspect of spatial Thus, it is a forum not only for addressing inequalities – yet contributing to the re-con- the shortcomings of earlier research but also ceptualisation of academic research on this for challenging the dominant discourses on major issue. They provide a critical overview peripheralisation and polarisation ‘from the of approaches and concepts discussing eco- periphery’3, contributing to more balanced nomic growth, convergence, and polarisa- – socially and spatially ‘equal’ – relations in tion to reveal their interrelatedness and to academic discussions and in policy making. develop a relevant framework for explain- In his lead-off paper, Thilo Lang focuses ing economic inequalities. Their discussion on the problems and dilemmas related to embraces the conceptualisation of the persistence and (i) the traditional and the new growth theo- the recent, crisis-driven deepening of socio- ries as well as the New Economic Geography spatial inequalities within Europe, stress- that provide a sophisticated yet a limited ing the complexity, interrelatedness and the (hard production factor-focused) explana- multiscalar nature of structural changes, tion of persisting inequalities; discourses and social practices that produce (ii) selected concepts of sociology and uneven social geographies manifesting in history advancing the introduction of new intra-urban, urban/rural, metropolitan/non- (“soft ”) factors and of the time dimension metropolitan, and East–West European into academic discourse, and thus, paving polarities. He highlights the shortcomings the way for new explanations of unequal eco- of the foregoing research that failed to ex- nomic development as a multidimensional cavate the social relations driving peripher- process; alisation and polarisation processes of and (iii) various concepts of polarisation that within Central and Eastern Europe through help to explain inequalities in the context of policy discourses and institutional practices, the global economy defi ned by highly im- moreover, to address the entanglement of balanced power relations. The authors argue manifold core-periphery relations and their for combining various social and economic variegated socio-cultural contexts. A new factors (dimensions) in the convergence stud- analytical concept is proposed in the paper, ies, for the introduction of the micro and the 3 I refer here to the ongoing discussion on global scale into such analyses, moreover, for marginalisation of social groups and spaces understanding convergence/divergence and in academic and public discourses and to the economic growth as strongly interrelated arguments – forwarded by postcolonial theorists processes that have a cumulative eff ect of – for involving such groups in the debates to re- spatial inequalities. construct socio-spatial realities (see e.g. Stenning, A. and Hörschelmann, K. 2008; Kuus, M. 2013; Bradley Loewen’s paper contributes to the Sharp, J. 2011). re-conceptualisation of academic research Nagy E. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 167–170. 169

on socio-spatial inequalities proposed also author’s argumentation draws the reader’s at- by Thilo Lang. Loewen calls for a critical tention to the problem of positionality and the analysis of European Cohesion Policy and need for (self-)refl exivity – issues scarcely dis- of the related discourses to reveal the causal cussed in CEE-focused studies, so far. relations of the neoliberalisation of European The contribution of Garri Raagmaa and policies and of the national institutional prac- Grete Kindel put agency and social networks tices with regional (sub-national) polarisa- in the focus of their analysis. Discussing tion processes. He argues that the shift in changing local social relations in two periph- the principles of EU Regional Policy (from eral Estonian communities targeted by well- cohesion toward competitiveness) along with of urban dwellers seeking for second home the normative approach driving European they reveal, how the entry of a social group institutional practices enhanced socio-spatial with major social capital assets (recreational inequalities – instead of easing them by capi- home owners) has transformed local politi- talising on regional qualities and diversity cal landscapes. They point out that, while celebrated in policy discourses. He suggests this powerful group extended its control to get a deeper understanding of various na- over local processes – by exploiting their lo- tional socio-cultural and political contexts in cal and non-local networks – and stimulated which, such policies and practices are unfold- structural changes for their own benefi t, local ing – for which, he proposes the Comparative residents’ interests and needs were pushed Historical Analysis as a relevant conceptual into the background. The paper throws lights framework – and reveal the power relations upon the signifi cance of agency in local proc- that underpin the discourses on regional de- esses, and argues for discussing this issue in velopment at various scales to move beyond the context of highly complex power rela- the Neoliberal normativity of recent regional tions linked to various scales – to understand policies that cannot counteract to socio-spa- the contested nature of transformations in tial polarisation processes. peripheral communities. By this, the au- Péter Balogh’s paper takes us into the thors also challenge the positive meanings realm of popular discourse, focusing on the of the notions of change and development interrelatedness and the mutually constitu- in relation to peripheral spaces and call for tive nature of the material reality of periph- including the emerging powerlessness and erality, its perceptions and of the artistic and marginality in our research agenda. popular scientifi c constructions of marginal spaces. Relying mostly on the illustrative case of County Békés in Southeast Hungary, REFERENCES the author takes a historical journey across the 20th century. He analyses critically, how Berndt, M. and Colini, L. 2013. Exclusion, marginaliza- peripherality was perceived and constructed tion and peripheralization. Working Paper 49. Berlin, Leibniz Institute for Regional Development and in sociographic monographs of the interwar Structural Planning. period and under socialism, and in the literary Ehrlich, K., Kriszan, A. and Lang, T. 2012. Urban sources and art fi lms of the (post-)transition Development in Central and Eastern Europe times – focusing not just on the content, but – Between Peripheralization and Centralization? discussing also the wider social contexts as disP – The Planning Review 48. (2): 77–92. Hadjimichalis, C. 2011: Uneven geographical well as the authors’ refl exions on their own development and socio-spatial justice and soli- position. Balogh also contrasts the realities darity: European regions aft er the 2009 fi nancial showed by artists and scientists to the roman- crisis. European Urban and Regional Studies 18. (3): ticised and commercial images of peripheral 254–274. spaces in popular scientifi c journals highlight- Hirt, S., Sellar, C. and Young, C. 2013. Neoliberalism Meets the Eastern Bloc: Resistance, Appropriation ing, how peripherality is constructed ‘from and Purifi cation in Post-socialist Spaces. Europe- outside’, driven by non-local intellectuals. The Asia Studies 65. (7): 1243–1254. 170 Nagy E. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 167–170.

Hörschelmann, K. 2001. Breaking ground – Smith, A. and Timár, J. 2010. Uneven transformations: Marginality and resistance in (post) unifi cation Space, economy and society 20 years aft er the col- Germany. Political Geography 20. (8): 981–1004. lapse of state socialism. European Urban and Regional Kuus, M. 2013. Places of lower rank: Margins in con- Studies, 17. (2): 115–125. versations. Political Geography 37. 30–32. Stenning, A., Smith, A., Rochovska, A. and Swiatek, Lang, T. 2015. Socio-economic and Political Responses D. 2011. Domesticating Neoliberalism. Spaces of to Regional Polarisation and Socio-spatial Economic Practice and Social Reproduction in Post- Peripheralisation in Central and Eastern Europe: socialist Cities. Oxford, Wiley-Blackwell. a research agenda. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin, Stenning, A. and Hörschelmann, K. 2008. History, 64. (3): 171–185. geography and difference in the post-socialist Massey, D. 2008. For Space London, SAGE world: or, do we still need post-socialism? Antipode Nagy, E., Timár, J., Nagy, G. and Velkey, G. 2015. 40. 312–335. The Everyday Practices of the Reproduction Vá radi, M. 2005. Increasingly Fossilised Labour of Peripherality and Marginality in Hungary. Market Structures and Strategies of Livelihood: In Understanding Geographies of Polarization and Chances of Disadvantaged Groups in the Labour Peripheralisation. Eds.: Lang, T., Henn, S., Ehrlich, K. Market. In Hungarian Spaces and Places: Patt erns of and Sgibnev, W. Basingstoke, Palgrave. 135–155. Transition. Eds.: Barta, Gy., G. Fekete, É., Szörényi- Sharp, J. 2011. Subaltern geopolitics: Introduction. Kukorelli, I. and Timár, J. Pécs, Centre for Regional Geoforum 42. (3): 271–273. Studies of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Smith, A. and Pickles, J. 1998. Introduction: Theorising 289–306. transition and the political economy of transforma- tion. In Theorising transition. Eds.: Pickles, J. and Smith, A. London, Routledge, 1–23. Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. 171 DOI: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.2 Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 2015 (3) 171–185.

Socio-economic and political responses to regional polarisation and socio-spatial peripheralisation in Central and Eastern Europe: a research agenda

Thilo LANG1

Abstract

In the past years, new patt erns of regional disparities between metropolised core regions and the remaining parts of Central and Eastern European countries (CEE) have emerged. Such spatial disparities have lately fuelled concerns about further regional polarisation and the peripheralisation of non-metropolitan regions in particular. This is the case although balancing spatial development has been a major goal of European Regional Policy. The paper argues that there is a clear need to bett er understand the social, economic, discursive and political processes constituting regional polarisation and to conduct further research on approaches to deal with and respond to peripheralisation. The proposed research agenda focuses on a multi-scalar relation between core and peripheral regions and applies a process based dynamic understanding of peripherality and central- ity. Following this, peripheralised regions bear agency capacities and cannot be seen as powerless victims of some overarching processes associated with the globalising economy. Applying the notions of polarisation and peripheralisation to guide further research, off ers multi-dimensional, multi-scalar and process based conceptualisations of regional development research. With the proposed research agenda, I would like to open up the discussion on new interpretations of the terms peripherality and centrality, rurality and urbanity, border and rural areas, core and peripheral regions, and contribute to the development of new approaches in multi-level governance and ultimately in regional policy.

Keywords: territorial cohesion, regional policy, spatial disparities, uneven development, peripheralisation, polarisation

Introduction striking that we can observe these processes and discourses although balancing spatial In the past 10–15 years new forms of dis- development to achieve territorial cohesion parities have emerged in Central and East- has been a major goal of European Regional ern Europe (CEE) but remained largely un- Policy in the past years (EU 2011). As such, noticed by both the public and scientists in patt erns of increasing socio-economic dispar- geography and regional studies: a strong ities combined with regional polarisation do socio-economic spatial polarisation between not remain restricted to CEE, but rather can metropolised core regions and the remaining be found throughout the European Union parts of the CEE countries (Krätke, S. 2007; and beyond, albeit at diff erent degrees. Dubois, A. et al. 2007; Lang, T. 2011). Such Against this background, there is a clear disparities have not only become a striking need to: feature of the current sett lement system but (1) bett er understand the social, economic, in the face of the ongoing economic, fi nancial discursive and political processes constitut- and national debt crisis have fuelled concerns ing regional polarisation and interrelated about further polarisation and the peripher- policymaking processes in different con- alisation of non-metropolitan regions. It is texts,

1 Leibniz-Institut für Länderkunde, Schongauerstr. 9, 04328 Leipzig, Germany. E-mail: T_Lang@ifl -leipzig.de 172 Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.

(2) produce bett er knowledge on diff erent Some empirical observations and current disciplinary and cultural planning and policy shortcomings in polarisation research traditions in the EU, (3) communicate relevant information and CEE countries currently show strong evidence improve multi-agent decision making for for three main spatial development charac- regional policy under uncertain framework teristics (Komornicki, T. and Czapiewski, K. conditions. 2006): First, there are profound diff erences in To achieve this, this paper proposes to en- development between urban core regions and hance research on socio-economic forms of peripheral rural regions with the urban re- and processes interlinked with regional po- gions performing much bett er. Second, these larisation and perpiheralisation, their wider countries demonstrate strong trends towards impacts on society and everyday living as polarisation between their main metropolitan well as the (intentional and unintentional) area (usually the national capital) and the rest responses and strategies conveyed by social, of the country, and third, an east-west-gradi- economic and political actors as well as ‘ordi- ent can oft en be found within the countries nary people’ in order to bett er deal with these with the western parts performing bett er than phenomena. This includes research on (dis- their eastern regions. As a consequence of cursive and material) practices of the produc- these developments, today only one or a few tion and reproduction of peripherality and strong economic ‘engines’ stand out against centrality as well as the logics of responses at a growing number of regions with low eco- multiple scales. With such a research agenda, nomic dynamics which become perceived as a network of regional development experts less att ractive locations for people and busi- throughout Europe suggests to respond to ness. Thereby the sharp increase of regional new patt erns of regional disparities in CEE disparities stands against the diminishing and beyond.2 socio-economic diff erences between old and Following this introduction, I briefl y out- new member states on the national level line some empirical observations about so- (Finka, M. 2007; Monfort, P. 2009; Chilla, T. cio-spatial polarisation in CEE and depict and Neufeld, M. 2015). four main gaps in research on socio-spatial As a result, already existent patt erns of re- polarisation and issues of regional policy in gional polarisation have experienced a strong Europe. Section two introduces polarisation intensifi cation in recent years (Gorzelak, G. and peripheralisation as analytical concepts. and Goh, C. 2010), resulting in disproportion- The following three sections are outlining ally high increases of regional disparities in propositions for further research in three in- the CEE countries compared to the EU15 terconnected fi elds: states, measured e.g. in GDP-data (Figure 1) – evolution, reproduction and persistence of or in unemployment data (see Dubois, A. et al. centrality and peripherality, 2007; Artelaris, P. et al. 2010; Lang, T. 2016; – governance of core-periphery relations for the critics see Openshaw, S. 1984; for al- and ternative measurements see e.g. Perrons, D. – adaptation, strategies and potentials. 2012; OECD 2014). Parallel with the growing concentration 2 The research leading to these results was conducted in the frame of the project “Socio-economic and of economic activities in metropolitan areas Political Responses to Regional Polarisation in current demographic developments further Central and Eastern Europe” (RegPol²), coordinated exacerbate problems of deepening polari- by the Leibniz Institute for Regional Geography, sation (Filipov, D. and Dorbritz, J. 2003; Leipzig/Germany. The project received funding Steinführer, A. and Haase, A. 2007). CEE from the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union’s Seventh Framework population is increasingly concentrated in Programme FP7/2007–2013/ under REA grant a diminishing number of prosperous areas, agreement no. 607022. particularly the capital regions, in contrast Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. 173

Fig. 1. Increase of regional polarisation in GDP per capita, NUTS-3 regions 2000 and 2009 (calculated by Tomas Hanell and Stefan Haunstein, data source: Eurostat) to a growing number of regions suffer- gions play a negligible role when world ing population decline. Thereby intra- and city hierarchies are analysed, such as by the inter-regional migration patterns overlap ‘Globalisation and World Cities Research with international migration on the basis Network’ (GaWC) focussing on financial of age-selectivity, stratifi ed labour mobility services and a number of specifi c globalisa- and an overall decline of birth rates which tion indicators (only Moscow and Warsaw is particularly sharp in CEE. The decrease are recognised as Command and Control in population has been particularly pro- Centers and as Alpha World Cities (Csomós, nounced in structurally disadvantaged ru- G. and Derudder, B. 2014; Parnreiter, C. ral and deindustrialised regions as well as 2014). Following Friedmann’s and Sassen’s many inner-city and high-rise, edge of city work on the world or global city (Friedmann, areas (Tsenkova, S. 2006; Steinführer, A. and J. 1986; Sassen, S. 1991), a number of authors Haase, A. 2007). These demographic devel- have argued that worldwide economic ac- opments combine with other processes of so- tivities have become concentrated in a small cial diff erentiation to produce highly uneven number of city-regions. In the globalised social geographies at regional, sub-regional, economy, only a few global cities and met- intra-urban, and micro-geographic scales ropolitan regions are said to be the ‘con- that intersect but do not necessarily overlap trol points of the global economic system’ (see also PoSCoPP 2015). (Beaverstock, J.V. et al. 2000). Looking at forms of peripheralisation One could argue that CEE cities and their at a global scale, it is notable that CEE re- functional regions are being peripheralised 174 Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.

by the dominance of world cities in the global up to now has been characterised by four economy. European and national policies add major shortcomings: a further dimension to this, as they frequent- – So far the main focus has been on quan- ly copy the model of the global city in re- titative, regionally limited studies. Only gional policies by focusing on the promotion to some extent they do raise issues of in- of growth in metropolitan areas (Brenner, N. terdependencies with phenomena and in- 2009). So far, also European regional policy stitutional contexts outside the respective programmes and the introduction of new regions, and by trend sparsely question forms of regional governance did not help to regional socio-economic and policy re- achieve more balanced spatial development sponses and their normative dimensions. and to distribute development impetus more Further, most quantitative studies on po- evenly across CEE regions. This has been larisation work with GDP and population witnessed particularly in the aft ermath of the development indicators which cannot cap- most recent fi nancial and economic crisis, as ture the multi-dimensional complexity of decision makers have been led to concentrate the phenomena under consideration. scarce resources on supporting development – The social construction of core-periphery in larger cities, hoping that disadvantaged ar- relations has been reviewed only to a small eas will profi t from core-periphery spillover degree, especially in the CEE context (e.g. eff ects. Such policies, however, carry a major Timár, J. et al. 2012; Ehrlich, K. et al. 2012). risk of further increasing socio-spatial polari- There is a clear need for a bett er knowledge sations and the peripheralisation of disadvan- about predominant discourses and para- taged areas (for example due to disinvestment digmatic backgrounds of European, na- in transport infrastructures or centralisation tional and regional policies in particular. of service provision). – Most polarisation and cohesion research ig- In addition, in CEE prevailing negative ex- nores the overlapping nature of core-periph- periences from the period of centrally planned ery relations at regional, national, European economies have led to a sceptical perception and global levels (Sellers, J.M. 2002a). of public sector interventions and to a general Researching the multi-level characteristics turn towards neoliberal policies during the of socio-spatial development is in particular transition period (Bohle, D. 2006; Aligica, relevant for CEE countries which underwent P.D. and Evans, A. 2009). This has to be seen a rapid exposure to processes of globalisa- in relation to both, uneven power relations in tion and internationalisation aft er the politi- the context of supra-nationally imposed insti- cal changes in the early 1990s and even more tutional reforms and the active involvement of so aft er their accession to the EU. East European reformers who were adherents – Moreover, the formation of regional poli- of neo-liberalism even before 1989. Reviewing cies at the national level in CEE is still in its very recent changes in European policy de- early stage (Finka, M. 2011) and there is too bates, some authors have claimed that regional litt le known about the ways, how regional policy in the EU has become more neoliberal to policy responses and new forms of govern- the extent of distributive and cohesion aspects ance have emerged in CEE during the last of regional policy (Avdikos, V. and Chardas, years and how they inter-relate with other A. 2015) making a reduction of disparities in forms of local and regional response. the next years less likely. Despite the long research tradition in ge- Polarisation and peripheralisation as ography, regional economy, political science analytical concepts and urban planning, and even though core- periphery relations have been studied at glo- The observations summarised above show bal, national, regional and urban levels, the that various processes lead to and interlink research on regional polarisation processes with socio-spatial polarisation at diff erent in- Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. 175

tersecting scales. Also apparent, however, is for research on current regional develop- the need to look critically at our approaches ment issues. Applying these conceptual no- to researching these phenomena and proc- tions off ers opportunities for spatial research esses and to consider how and why diff erent circumventing dichotomous ideas of urban insights are produced from diff erent perspec- and rural, of central and peripheral, of ‘lead- tives. Thus, while helpful for the identifi ca- ing’ and ‘lagging’ or growing and declining tion and assessment of the scope and reach which tend to determine our methodologi- of socio-economic regional polarisation, con- cal, theoretical and normative approaches to ventional indicators3 rarely capture the wide regional studies. range of causes and dimensions of polarisa- In Central and Eastern Europe, focusing tion as a process that intersects with other on processes of polarisation provides an im- aspects of inequality, uneven development portant starting point for critical analyses of and power breaching conventional territorial the assumptions on which the Washington boundaries (see also Perrons, D. 2012). Consensus of the early 1990s was built, such I suggest understanding polarisation and as the claim that radical privatisation and the peripheralisation as analytical concepts swift introduction of unimpeded market- that facilitate process-based relational un- economies would right the wrongs of state- derstandings of spatial diff erentiation and socialism most eff ectively and would (even- supplement structural research approaches tually) deliver prosperity to, if not all, then (see also Massey, D. 2009; Varró, K. and at least a majority of people. What we have Lagendij k, A. 2013). Although our focus lies witnessed since is a much more diverse and on the regional scale I suggest a multi-level problematic picture: whilst in terms of GDP conceptualisation of the phenomena under growth, many parts of the macro region – in observation. As the relation of core and pe- particular the capital regions − have indeed riphery is immanent to the concept, periph- embarked on an upward trajectory aft er the eralisation implies processes of centralisation initial crisis of the early 1990s, the success of and thus forms of socio-spatial polarisation market reforms to improve living standards at various scales. Such forms of polarisation and to ensure a more even spread of wealth are intrinsically connected to the discourse amongst wider populations has been limited which places higher value on particular (Smith, A. et al. 2008; Smith, A. and Timár, J. regions and developments and thereby de- 2010; Stenning, A. et al. 2010). values others. Some authors defi ne regional Up until recently, spatial development in peripheralisation as the growing dependence CEE has mainly been researched through the of disadvantaged regions on the centre (e.g. lenses of post-socialist transformation and Komlosy, A. 1988); hence, it is not only the modernisation tending to perceive all proc- simultaneity of a number of features con- esses in CEE as being quite particular and stituting the formation of peripheries such closing up comparative perspectives in rela- as distance, economic weakness and lack of tion to similar processes outside of CEE. This political power (cf. Blowers, A. and Leroy, P. has also led to a limited research interest in 1994). It is oft en also the dynamic formation inter-scalar relations and tended to favour in- of core and peripheral regions overlapping ternal reasons and innate properties as expla- at diff erent spatial scales (regional, national, nations for problems in social, economic and European and global). This multi-faceted, spatial development. Acknowledging social- multi-level understanding of polarisation has ism and post-socialism as being part of CEE the potential to identify novel starting points history but adding alternative approaches

3 (such as those being based on the notions of Such as rates of inward investment, GDP growth, peripheralisation and polarisation) enables availability of key infrastructures and services, distance from metropolitan cores, or poor new comparative perspectives to similar accessibility. phenomena in other parts of Europe and the 176 Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.

world and also helps to bett er conceptualise (3) Urban and regional policy is always the role of super-ordinate processes and forc- normative (even if its arguments are based es with impacts on CEE regions. This is par- on empirical data) and framed by individual ticularly true since the 2007–2008 economic, and collective values linked to specifi c under- fi nancial and national debt crisis has shown standings and conceptualisations of develop- similar economic, social and spatial impacts ment, desired policy outcomes and funding as well as political forms of response across priorities. Such understandings, conceptu- Europe as a whole. alisations and priorities can be seen as the Following the outlined understanding of results of discourses linked to particular gov- peripheralisation and polarisation, it is sug- ernance arrangements which are only partly gested to build up a research agenda based state-led. The perceptions of acceptable and on fi ve axioms: achievable forms of socio-spatial develop- (1) Socio-spatial polarisation should be seen ment are socially constructed and can only as a multi-level, multi-dimensional process to a small extent be seen as the outcome of a which is an intrinsic part of current capital- rational process. Exactly for this reason, deci- ism and dominant market-logics. However, sion making and governance are constrained there is more and more empirically based re- and shaped through specifi c institutional en- search claiming that a socially and spatially vironments privileging and devaluing certain more even society would also produce more forms of action – certainly limiting the local growth (e.g. Piketty, T. 2013; OECD 2014 and regional room for manoeuvre. and 2015), adding an economic to the social (4) There are similar – oft en overlooked argument for state intervention and regula- – constraints in economic development and tion as well as a form of regional policy that with regard to activities of economic agents: maintains the distribution goal. Nevertheless, the economy is a social construct and can problematising particular forms and impacts only partially be explained in terms of ra- of socio-spatial polarisation and defi ning ur- tional decision making; economic decisions ban and regional development keeps to be a are social decisions and refl ect wider institu- social process (cf. Pike, A. et al. 2007) and de- tional and discursive constraints. pends on what is seen as normal, acceptable (5) Studying migration and mobility in the or achievable in a societal discourse. context of polarisation research is incom- (2) Peripheries are made through material plete if it only captures quantitative proc- and immaterial processes and practices of pe- esses without going deeper to conceptualise ripheralisation and centralisation. It is these relations, motives and the circumstances of processes and practices which should be giv- migration decisions. Migration should be en more focus in social science based spatial seen as a (oft en temporary) result of subjec- research. All sorts of actors have their (im- tive decisions in a household, family or social plicit and explicit) shares in these processes, context based on personal and collective en- hence peripheralised regions cannot be seen vironments linked to particular place-specifi c as victims of some overarching processes values (in some cases we can talk about emi- beyond their control without any agency to gration cultures or a particular modus agendi them. Neither peripheries nor centres can be inscribed to the institutional environment, seen as static concepts with naturally given see Lang, T. 2012a,b). features and boundaries. Peripheralisation Following this conceptual argumentation, I and centralisation are dynamic processes suggest to focus future polarisation research which can be reversed, rejected or redirect- on three objectives: ed in the long run. Hence, when researching – to bett er understand the evolution, (re-) regional polarisation, we should direct our production and persistence of core-periph- interest to these dynamic processes instead ery relations using a dynamic conceptuali- of static concepts of core and periphery. sation of these relations, Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. 177

– to identify and compare policy responses centres (Massey, D. 1993; Jansson, D. 2003; (and subsequent governance arrangements) Eriksson, M. 2008; Willett, J. 2010) but also to regional polarisation at diff erent scales from within peripheralised places themselves and understand how they emerged, (Miggelbrink, J. and Meyer, F. 2015). Here, – to identify patt erns of adaptation and re- peripheries can fi nd themselves described in sistance as well as strategies and potentials ways that reinforce dependency through be- to overcome peripheralisation. ing characterised as ‘stagnant’, ‘backward’, ‘rural’ and agents of their own economic misfortune. Such dominant discourses can Evolution, reproduction and persistence lead to collective orientations hindering lo- of centrality and peripherality cal economic development e.g. by increasing emigration (Beetz, S. 2009; Lang, T. 2012b) The evolution of core and peripheral re- or through a reluctance of ‘core’ business- gions does not follow any ‘natural’ order. es to work with peripheral organisations Instead, centrality, peripherality and their (Bosworth, G. and Willett, J. 2011). interrelation are produced and constantly It is in particular individual and collective reproduced by social interaction, territorial perceptions, ideas and values that shape spa- mobility, political and economic decisions tial policies, economic and household deci- (Blowers, A. and Leroy, P. 1994; Nagy, E. et sions – all of which contribute (by means of al. 2015). Although regional polarisation in their material consequences) to the produc- this respect can change over time, the un- tion and persistence of centrality and periph- derlying structures are very persistent and erality. Perceptions, ideas and values about tend to reproduce themselves (Giddens, A. and ascribed to a thing (or region) are con- 1993) – changes are thus rather an issue of structed through formations of power. Such generations and less likely to occur in short ‘knowledge’ is replicated through discourse terms. Further research should consider how by individuals, organisations and institu- the perception of location (dis)advantages, tions. These aff ect how a place is perceived migration and demographic developments by others, placing limitations (or expecta- as well as particular policies have contrib- tions) on what people and organisations uted to the evolution, reproduction and per- are imagined capable of (Eriksson, M. 2008; sistence of centrality and peripherality and Bosworth, G. and Willett, J. 2011). This is regional polarisation. an ‘othering’ process, whereby one region We could learn a lot about the formation of is presented as qualitatively ‘diff erent’ to regional disparities and in particular about another, and which mirrors contemporary the emergence and persistence of peripheral- regional development, whereby regions are ities by looking at processes of centralisation encouraged to distinguish themselves from and how the intentional and unintentional others in order to bett er compete in the glo- concentration of resources in and positive as- bal market (Keating, M. 2008). criptions to particular privileged places is to As despite all policy eff orts, regional po- the disadvantage of other places. Research on larisation increased during the past years, we the evolution, reproduction and persistence cannot be sure, if current sectoral and spatial of disparities should also deal with the ques- policies help to reduce or rather reproduce tion of how core and peripheral areas are so- peripheralisation and polarisation. To what cially constructed in a multi-scalar way. extent do these policies reduce, reproduce or A number of studies explore the discursive even reinforce existing centralities and pe- relationships between economic centres and ripheralities and to what extent can this be peripheries and argue that peripheralisation traced in new spatial instruments (such as is a process which is strongly linked to how metropolitan regions, cf. Allmendinger, P. some spaces are represented by economic et al. 2015; see also Raagmaa, G. 2015; Finka, 178 Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.

M. et al. 2015). In particular economic policy Although, with the Territorial Agenda 2020, in Europe is said to have followed neoliberal the EU has been following the concept of ter- logics, thereby concentrating resources to a ritorial cohesion since 2010, there has been smaller number of places and furthering po- litt le research about the (national, regional, larisation (e.g. Avdikos, V. and Chardas, A. local) implementation of policy responses to 2015). Thus, it is relevant to raise the question intensifying regional polarisation. Further, to what extent this holds true for European, regional development and planning policy national and sub-national policies. Moreover, in the new member states also refl ects a par- how broad is the current toolbox for regional ticular turn towards neoliberal policies. “In economic policy within the EU and how are these countries, the fragility of the planning alternative ideas of development contested? systems following the breakdown of socialist- And fi nally, how do locally active deci- infl uenced structures led to a particular will- sion makers, economic agents and ordinary ingness to accept market economy and rather people contribute to the emergence, persist- neoliberal tendencies” (Reimer, M. et al. 2014. ence and reproduction of centralities and p. 8). This coincides with a more general neo- peripheralities? In particular with regard to liberal shift in public service provision, pub- economic and migration decisions, there is a lic government and policies being catalysed need to bett er understand how the interac- through processes of “Europeanisation” tions of ‘peripheral’ agents with ‘core’ actors (Waterhout, B. et al. 2013). and their embeddedness into various local There is a tendency at EU-level, that issues and non-local networks refl ect, reproduce or of balanced spatial development and territo- counteract centrality and peripherality. What rial cohesion are de-prioritised and replaced kind of spatial perceptions and relations do by the logic of competitiveness, place-based infl uence regional mobility and investment development and growth-based concentra- decisions? And to what extent do these deci- tion (Avdikos, V. and Chardas, A. 2015). sions constitute and reproduce such percep- We could argue with Servillo that through tions and relations? discursive chains, these strategic concepts become hegemonic, making other ways of thinking, other ‘rationales’ and policy op- Governance of core–periphery relations tions marginal (Servillo, L. 2010; see also Waterhout, B. et al. 2013. p. 144) and leading For many authors, processes of and respons- to particular ways and forms of how core- es to peripheralisation are linked to issues periphery relations are governed. In this con- of governance (e.g. Raagmaa, G. 2015). Fol- text, policies favouring the concentration of lowing the above outlined conceptualisation, resources are on the rise at national and su- governance research with regard to the devel- pranational level in Europe and beyond. opment of peripheralised regions bears three Some authors would see this as being major shortcomings: (1) instead of looking at linked to a process of Europeanisation territorially limited governance networks, a through transnational learning and policy multi-directional perspective on core-periph- transfer (Dolowitz, D.P. and Marsh, D. 2002; ery relations should be included; (2) the role Bulmer, S. and Padgett, S. 2005). It is sug- of normative frames for the ways regional gested to perceive this process as being part and economic policies are implemented is of a more general shift towards neoliberal under-researched; (3) within governance-re- development concepts in the fate of the glo- search, the role of single charismatic leaders balisation debate and a general global trend is oft en overlooked. In general, however, the favouring the big cities as economic engines role of governance is oft en overestimated and att ractive places to work and live in as compared to other factors infl uencing local a specifi c preference of the current capitalist and regional development. society (see also Krätke, S. 2007; Waterhout, Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. 179

B. et al. 2013). It is in this context that we 2000) and provides an important theoretical should analyse next to the emergence, the starting point for such types of research. It institutionalisation and implementation of creates an opportunity to understand factors regional policies and various forms of public shaping urban and regional policy responses interventions applying concepts of govern- in old and new economy locations and to ance, path renewal and leadership. identify the actions and practices that may The term ‘governance’ bears normative, alter the current path and set the regions on theoretical and methodological dimensions new development trajectories (path renewal, (Stoker, G. 1998). This makes it necessary Coenen, L. et al. 2015). to entangle the diff erent discourses around One att empt to explain diff erences in how the concept of governance and to develop localities and regions with very similar so- sound theoretical foundations to improve cio-economic challenges manage to regener- transnational comparative research on the ate is to analyse the role public leaders play governance of core-periphery relations. It is (Sotarauta, M. et al. 2012). We know, how proposed to understand governance as a het- specifi c institutional environments limit the erarchical, cross-sectoral, multi-level arena local room for manoeuvre (Lang, T. 2009). for decision making which works in specifi c, Nevertheless, we know litt le about to what relatively stable network-type arrangements. extent charismatic leaders can promote in- When researching policy responses to polari- stitutional change and develop adaptive ca- sation and peripheralisation we should be pacities (North, D.C. 1990) to open up new cautious not to overlook the role of norma- development trajectories in localities with se- tive frames in formulating policies. To what vere social and economic problems. The im- kind of frameworks do actors refer to when pact of leadership on these forms of change they argue for particular forms of policy in- so far is clearly under-researched. tervention? Which concrete planning instru- ments are used to achieve a more balanced development at regional level and what are Adaptation, strategies and potentials in the preconditions for successful collaboration peripheralised non-metropolitan areas within fragmented regions? Up to now only litt le is known about the conditions which Although oft en receiving only marginal at- allow for successful cooperation between ac- tention in national development strategies, tors from core and peripheralised areas that non-metropolitan, rural and peripheral ar- aim at balancing out regional disparities. eas are home to almost half of the European As diff erences in the economic structure of population, bear major spatial functions and regions are oft en seen as one reason for in- in many cases play a decisive role in political, creasing spatial polarisation, I suggest a par- social and economic innovation processes ticular research focus on the governance of (McCann, E.J. 2004; McCarthy, J. 2005). economic development. Although there has Questioning current paradigms which re- been a lot of research on the problems of old gard the city (and in particular the metropo- industrial regions, still litt le is known about lis) as the major centre for social, economic how urban and regional economies change and political innovation, non-metropolitan and how this change can be governed in a areas should also be considered as arenas positive way. What can we learn from gov- within which future development perspec- ernance att empts in successful new economy tives arise (Shearmur, R. 2012). However, pe- locations? How big (or minor) is the role of ripheralised places are oft en conceptualised economic governance at all? Originating in as powerless and passive victims of some su- institutional and evolutionary economics, the perordinate processes beyond their control. concept of path dependence has also been This position oft en makes us overlook the transferred to political sciences (Pierson, P. varied dimensions of agency and strategic 180 Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.

action linked to ‘peripheral’ actors. These and to explore how they overcome existing forms of agency can range from social inter- core-periphery disparities. action reproducing existing core-periphery We should also link a number of alterna- relations to specifi c forms of adaptation or tive economic approaches to the household even resistance to dominant representations. scale which stress locally rooted and embed- With a focus on adaptation, strategies and ded forms of economic activity. One example potentials, It is suggested to conduct more for such an approach discussed as a source research on (the sometimes hidden) phenom- for alternative economic development in ena relying on local resources. rural areas is the renewable energies sector Laclau’s and Mouffe’s reworking of he- (biomass, wind, solar energy). Although in gemony explores how the ‘powerless’ can general there is a considerable job eff ect of propagate alternative forms of knowledge renewable energy activities (and other ‘alter- through networks and cooperation, chal- native’ and ‘new’ forms of economic activi- lenging dominant representations (Laclau, ties) throughout Europe, it is quite unclear E. and Mouffe, C. 1985). When applied to to what extent local communities can ben- regional development, this indicates that the efi t from such activities. Hence, I suggest to ‘knowledge’ within representations of place diff erentiate community driven from exter- has particular eff ects, and that this knowl- nally driven initiatives. In so doing, we could edge undergoes processes of change and re- conceptualise these activities acknowledging articulation. Instead of perceiving uneven their direct local and social impact. Locally power-relationships as something fi xed, a owned projects would guarantee that rev- more satisfactory analysis would explore the enues stay in the region and also that key multi-dimensional aspects of power through entrepreneurial aspects could be negotiated mechanisms such as hegemony. Here, periph- locally. Research could, thus, focus on the eries are not passive recipients of damaging role of local potentials and resources and the ‘backward’ and ‘stagnant’ types of represen- ways policy makers aim at boosting life sat- tation, but play an active role in the discur- isfaction, the living standard and to promote sive process. This leads to questions about local and regional development. ‘peripheral’ strategies of reworking or resist- For regions with severe social problems, ing dominant representations (Eriksson, M. also the social economy has oft en been seen 2008) and opens up possibilities for a multi- as a normative solution. However, empirical scale conception of centrality and peripheral- research has concluded that the economic im- ity (Sellers, J.M. 2002a,b; McCann, E.J. 2004; pact of social economy activities has mainly Hudson, R. 2004, 2005). been symbolic (Amin, A. et al. 2002. p. 116, Against this background, household prac- 125). In particular when it comes to newer tices as well as innovative activities from civil forms of social innovation and more recent society and businesses in peripheralised spa- att empts to re-invent the social economy, tial sett ings could be analysed regarding their there is scope for more research on the role potential for new forms of regional develop- of social economy initiatives in non-metro- ment and bott om-up social, economic and politan regions (Ehrlich, K. and Lang, T. policy change. To what extent do ‘ordinary’ 2012). There are two main themes for future people organise their life under the condi- research in this respect: fi rst, there should tions of peripheralisation? In what way do be a focus on the individual and collective they rework, reproduce or resist dominant drivers of a new generation of social enter- processes of peripheralisation? What kind of prises working more and more independent (alternative) futures do they aim for through from state benefi ts, and second, the role of every day practices? Key tasks could be to the state should be carefully examined as analyse households’ changing experiences supporting the social economy has also be- and perceptions of socio-spatial polarisation, come a state strategy to compensate for its Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185. 181

withdrawal from public service provision in So far, regional development research has peripheralised areas. been interested either in ‘winning’ core re- Researching innovation in the formal econ- gions, or in shrinking, declining or periph- omy in non-metropolitan regions, should eralised rural, non-metropolitan or old in- start with reviewing the more recent litera- dustrial regions. By contrast, the proposed ture on knowledge and innovation (Bathelt, research agenda focuses on the relation be- H. and Glückler, J. 2011), on diff erent types tween cores and peripheries (respectively of knowledge transfer (e.g. Boschma, R. processes of centralisation and peripherali- 2005) as well as on critical network theory sation), a process based conceptualisation perspectives (Glückler, J. 2013). The inclu- of the issues to be researched and an un- sion in global networks of information fl ows derstanding of peripheralised regions with and production chains as well as the various agency capacities instead of being perceived ways to generate innovations are completely as powerless victims of some overarching under-researched when it comes to entrepre- processes beyond control. Peripherality and neurial activities in peripheral regions (as centrality should be perceived as revisable exceptions: Virkkala, S. 2007; Lagendij k, A. characteristics and as socially, culturally or and Lorentzen, A. 2007), but these aspects discursively constructed. bear the potential to challenge dominant per- Applying the notions of polarisation and ceptions of the relation between the economy peripheralisation off ers multi-dimensional, and space. This is all the more important multi-scalar and process based conceptualisa- since innovation can contribute to both an tions of regional development research which increased regional polarisation and a balance are under-represented in European urban and between core and peripheral regions. With regional studies. With the proposed research a less normative perspective on the relation agenda, I would like to open up the discussion between innovation and space, policy mak- on new interpretations of the terms periph- ers will be bett er able to identify and utilise erality and centrality, rurality and urbanity, the economic potentials and opportunities of border and rural areas, core and peripheral their regions and to promote change from an regions, and contribute to the development entrepreneurial bott om-up perspective. of new approaches in multi-level governance and ultimately in regional policy. While research on polarisation up to now Conclusions has focused on a specifi c spatial level (mostly the region itself), I suggest to approach spa- Although the European Union has been fol- tial relations from a multi-level perspective lowing regional and cohesion policies for by looking at the interplay of local, regional, years and stressed the objective to achieve national and international contexts, struc- balanced spatial development and territo- tures and processes which aff ect socio-spa- rial cohesion with the Territorial Agenda, tial polarisation. Thereby, I stress the need regional socio-spatial polarisation increased to tackle these issues in a multi-method and in the past years. In particular in Central and multi-disciplinary approach open to diverse Eastern Europe (CEE), there is a risk that spa- conceptual backgrounds of all researchers tial development further concentrates in a in urban and regional studies following this smaller number of (metropolitan) regions agenda. I strongly believe that each discipli- whereas more and more other regions might nary and methodological perspective has its be aff ected by processes of peripheralisation. contribution in this fi eld. There is no ultimate In this context, I believe it is timely to con- truth which can be proven by any kind of duct further research on the relevant issues (quantitative or qualitative) data. Hence, the of regional polarisation and peripheralisation proposed research agenda is meant to add with a strong focus on CEE. to existing studies and should be seen as an 182 Lang, T. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 171–185.

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Minsk and Budapest, the two capital cities

Edited by

László Jeney and Dávid Karácsonyi

Department of Economic Geography and Futures Studies, Corvinus University of Budapest; Geographical Institute RCAES HAS; Faculty of Geography, Belarusian State University; Institute for Nature Management, National Academy of Sciences of Belarus

Budapest, 2015. 194 p.

While Budapest used to be the bridge between the West and East in Central Europe, Minsk seems to be in a similar role between the Russian and the EU–Polish infl uence zones. It means that both capitals are situ- ated on the frontiers between the Euro-Atlantic and the Euro-Asian macro regions. Besides their situations, their similarity in size renders the comparison and the cooperation obvious to proceed. This book is based on the mutual co-operation of Hungarian and Belarussian geographers and gives a scientifi c outlook not only on the socio- economic development of the two cities but on the urban climate, environment and ecology as well. Hungarian authors of the book introduce Budapest as a Central European metropolis with its historical tra- jectories and the results of the post-social- ist transformation. They also demonstrate the main features of large housing estates and the results of their rehabilitation. Authors from Belarus show the major issues of spatial structure planning of Minsk in a similar context, describing the past and the present changes taking place in the spatial structure of the metropolis. The integrated assessment of the state of urban environment in Minsk is examined also focusing on the ecological frame of the environmental planning in urban agglomerations. The volume serves as a good starting point of a fruitful co-opera- tion between Belarussian and Hungarian geographers dealing with a social and physical urban environment, the state of which deserves extra att ention especially in East Central and Eastern Europe.

Copies are available: Library, Geographical Institute of RCAES HAS, H-1112 Budapest, Budaörsi u. 44. E-mail: magyar.arpad@ csfk .mta.hu Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. 187 DOI: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.3 Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 2015 (3) 187–203.

Economic convergence and polarisation: towards a multi-dimensional approach

József BENEDEK1 and Aura MOLDOVAN1

Abstract

The current increase of regional inequalities in Europe, and in particular in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) has led to the reconsideration and revival of the concepts of “polarisation” and “convergence” in academic fi elds like regional economics, economic geography and spatial planning as well. In contrast to the classical view on these concepts determined by functionalism and topology, the new theoretical and empirical perspec- tives are emphasising a multidimensional perspective. In addition, there is an important debate about the relation between economic inequalities and growth. This article provides a critical overview and assessment of the theoretical and empirical work on regional inequalities with special emphasis on theories of economic and social polarisation, regional economic growth, convergence, and social inequalities. We att empt to combine two powerful concepts of polarisation and convergence, emphasising their relational and multi-scalar nature. Building on this basis, we propose a multidimensional concept of socio-economic polarisation, which comprises processes of convergence and divergence, growth and mobility in economic and social dimensions.

Keywords: regional inequalities, economic convergence, polarisation, Central and Eastern Europe

Introduction The Cohesion Reports of the European Commission (EC) have clearly indicated In the last decades we have experienced a these polarisation and peripheralisation ten- general growing tendency of regional ine- dencies at sub-national level and proposed qualities. However, the views on the intensi- the strengthening of territorial cohesion by ty and direction of regional inequalities diff er guiding one third of the EU budget to the widely from one author to another, depend- reduction of economic and social dispari- ing on the scale, timeframe and methodol- ties in 2014–2020 (EC 2004, 2007, 2010, 2014). ogy of the analysis. In Europe the majority However, despite this consensus, there is still of the authors seem to agree that while the a confusion resulted by the employment of disparities of national economies decreased the diff erent concepts used in the quantita- in the last decades, sub-national economic tive studies of mainstream economic and inequalities have been increasing. Such proc- regional science (convergence/divergence) esses were fuelled by the rapidly growing and in qualitative approaches applied in metropolises and national capitals (London, economic geography, spatial planning and Paris, Brussels, Vienna, Prague, Bratislava, sociology (centralisation/peripheralisation, Bucharest etc.) and the parallel peripherali- polarisation, marginalisation). sation of rural and old industrial regions. In This paper off ers a critical review of diff er- addition, the fi nancial crisis has stopped the ent theoretical concepts focusing on regional decreasing tendency of regional inequalities inequalities. We have selected theories and between Member States from 2008 on. concepts relevant to the convergence/diver-

1 Hungarian Department of Geography, Faculty of Geography, Babeş-Bolyai University, RO-400006 Cluj-Napoca, Str. Clinicilor 5. E-mail: jozsef@geografi e.ubbcluj.ro 188 Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.

gence and polarisation debates2. The neo- The basic position of mainstream eco- classical and the new theories of growth are nomics is that, regional inequalities relate considered as the mainstream approaches in strongly to economic growth. Therefore, the this fi eld, thus, main statements and devel- main focus of the economic literature related opments must be discussed here. Historical to regional inequalities is whether economic polarisation and sociological theories – more growth produces increasing or decreasing ‘heterodox’ in content and methods, and mar- inequalities. Furthermore, the economists ginal in the fi eld of economics – shall also be rely on the so-called convergence-studies as discussed below to deliver important argu- analytical approaches to understand the rela- ments towards the development of a multi- tions between growth and inequalities. scalar and multi-dimensional approach on Apart from the question, whether econom- regional inequalities. ic growth leads to an increase or decrease of Our paper is focused on the connection of socio-spatial inequalities, three other im- polarisation and the socio-economic proc- portant issues are related to the above-men- esses of diff erentiation. Drawing on a litera- tioned concepts: ture survey, we summarise the facts of the – First, taking into account the important main theoretical and empirical approaches regional variability of economic growth, discussing the problems of convergence and how can the diff erent economic growth spatial polarisation in the fi rst section. In the rates between regions be explained? second, we propose a multidimensional con- – Second, how important is the spatial con- cept of polarisation and convergence, which text for these diff erences? comprises economic and social dimensions. – Third, what are the consequences of the We conclude with our fi nal remarks and with spatially diff erentiated economic growth prospects for further research in the third for spatial policy, or more explicitly, which section. are the recommendations for regional pol- icy in order to diminish regional inequali- ties and increase territorial cohesion? Economic growth, convergence and In the following subsections several theo- polarisation: theoretical approaches retical approaches will be summarised and critically evaluated to reveal, how these basic Core-periphery structures in economics have concepts contribute to the understanding of always been defi ned as process-centred, un- regional inequalities. We discuss traditional like approaches in economic and urban geog- approaches on growth and convergence (the raphy that employed a traditional defi nition neoclassical exogenous growth theory, the that is rather location-oriented and static and post-Keynesian theories, and the export base where the new process-oriented perspective theory, as laid out in the 1950s), as well as off ered by introducing the term “periphe- contributions from economic historians and rialisation” (Lang, T. 2012; Kühn, M. 2015) more heterodox approaches (economic and seems to be a promising innovation. spatial polarisation approach; sociological ap- proaches on inequalities).These are followed by an account of the most recent theoretical 2 The research leading to these results was conducted in the frame of the project “Socio-economic and developments (new economic geography, Political Responses to Regional Polarisation in new growth theory) and by an overview of Central and Eastern Europe” (RegPol²), coordinated the recent empirical work on convergence. by the Leibniz Institute for Regional Geography, The selection of literature is not meant to be Leipzig/Germany. The project received funding exhaustive. It focuses on widely cited concepts from the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union’s Seventh Framework and their selection was inspired by the works Programme FP7/2007–2013/ under REA grant of Schätzl, L. (1998), Benedek, J. (2004) and agreement no 607022. Kühn, M. (2015). We have summarised the Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. 189

main statements of the analysed approaches, not concerned with regional diff erences in evaluated according to the following key ques- the use of production factors and in the or- tions: how the development of inequalities is ganisation of fi rms. Another weak point is the explained and what tendency for the evolution assumption on the free fl ow of production of regional inequalities is expected. factors that is refuted by empirical facts. For example, a major share of capital transfers and foreign direct investments are taking place be- Traditional models of economic growth tween advanced economies (Schatz, A.J. and Venables, A.J. 2000). Moreover, the labour has Studies on economic convergence are rooted no unlimited mobility due to the high living in the neoclassical theory of economic growth. costs, the diff erences in social and cultural en- The dominant concept between 1950 and vironments, the accessibility of jobs etc. 1980 was the Solow-model of exogenous Under these circumstances regional in- growth, where the output is determined by equalities between rich and poor regions can three factors: capital, labour and technologi- not diminish. In addition, empirical work has cal progress (Solow, R.M. 1956). Technology proved that capital and labour costs explain is assumed to be a public good, while tech- only a small part of actual growth (Fagerberg, nological progress (including advances in J. 1995). As a consequence, the equalisation basic science) is assumed to be exogenous. of inter-regional inequalities as stated in the This means that technological progress has neoclassical theory is not confi rmed by the the same contribution to economic growth empirical results, being thus less adequate in in all regions, leading to the assumption that explaining regional inequalities. GDP per capita should grow at the same rate Keynes’ theory focused on demand and on in all regions (Fagerberg, J. 1995). state interventions, considered investments Nevertheless, due to the diff erent regional as a key factor for economic development, initial conditions and, accordingly, to the dif- and did not address the question of conver- ferent regional capital-labour ratios, poorer gence directly. The latt er problem is discussed regions (with low capital-labour ratio) are explicitly in the post-Keynesian theory such as growing faster than the richer ones, thus, in the Harrod-Domar model relying on the regional inequalities tend to decrease and assumption that the import determines the fi nally, should disappear. The model off ers growth of regional economies (Harrod, a simple explanation for the evolution of R.F. 1939; Domar, E.D. 1946). Regional in- regional inequalities: under the assumption vestments exercise three types of eff ects on of constant returns to capital, once a region growth (Schätzl, L. 1998), such as income ef- achieves its steady-state as a result of long- fects, capacity eff ects (increasing production term development, it will grow at the rate capacities and increasing capital stock) and of technological progress. The farther is the complementarity eff ects (forward linkage ef- region from its steady-state, the larger its fects on the suppliers’ sector and backward growth rate of GDP per capita can be. As a linkage eff ects on the consumption). consequence, poor regions will tend to grow The theory suggests that equilibrated faster than richer ones, which could result growth occurs when the demand growth has in income convergence (Solow, R.M. 1956; the same intensity as the growth of produc- Mankiw, N.G. et al. 1992). In this model, con- tion capacity, refl ected through income and vergence is determined by the capital fl ows capacity eff ects. All these eff ects contain a directed from regions where it is abundant to spatial component: capacity eff ects generated regions where it is scarce, in order to achieve by investments are connected to a location, the highest rate of profi t on capital. their spatial distribution and characteristics One of the weak points of the neoclassical being linked to the factors determining the growth theory comes from the fact that it is spatial distribution of investments. The in- 190 Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.

come eff ects and the complementarity eff ects dividuals or groups. Inequalities manifesting are spatially diff use, being more intensive in e.g. in limited access to occupational, educa- the place of investment and decreasing with tional and fi nancial opportunities might lead the distance from the place of investment. to social exclusion and marginalisation. The export base theory represents a variety At the same time, exclusion from social net- of Keynesian growth theories. It concentrates works of power – having litt le to no chance accordingly on the demand side, more ex- for infl uencing the decisions aff ecting daily actly – unlike the former one – it focuses on lives – also contributes to such marginalisa- the external demand (North, D. 1955). The tion. Indicators used to measure social in- key argument is that the export activities equality and marginalisation empirically can realised in one region generate a cumula- be assigned to one of four interconnected tive regional development process. The size dimensions: wealth, knowledge, organisa- and time persistency of external demand for tion (understood as the status of a profes- certain products or services determines the sion within an organisational hierarchy) and regional growth via multiplier eff ects, while association (or social capital) (Kreckel, R. a declining export demand generates the de- 2004). This means – very broadly – that so- cline of the whole region (Malecki, E.J. 1997). cially marginalised groups are characterised One of the weak points of this theory lies in by low income, a low level of education, a its methodology: it distinguishes basic and high level of unemployment and no access export oriented activities and sectors, thus, to power holding social networks. calls for a very detailed and not always acces- It is important to note that all these four sible statistics. In addition, the above-men- dimensions are mutually dependent and tioned diff erentiation is highly dependent each one explores a signifi cant side of the on the size and delimitation of the region. structural heterogeneity, which is determin- Another constraint is related to the urban ing the distribution of resources. However, economies, which are realising an intense one dimension is being emphasized for the internal commerce, the export sectors hav- purpose of capturing inequalities, and that ing a lower share. is wealth – or, indicating the lack of wealth, The theory induces a major reduction by poverty (Kühn, M. 2015). the exclusive focus on the export activities, In the EU social policy inequality is ana- neglecting important internal growth factors lysed mainly through the distribution of in- like the increase of the internal consumption, come. Moreover, non-fi nancial assets (such the change of the consumption function, en- as property, shares or investment, especially, dogenous technological development etc. housing) are increasingly considered while (Schätzl, L. 1998). analysing the wealth of households (EAPN 2014; Maesrti, V. 2015). Nevertheless, socio- logical studies are concerned mostly with The sociological approaches on inequalities social relations that individuals, households and groups are embedded in and which Social theories in sociological approach have shape the patterns of social inequality long been considered with inequalities, look- (Kreckel, R. 2004). ing at how various resources are being dis- More complex studies on social inequal- tributed within a society (EAPN 2014) and ity and social exclusion supported by the EU also at the resulting social diff erences be- also include non-fi nancial indicators such as tween various groups. Social inequality in life expectancy at birth, access to services this sense can be found wherever the accessi- (education, health and housing), old age de- bility of social goods and powerful positions pendency, share of foreign-born population, are systematically restricted, thereby favour- nutrition and sustainability (Copus, A. 2014; ing or impairing the lives of the aff ected in- Thiry, G. 2015). Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. 191

In order to link social inequality to the production at a national scale. His interpre- peripheralisation discourse, it is helpful to tation of the law of capitalist accumulation consider Kreckel’s conceptualisation of pe- includes the criticism that any emergence of ripherality (2004) as a structurally embed- wealth and capital concentration goes togeth- ded constellation of conditions, which results er with poverty and oppression. Moreover, in limited access to generally available and Marx views uneven development as intrinsi- desirable resources (material or symbolic) cally linked to the transition from one mode for the people and groups aff ected, leaving of production to another: as an old mode de- a restricted room for autonomous action to clines and a new, more progressive one rises, them. In our interpretation, the diff erence be- diff erent growth patt erns are created, result- tween marginalisation and peripheralisation ing in uneven development (Bond, P. 1999). is the following: the fi rst term refers to socio- Developing the Marxist approach by add- structural exclusion, to pushing a group of ing a spatial component explicitly, David people to the edge of social hierarchy, while Harvey (1996) sees the increasing inequali- we consider the second as the socio-spatial ties in development as a result of the compe- dimension of the process. Peripheralisation, tition between diff erent places for att racting thus, can be described as the gradual decline investments. In this process, the diff erenti- in socio-spatial development in relation to ated return on investment creates or destroys the dominant centre (Keim, K.D. 2006). certain spatial and class confi gurations – on The importance of the spatial dimension a local, regional and national scale (Bond, P. for social inequality is acknowledged also 1999). Depending on how successful they by EU social policy. One of the key factors are in att racting investments and capital, the used by EU policy-makers to determine spaces described by Harvey enter core-pe- which groups of people are at risk of living riphery (dependent) relations with each oth- in poverty is “living in a remote or disadvan- er, as Lang, T. et al. (2015) argued. Moreover, taged community where access to services Henri Lefèbvre (1991) linked uneven spatial is worse” (EAPN 2014, p. 32). The structural development specifi cally to real estate invest- disadvantages that people in peripheries face ments, through which, inequalities in capi- are limiting their capacity to improve their tal accumulation are transposed into space situation and raises the risk of falling into a (residential patt erns; unequal provision of vicious circle: given the lack of services in- urban services). cluding educational facilities, and the limited While neither poverty nor inequality are choices of career paths in peripheral areas, bound to certain physical spaces and can be those who have resources for migration will found in all types of societies, sociological leave, further diminishing the human capital studies have a strong urban bias (Gottdiener, and the chances of change in the region they M. and Budd, L. 2005). The inequalities leave behind (Massey, D. 1990). Moreover, within cities have been increasing since the apart from the actual lack of physical and 1980s, due to suburbanisation processes and social infrastructures, the inhabitants of the resulting concentration of poverty in the marginalized places have to deal with the central urban areas. Nevertheless, sociologi- negative eff ects the image of backwardness, cal studies are also concerned with global in- spread “from above”, through political, terconnectedness of countries and cities and popular and scientifi c discourses, as well as the uneven development within the global “from below”, through daily routines and labour market that resulted in the rise of ma- interactions (Wacquant, L. 2007). jor cities as high command centres. Uneven development has always been a The process produced an increasing power major theme in social theory. Famously, Karl concentrated in central urban areas on the Marx compared the level of development one hand, and the expansion of commercial between societies, looking at the modes of spaces dispersed across space on the other 192 Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.

(Gottdiener, M. and Budd, L. 2005, p. 73). tax revenues, enabling public investments Sassen, S. (1991) considers these major cities as to bett er infrastructure and the quality of ‘global’ ones, and describes their rise as host- life. The resulting highly diff erentiated life ing processes of growing polarisation in terms chances of the respective residents support of occupational and income structures. the reproduction and the enhancement of so- A very similar image, focused on the po- cio-spatial inequalities (Gottdiener, M. and larised occupational structure within global Budd, L. 2005). The argument continues by cities, is described by Mollenkopf, J. and considering the forms of social inequalities Castells, M. (1991). Each of the cited schol- typical of modernity and capitalism, shaped ars is concerned with migration fl ows that not by the independent achievements of indi- play a crucial role in enabling this process viduals or social groups, but by their ascribed of polarisation due to the expansion of low- characteristics. Thus, inequalities are consid- skilled and poorly paid jobs occupied by im- ered to be persisting at various scales, while migrant workers in global cities. the gap between rich and poor is deepening However, the above concepts have been (Korzeniewicz, R.P. and Albrecht, S. 2013). criticised for employing unstable, value-laden The general weakness of the sociological ap- concepts and for oversimplifying the empiri- proach to inequalities lies in the vague defi - cal reality by reducing it to a simple dichoto- nition of the concepts of core and periphery my. Hamnett, C. (2001) argued that the phe- (Kühn, M. 2015). This also means that the nomenon described by Sassen in global cities identifi cation of spatial core-periphery struc- is rather caused by professionalisation, typical tures, at any scale, remains a subjective mat- of post-industrial societies than polarisation. ter. Even though, sociologists have focused on Moreover, shift ing the focus from individuals the inequalities in cities, we agree with Kühn (as Sassen discussed it) to households might (2015) on that the poverty concept can easily be produce a clearer image of the occupational transferred to regional scale: if a large number structure in global cities, as it would shed of households or municipalities experiencing light upon the increasing inequality between poverty are concentrated in a particular area, households (work-poor and work-rich house- it should be considered as a periphery at re- holds), as it was argued by Hamnett. gional scale Such peripheries are the results of The household focus might also support deindustrialisation, ageing and demographic the shift from the dichotomic view of po- shrinkage, lack of investment, low level of in- larisation processes (command centre vs. come and out-migration of higher educated production periphery) towards a deeper and young people (Kühn, M. 2015). (multidimensional) understanding of this socio-spatial phenomenon (Gottdiener, M. and Budd, L. 2005. p. 66). Historical approaches What all these sociological theorists have in common is that they have a critical view Historical approaches embrace all contribu- on inequality and stratifi cation, and consider tions of economic history to studying eco- them as the results of the modern capitalist nomic development and growth. The theories relations of exploitation and exclusion in elaborated on this ground advanced the idea which, some individuals or social groups of the multi-stage and linear economic devel- benefi t at the expense of others. In capitalist opment path (Gerschenkron, A. 1962). One societies, the diff erences between cores and of the most infl uential models was proposed peripheries is seen as the result of capital in- by Walt W. Rostow (1971), that combines eco- vestments, concentrated in urban and sub- nomic (productivity, investments, knowledge), urban sett lements, where the rate of return demographic (mobility), political (role of the is the highest. The investment sets off a cu- state) and socio-cultural factors to identify fi ve mulative eff ect, creating jobs and generating stages of economic growth: traditional society, Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. 193

transition to take-off , take-off , maturity and linear, one-way logic of economic develop- high mass consumption epochs. ment – that limits their explanatory power on Certain economic sectors are dominant in economic decline and crisis − and the lack of each stage, and the take-off is driven by in- empirical fi ndings on the fi nal (equilibrium) dustrialisation. Whereas, John Friedmann’s stages of development characterised by de- (1973) four-stage core-periphery development clining regional inequalities. model (preindustrial, incipient industrial, ad- vanced industrial and post-industrial stages) suggests a clearer spatial accent, assuming Theories of economic and spatial polarisation that each stage of development corresponds to a certain type of spatial structure (Schätzl, The theories of polarisation include the seminal L. 1998). In his model, the spatial structure works of Gunnar Myrdal (1957), Albert O. evolves from an initial equilibrium situa- Hirschman (1958), Francois Perroux (1950), tion − with a high level of isolation between Nicholas Kaldor (1957) and the later devel- sett lements and a low level of spatial interac- opments of these theories, i.e. the concepts of tions − into a complex spatial structure, with development poles and the core-periphery a high level of functional interdependencies models. Unlike the neoclassical theories, the between the core and the peripheral regions. theories of polarisation consider interregional In the fourth stage of development, a new inequalities growing, since the development spatial equilibrium emerges characterised by advantages created in a region have a cumu- low level of regional inequalities. lative character determining the spatial and The four-stage model developed by Harry sectoral polarisation of socio-economic devel- W. Richardson (1973) rests on a similar logic; opment. This cumulative process is triggered nevertheless, this concept is more complex by the change of independent economic vari- and introduces the idea of reverse polarisa- ables like the demand, income, investments tion. It att aches the decentralisation process or production (Schätzl, L. 1998). of economic activities in the third stage of The change of one variable induces a economic development, when investments change of other variables, generating a cu- and population migration are oriented from mulative process of polarisation. Thus, the the core regions to the centres of the periph- equilibrium analysis specifi c to neoclassi- eries, producing a more balanced urban and cal theories was replaced by the concept of regional structure (Schätzl, L. 1998). circular cumulative causation, introduced It is obvious that historical approaches fi rst by Myrdal (1957) and Kaldor (1957). have contributed largely to the regional ine- According to this concept, the intensity of quality debate, by combining a large number interregional inequality is determined by the of economic, social and institutional factors intensity of two eff ects: the backwash eff ects and also by off ering an alternative narra- through the migration of mobile production tive to the formalised neoclassical models. factors (labour, capital) from the peripher- Moreover, these models combine the time ies to the core regions, and the spread eff ects and space dimensions, re-interpreting the emanating from the spatial diff usion of in- processes described otherwise in the formal novation, production and services from the models, such as spatial diff usion, agglomera- core regions toward the peripheries. tion and concentration. Generally, the backwash eff ects are more The latt er processes can be explained by intensive than the spread ones, which the concepts of polarisation and depolarisa- generates growing inequality tendencies. tion, as they appear in the four-stage model Exceptions are represented by the core of Richardson. Nevertheless, detailed analy- economies where inequalities are decreas- sis of the above concepts revealed their weak ing due to the development of infrastructure points, such as their descriptive character, the and communication. 194 Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.

The other basic assumption of polarisa- tors and on adoption through imitation or tion theories is that polarised development diff usion. The intensity of adoption depends is generated by the unequal regional dis- on the innovation capacity of the regional or tribution of growth factors (labour, capital, urban economy that reinforces spatial con- technology, infrastructure, investment and centration and polarisation. consumption functions, natural resources) The main weaknesses of polarisation theo- and by the limited mobility of such factors. ries lie in their rigid framework and the lack of The concept suggests that relations emerg- explanatory power of historical turning points ing between core regions and peripheries are in regional development (Kühn, M. 2015). characterised by strong dependence and the The core-periphery models of world-system the- economic growth of cores is possible only at ories and the dependency theories add a power the expense of the peripheries. dimension to the relations of cores and pe- Later, the concept of growth poles was de- ripheries (Friedmann, J. 1973; Wallerstein, veloped further by Perroux (1988) and by I. 1974). According to these theories, the core Jacques-Raoul Boudeville and José Ramón regions (or countries) are innovative, play an Lasuén (Schätzl, L. 1998). Their key assump- active role in the international trade, export tion is that the growth poles are urban centres capital, produce high incomes, have high which polarise a larger region, where a single productivity and a stable political system. In major fi rm or an economic sector generates contrast, peripheries are less innovative, they a growth process and interregional inequali- depend on capital import, have a minor role ties. As a consequence, the latest approaches in international trade, low incomes and pro- to the growth poles adopted the idea of sec- ductivity, and they are unstable politically. toral polarisation that leads to regional po- As a consequence, peripheries are dependent larisation and to the establishment of spatial on the centres and disadvantaged by unequal growth centres. The intensity of polarisation terms of trade. eff ects depends on the market share and on Wallerstein distinguishes semi-peripher- the size of the dominant economic sector. The ies that are economies with both character- factors for the concentration of development istics of the core and also of the periphery in growth poles are related to the localisation (Wallerstein, I. 1974). Semi-peripheries advantages of production factors. The possi- experience the highest mobility, and their bility of spatial diff usion of growth towards prospective ascension to the status of a core peripheries is admitt ed. region is determined by state interventions. An important contribution to the polarisa- The proponents of these theories do not con- tion theories came from Lasuén, J.R. (1973) sider the elimination of spatial inequalities by who argued for that the explanation of un- any development policy. From a geographic equal economic development can be reduced point of view, the above mentioned global to the unevenly distributed technological core-periphery model can be identifi ed at innovation process (diff usion and adapta- sub-national scale as well, emerging as a tion). This process has two components: a North–South divide (UK, Italy) or West–East temporal one, represented by sectoral inno- disparities (Hungary, China, Germany), de- vation poles, and a spatial one, represented pending on national factors. by urban poles. These two poles are strongly The weak point of the core-periphery mod- interconnected, thus, the urban network de- els is represented by their strong focus on termines the diff erentiation of the innovation conflicting relations between centres and process concentrated in a relatively small peripheries, reduced to a simple dualism number of urban agglomerations of the ad- of a powerful centre and a weak periphery vanced economies. Meanwhile, innovation (Kühn, M. 2015). Nonetheless, the theories in non-core economies and in smaller urban of polarisation off er a relevant theoretical centres rests on external development fac- framework for the analysis of regional in- Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. 195

equalities. Their core-periphery concept is prevails with low interregional diff erences. a useful analytical concept for the descrip- Krugman (2011) considers three factors that tion of the spatial outcomes of polarisation can modify the relation between centripetal processes, and their central idea of growing and centrifugal forces: interregional inequalities corresponds to the a) economies of scale in industrial production, main empirical fi ndings. b) transportation costs, and c) demand for industrial goods. The traditional growth models were se- New approaches to unequal development and growth riously challenged by the endogenous (new) growth theories represented by Paul R. Romer, The new economic geography (NEG), grounded Robert Lucas, Robert J. Barro and Xavier by Paul Krugman and developed by a range Sala-i-Martin in the 1980s. Technological of economists and economic geographers progress was considered as an endogenous during the last two decades off ers a new growth factor (determined by R&D, ad- perspective on the mechanism of unequal vanced education facilities etc.) by them, regional development, based on the agglom- playing a central role in economic growth eration process of industrial activities. NEG through increasing returns. As a conse- uses the new trade theory introduced by quence, the endogenous growth theories of- Alfred Marshall (external economies, ag- fer a picture with growing inequalities and glomeration), and two modelling techniques economic divergence, where the driving fac- such as the Dixit-Stiglitz model of monopo- tor is represented by the spatial concentra- listic competition and the iceberg function tion of knowledge and the spill-over eff ects (Krugman, P.R. 1991). generated by R&D (Romer, P.M. 1986). According to the NEG’s two-region model, New growth theories pay much att ention to a core-periphery structure evolves that de- the theory developed by Romer, which brings termine their relationships: one of the re- a novelty by considering monopolistic tech- gions ends up as an industrial core region, nological knowledge and imperfect market the other region becomes an agricultural conditions. Another novelty was added to the periphery. The central element of the model debate by considering the dispersion eff ects is the mobility of manufacturing workers de- resulting from industrial research. These dis- termined by interregional wage diff erentials. persion eff ects are considered a major factor This induces a process of cumulative causa- of technological development, in contrast to tion in the region with higher wages, where other new growth theories that propose dif- additional workers att ract more fi rms as a ferent factors, like competences obtained by result of increasing demand, which in turn practice (’learning by doing’), or the disper- att racts more workers from the periphery. sion eff ects resulted from capital investment This cumulative process might come to an (Ács, J.Z. and Varga, A. 2000). Nevertheless, end in two ways: the lack of spatial dimension in new growth – First, if the centripetal (agglomeration) theories has limited their adaptation in eco- forces (market size, mobility of workers, nomic geography (Sternberg, R. 2001). positive external eff ects) are dominant, it re- New concepts in this fi eld explain regional sults in a cumulative-circular, divergent and convergence or divergence and regional dif- asymmetric development model, with one ferences by factors like the diff erences in the region achieving the core status, while the human capital, increasing returns, learning ef- other becoming periphery. fects, fi rm agglomeration, interregional knowl- – Second, if the centrifugal (dispersion) edge transfers and in innovation diff usion. forces (immobile factors, e.g. natural resourc- Recent studies added a further dimension es, negative external eff ects, competition) are to classical convergence studies by includ- dominant, a regional convergence model ing the questions of income distribution and 196 Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.

the growth rates of income (Tselios, V. 2009; neglected, as they are important factors of Amarante, V. 2014; Castells-Quintana, regional growth. Spatial spill-over aff ect the D. and Royuela, V. 2014). For example, as economic growth strongly, while the con- Tselios (2009) suggested, there is a conver- vergence process is diff erent across spatial gence not just in the growth rate of income, regimes (Ertur, C. et al. 2006). Therefore, but also in growth rates of income inequali- spatial autocorrelation cannot be eliminated ties. Moreover, while earlier concepts relied from the growth models without the risk of on macroeconomic variables (e.g. GDP per imposing serious restrictions to the model. capita), recent studies have adopted a new Thus, we should not overlook spatial eff ects microeconomic dimension (Tselios, V. 2009; across borders and the spatial structures Rodríguez-Pose, A. and Tselios, V. 2015), within regions. based upon household income data from In growth theories, the concept of polarisa- the European Community Household Panel tion is used to describe processes of spatial (ECHP). Generally, the lack of adequate re- concentration of economic growth. Thus, po- gional data on household and individual in- larisation should be considered a special case come is one of the main reasons for the domi- of economic divergence, moreover, the process nance of the macroeconomic approach. of polarisation − the concentration of economy It is a crucial question, because economic (and population) in certain urban centres − is growth measured by GDP per capita has no contributing decisively to the production and relevance at individual scale, even though, reproduction of core-periphery structures. the income distribution affects regional A new approach in the convergence studies growth (Easterly, W. 2001; Dollar, D. and has been suggested by Sala-i-Martin, who Kraay, A. 2002; Ezcurra, R. 2007; Rodríguez- found a slow convergence inside the group Pose, A. and Tselios, V. 2010). Even more of developed countries (Sala-i-Martin, X. intriguing is the fact that empirical studies 1996). This fi nding was reinforced by other show convergence in incomes, in contrast to studies, and, as a consequence, a new ap- GDP per capita changes in Europe (Ezcurra, proach has been developed called club con- R. and Pascual, P. 2005; Tselios, V. 2009). vergence (Baumol, W.J. 1986; Quah, D.T. Furthermore, recent studies introduced 1995). Its key argument is that the conver- new concepts in the economic convergence/ gence occurs inside of groups of countries divergence debate and suggest that regional or sub-national regions (convergence clubs), inequalities have a cyclical evolution: phases while the inequalities between the groups of growing inequalities and divergence are (clubs) have a growing tendency. followed by phases of declining inequali- This process is described as polarisation ties and convergence. However, according emphasising the spatial clustering (concen- to Quah, D.T. (1996), economic growth and tration process) of economic growth and it convergence are related, but they are logi- is viewed as a diff erent phenomenon from cally distinct processes. It means that one can inequality. Accordingly, regional polarisation occur without the other (Quah, D.T. 1996). is estimated by considering density func- An important dimension of the regional con- tions for the distribution of GDP per capita. vergence debate is the role of spatial interaction Important empirical evidence was brought eff ects, geographical location and proxim- for the existence and persistence of regional ity disregarded in the neoclassical conver- polarisation in the form of convergence clubs gence studies. Regions are open to a range at the top and bott om of income distribu- of economic and demographic fl ows, like tion, while the middle-class clubs are van- knowledge spill-over, interregional trade, ishing (Quah, D.T. 1997; Castro, J.W. 2003; capital mobility, spatial mobility (migration Smetkowski, M. and Wójcik, P. 2012). Another and commuting); moreover, other types of major contribution of this new approach is regional spill-over and their eff ect cannot be the possibility of multiple equilibrium and Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. 197

steady-states to which similar economies are related to their assumption of economic converge. However, empirical studies in club equilibrium and also the imperative of a ra- convergence have brought new evidence that tional and balanced spatial distribution of poorer regions are trapped in clubs or, with economy as there is no equilibrium situation, other words in a group of regions at a lower in which the interests of each economic actor level of development and with no chances are considered (Plummer, P.S. 2000). Thus, of a way out (Mora, T. 2005; Benedek, J. and development and growth cannot be equal in Kocziszky, Gy. 2015). all regions, and the steady-state situations are relative and unstable. Finally, the idea of long-term convergence of growth and ine- The evaluation of diff erent theoretical qualities between countries and sub-national approaches on inequalities regions was refuted by empirical studies. 2. The second group of approaches – his- In this section, we argue that the above- torical and sociological theories – embraced discussed theoretical approaches can be non-economic or ‘soft ’ factors in their expla- grouped according to key assumptions and nations for regional inequalities, such as the fi ndings (Table 1). availability of services, quality of housing, 1. A group of approaches largely relies accessibility, regional structure, characteris- on hard production factors (capital, labour, tics of local or regional markets, the role of technological progress) in explaining the local administration, quality of life, quality evolution of regional economic inequalities. of workforce. This group fi lls the gap opened The traditional growth theories (neoclassical, up by quantitative models relying on ‘hard’ post-Keynesian and the export base theories), development factors, which cannot explain the new growth theories and the NEG con- the diversity of regional development paths stitute this group. In these approaches mul- satisfactorily. They focus largely on the lo- tiplier eff ects – generated by investments, cal perspective of development in which, imports or exports – contribute to growth the region appears as a strong entity with transmission largely and to amplifying in- endogenous capacities for growth. Their equalities. The weak points of these theories weak point is related to the multi-stage de-

Table 1. Theoretical approaches to regional inequalities in comparison Tendency Theoretical Reasons for increasing/diminishing Group of theories of regional approach inequalities inequalities Production factor mobility and diminishing Neoclassic Diminishing Traditional models marginal product of capital Post-Keynesianism Diminishing of economic growth Multiplier eff ects, spatial eff ects of investments Export base Diminishing Export activities Social inequality and Capitalism, new international division of Sociological theories Growing marginalisation labour, the logic of capital accumulation Historical theories Historical approaches Diminishing Reversed polarisation, integration Theories of eco- Polarisation Growing Dominance of centripetal forces nomic and spatial World-system, Persisting or Polarisation eff ects, position in the world polarisation dependency growing economy

Persisting or Regional concentration of knowledge and New theories on Endogenous growth growing technology unequal develop- New economic Persisting or Transport costs, spatial concentration of ment and growth geography growing industry, mobility of industrial workforce

Source: Authors’ own compilation. 198 Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.

velopment model which should be passed by new evidence was provided, that economic every region in order to obtain a higher de- and social development in CEE is going hand velopment status. For this, the model cannot in hand with growing regional inequalities explain deviations from this general trend and polarisation. In addition, the peripheral generated by structural factors (diff erences in regions of the CEE at sub-national level seem the internal structure of the regions), histori- to be trapped in the ’convergence clubs’ of cal paths (historical accidents) or by diff erent backward regions diverging from the group regional adaptation capacities. of economically dynamic regions. 3. The third group of approaches is repre- We think, further research in this fi eld can sented by polarisation, world-system, and contribute to a more comprehensive under- dependency theories representing a structur- standing of polarisation and peripheralisation alist position, as they place cores and periph- from a quantitative perspective. However, it eries in the context of a globally overarching is necessary to defi ne the main economic and system. They are anchored in global process- social dimensions, and to identify the main es, where the macroeconomic and political factors determining polarisation. structures and the positioning of the region Some of the latest studies are also going in in the historically emerged core-periphery this direction (Duro, J.A. 2008; Liargovas, P. system determine regional development. and Fotopoulos, G. 2009; Smetkowski, M. Thus, the conditions of economic growth for and Wójcik, P. 2012; Tselios, V. 2014; Li, G. peripheral regions are defi ned by the domi- and Fang, C. 2014; Rodríguez-Pose, A. and nation of core regions resulting in a core-pe- Tselios, V. 2015; Royuela, V. and García, riphery international division of labour with G.A. 2015), proposing a new concept of con- diff erent rates of accumulation. vergence/divergence, interpreting them as Summarising the reviewed literature, we multi-dimensional processes. This contrasts can conclude the followings: with the established neoclassical and endog- – Polarisation is linked to the complemen- enous growth theories still operating with tary notion of convergence/ divergence; a one-dimensional economic convergence – It is focused on space-dynamics, where concept. some regions rise while others fall; The multi-dimensional approach to conver- – These processes are shaped by economic gence/divergence refl ects upon some of the and social dimensions; concerns formulated in recent years and re- – Polarisation has varying characteristics on acting to the inadequacy of the concepts and diff erent spatial scales, from global to local. of the instruments used for the measuring We think, the discussed concepts of polari- regional inequalities – which are still based sation and convergence/divergence provide on the economic dimension of development. arguments for a more comprehensive and Thus, there is a growing recognition of the interdisciplinary approach in researching need for including the social dimension in the spatial inequalities. Like polarisation, the analysis of regional inequalities expressing concept of convergence can be viewed as a people’s desire for a bett er quality of life and multi-dimensional process that can be ex- social welfare. The question is highly relevant plained as the interaction of economic and to the regional policy of the EU, trapped in social dimensions. The new approach we a simplistic GDP per capita approach to de- propose should include the combination of limiting the regions ‘lagging behind’, largely the concepts of polarisation and convergence/ neglecting the basic interests of local, regional divergence and provide a framework for the or even national communities. operationalisation for the empirical research One can observe that economic growth using the tools offered by spatial econo- oft en has no signifi cant infl uence on the in- metrics. In recent studies (Benedek, J. and come of the households and on the improve- Kocziszky, Gy. 2015; Benedek, J. et al. 2015), ment of the social indicators expressing the Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. 199

quality of life (Easterly, W. 1999; Rodríguez- Economic Performance and Social Progress” Pose, A. and Tselios, V. 2015). Nevertheless, that defi ned the concept of well-being con- the research conducted by Becker, G.S. et al. sidering the following dimensions: mate- (2005) showed that the income and health rial living standards (income, consumption, inequality trends are decupled at a global wealth), health, education, political represen- scale: while income disparities have a grow- tation and governance, social and personal ing tendency, cross-country inequality in dif- connections, environment, economic and ferent dimensions of health is diminishing physical insecurity (Stiglitz, J. et al. 2010). (Becker, G.S. et al. 2005). This suggests that Concerning the results of multi-dimen- social convergence can occur without eco- sional convergence studies, there are some nomic convergence. At the same time, it calls important remarks that have to be made. for a regional social policy beside the existing Methodological shortcuts are inevitable, like regional policy. in the case of one-dimensional studies, which The studies reviewed above refer to a means that the results are highly dependent multi-dimensional convergence process at on the period under research, on the geo- cross-country level and propose a new and graphical scale and on the used indicators. alternative methodology for the analysis While the international comparison proved of convergence and divergence processes. a strong connection between the economic Rodríguez-Pose, A. and Tselios, V. (2015) and the social convergence, studies focused used Sen’s index of social welfare in the on sub-national/regional scale revealed the European context, while other studies pro- opposite situation: social convergence has posed a large set of social indicators for the occurred without economic convergence analysis of social disparities at international (Rodríguez-Pose, A. and Tselios, V. 2015; level. For instance, more and more the social Royuela, V. and García, G.A. 2015). It is and demographic components of Human worth to consider this last issue, as it suggests Development Index (e.g. life expectancy, in- that living standards can be improved even fant mortality, educational enrolment, or the in the absence of economic growth or eco- literacy rate) are used to contribute to inter- nomic convergence. It is in this direction that national comparative studies. the “The Commission on the Measurement of Moreover, studies based on micro level Economic Performance and Social Progress” (personal or household) data give accounts has formulated as one of its key messages: of the processes of social convergence in “…the time is ripe for our measurement Europe, e.g. Rodríguez-Pose, A. and Tselios, system to shift emphasis from measuring V. (2015), who used microeconomic data of economic production to measuring people’s the European ECHP in their analysis. Their well-being.” (Stiglitz, J. et al. 2010, p. 312). main question was whether the absence of a strong convergence in GDP per capita in the EU makes the convergence in social welfare Conclusions and future prospects also weak or absent. They have found major social welfare disparities between diff erent We can summarise our contribution to the regions of Europe, including a clear northern- question of convergence and polarisation southern divide. Welfare levels in the south- around two ideas. ern periphery − covering Greece, Southern 1. First, our paper argues that alternative Italy, Spain, and Portugal − are typically half interpretations of convergence are possible, of the EU average. In general, regions with and that this concept can be related to other similar welfare levels cluster together. theoretical approaches than growth theories. The above methodological innovations pro- Moreover, we have argued for the multidi- vided an empirical contribution to the work mensional perspective of convergence and of “The Commission on the Measurement of divergence that means the combination of 200 Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203.

social and economic dimensions is needed sarily interrelated, since one can occur with- to understand the interrelatedness of social out the other. Research on the links between and economic factors infl uencing develop- these processes needs more att ention in the ment. This new approach would enable a future. Growth increases economic output more proper operationalisation of the tech- and decreases income inequality, but we do nological factor, taking into account the fact not know if the growth in poorer and high- that the reduction of the technological gap inequality economies would lead to catching needs not only good imitation strategies, but up with the richer ones (Tselios, V. 2009). All also the development of social capabilities. In this shows that convergence is a basic con- addition, the multidimensional approach can cept which refl ects on polarisation, regional properly integrate the contributions of sociol- inequalities, and income distribution. ogy studies focused on the question of social As suggested by various theoretical ap- inequalities and social polarisation at the mi- proaches (NEG, polarisation theory), we cro scale. They contribute to the rescaling of think, there is a need to drive the future att en- the research by concentrating on the house- tion toward the impact of territorial mobility holds as basic research units. This rescaling in both the core and the peripheral regions. was strongly supported by the proponents of We have two major reasons to do so. First, recent microeconomic studies on household due to the fact that signifi cant fi nancial and level income inequalities as well. We think, political eff orts have been made to provide the defi nition of social polarisation in sociol- certain public services in remote areas, the ogy (as the shrinkage of the middle class) can focus of the analysis should be on how the be adopted in the economic approaches as spatially diff erentiated migration processes well and interpreted as the shrinkage proc- aff ect the population thresholds necessary to ess of semi-peripheries. Baumol’s (1986) idea assure public services like education, health on convergence clubs strengthens this fact, care etc. Second, the focus of future stud- bringing evidence for a vanishing middle cat- ies should be on the agglomeration eff ects egory club, while richer regions are becoming generated by the migration processes in core even richer and the poorest ones poorer. regions, such as the capital or the regional 2. Second, we have raised arguments to prove urban centres − revealing the turning points that processes like convergence, divergence, at which, population agglomeration is not economic growth, spatial mobility and innova- able to generate positive eff ects anymore and tion are strongly interrelated. As we mentioned is likely to turn into dispersion. in the introductory part, the concept of polari- sation describes the spatial concentration of economic activities and population. At a high REFERENCES intensity of the concentration, core−periphery structures are reinforced, as the core regions Ács, J.Z. and Varga, A. 2000. Térbeliség, endogén növekedés és innováció. (Geography, endogene- att ract more capital and population, while pe- ous growth and innovation). Tér és Társadalom 14. ripheries are shrinking both in economic and (4): 23–38. demographic terms. Thus, polarisation leads Amarante, V. 2014. Revisiting Inequality and Growth: to increasing divergence, and this way, to in- Evidence for Developing Countries. Growth and creasing regional inequalities. The opposite Change 45. (4): 571–589. Barro, R.J. and Sala-i-Martin, X. 1995. Economic process happens when capital and population Growth. New York, McGraw-Hill, 539 p. spreads to peripheries, leading to convergence Baumol, W.J. 1986. Productivity Growth, Convergence, and diminishing regional inequalities, a proc- and Welfare: What the Long-Run Data Show. ess which can be termed as „depolarisation” American Economic Review 76. (5): 1072–1085. Becker, G.S., Philipson, T.J. and Soares, R.R. 2005. (an antithesis of polarisation). The Quantity and Quality of Life and the Evolution However, we have pointed out that eco- of World Inequality. American Economic Review 95. nomic growth and convergence are not neces- (1): 277–291. Benedek, J. and Moldovan, A. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 187–203. 201

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Changing Ethnic Patt erns of the Carpatho–Pannonian Area from the Late 15th until the Early 21st Century

Edited by: Károly KOCSIS and Patrik TÁTRAI

Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Research Centre for Astronomy and Earth Sciences Budapest, 2013

This is a collection of maps that visually introduces the changing ethnic patt erns of the eth- nically, religiously, culturally unique and diverse Carpathian Basin and its neighbourhood, the Carpatho-Pannonian area. The Hungarian and English volume consist of three structural units. On the main map, pie charts depict the ethnic structure of the sett lements in proportion to the population based on census data et the millennium. In the supplementary maps, changes of the ethnic structure can be seen at nine dates (in 1495, 1784, 1880, 1910, 1930, 1941, 1960, 1990 and 2001). The third unit of the work is the accompanying text, which outlines the ethnic trends of the past fi ve hundred years in the studied area. The antecedent of this publication is the „series of ethnic maps” published by the Geographical Research Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences from the middle of the 1990’s, which displayed each of the regions of the Carpathian Basin (in order of publication: Transylvania, Slovakia, Transcarpathia, Pannonian Croatia, Vojvodina, Transmura Region, Burgenland, Hungary). This work represents, on the one hand, the updated and revised version of these areas, and, on the other hand, regions beyond the Carpathian Basin not included on previ- ous maps. Thus, the reader can browse ethnic data of some thirty thousand sett lements in diff erent maps.

------Price: EUR 12.00 Order: Geographical Institute RCAES HAS Library H-1112 Budapest, Budaörsi út 45. E-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. 205 DOI: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.4 Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 2015 (3) 205–217.

Contextualising regional policy for territorial cohesion in Central and Eastern Europe

Bradley LOEWEN1

Abstract

This conceptual paper discusses key instruments for territorial cohesion in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) from a comparative historical analytical perspective amidst the neoliberalisation of EU Regional Policy, which has implications for the production and reinforcement of spatial inequalities in regional development. The neoliberalisation processes unfolding in the diff erent political-institutional contexts of CEE have implica- tions for the movement, transformation and eff ectiveness of policies such as Regional Policy, complicating the holistic understanding of policy eff ects. Increasingly neoliberal regional policies across Europe, and in the diff erent path dependent political-institutional contexts of CEE in particular, raise questions about the eff ectiveness of Regional Policy to achieve territorial cohesion. Comparative historical analysis provides a method of inquiry into path dependent processes shaping institutions and aff ecting policy outcomes, and is therefore a useful approach for conceptualising regional political-institutional contexts and their implications for Regional Policy. Operational Programmes encompassed in national strategic documents from the Czech Republic, Estonia and Hungary over three programming periods are examined as the key instruments for the implementation of Regional Policy, the comparison of which reveals a diff erence in perspectives towards the common EU goals of competitiveness and growth as a means of achieving territorial cohesion. The re- search thus points to the need for deeper comparative understanding of the political-institutional contexts in the three countries in order to identify factors of eff ective policies and to tailor eff ective policy solutions to specifi c regional contexts, a task to be advanced in future studies of Regional Policy and political-insti- tutional contexts of CEE.

Keywords: regional policy, cohesion policy, territorial cohesion, neoliberalism, Central and Eastern Europe, Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary

Introduction primarily infl uenced by Cohesion Policy and its related funds, has aimed to lead Member The post-socialist states of Central and East- States towards ‘territorial cohesion,’ loosely ern Europe (CEE), sharing similar socio-po- defi ned here as multi-scalar balanced territo- litical and economic histories, have devel- rial development. Territorial cohesion is also oped along dramatically diff erent trajectories associated with “territorial interdependency than their Western neighbours that, even af- and solidarity, which can include urban-ru- ter a decade of European Union (EU) mem- ral or productive-residential dimensions” bership, is revealed by large disparities in (Faludi, A. and Peyrony, J. 2011, p. 5) and rel- economic productivity and living standards atively new forms of multi-level governance. (ESPON 2014)2. European Regional Policy, Despite reiterations between programming

1 Department of Institutional, Environmental and Experimental Economics. Faculty of Economics, University of Economics in Prague; W. Churchill Square 4 130 67 Prague, Czech Republic. E-mails: [email protected] 2 The research leading to these results has received funding from the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme FP7/2007–2013/ under REA grant agreement no 607022. 206 Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.

periods, Cohesion Policy has convergence as had the eff ect of reversing a long trend of its primary objective – focusing investment in economic convergence between Member less developed regions – along with comple- States as employment rates plummeted out- mentary objectives spanning economic and side of Europe’s traditional core (CEC 2010b, social aspects of regional competitiveness. 2014a,b). In CEE sub-national regional po- Altogether, these objectives aim to strengthen larisation intensifi ed with uneven implica- and support solidarity and a polycentric spa- tions for regional development (Smith, A. tial development in the EU. and Timár, J. 2010). Thus, despite earlier The year 2014 marks a milestone as an progress towards territorial cohesion, there is anniversary year and as the beginning of wide consensus that regional disparities per- a new programming period for Regional sist across Europe, which can be evidenced Policy guided by the Europe 2020 strategy by various socioeconomic indicators such as for “smart, specialised and inclusive growth” competitiveness (Annoni, P. and Dij kstra, (CEC 2010a). As member states conclude their L. 2013), GDP per capita (EUROSTAT 2014), Partnership Agreements and Operational and human development (Hardeman, S. and Programmes (OPs) for the 2014–2020 period, Dij kstra, L. 2014). it is a timely moment to take stock of how Figure 1 illustrates the development of Regional Policy has progressed and how GDP per inhabitant in NUTS-2 regions of discourses have shaped the recent policy- the Czech Republic, Estonia and Hungary making agenda and implementation. Aft er from 1999 to 2011, showing a sharp con- a critical review of territorial cohesion and trast between the capital regions and their Regional Policy since the accession of CEE peripheries, in the cases of Czech Republic countries to the EU, key policy documents and Hungary. The similarity of GDP de- are contextualised for the cases of the Czech velopment across peripheral regions of the Republic, Estonia and Hungary across three Czech Republic and Hungary as well as the programming periods. A discussion emerg- whole of Estonia, and the impact of the 2009 es about the potentials for Regional Policy fi nancial crisis can also be seen. to support territorial cohesion and thereby The increasing spatial inequalities in re- tackle spatial inequalities in regional devel- gional development in Europe are part of a opment in the three countries, and the need global trend that, under the current domi- for deeper understanding of political-institu- nant discourse of neoliberal theory, increas- tional contexts in order to tailor context-spe- ingly favours the growth of competitive ur- cifi c regional policies for this purpose. ban centres at the expense of under-devel- oped and structurally weak regions through processes of centralisation and peripherali- Territorial cohesion, spatial inequalities in sation (Lang, T. 2011), demonstrated above regional development and neoliberalisation by higher growth rates in the capital regions of regional policy (including faster ‘catch-up’ in Estonia). While Cohesion Policy has been estimated to have a Political and economic expansion followed positive impact on GDP over baseline levels by crisis has stimulated much debate over in CEE at the national level (CEC 2014a), re- territorial cohesion and Regional Policy dur- gional polarisation continues to be strongly ing the past decade. A number of high-profi le felt in these traditionally peripheral coun- reports concluded that the Lisbon Strategy, tries. Convergence-divergence tendencies in of which Cohesion Policy was the primary parallel with polarisation have been detected tool for implementation, failed to close the in CEE NUTS-3 regions from 1990 to 2008, productivity gap between Europe and in- with convergence amongst less productive dustrialised countries (Barca, F. 2009; CEC regions and divergence of more productive 2004, 2005, 2010b). The 2009 fi nancial crisis regions (Monastiriotis, V. 2014). Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. 207

Fig. 1. Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per inhabitant, at current market prices by NUTS-2 regions, 1999–2011 (ESPON 2013; EUROSTAT 2014)

The Third ESPON Synthesis Report sum- Regional Policy has evolved to take on an in- marising a decade of territorial research, creasingly neoliberal approach since the con- pointed to decreasing territorial cohesion due cept of territorial cohesion was communicated to the growth of urban cores and the decline in its (then) most concrete form in the ESDP of rural areas over the programme’s lifetime as the “balanced and sustainable development (ESPON 2014). Furthermore, regions of de- of the territory of the European Union” (CEC pletion are more concentrated in CEE, where 1999) along with three objectives: economic rural areas are also characterised by a higher and social cohesion; environmental conserva- role of the primary sector and lower accessi- tion and management; and balanced competi- bility (Copus, A. and Noguera, J. 2010). tiveness in all regions; each corresponding to While planning the follow-up to the Lisbon one of the three pillars of sustainable devel- Strategy, the eff ectiveness of Cohesion Policy opment established by the United Nations’ to somehow maximise growth while achiev- Brundtland Report (WCED 1987). The objec- ing convergence was left unclear (Farole, T. et tives of territorial cohesion therefore included al. 2011). Mixed results of the earlier Cohesion an aspect of spatial justice, stipulating spatial Policy prompted reforms for the 2014–2020 pe- reconciliation and safeguarding of regional riod, which, accompanied by the Europe 2020 diversity – elements strongly resistant to nor- strategy, would reinforce neoliberal theory as mative neoliberal principles. Of signifi cance the dominant discourse in European Regional to CEE countries, the ESDP paid particular at- Policy. The milestones of the neoliberalisa- tention to structural weaknesses in peripheral tion of Regional Policy are presented below, areas facing diverse development prospects beginning with the 1999 European Spatial and consisting of diverse relationships and Development Perspective (ESDP), in which interdependencies. ministers of Member States fi rst endorsed the The key to the sustainable development of rural regions lies in the development of an concept of territorial cohesion.3 independent perspective and the discovery of indigeneous potential and the exchange 3 For the current and historical structure of Regional of experience with other regions, but not in Policy, see: http://ec.europa.eu/regional_ policy the copying of development perspectives for en/policy/what/investment-policy/. other regions in the EU (CEC 1999, p. 24). 208 Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.

Looking towards EU expansion, the ESDP att ention back towards the social dimension already recognised a “lack of spatial devel- to support European integration (Lundvall, opment policies and regional policy instru- B.Å. and Lorenz, E. 2012), implying a retreat ments and institutions” as well as an absence from neoliberalism. The resulting evolution of regional political and administrative levels of Cohesion Policy aligned more closely with in the Accession Countries (i.e. CEE), and, Europe 2020, shift ing priorities from hard in- therefore, expected that spatial develop- frastructure to soft innovation capacities and ment processes would not simply replicate exerting tighter controls over the use of funds those in the traditional core (CEC 1999, p. (CEC 2014a). Nevertheless, Europe 2020 has 49). Critical scholars quickly contested the been criticised for repeating the structural Europeanisation of spatial planning and the errors of the Lisbon Strategy (González, L. dominance of economic competitiveness and Rubén, C. 2013). put forth in the ESDP (Richardson, T. and The promotion of territorial cohesion with- Jensen, O.B. 2000). Nevertheless, as territo- in a neoliberal Regional Policy framework rial cohesion has been promoted, refi ned and presents a critical contradiction between the become more intertwined with neoliberal place-based approach and the normativity of policy since 1999, the normativity of neolib- neoliberal principles, since a common set of eral principles has dominated policymaking neoliberal principles neither fi nds the same in peripheral areas and thereby limited the application nor produces the same effects array of policy options available. within the path dependent political-institu- In 2003 the highly infl uential Sapir Report tional contexts of regions. Aft er a decade of prioritised growth through innovation and capitalism Stark and Bruszt in their com- institutional transformation as a strategy for mon work published in 2001 described the Europe (Sapir, A. et al. 2003). The 2009 Barca post-socialist condition in CEE in terms of a Report subsequently contributed to a revised “diversity of capitalisms” that had emerged Lisbon Strategy, cementing neoliberal values in path dependent contexts (p. 1131), recall- of competitiveness into a place-based strate- ing Jessop’s “actually existing neoliberal- gy (Barca, F. 2009), and dropping previously isms” (Stark, D. and Bruszt, L. 2001; Jessop, implicit notions of spatial justice in territo- B. 2002). In the wake of the 2009 fi nancial cri- rial cohesion. Moving towards the next pro- sis, Brenner, Peck and Theodore postulated gramming period, critical scholars called for that a variegated neoliberalism resulting from a context-specifi c regional policy balanced successive waves of crisis-induced neoliberal with increased transparency and fi scal re- restructuring unfolds unevenly across space sponsibility. On the one hand, Copus, A. and and produces “new forms of geo-institutional Noguera, J. (2010) off ered that for regions diff erentiation” or “inherited politico-institu- to develop their potential, Cohesion Policy tional arrangements” (Brenner, N. et al. 2010a, should take into account regional conditions p. 331). associated with narratives of change and lo- The same authors found that prototypi- cal particularities. cal neoliberal policy transfer between states The contextualisation of regional policy produces a qualitatively transformed policy would necessitate more freedom for regions in diff erent political-institutional contexts to deviate from EU and national agendas, es- (Brenner, N. et al. 2010b). Therefore, the pecially in CEE where some countries have similarities amongst CEE countries should seen recent recentralisation. On the other not be taken for granted when it comes to hand, Farole, Rodríguez-Pose and Storper neoliberalisation processes nor the applica- recommended that greater conditionality be tion of supranational strategies, the eff ective- extended by the EU in order to avoid the po- ness of which can vary. Barca, McCann and tential problems of a decentralised Cohesion Rodríguez-Pose argued that the place-based Policy (Farole, T. et al. 2011). Others called approach that took hold in the EU during the Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. 209

reformed Lisbon Strategy was conducive to While regional diversity is promoted in the many existing path-dependent institu- Regional Policy, the rhetoric remains limited tional contexts (Barca, F. et al. 2012). to the neoliberal narrative of competitive- Nevertheless, the increasingly homoge- ness and growth that, coupled with Europe neous neoliberal regional policy still does not 2020, restricts policy options and could work take these into account. A diverse array of ap- against territorial cohesion by further pro- propriate policy responses corresponding to moting spatial inequalities in regional de- path dependent neoliberal contexts should, velopment. To understand how these con- therefore, be expected in CEE rather than the cepts have been represented at the regional narrowing perspective of a (non-existent) level and used to address regional particu- pure neoliberalism. larities, it is necessary to look within indi- Critical scholars have off ered insights into vidual Member States. National documents the rise of neoliberalism in other domains of for Regional Policy (including Operational regional development such as New Economic Programmes) from the Czech Republic, Geography (NEG) and New Regionalism Estonia and Hungary are next compared to (NR), which are believed to contribute to a diff erentiate between national perspectives. depoliticisation of spatial development and the reproduction of uneven spatial develop- ment, increasing the vulnerability of lagging Comparative analysis: Regional Policy in the regions to the global fi nancial system and dis- Czech Republic, Estonia and Hungary arming regions’ political ability to respond to exogeneous events such as the fi nancial crisis As the case has been made above for decreas- (Hadjimichalis, C. 2011; Hadjimichalis, C. ing territorial cohesion in CEE countries, and Hudson, R. 2014). Such views incorpo- att ention will next be directed to Regional rated into the research community made it dif- Policy as applied in the CEE context to ascer- fi cult to distinguish progressive from regres- tain similarities and diff erences in the politi- sive policy (Hadjimichalis, C. and Hudson, R. cal-institutional contexts in which Regional 2014). In 2004, the neoliberal normativity of the Policy is delivered. The above mentioned cri- creative economy agendas of place competition tiques of neoliberalism in Regional Policy and and promotion were already being recognised related fi elds point to hidden diff erences in (Gibson, C. and Klocker, N. 2004), and aca- national contexts and the need to investigate demics have since become intermediaries of beyond the normative elements of EU Re- creative economies for regional development, gional Policy, as reproduced in national and unconsciously and uncritically reproducing regional policies, in order to uncover national normative elements (Gibson, C. 2015). discourses and political-institutional contexts Denial of the problem of spatial inequali- with implications for policy eff ectiveness. ties in regional development, therefore, Programmes in the Czech Republic, Estonia extends from experts and academics to the and Hungary are investigated from a com- European Commission, whose evaluations parative analytical approach along the lines of the Lisbon Strategy and Cohesion Policy of Comparative Historical Analysis within interpreted the eff ects of the fi nancial crisis the fi eld of New Institutionalism, which ex- as the result of macro-economic imbalances amines a small number of cases against a the- and competitiveness problems (CEC 2010b, oretical backdrop in order to challenge prior 2013), without recognising the problematic beliefs about the cases (Goldstone, J.A. 2003), socio-economic eff ects of entrenched spatial focusing on processes over time and the use inequalities and peripheralisation processes of systematic and contextualised comparison accumulating over decades, calling into ques- (Mahoney, J. and Rueschemeyer, D. 2003). tion intra-European power relations and na- The three country cases herein are oft en tional interests in the sett ing of EU policy. grouped together as ‘post-socialist’, thereby 210 Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.

suppressing notions of diff erence, and are Hungary. Estonia had a single national OP recipients of EU policy intended for homo- for comparison. In 2007–2013, the number geneous application across Member States. of OPs (not to mention cross-border co-op- The forthcoming analysis examines the guid- erations) proliferated: six national and eight ing national strategic documents of Regional regional OPs in the Czech Republic (includ- Policy from three programming periods, ing one national and one regional Objective encompassing Operational Programmes, to 2 Programme); two regional OPs in Estonia; uncover diff erences between the three coun- and seven national and seven regional OPs tries that also have potential implications for in Hungary; all of which stemmed from the policy eff ectiveness. EU-negotiated documents, National Strategic Reference Frameworks (NSRFs). The 2014– 2020 period was simplifi ed, with only na- Pre-accession support, Regional Policy and tional OPs in the roster (again, excluding Operational Programmes cross-border programmes), developed under the guiding national Partnership Agreements Agenda 2000 laid out the EU’s enlargement (PAs). Table 1 presents the instruments re- strategy in response to a high volume of mem- viewed in the three-country comparison. bership applications from CEE including the Czech Republic, Estonia and Hungary (CEC 1997). Cohesion was envisioned to be of great Development of Regional Policy in national contexts importance in an enlarged Union, and funding through the PHARE programme and Agenda The following sections summarise and com- 2000 prioritised upgrading transportation and pare Regional Policy programmes between environmental infrastructure and institutions, the Czech Republic, Estonia and Hungary. In investments that were considered vital for the the 2004–2006, 2007–2013 and 2014–2020 pro- realisation of political and economic advantag- gramming periods the three countries shared es in an enlarged Union. Therefore, the process a similar economic situation of being small, of territorial cohesion with a long-term focus open and export-oriented economies in the on outward-looking competitiveness was in context of increased global trade liberalisa- motion even before the 2004 enlargement. Fol- tion, with implications for regional disparities. lowing their accession, fi nancial support was The objectives across periods have been fairly provided by Structural and Cohesion Funds, continuous and the content of programmes which have continued to drive investments for across periods diff ers to a very litt le extent, territorial cohesion in Member States through in accordance with the reproduction of EU Regional Policy. policy elements. Nevertheless, the compari- Operational Programmes (OPs) are viewed son suggests some diff erentiation between the here as the implementing instruments of country perspectives as well as some conver- Regional Policy and for delivering Cohesion gence of these perspectives moving towards Policy into national contexts. The Czech the 2014–2020 period, possibly due to the Republic, Estonia and Hungary were funded streamlining infl uence of Europe 2020. for OPs for the remainder of the 2000–2006 Table 2 highlights key principles in national (i.e. 2004–2006), 2007–2013 and 2014–2020 strategies in Regional Policy instruments, (on-going) periods. The strategies and the- thereby demonstrating variation in the rep- matic contents of OPs can be identifi ed by ex- resentation of neoliberal elements, and is fol- amining their EU-negotiated parent national lowed by further description of key messages strategic documents for the allocation of in- from each country. This raises the questions vestment funds. In 2004–2006, Community of how these variations may be connected Support Frameworks (CSFs) outlined fi ve to the successful or unsuccessful transfer of OPs in each of the Czech Republic and EU Regional Policy into the national contexts Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. 211

Table. 1. Regional Policy instruments reviewed in the Czech Republic, Estonia and Hungary from the 2004–2006, 2007–2013 and 2014–2020 programming periods

Programming period Instrument Czech Republic Estonia Hungary

Community Support Yes No Yes Framework Operational Programme 15 (National) 2004–2006 5 Operational Programme –– (Multiregional) Operational Programme 1–– (Regional) National Strategic Reference Yes Yes Yes Framework Operational Programme 2007–2013 627 (National) Operational Programme 8–7 (Regional)

Partnership Agreement Yes Yes Yes 2014–2020 Operational Programme 716 (National)

in CEE, and what the subsequent eff ects of mental standards, social inclusion and bal- regional policies on spatial inequalities and anced development of regions were included territorial cohesion might be. in each OP. The latt er objective addressing territorial cohesion was described as “de- creasing the negative impacts of unbalanced Czech Republic economic growth” (p. 68), thereby tackling the problem of spatial inequalities. The 2004–2006 strategy of the Czech Repub- In the 2007–2013 NSRF attention was lic was described as “sustainability based drawn to the risks of diminishing global cost on competitiveness” (MMR 2003, p. 61), competitiveness, lagging productivity and in- supporting objectives of the Lisbon Strategy stitutional barriers impeding the business cli- while focusing on the country’s relative per- mate (MMR 2007). Cohesion was represented formance within the EU for achieving terri- both between regions and in relation to the torial cohesion. Despite regional disparities, EU, which continued the existing contradic- achieving sustainable economic development tion between convergence and competitive- depended on taking advantage of the Prague ness objectives: “There are also priorities in agglomeration and its spill-over eff ects, de- place with objectives in compliance with the veloping other major growth poles, and Lisbon Strategy in support of the competi- upgrading transport infrastructure as a pre- tiveness of regions with the highest growth condition for competitiveness and growth: potential, whose stimulation will contribute “the main aim of the Structural Funds is … to to the CR’s convergence to the European av- fi nance interventions which can be expected erage” (p. 63), again relying on the economic to have a positive eff ect on long-run produc- core to lift all regions, which could intensify tivity gains and employment creation” (p. spatial inequalities. Nevertheless, growing 55). Horizontal objectives including environ- regional disparities in unemployment were 212 Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.

noted, as well as the problems of trans- port defi ciencies and bott lenecks, e.g. in the TEN-T network, considered to hamper flows between the East and West due to the Czech Republic’s cen- tral position in the EU.

of so- cient delivery Spatial polarisation and fragmenta- ffi tion continued to be an inhibiting fac- tor to the development of lower-order growth poles and a cohesive territorial development. Regional trajectories cov-

2004–2006, 2007–2013 and 2014–2020 ered a range from “undergoing rapid development” to “having low growth Socio-economic development through in- Socio-economic development creased employment and social inclusion Increased employment through skills de- velopment; Social stability and e cial services; Increased territorial cohesion through de- of regional growth poles; velopment accessibility through transport Improved infrastructure. Fiscal stability and structural reforms incl. social services; Necessity of economic growth from all in- vestments. dynamics” and being “on the decline” – – – – – – – (p. 27). Business incentives to SMEs were targeted to help this large segment of the economy achieve its growth po- tential, especially in underdeveloped regions. Social cohesion through inclu- sion and improvements to public ad- ministration were also specifi ed. The 2014–2020 Partnership Agreement was designed for maximum coherence with the Europe 2020 Strategy (with associated targets) and related national and place competition ractiveness tt policies. Previous priorities were re- t from global economic integration; fi newed, with the strategic objectives of cient use of resources; ffi programming periods programming “developing a high quality business en- Economic competitiveness through tech- Economic competitiveness nology and skills development Bene Knowledge and entrepreneurialism through communication and mobility; from low-cost to knowledge- Transition based economy; Global a (e.g. clean environment); Promotion of polycentric urban structure. Increased productivity replacing employ- ment; capital, foreign R&D capitalisation, venture direct investment; E Transition to low carbon economy; Transition Global connectivity. – – – – – – – – – – – vironment” and “providing an inclusive society” (MMR 2014, p. 118). Increasing the quality of education, core infrastruc- ture and public institutions were listed as conditions for renewed economic growth, and investments were targeted to structurally weak regions to address traditional industries and growing long term social exclusion. Czech Republic Estonia Hungary Estonia ects; ff Estonia’s single OP for the 2004–2006 pe- Economic competitiveness through pro- Economic competitiveness ductivity and low cost strategy through up- Economic competitiveness grading skills and knowledge; from low-cost strategy; Transition Promotion of growth pole producing spill- e over of barriers to economic develop- Removal ment. Improved functioning of labour market; Improved High quality business environment; Support to SMEs; to non-price competitiveness; Transition Social inclusion including employment services. riod focused on human resources devel- – – – – – – – – – – opment for economic competitiveness, but with a distinct specialisation on ICT. Skills and development was addressed by matching educational opportuni- period ties to demands of the labour market. Programming Table. 2. Variations of neoliberal elements in Regional Policy instruments in the Czech Republic, Estonia and Hungary from the of neoliberal elements in Regional Policy instruments the Czech Republic, Estonia and Hungary from 2. Variations Table. 2004–2006 2007–2013 2014–2020 Disparities within the region were de- Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. 213

scribed in terms of GDP contributions be- In the 2014–2020 PA Estonia looks for in- tween Tallinn and other counties (NUTS-3 re- creased macro-economic stability following gions), demonstrating a strong core-periphery the global credit crunch to reduce its vul- duality. Without a CSF, Estonia’s programme nerability as an open economy (Republic of aligned with its own National Development Estonia 2014). The country is preparing for Plan, and participation in Regional Policy a nominal decline in employment due to an was comparatively simple. Nevertheless, ex aging population, which determines its eco- post evaluations found that the “centralised nomic strategy – “economic growth can only implementation and prioritisation of goals be driven by productivity and investments left the regional perspective as a subsidiary supporting it” (p. 6) – and focuses on high aim” (Applica-Ismeri Europa-wiiw 2010, p. value-added levels of the economy, capitali- 3). Sett ing targets within the NUTS-2 region sation of R&D, att raction of venture capital, was not required, so the OP was more free and more effi cient use of natural resources. to pursue national interests, of which spatial Estonia further reinforces its international polarisation was still a concern. outlook by prioritising global connectivity The 2007–2013 NSRF projected a global for economic growth: “Participation in global and entrepreneurial spirit of Estonia, poised value chains unavoidably requires the exist- to benefi t from increasing global trade liber- ence of high quality connections,” and, “the alisation, as its position as a small, open and impact of fl ight connections on GDP growth integrated economy was fi rmly established. can range from 4–7%” (p. 20). The headline objective of “fast and sustain- The strategy points to decreased albeit able development” (Republic of Estonia large regional economic disparities from 2007, p. 65) aimed to promote open mobility 2005–2012, suggesting positive movement for and communication for knowledge transfer territorial cohesion – “regional diff erences in and entrepreneurialism: “…we also have an GDP relative to population between Harju opportunity to win from the global expan- and Tartu Counties … and all other regions sion of labour market assumed that people … have decreased” (p. 42) – although signifi - return to Estonia richer with one [sic] expe- cant internal migration to the core urban ar- rience” (p. 15). Technological advancement eas of Tallinn and Tartu have occurred since and opportunities for foreign direct invest- the 2008 fi nancial crisis (Raagmaa, G. and ment were viewed as a means to escape its Stead, D. 2013). The strategy states that “all diminishing role as a low-cost labour pro- regions located outside of the urban areas of vider: “the fast and expansive adoption of Tallinn and Tartu need additional att ention in new technologies … and updating of busi- accordance with their specifi c problems,” (p. ness and operational models … are extreme- 45) evidenced by limited employment and ly important” (p. 18). Neoliberal notions of commuting possibilities. att ractiveness and place competition were also promoted through welfare reforms, environmental sustainability, and cultural Hungary potentials of the periphery. “Decreasing do- mestic regional balance” (p. 24) from uneven The Hungarian CSF highlighted the intensi- economic growth and urban-rural migration fi cation of pre-existing regional disparities was addressed through promoting the de- arising from market liberalisation and eco- velopment of a polycentric urban structure, nomic restructuring (Republic of Hungary, elevating the representation of territorial co- 2003). On the whole, the strategy demon- hesion in the national strategy. Nevertheless, strated a strong social perspective amidst the capital region continued to be a major stable political and economic conditions, po- driver of economic restructuring and att rac- sitioning human development as the primary tion, entrenching spatial inequalities. means towards achieving territorial cohesion: 214 Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.

“Hungary must give renewed policy focus Following a period of fi scal consolidation to strengthening its overall level of develop- aft er the fi nancial crisis – itself necessarily ment in order to move towards convergence a neoliberal condition for economic growth with the level of the socio-economic devel- – Hungary considered itself well-positioned opment of the EU” (p. 68). The inclusion of to benefit from Cohesion and Structural “socio-“ in this overall strategy is palpable. Funds (Republic of Hungary 2013). The “Improving the use of human resources,” (p. 2014–2020 PA continued to focus on fi scal 68) took the second place objective, although policy for strong macro-economic conditions it was also a prominent strategy for the fi rst through targeted actions: “[These] funds can objective, economic competitiveness. Lower- only result in additional economic growth in order objectives included environment, basic Hungary if they are used in a more targeted infrastructure and balanced territorial devel- and simple manner compared to the previous opment. Thus, the dominant theme of the period” (p. 10), but retreated somewhat from CSF was inclusive human development to the markedly social stance of previous pro- improve employment, which suff ered due to grammes: “The development programmes substantial withdrawal from the labour mar- which are not directly of an economic nature ket. The presence of high quality educational must be engineered in a way that they can institutions was seen as a potential resource … contribute to the goal of growth” (p. 11). for improving employment in the less devel- Therefore, the PA marks a shift and perhaps oped regions of the East, albeit amidst strug- exemplifi es the most drastic neoliberalisation gling R&D capacities characterised by lack of of policy of the three countries studied. knowledge transfer, out-dated technologies Regarding spatial polarisation it was be- and underinvestment. Other social topics lieved that both old and new processes pro- covered, such as healthcare, inclusion and ducing regional disparities, including micro- equal opportunity, demonstrated a strongly regional, needed support at a lower level social perspective. than NUTS-2 to be successful. The resulting The 2007–2013 programme once again programme exhibited a broader, streamlined called for growth through increased employ- set of development priorities corresponding ment with an enhanced global economic di- to Europe 2020, showing growing similarity mension, with a condition of respecting social to the other countries reviewed. Low em- values: “[We] need a brave and creative eco- ployment was still one of the most serious nomic development concept embracing issues concerns hampering growth. of employment as well that respects both the satisfaction of social demands and macro-eco- nomic stability” (Republic of Hungary 2007, Contextualising further research p. 1). In this way, economic performance was secondary and conditional with respect to The above sheds light on variations that can social cohesion, a resistant stance to the neo- be produced within the EU streamlining liberal norm. Cohesion and Structural Funds process that appears to impose common pol- were framed as an opportunity for the “re- icy onto diff erent political-institutional con- newal of society” (p. I). Institutional reform texts, raising further questions about these was framed for the effi cient delivery of social national contexts and their abilities to transfer welfare rather than economic development. policy. The content of the national documents Regional disparities and internal contradic- reviewed is admitt edly light and optimistic, tions were still high, and spatial polarisation especially considering that over the three was addressed through support for develop- programming periods, regional inequalities ing regional growth poles and harnessing en- in CEE have worsened and the European dogeneous potentials to develop comparative economy has faced its biggest challenges in advantages. decades. Nevertheless, the strategies outlined Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217. 215

therein demonstrate variation in the pursuit specifi c policy recommendations for CEE. of competitiveness and growth amidst in- Moreover, the identifi cation of key factors creasingly neoliberal supranational policy. of successful regional policies in CEE can The Czech Republic’s focus on catching up benefi t Regional Policy as a whole by fur- with European-average productivity through ther developing the place-based approach cost-competitiveness and reduced barriers to and subsequently informing new iterations business contrasts with Hungary’s focus on in- of policy instruments. creasing labour market participation through developing human resources and Estonia’s leap into advanced global niche markets. Such Conclusion variations in the approaches to the normative principles of competitiveness and growth re- The preceding comparative analysis has call the previously discussed notions of ‘actu- highlighted diff erent national perspectives ally existing’ and ‘variegated’ neoliberalisms in the cases of the Czech Republic, Estonia (Jessop, B. 2002; Brenner, N. et al. 2010a), and and Hungary towards the neoliberal prin- suggest the possibility of further variations ciples of competitiveness and growth pro- – that should be investigated – once Regional moted by Regional Policy. Critical scholars Policy is put into national and regional con- have responded to the neoliberalisation of texts. Raagmaa and Stead wrote that aft er ac- Regional Policy and its negative eff ects by cession CEE countries practiced a combination suggesting alternatives, from a re-politicisa- of previous behaviour, new EU rules, and local tion and democratisation of policy to a re- agendas leading to double standards in policy- consideration of discarded alternate forms making (Raagmaa, G. and Stead, D. 2013). of regionalism (e.g. welfare regionalism) Furthermore, Monastiriotis stated that (Hadjimichalis, C. and Hudson, R. 2014), or national economic contexts play a role in a refocusing of policy from convergence to the convergence process (Monastiriotis, underdevelopment (Farole, T. et al. 2011). In V. 2014). Therefore, the path dependent po- any case, a deeper comparative understand- litical-institutional structures in CEE almost ing of national and regional political-institu- certainly carry remnants of previous regimes tional contexts is required to move beyond more than two decades aft er liberalisation the neoliberal rhetoric of Regional Policy that that are infl uencing emerging forms of neo- is reproduced in national documents, and to liberalism and have implications for Regional ultimately determine the factors of successful Policy, territorial cohesion, and spatial ine- regional policies for context-specifi c policy qualities in regional development. recommendations, of which this study took Moving forward, it becomes critical to a fi rst step. further understand specifi c political-institu- Peck, Theodore and Brenner argued that tional contexts alongside policies in order to critical analysis needs to extend beyond address some key questions raised by this concerns about what policies achieve, “to paper: How has Regional Policy been transferred consider the manner in which they move, to CEE and transformed through the transfer how cross-jurisdictional reform trajectories process? How has the transferred policy addressed are constructed, and how the over-all pat- the EU concept of cohesion and real spatial in- tern of policy making varies over time and equalities in diff erent national contexts? And space” (Peck, J. et al. 2012, p. 278). It will be ultimately, What factors of regional policy are critical to consider these aspects in the quest particularly eff ective for promoting territorial co- for contextualised regional policymaking in hesion in the CEE? The answers to these ques- CEE. Comparative Historical Analysis within tions will help to elucidate Monastiriotis’ the fi eld of New Institutionalism off ers an relationships between national economic approach conducive to this task. Despite contexts and convergence in order to form an accumulation of knowledge during the 216 Loewen, B. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 205–217.

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Ukraine in Maps

Edited by: Kocsis, K., Rudenko, L. and Schweitzer, F.

Institute of Geography National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine Geographical Research Institute Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Kyiv–Budapest, 2008, 148 p.

Since the disintegration of the USSR, the Western world has shown an ever-growing interest in Ukraine, its people and its economy. As the second-largest country in Europe, Ukraine has a strategic geographical position at the crossroads between Europe and Asia. It is a key country for the transit of energy resources from Russia and Central Asia to the European Union, which is one reason why Ukraine has become a priority partner in the neighbourhood policy of the EU. Ukraine has pursued a path towards the democratic consolidation of statehood, which encompasses vigorous economic changes, the development of institutions and integration into European and global political and economic structures. In a complex and controversial world, Ukraine is building collaboration with other countries upon the principles of mutual understanding and trust, and is establishing initiatives aimed at the creation of a system that bestows international security. This recognition has prompted the Institute of Geography of the National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (Kyiv) and the Geographical Research Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (Budapest) to initiate cooperation, and the volume entitled “Ukraine in Maps” is the outcome of their joint eff ort. The intention of this publication is to make available the re- sults of research conducted by Ukrainian and Hungarian geographers, to the English-speaking public. This atlas follows in the footsteps of previ- ous publications from the Geographical Research Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Similar to the work entitled South Eastern Europe in Maps (2005, 2007), it includes 64 maps, dozens of fi gures and tables accompanied by an explana- tory text, writt en in a popular, scientifi c manner. The book is an att empt to outline the geographical sett ing and geopolitical context of Ukraine, as well as its history, natural environment, population, sett lements and economy. The authors greatly hope that this joint venture will bring Ukraine closer to the reader and make this neighbouring country to the European Union more familiar, and consequently, more appealing.

------Price: EUR 35.00 Order: Geographical Institute RCAES HAS Library H-1112 Budapest, Budaörsi út 45. E-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231. 219 DOI: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.5 Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 2015 (3) 219–231.

The Land of Storms and the region where the country´s heart beats: changing images of peripherality in Hungary

Péter BALOGH1

Abstract

Processes of peripheralisation have over the past years been studied from structuralist and discursive angles alike. There is at the same time a growing awareness that the two need to be studied together. This paper makes an att empt by showing how socio-material and discursive processes can co-constitute centre-periph- ery relations, on the example of Hungarian regions. Particular focus is given to Békés County as well as to Central Hungary. The empirical sources consist of sociographic books and popular scientifi c articles writt en mostly by geographers. The former show that images of peripheral areas have signifi cantly altered over time. While the ”Land of Storms” – an epithet associated with Békés County – for instance has typically stood for toughness and combat-readiness up until the 1950s, it has been connected more with passivity and tardiness since the 1980s. Despite the changing nature of these images they have curiously always been att ributed to the region´s peripherality, even though a rising spirit for instance has not been a typical feature of peripheries in Hungary. The analysis of popular scientifi c articles reveals that they are usually writt en from the centre´s perspective, targeting the centre´s audience. Further, certain places are peripheralised by being depicted as forgott en or remote; the natural endowments of rural and sparsely populated areas are not rarely exotifi ed and romanticised. Such descriptions may make so-called peripheries more interesting for readers (in the centres), yet they also maintain old images of such areas that can considerably aff ect their development potentials.

Keywords: peripherality, images, discourses, literature, fi lm, popular science, regional development, Békés County

Introduction While considering a number of examples, particular att ention is paid to Békés County, Over the past years the intensifying proc- oft en regarded as one of the most peripheral esses of peripheralisation have been stud- parts of the country. This and other regions´ ied from political economic (Smith, A. and relations and positions are considered not Timár, J. 2010; Nagy, G. et al. 2012), struc- least vis-á-vis the (administrative) region of tural-territorial (Pénzes, J. 2013), hinterland Central Hungary and especially the capital development (cf. Timár, J. and Kovács, Z. city Budapest. The particular questions that 2009), and discursive angles (see below). the paper will address are: What kind of no- There is at the same time an emerging body tions and images are typically produced for of literature that tries to connect the material so-called peripheral areas, and why? How with the discursive (Beetz, S. 2008; Lang, T. can these aff ect public notions of such places 2012). This paper makes such an att empt by and thereby their development chances? showing how socio-material and discursive The paper is also making an attempt at processes can co-constitute centre-periphery empirical novelty. Earlier studies on perip- relations in the case of Hungarian regions herality discourses and labels have focused and places. on media images (Avraham, E. and First,

1 Research Group, Alföld Department, Institute for Regional Studies, Centre for Economic and Regional Studies, HAS. H-5600 Békéscsaba, Szabó Dezső u. 42. E-mail: [email protected] 220 Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231.

A. 2006; Eriksson, M. 2008), spatial develop- shorter here (than with classic literary texts) ment plans (e.g. Lang, T. 2012), or semantic – all articles are from the 2000s. I chose 13–14 elements (Meyer, F. and Miggelbrink, J. 2013). contributions in this category, most of which To the best of my knowledge, few or no scho- dealing with various Hungarian regions. lars of peripherality have specifi cally targe- The sources above are critically analysed, ted (classic) literature, popular science, and focusing in particular on the ways they port- movies as primary sources. Yet, given their ray so-called peripheral and rural areas. I did widespread and popular character such ma- not adopt a defi nition of peripherality on my terials might prove to be a key in fi nding the own but relied instead on the sources that roots of shapers of public notions of places themselves use the term periphery as well as here dealt with. Hence, in this investigation I closely related concepts such as marginality, made use of the following two main groups and then went on analysing how diff erent of empirical material. writers have been using these notions. Before On the one hand, non-fi ction books as well moving on to the empirical data, some im- as fi lms were chosen that deal with rural and portant earlier work in the fi eld of periphera- peripheral areas in Hungary and especially in lity studies are presented. Békés County. Here I used 8–9 recent and ol- der sources that remain relevant. The second group of empirical sources consists mainly Peripherality: some conceptual ideas and of articles in popular but still demanding earlier studies publications, especially in A Földgömb, the popular scientifi c journal of the Hungarian As a result of the Westphalian order, pe- Geographical Society. While some of the in- ripherality was long seen as a concomitant formation may be exaggerated for marketing feature of territoriality and was, thus, rarely purposes, important data can be found on problematised. This changed in the 1970s, this magazine on the publisher´s website when peripherality was increasingly studied (Heiling Média Kft , 2015). as a phenomenon and a crucial and unavoid- We learn that A Földgömb is one of the most able feature of capitalism (Wallerstein, I. popular scientifi c magazines in Hungary, rep- 1974; Petras, J.F. 1976). While still a marx- orting on „spectacular regions, their inhabi- ist, Lefebvre, H. (1974) became a forerun- tants, and litt le-known environments…”. It is ner in changing this by claiming that the issued in 21,700 copies ten times annually, and periphery´s one-sided dependence on the has over 6,000 subscribers and around 70,000 centre is an expression of the socialisation readers. The readership shall consist of both of space (cf. Shields, R. 1991). With the cul- men and women aged between 18–55 years, tural and spatial turn (Warf, B. and Arias, typically decision- as well as opinion-makers, S. 2009) since the 1980s, peripherality is in- with secondary or tertiary education (with creasingly seen as a relational process – cap- over 40% of subscribers holding a doctoral tured with the concept of peripheralisation title). Also important, „it is a unique feature – that is constantly under (re)construction of the readership to read almost every article; and (re)negotiation. Paasi, A. (1995) showed with subscribers collecting the 100-page maga- on the example of diff erent geographic scales zine, meaning they return to older copies and in Finland how peripherality is socially con- re-read the articles” (ibid). structed rather than given. Further, a free online version of A Földgömb At the same time, a relational thinking imp- also exists, suggesting it is even more widely lies that „peripheries mean diff erent things in read and available to a broader readership. diff erent places and for diff erent people” (ibid, Nevertheless, it can be assumed that very old p. 254–255). In her study on a small Portuguese copies of popular scientifi c magazines are ra- bordertown, de Oliveira, S.M. (2002, p. 254) rely read, so my selected time range is much noted that while outsiders may perceive the Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231. 221

local inhabitants as being at the periphery, and Johanngeorgenstadt be a “self-label of a they themselves do not. Closely related, the re- dying or already dead city” (Steinführer, lativity of space means that any place on Earth A. and Kabisch, S. 2007, p. 120). As Lang, cannot be peripheral on its own but only in T. (2012, p. 1751) notes, as a consequence of relation to another place; for instance a small such categories – and arguably their inter- town vis-á-vis the capital, a tiny impoveris- nalisation – “emigration appears as escape hed state vis-á-vis a large and powerful one, or at least as discursively constituted modus and so on. Hence, there are diff erent ways of agendi. If such cognitive developments be- understanding spaces, places and landscapes, come dominant, complete regions tend to which, thus, become ambiguous and parado- be paralysed and appear hostile to innova- xical rather than straight-forward and ho- tion”. In sum, spatial discourses are not only mogenous (Forsberg, G. 1996). Additionally, shaped by locational factors but also by im- discourses of spaces can signifi cantly alter in ages. Being classifi ed as centre or periphery time (Gyuris, F. 2014). does not only aff ect actual developments but The cultural turn emphasises that cultural also potential development chances. Spatial meanings of space are signifi cant, and not just inequality is, thus, not just a result of eco- for identity but also for „the construction of nomic and political processes; rather, the dif- the economic meanings of peripheral areas” ference between centre and periphery mir- (Paasi, A. 1995, p. 255). For Shields, R. (1991, rors the societal construction of spatial order p. 5), marginal places „carry the image and (Beetz, S. 2008, p. 13, author’s translation). stigma of their marginality, which becomes Finally, yet another body of literature has indistinguishable from any empirical iden- emphasised the (potentially) positive ele- tity they might have had”. In a study on ments of a marginal position, not just in its British local authority estates, Hastings, A. function of creating something new and in- and Dean, J. (2003) noted how the term ’no- novative but also in bringing together various go’ estate became a convenient way for the already established centres. Chinese diaspo- media and public alike to label a wide vari- ra literature in the United States (Lee, L.O. ety of social environments, despite the fact 1991), or the Kaliningrad region´s potential that only a small number of these experien- bridging role between the rest of Russia and ced unrests. Such labelling then exacerbated the EU (Browning, C.S. and Joenniemi, P. neighbourhood decline whereby those who 2004) are just two examples of a hybrid zone, could move out, leaving behind the more vul- meeting point, or a semiosphere (Lotman, nerable: „labelled as failures, people accept Y.M. 2005) or third space (Soja, E. 1996). It is and internalize this negative image. Outsiders with such a conceptual baggage that we now – professionals, politicians, the media – ref- turn to our empirical case(s). lect, reinforce and magnify that image. People expect to be treated badly and their image of themselves and the estate takes a further bat- Processes of socio-economic polarisation tering” (Taylor, M. 1998, p. 821). in Békés County Similarly, according to Lang, T. (2012, p. 1751) “(collective) self-images of actors in Hungary and Békés County off er illustrative peripheralized regions are highly relevant examples of “social spatialisation” (Shields, and oft en lead to mental lock-ins sett ing off R. 1991). The country´s postal codes, road- downward spirals of decline”. A number of network, and dialling codes all refl ect the examples from eastern Germany have been spatial hierarchy: the capital Budapest car- recognised: the town of Guben shall have ries the number one, its surroundings the “collectively resigned” (Bürkner, H. 2002); number two, with the remaining Hungarian the German-Polish borderland be “peripher- regions being allocated subsequent numbers, ised in the heads” (Matthiesen, U. 2002, p. 3), clockwise on the map. 222 Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231.

From a modernist and structuralist per- no motorway so far running through its ter- spective, a powerful narrative can be pre- ritory. Due to its peripheral location, poor sented that portrays Békés County as a pe- transport infrastructure, and possibly its ripheral area. The region is located in the monotonous landscape, the region´s touris- south-eastern corner of Hungary – itself not tic potential remains limited. Such a negative an economically vibrant country – bordering description unfortunately coincides with so- Romania, one of the poorest member states cio-economic realities to a large extent, but it of the European Union (EU). As Paasi, A. is not the whole picture. (1995, p. 255) noted, “since the territorial A somewhat diff erent picture emerges if we system is always changing, the analysis take into account the following factors that of peripheries cannot ignore the historical are also characteristics of Békés County. Its context”. The region´s history-in-a-nutshell many rivers make it a popular tourist destina- could then be writt en as something like the tion for various water sports and recreation following. The Great Hungarian Plain in- (Szabó, V. and Simkó, G. 2002). While spa- cluding Békés County has always tended to towns can be found all over Hungary, Gyula be a backward and peripheral region. Due to and Orosháza belong to the more famous its physical features – lowlands – that make ones. Békés County´s soil is among the most it easily accessible, the area has oft en been fertile in the EU, even if the area´s agricultur- invaded by diff erent peoples (Tartars, Turks al industry has seen bett er days. The region´s etc.), whose empires´ borders it oft en con- share of Hungarikum food products – a pres- stituted. Up until the Treaty of Trianon in tigious label of premium-quality products 1920, Békés County´s position was in fact in from Hungary – is clearly over-proportional the centre of the Kingdom of Hungary, but (ibid, p. 46). Over the past 16–17 years, Gyula it has been a border region ever since. Its and Békéscsaba have each been hosting an administrative centre was moved from his- annual festival dedicated to two of these torical Gyula (now at the Romanian border) “Hungarikums” (pálinka and sausage, respec- to Békéscsaba, which was mostly developed tively), with the events enjoying increased na- during the years of state socialism. For a brief tional and international recognition as well as period – between May 2004 and December turning att ention to the region´s agricultural 2006 – Békés County was even at the external potentials (VJM.HU 2014). border of the EU and it still is of the Schengen Relatedly, some initiatives have recently been Area. Hence, from a conventional or absolute taken to revive the traditional meat industry of understanding of space the study area is in the region. At the same time, the railway link many ways a peripheral one. linking the county with Budapest is frequently In socio-economic terms the story is a very operated and currently under reconstruction similar one. Békés County can be described to allow for faster travel. Moreover, cross-bor- as an area characterised by high rates of pov- der traffi c from neighbouring Arad County in erty, unemployment, out-migration, and an Romania is signifi cant for the region´s com- aging population (Lőcsei, H. et al. 2013). mercial and tourism industries, evidenced by The inhabitants of the county have the third the presence of Romanian cars, signs, and peo- lowest average income (Kiss, A. 2014) and ple in Békéscsaba. Relatedly, Arad County´s purchasing power (Orosz, M. 2014) among large ethnic Hungarian population (approx. Hungary´s twenty meso-level units. At the 9%) as well as Békés County´s Romanian mi- same time, the share of state-subsidised pub- nority (approx. 1.1%) has been off ering oppor- lic labour – a strongly debated measure to tunities for various types of exchange across combat unemployment (Bakó, T. et al. 2014) the border. – of the region´s total labour force is among Thus, while processes of peripheralisation the highest. Békés´s road-network is among are clearly present in the study area, as Lang, the poorest of all Hungarian counties, with T. (2012, p. 1751) pointed out such processes Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231. 223

are revisable, as testifi ed by a number of and “genteel” elites (Péter, L. ed. 1994: 1484). examples even outside the large cities and Seen as a radical movement by many, the capitals of Central and Eastern Europe. movement´s goal was not just to portray social Historic and spa towns – e.g. Świnoujście problems – as they observed them along their in Poland (Lundén, T. et al. 2009), Karlovy journeys across the country and beyond – but Vary in the Czech Republic, Visegrád and also to lift these into public consciousness and Gyula in Hungary – and formerly heavy in- to promote solutions (ibid). dustry-dominated places that managed to One of these sociographic monographs, reorient towards modern industries – such Viharsarok (writt en by Féja, G. 1937; Photo 1) as Hoyerswerda in Germany (Lang, T. – a name translated into “Land of Storms” in 2012, p. 1751), or the Hungarian counties of the title of a movie by the same name (Császi, Komárom-Esztergom, Győr-Moson-Sopron Á. 2014) – deals with roughly the same area and Fejér – are doing comparatively well. that today constitutes Békés County. This Yet the point of this article is not to fi nd out was not a coincidental choice, as Féja ex- whether Békés County is a peripheral region plains (Féja, G. 1937/1980, p. 11): or not, but to investigate how certain images “When the editor presented the plan of associated with it can aff ect its development this book series and asked me which land- chances. Hence, it is to the discursive ele- scape I would cover I immediately pointed ments that we now turn. to the southern Tisza Region, Transtisza´s and Hungary’s “land of storms”, where minds and hearts could never reconcile to Discursive peripheralisation in Békés the existing, to the Hungary that came true. County and elsewhere

Notions of peripherality in literature and fi lm

Images and notions of peripherality are (re)produced in popular culture, and these appear to be changing in time. In the nine- teenth century, “the countryside” was rather over-idealised in Hungary (Kovách, I. 2012, p. 32) as in much of Europe, by for instance national romanticist authors and poets such as Sándor Petőfi or János Arany. Spaces until then conceived as rural and peripheral stepped into the foreground by becoming subjects of over- romanticisation: in a time of growing urbani- sation, longing for the rural did not just rep- resent a search for national authenticity (ibid) but also a desire to return to the “untouched” nature. Under such conditions issues like poverty – also widely connected with rurality (Leibert, T. 2013) – were barely dealt with, if at all. The 1930s however saw the rise of the movement of “folk authors” (népi írók), many of whom had come from impoverished rural Photo 1. In the 1930s, the Land of Storms was typi- environments themselves. The term “folk” cally portrayed as an infl ammable, politically volatile (népi) was a self-label of this loosely connected region characterised by peasant uprisings (cf. Féja, group, standing in opposition to the “urban” G. 1937/1980) 224 Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231.

These people were always ready to rise, to Some years later another sociographic book start a new life… When a sparkle fl ew there, was published that deals with the problems Transtisza immediately burst into fl ames, of a rural small town in Békés County. Its burning beautifully, as if it was conscious of title translates into “On the country´s edge” a bett er and more human life, rapidly putt ing (Varga, D. 1982), which refers to both the up troops against the aristocracy and later area´s marginalised inhabitants as well as its against feudal-capitalist powers.” physical location. Apart from directing att en- In the same year another similar socio- tion to the severe conditions the community graphic work was published, Puszták népe at stake has been living with, the author also (writt en by Illyés, Gy. 1937). Although deal- points out the following: ing with another geographic area (Tolna “The appearance of the problems of periph- County), the observations made are very eries in public opinion has an even stronger comparable to Féja´s: the local population is eff ect on social consciousness than the reality described as heavily polarised in all sorts of would suggest. Social consciousness is namely ways; socially, economically, culturally etc. prone to magnify the negative phenomena of Defencelessness and impoverishment best the periphery. This … leads to exasperation describe the fate of the servantry, whose lives and listlessness not just in the periphery, but were strongly dependent on and regulated also elsewhere. The solution is therefore not to by their feudalistic overlords – including the keep silent, on the contrary…” (ibid, p. 11). right to hold guns (Illyés, Gy. 1937/1969, p. Hence, Varga, D. (1982) is pointing to a po- 25) or even dogs (ibid, p. 7). And yet, “the tential gap between socio-material realities land of Sió-Sárvíz has always shined intense- and perceptions of it. Importantly, he does not ly and ready-to-stick, like the sword pulled make the above point to belitt le the problems out from the scabbard, as many times as the of peripheralised areas; as the folk writers he wind of freedom was blowing… whenever too shows a clear commitment to fi nding so- blood could be shed freely, whenever the lutions (ibid, p. 11–12). But the quote above opportunity arose to pour out stifl ed bitt er- emphasises the crucial point that images and ness and revenge… The people of the puszta discourses of peripherality can be very pow- [i.e. Hungarian grassland] are excellent sol- erful and infl uential on the whole of society. diers… not regrett ing their skin. In heroism Nevertheless, the author himself makes some and contempt of death only the Bosnians can doubtful and essentialising claims, such as compete among the monarchy’s peoples“ that “on the periphery everything unfolds in (Illyés, Gy. 1937/1969, p. 25). a diff erent way than in the centres; everything According to the author, the combat-readi- substantial and important takes shape diff er- ness of the puszta´s servants is evidenced by ently than it should” (Varga, D. 1982, p. 9), their heroic actions for instance during the or that the village he observed suff ers from revolution of 1848 and World War One (ibid, higher internal income inequalities than other p. 24–25). The two books have come out in a Hungarian sett lements (ibid). number of subsequent editions and remain The author further suggests that “unknown included in the national curriculum for gram- and therefore uncontrollable processes and mar-schools. However, this was not always initiatives can bud on the peripheries”, giving the case. During the interwar national-con- “antisocial intentions of certain strata among servative regime, Féja for instance was sued the urban young” as well as “the growing for “dishonouring the nation” and dismissed sect-movements” that he relates primarily from his position as a teacher. His book re- to rural areas, as examples (Varga, D. 1982, mained banned during the communist period p. 11). In reality, the spread of various free up until 1957 (Grósz, M. ed. 1995, p. 28) since churches – a fairer description than sects – it suggested allocating small lands to the peas- that was indeed characteristic for Hungary in ants as a measure to combat their poverty. the 1980s (and 1990s) was more typical of ur- Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231. 225

ban environments. Yet Varga (ibid) recognises his work as “a bruising study of expectation that “value can be created at the periphery, and failure”. In sum, a highly-prized work too; such artistic treasure that competes with based on strongly negative images of Békés the already familiar and recognised merits” County, although implicitly. (cf. Lee, L.O. 1991). Indeed, at times elements The most infl uential contemporary writer of folk culture – typically originating in rural from and on the southern Great Plain is most places – such as handcraft , folk music and likely Krisztián Grecsó. His fi rst book, re- dance – have been important identity-mark- cently published for the third time (Grecsó, ers of many societies, and even been more K. 2013), is portrayed by a major distribu- widely associated with the authentic national tor as “bringing fresh news from depths we to gain political (Kovách, I. 2012, p. 32) but rarely receive genuine reports from” (Libri also commercial value. 2015). The author himself is described as An even more provoking and arguably a native turned into an ethnographer, and also arrogant idea is raised in another vol- “the question is left to the reader whether ume by two young sociographers (Mátyus, this makes him a traitor” (ibid). In Grecsó´s A. and Tausz, K. 1984), namely that the serv- latest book (2014), the Land of Storms carries ants – while “liberated” in 1945 – have got with itself the notions of soil-boundedness, accustomed to dependence and for many of immutability, and forgott enness: “in the Land them self-dependence is oft en more danger- of Storms no miracles are taking place. There, ous than defencelessness. Nevertheless, the waiting for miracles is a miracle in itself; the book series Gyorsuló idő that Varga´s and the mirage that one day for someone it will be latt er work were included in set out to deal bett er – that there is such a thing as bett er at with contemporary social problems. all” (Grecsó, K. 2014, p. 179). Accordingly, The years around the regime change in 1989 the book´s main character begins asking him- were a time for (a probably too incautious) self whether his misfortunes are a result of optimism regarding the whole of Hungary´s his own decisions, or rather of his “land-of- development, which might explain why is- storminess” and thus, “peripheral” existence. sues of peripheralised areas stepped into The latt er interpretation is supported by the the background. One remarkable and high- book´s title “I´m following you”, refl ecting a ly-prized exception is the novel Sátántangó desire to leave, dependence and subordina- (Krasznahorkai, L. 1985), adapted into a tion – i.e. features widely associated with pe- seven-hour long fi lm in 1994 and published ripherality (cf. Lang, T. 2012). Despite all the in English in 2012. The story – spread over a negative images surrounding it, and despite couple of days of endless rain – focuses on the having moved to Budapest himself, the Land dozen remaining inhabitants of an unnamed of Storms is also a place loved by Grecsó to- isolated hamlet, although the movie version gether with all its peripheral features. is known to have been shot in Békés County Finally, an already-mentioned movie was (Stöckert, G. and Valuska, L. 2011). presented at last year´s Berlin Film Festival It portrays “failures stuck in the middle of by the title “Land of Storms” (Császi, Á. nowhere... Their world is rough and ready, 2014), thus, largely set in Békés County. lost somewhere between the comic and The fi lm was described as “a potently at- tragic, in one small insignifi cant corner of mospheric drama of three young gay men the cosmos. Theirs is the dance of death”, as wrestling with their sexuality in an unaccom- can be read on the website of the publisher modating environment” (Rooney, D. 2014). of the English translation (New Directions One of the local characters “loosens up as 2015). The reviews published there describe barriers are broken down, but the pressure the story as “an hours-long slog through of his religious beliefs, his needy mother, a mud and meaninglessness and superstition”, sometime girlfriend and the homophobic lo- Krasznahorkai as “a poet of dilapidation”, cal youths fuels his confl ict” (ibid). Whereas 226 Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231.

Békés County may not be known for its par- centre´s perspective is particularly explicit. ticular openness towards certain groups such An article on the Csángós (Kokas, A. 2013a) as gays, characterising the region by piety consistently contrasts their life to “yours” – and homophobia is rather misleading as nei- i.e. that of the imagined or targeted reader of ther religiosity (Dövényi, Z. and Németh, Á. A Földgömb. “You are always correlating! Your 2014) nor support for the far right – however urban life to their rural existence… They live unsatisfying measures of homophobia – are in the countryside in Romania. A bit off the typical features of the area. map – in every respect.” (ibid, p. 35) Finally, a foreword in a theme issue on Central Asia starts off by saying that it has never been easy Popular scientifi c notions of peripherality and for outsiders to get by in the region´s hidden centrality parts (Nagy, B. 2013, p. 1). Certain places are also peripheralised by be- Images and notions of peripherality and cen- ing depicted as forgott en or remote. Similarly trality are also (re)produced in popular scien- to Pálfai´s already-mentioned essay (2002), a tifi c literature, including by geographers them- contribution on the Tiszazug (Mező, S. 2004) selves. A good number of examples of this can is subtitled as “A forgott en landscape in the be found in A Földgömb, the popular scientifi c heart of the Hungarian Great Plain”. The next journal of the Hungarian Geographical Soci- report in the same issue is on Lavenham, ety. While Hungarian borderlands and other “where time stopped” (Pethő, A. 2004, p. 44) areas conceived as peripheral are frequently despite the fact that today this English town covered, there is a number of interesting pat- is a popular day-trip destination for people terns regarding the ways these are described. from across the country. Of course, the image The vast majority of the articles are writ- that “time stopped” in a certain place can also ten from the centre´s perspective, oft en using make it appear att ractive, at least temporarily. dichotomies like us/them or here/there, tar- Yet, probably few of us are drawn to places geting audiences in “centres” like Budapest that are forgott en, at least in the longer run. and other larger cities. A report on the Dráva Rural and sparsely populated areas are Plain (Pálfai, L. 2002) – a micro-region along oft en exotifi ed and/or romanticised. A por- Hungary´s southern borders – that bears the trayal of Hortobágy (Tamáska, M. 2004a) – a subheading “Faces of a forgott en landscape” landscape of the Hungarian Great Plain oft en starts off with the following: “the att ributive deemed as iconic in (national) historiography in the subheading may perhaps appear as – describes it as “a romantic water world, exaggerated, but if we start asking around in with its timber-wolves, million fi shes, shep- our acquaintanceship we will be astonished herds, fi shermen, hunters, wranglers, and to learn how litt le people know about this crabbers, exiled into the works of ethnog- land…” (ibid, p. 32). raphers”. Another essay commemorates the In contrast, an account of the Bereg Region 200th birthday of Sándor Rózsa, Hungary´s (Pristyák, E. 2005) in north-eastern Hungary most (in)famous scamp whose terrain was constantly talks of our values of the region. the Southern Great Plain (Kokas, A. 2013b). A quick search reveals that the author works The fl ourishing of rascally lifestyle in the re- at the local university college; thus, her local gion in the nineteenth century is explained embeddedness might partly explain why she by its then largely wild and impoverished gives an impression of making att empts at ad- character, where authorities had diffi culties vertising the region to tourists, by for instance to maintain control and order (ibid, p. 27–29). starting the article by that “the Bereg is not At the same time, some regions – oft en al- only nice in July and August” and by using ready popular tourist destinations – are as- subheadings like “The magic of the Upper cribed positively sounding slogans, thereby Tisza region” (ibid, p. 39). In some cases, the further contributing to their popularity. Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231. 227

A contribution to a special issue on the article on the Southern Great Plain bears the Adriatic coastline is entitled “Portray of a «hap- title “Treasures of meandering river valleys” py land»” (Nemerkényi, A. 2004) – an earlier (Szabó, V. and Simkó, G. 2002). The second label by Le Corbusier (de Castro Gonçalves, sentence says: “…this land was not only J.F. 2013, p. 199). The already mentioned town shaped by man´s presence but also by his of Gyula is sometimes referred to as the “pearl disappearance; as a result of depopulation of the East”. Unlike with many ascriptions of under the Turks nature has reoccupied her peripheries, in these cases the labels used are realm” (ibid, p. 42). In contrast, the contri- put within quotation marks. Nevertheless, bution on Budapest and the Central Danube one recent report (VJM.HU 2014) presents Region is entitled “Where the country´s heart Békéscsaba in a positive light, claiming that beats” (Szabó, V. 2003). According to the in- the annual sausage-festival is now so popular troductory paragraph: that it makes the city the country´s capital for “If we look at Hungary´s map, Budapest four days, thanks to the locals´ hospitability appears as a huge heart pumping blood and so on (Photo 2). Interestingly, the label through vessels – along the motorways and Land of Storms receives a diff erent connota- railroads – to the entire body of the country… tion here, understood as “the country´s but- It appears as if the heart of our weather-beat- tery” (ibid). en country – and possibly of the entire world The contrast between the ways central- – has always beaten here” (ibid, p. 40). ity and peripherality are portrayed is par- The metaphor of a biological body repre- ticularly apparent in two successive issues senting a country – in this case Hungary – is of Világjáró, a quality travel magazine. The interesting, though neither new nor unique. Already Ratzel, F. (1903) made the compari- son between a state and a biological organism, with his idea later misinterpreted and abused by territorial revisionist decision-makers and scholars. The metaphor is of course not irre- dentist in itself; it does, however, represent and maintain an image of a country or nation as a clearly distinguishable unit with its own life and development. A biological body not least has a heart, brain, and limbs – compa- rably to a demarcated territory´s centres and peripheries (cf. Beetz, S. 2008, p. 13). Another article from A Földgömb on Prague (Tamáska, M. 2004b) is long describing the beauties of the city centre. According to the short fi nal paragraph, then: “Further away from Old town square … a completely diff erent world begins. The grey block-houses and factory-quarters surround as a modern city-wall all that we call Prague. It would be diffi cult to write about their fea- tures, probably only the aft er-ages will dis- cover any beauty in them” (ibid, p. 17). Finally, images of centrality can be main- Photo 2. In the 2000s, the Land of Storms has typically tained long aft er a place´s central functions been associated with an aging population and a lack of dynamism, but also with considerable potentials have diminished. As a report on Sztána, the for food production and culinary tourism “central place” (központos hely) of Kalotaszeg 228 Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231.

– a region of Transylvania – informs us, back all the time been att ributed to the region´s in the days of steam locomotives all trains peripherality. This is intriguing since features had to make a stop at this small and tranquil like a revolutionary spirit are not necessarily but picturesque village (Tamáska, M. 2005, p. typical of peripherality. As an example, soci- 43). When Károly Kós – a famous architect of etal change including uprisings has at least in the time – fi rst spott ed the area, he described Hungary oft en been initiated in centres. his feelings as: “I´m just standing at the edge Most of the sources and the notions of pe- of the mountain, and I know, I feel every bit ripherality produced are written from the now that I´m standing right in the middle centre´s perspective. This is particularly true of Kalotaszeg, which has been giving me all for popular scientifi c works that are largely the beauties of its wonders as a present…” writt en and read by audiences in the centres, (ibid). The area became a popular resort for who off er and are off ered commercial and/or Transylvanian intellectuals up until 1944 and romanticised images of peripheral areas. In even aft er fast-trains no longer stopped there particular, portraying places as remote and/or it preserved the designation of a “central forgott en (Pálfai, L. 2002; Mező, S. 2004) most place”, reproduced in Tamáska´s article and obviously refl ects the writer´s perspective, and elsewhere. In Békés County, the geometri- possibly that of the target audience. It is illus- cal centre of historical Hungary is since 1939 trative that one of the few contributions writ- commemorated with a windmill at Szarvas ten by a resident of a non-metroplitan region (Szabó, V. and Simkó, G. 2002, p. 45). (Pristyák, E. 2005) shows no signs of perceiv- ing her area as remote – let alone forgott en. This confi rms the observation by de Oliveira, Conclusions S.M. (2002, p. 254) that while outsiders may perceive the local inhabitants as being at the The paper has testified tdorao the value periphery, they themselves do not. of popular cultural and popular scientifi c Hence, categories like a distant location sources in our search for the roots of long- or poor connectedness refl ect the viewer´s surviving spatial images and discourses. The angle: thus, Budapest is more distant and in- dominant image of Békés County is that of accessible for marginalised groups in Békés a peripheral area; it is striking that the term County than is the latt er for car-owners in the periphery (periféria) oft en features even in capital – let alone the mental distances. Such novels and sociographic works targeting a att ributes might of course be exaggerated broad audience. The question then is what by writers in order to make their cases more this peripherality and the epithet Land of interesting, but that also contributes to the Storms has meant for those who used them, (re)production of images of peripheral areas and what kind of qualities have been as- as being essentially diff erent from centres. As cribed to them. The analysis showed that we saw even among older, well-established the att ributes assigned have altered signifi - literary sources, authors such as Illyés, Gy. cantly over time: while “land-of-storminess” (1937/1969) or at some point Mátyus, A. and mostly referred to toughness, severity, and a Tausz, K. (1984) could make rather pejora- revolutionary spirit up until the 1950s, it has tive statements about peripheral areas. All since the 1980s on the contrary been associ- the above supports the observation of Paasi, ated with passivity, tardiness, and tepidity. A. (1995, p. 255) that “representations of the Indeed, Forsberg, G. (1996) pointed out that peripheries are typically constructed and even the same place or landscape can be read defi ned in cores”, thereby maintaining the in diff erent ways, and Gyuris, F. (2014) that established socio-spatial order. spatial discourses can change in time. But What can all this imply for the develop- what is interesting about these shift ing im- ment of a region like Békés County? As ages of the Land of Storms is that they have Beetz, S. (2008, p. 13) noted images are highly Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231. 229

important for any place´s development and Eds. Barlösius, E. and Neu, C. Berlin, Berlin- investment potentials. Historical and recent Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaft en, associations with the label Land of Storms are 7–16. Browning, C.S. and Joenniemi, P. 2004. Contending not the most ideal for building a positive im- Discourses of Marginality: The Case of Kaliningrad. age of the region, nor for regional identity. In Geopolitics 9. (3): 699–730. terms of socio-economic realities then, grow- Bürkner, H. 2002. Border Milieux, Transboundary ing inequalities within and emigration from Communication and Local Confl ict Dynamics in Békés County are only litt le compensated by German-Polish Border Towns: The Case of Guben a much smaller immigration and by mod- and Gubin. Die Erde 133. (1): 69–81. Császi, Á. 2014. Land of Storms (Viharsarok). Budapest, est cross-border fl ows (Nagy, G. et al. 2012). Cirko Film. There is a real risk that the region remains De Castro Gonçalves, J.F. 2013. Motivation and a socio-economic black hole on Hungary´s consequence of travelling in the architecture of Le – and Europe´s – map. Yet as other examples Corbusier: Voyage d’Orient and Latin-American have shown, processes of peripheralisation travel. Cadernos Proarq (18): 195–214. De Oliveira, S.M. 2002. Discourses of Identity at the are revisable (Lang, T. 2012, p. 1751; Lundén, Spanish/Portuguese Border: Self-Identification T. et al. 2009). Békés County´s cross-border Strategies of Centre and Periphery. National potential for instance near Gyula or Arad is Identities 4. (3): 245–256. not as exploited as in the borderlands around Dövényi, Z. and Németh, Á. 2014. A vallási diverzitás Satu Mare or Oradea in Romania (cf. Ţoca, változása Magyarországon 2001 és 2011 között C.-V. 2012) or Subotica in Serbia. The improv- (Changes in religious diversity in Hungary between 2001 and 2011). Területi Statisztika 54. (6): 550–573. ing railway connections may bring further Eriksson, M. 2008. (Re)producing a “Peripheral” benefi ts. As images of the Land of Storms Region – Northern Sweden in the News. Geografi ska have been changing in the past, more posi- Annaler: Series B, Human Geography 90. (4): tive associations with it (cf. VJM.HU 2014) 369–388. may emerge in the future that should benefi t Féja, G. 1937/1980. Viharsarok (Land of Storms). 3rd the region – and thereby Hungary as a whole edition. Budapest, Szépirodalmi Könyvkiadó, 346 p. + images. (cf. Varga, D. 1982, p. 11). Forsberg, G. 1996. Rum med utsikter – modulationer på ett grundtema. Tidskrift för genusvetenskap (2): Acknowledgements: The author thanks Judith Miggelbrink 15–23. and Gunnel Forsberg for their very valuable comments. Grecsó, K. 2013. Pletykaanyu (Gossipy mom). 3rd The research and this article were completed during edition. Budapest, Magvető, 192 p. the author´s participation in the project “ITN RegPol2 Grecsó, K. 2014. Megyek utánad (I’m following you). – Socio-economic and Political Responses to Regional Budapest, Magvető, 304 p. Polarisation in Central and Eastern Europe”, fi nanced Grósz, M. ed. 1995. Csabai életrajzok (Békéscsaba pro- by the EU. The author is grateful to Thilo Lang, Alena fi les). Békéscsaba, Manuscript, 109 p. Pfoser, Judit Timár, and Gábor Nagy for their helpful Gyuris, F. 2014. The Political Discourse of Spatial input to an earlier version of this paper. Disparities: Geographical Inequalities Between Science and Propaganda. Berlin and Heidelberg, Springer, 381 p. Hastings, A. and Dean, J. 2003. Challenging images: REFERENCES tackling stigma through estate regeneration. Policy and Politics 31. (2): 171–184. Avram, E. and First, A. 2006. Media, power and space: Heiling Média Kft. 2015. A Földgömb magazin. ways of constructing the periphery as the ‘other’. Homepage of Heiling Média Publisher. Available: Social and Cultural Geography 7. (1): 71–86. htt p://www.heiling-media.hu/a-foldgomb/media- Bakó, T., Cseres-Gergely, Z., Kálmán, J., Molnár, G. eszkozok/18-foldgomb-magazin. April 9, 2015. and Szabó, T. 2014. A munkaerőpiac peremén lévők Illyés, Gy. 1937/1969. Puszták népe (People of the pusz- és a költségvetés (Those at the fringes of the labour ta). Budapest, Szépirodalmi Könyvkiadó, 243 p. market and the budget). Budapest, MTA KRTK Kiss, A. 2014. Így néz ki hazánk jövedelemtérképe Közgazdaságtudományi Intézet, 105 p. (This is what the income map of our country looks Beetz, S. 2008. Peripherisierung als räum- like). Metropol, September 24, 2014. htt p://www. liche Organisation sozialer Ungleichheit. In metropol.hu/cikk/1233404-igy-nez-ki-hazank-jo- Peripherisierung – eine neue Form sozialer Ungleichheit? vedelemterkepe 230 Balogh, P. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 219–231.

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AQUINCUM Ancient Landscape – Ancient Town

Edited by Katalin H. Kérdő and Ferenc Schweitzer

Geographical Institute Research Centre for Astronomy and Earth Sciences HAS

Budapest, 2014. 188 p.

Geomorphological–paleoenvironmental studies supporting archeological excavations and investigations are to be considered a new trend within the broader sphere of studies on environment and geomorphology. By publish- ing the latest achievements of researches of this kind carried out on the territory of Aquincum and in its wider surroundings this book may equally reckon on the interest of professional circles and inquiring audience. Therefore the publication of such a volume of somewhat unusual character is welcome. The project could be completed as a result of the close cooperation of two important branches of studies, notably geography and archeology. They both have long lasting traditions in our country and on this occasion were represented by two prominent institutions, the Geographical Institute of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, and the Aquincum Museum of the Budapest History Museum. Their contribution has made possible the publication of this book. The studies were aimed to clear up the role of those natural factors which exert- ed a profound infl uence on the develop- ment of the sett lement structure during the Roman Period. Romans had a special ability to realize advantages provided by geomorphological characteristics and they had made a good use of natural waters, fl ood-plain surface features and parent rocks for their creativity. The volume is also deemed as a pioneer- ing work with regard to the richly illustrat- ed presentation of geological, geographi- cal and other natural features exposed in several places in the course of archeologi- cal excavations. A short summary shows the most important objects of the Roman Period related to natural endowments and traces of activities of the time leading to environmental transformation. Based on geomorphological evidence a new answer is proposed to a previously raised problem whether the Hajógyári Island existed as an islet already in the time of the Romans. Another intriguing issue tackled is the purpose of the system of trenches found in several places along the Danube River.

Price: EUR 20.00 Order: Geographical Institute of RCAES HAS.H-1112 Budapest, Budaörsi u. 44. E-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 233 DOI: 10.15201/hungeobull.64.3.6 Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 2015 (3) 233–245.

Recreational home owners in the leadership and governance of peripheral recreational communities

Grete KINDEL1 and Garri RAAGMAA2

Abstract

This paper addresses recreational home owners’ role in local leadership and governance, focusing on whether they counteract or reinforce the peripheralisation of remotely located communities. If recreational house own- ers (RHO) grow in number, they become stronger stakeholders with an increased ability to impact the social and economic life of communities. Possessing high interpretive and network power, they should have fairly good opportunities to contribute to local development. The greatest challenge is to fi nd a balance and create positive synergies between permanent and temporary residents’ interests. Here, leadership quality has a great importance in orchestrating relations and communication between interest groups. Empirically, the paper is based on a comparative case study of Noarootsi and Vormsi, two tiny municipalities located on the Estonian West coast, which is outside the daily commuting area of urban centres. Both case study areas have similar cultural and historical development paths and economic bases. Since they practiced very diff erent leadership models during the last 25 years, we can compare whether and how this impacted governance and overall development. We used media analysis, statistical data and the results of students’ fi eldwork as a background; moreover, we conducted 20 in-depth interviews with key informants. The results show the highly important role of RHOs in local governance depending on their personal background and motives. At the same time, the results also indicate the need for skilful local leadership to encourage the participation and equal involvement of all permanent and temporary resident interest groups in decision making.

Keywords: leadership, governance, recreational home owner, recreational periphery, Estonia

We defi ne recreational peripheries as ter- ritories outside the daily commuting areas of Introduction urban centres where a signifi cant part of the population lives temporarily, mainly during This paper analyses the role of the group of the summer and weekends, and mostly uses recreational home owners (RHO) in the lead- land for recreational purposes such as vari- ership and governance of peripheral com- ous sports, minor hobby cultivation, mush- munities. Recreational, also labelled second, room and berry picking. RHOs oft en remain leisure, vacation, weekend, holiday, beach, invisible in statistics: they are included nei- country or seasonal homes include luxuri- ther in the population registers nor in tour- ous mansion-type buildings, small houses, ism accounts. Nevertheless, whereas a RHO shanties, cabins, cott ages, ski chalets, trailer is ’likely to be less concerned with the fate of homes, and static caravans (Marcouiller, the community where resides and more with W.D. and Chraca, A. 2011). Müller uses the activities that may be scatt ered throughout term “second home”, which is not entirely the [urban] fi eld but are closest to interests, correct since some families own three or even leading to a stronger identifi cation on his part more such properties (Müller, K.D. 2002). with the realm’ (Friedmann, J. and Miller, J.

1 Faculty of Economics, University of Tartu. Narva mnt 4, Tartu, Estonia. E-mail: [email protected] 2 Department of Geography, University of Tartu. Vanemuise 46, Tartu, Estonia. E-mail: [email protected] 234 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

1965, p. 317), then an active and motivated Literature review member of a local community may well cont- ribute to its development. Otherwise, RHOs The choice of location with recreational may also create problems for permanent resi- homes is influenced by natural conditions dents (Farstad, M. 2011) and reinforce periph- (Marcouiller, W.D. and Chraca, A. 2011; eralisation processes when blocking develop- Lipkina, O. 2013). City people are willing to ment initiatives in the local council because of consume qualitatively diff erent amenities that their desire for peace and quiet. they cannot access or aff ord in urban areas and, The RHO phenomenon and their impact thus, they are looking for more distant places to has been well described by several authors charge their batt eries. Recreational homes are (Gallent, N. et al. 2003; Gallent, N. 2007; located mainly in areas of valuable natural en- Paris, C. 2009; Farstad, M. 2011; Rye, F. and vironment: coastland, islands or mountains and Berg, G.N. 2011; Marcouiller, W.D. and places of social and cultural meaning (Gallent, Chraca, A. 2011; Nordin, U. and Marjavaara, N. et al. 2003; Dij st, M. et al. 2005; Pitkänen, K. R. 2012; Nordbo, I. 2014) but so far, the litera- 2008; Norris, M. and Winston, N. 2010). ture on the participation of RHOs in local lead- It is typical for places of tourism to be in the ership and governance is fairly limited, thus, it periphery. In this way, remote regions eco- deserves a more thorough investigation. nomically benefi t from factors which cannot The restructuring of local power can coun- be utilised otherwise: high mountain chains, teract or reinforce peripherality. On the one barren, rocky landscapes, heather, unpro- hand, new people usually see new hori- ductive dunes’ (Christaller, W. 1963, p. 96). zons, initiate new developments, apply new Friedmann and Miller described the spread- ways of governance, and, especially when ing urban fi eld and ‘the increasing att ractive- speaking about RHOs, extend networking ness of the periphery to metropolitan popula- (bridging social capital). On the other hand, tions. (Friedmann, J. and Miller, J. 1965, p. a power shift usually causes confl icts and a 315). It has space, it has scenery, and it contains negative image of a place, leading to further communities that remain from earlier periods peripheralisation due to the marginalisation of sett lement and preserve a measure of histor- of some groups who may not be involved in ical integrity and interest’. Thus, recreational the governance any more. land use in geographical peripheries has been Following this reasoning, we chose the described over 50 years ago already. following questions to clarify RHOs’ role in The mobility of people has increased due to local leadership: rising welfare and ever widening car owner- – How do RHOs’ motives and behaviour im- ship (Pettersson, R. 1999; Dij st, M. et al. 2005; pact socialisation with local community? Moss, L.A.G. 2006). Less densely populated – How do diff erent representation/leadership wealthy countries and regions in Northern models impact local relations and the involve- America and Europe have witnessed increas- ment of RHOs in local decision making? ing recreational commuting (Müller, K.D. – What are the main lessons for leadership 2002; Dij st, M. et al. 2005; Pitkänen, K. 2008; when involving RHOs in local governance? Paris, C. 2009; Norris, M. and Winston, N. We carried out a comparative case study 2010; Marcouiller, W.D. and Chraca, A. 2011; in two municipalities on the Estonian West Lipkina, O. 2013). A growing number of peo- coast. The paper consists of the following ple live and consume in two or more places. sections: (i) the theoretical overview of the The most of geographically remote areas suf- recreational home phenomenon and leader- fered from a steady demographic downward ship connection based on a literature review, trajectory over decades nevertheless, several (ii) a presentation of the case study areas and touristic and seasonal living areas have been the RHOs’ activities in diff erent leadership subject to positive, so called post-productivist regimes, and (iii) fi nally, our conclusion. development (Halfacree, K. 2006), as tourists Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 235

and recreational house dwellers contributed to whose credit ratings are good and those the increase of population (at least seasonally), who have possibilities to invest their savings as well as to retail and service consumption (Norris, M. and Winston, N. 2010). signifi cantly. Increasing fl ows might justify in- (4) The availability of free land is also an im- vestments into local infrastructure from the na- portant factor (Rye, F. and Berg, G.N. 2011), tional budget and also by private developers. explaining why recreational housing is much On the other hand, permanent residents more represented on the sparsely populated and RHOs may compete for local resources edges of Europe (Nordic countries, Eastern (Farstad, M. 2011); extensive recreational Europe and the Mediterranean) and periph- house ownership may increase the tax bur- eral regions further away from cities. den of local residents and even cause the dis- (5) Increasing mobility and ever widening placement of the ’native’ population (Hall, car ownership allows people to commute be- C.M. 2010). Local people’s att itude towards tween second and permanent homes (Rye, F. RHOs depends foremost on their interest and and Berg, G.N. 2011). readiness to contribute to the communities’ (6) Last but not least, rural idyll also att racts social and cultural life (Farstad, M. 2011). RHOs (Müller, K.D. 2002; Pitkänen, K. 2008; Recreational house owners’ socialization Rye, F. and Berg, G.N. 2011). with the local community depends on their The above reasons normally combine. personal willingness to communicate, the Usually, RHOs are well educated and wealthier existing institutional set up, the sett lement people (Dij st, M. et al. 2005), own a car for com- structure, and also on the att itude and activi- muting (Stewart, S.I. 2002; Moss, L.A.G. 2006) ties of local governments. RHOs may enrich and are seeking a place where they can spend local close-knit communities with bridging their leisure time and raise children (Lundholm, and linking social capital and create addition- E. 2006). Perlik found that RHOs usually pre- al opportunities (e.g., drag in public or also fer places with social networks and people who private investments from outside, increase share their views, life-style and culture (Perlik, the knowledge level of local entrepreneurs) M. 2010). If RHOs grow in number, they be- and improve the quality of life in a locality come stronger stakeholders with an increased (Robertsson, L. and Marjavaara, R. 2014). ability to impact the social and economic life On the basis of literature, we can outline of communities (Kaltenborn, B.P. et al. 2009). the following factors explaining recreational RHOs are normally bett er educated (Dij st, M. house purchases: et al. 2005; Nordbo, I. 2014) and have higher (1) According to compensation theory peo- interpretive power than the locals. They may ple obtain and visit second homes because lack network and resource power (Sotarauta, their permanent home doesn’t off er fully ac- M. 2009) locally, but have bett er networks on ceptable living conditions (Norris, M. and the national and international level. Combining Winston, N. 2010). the strengths and resources of permanent and (2) Life-cycle theory distinguishes the fi rst temporary residents has great potential for stage when people with children are look- positive synergies. ing for a quiet and child-friendly environ- At the other extreme, in the case of confl icts ment (Gallent, N. et al. 2003) and the second and opportunistic behaviour, a great deal of stage before or aft er retirement when people energy might be wasted on internal fi ghts. are willing to move out of the city to fi nd a Local politicians may even focus on RHOs calm and beautiful environment for living or their business related interests and leave (Norris, M. and Winston, N. 2010). Both permanent residents and their problems on groups are looking for lower-priced and less the back seat (Gallent, N. 2007). The greatest centrally located housing. challenge for the communities of recreational (3) Investment theories explain the purchase areas is to fi nd a balance and synergy between of a second house as an investment by those permanent and recreational residents. 236 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

Nordin and Marjavaara found that RHOs’ However, their contribution could be even involvement in local communities is an im- stronger. Giannias, D. et al. (2010) point portant factor in avoiding possible confl icts out that local power in peripheries is oft en (Nordin, U. and Marjavaara, R. 2012). locked in and avoids innovations. According Gallent uses the term ”dwelling hierarchy” to Barca, F. (2009), ‘rent-seeking’ local elites which means that diff erent parties are com- restrain critical social innovations and hinder municating with each other and it is the foun- potential economic development (invest- dation for a strong and uniform community ments, new business entries). Can we con- (Gallent, N. 2007). Rye and Berg point out sider RHOs, when they are suffi ciently em- that the second home phenomenon infl uences bedded in the local communities, as people the social structures of communities horizon- who can break path dependency or, as Daft, tally and enhances their social and cultural L.R. (1998) writes, as people ‘participating heterogeneity through embracing new people in change’ and predisposed to innovation and traditions in the area (Rye, F. and Berg, (Sotarauta, M. 2009)? Can RHOs become G.N. 2011). Time and common experiences local leaders or at least join and encourage create a basis for social communion causing leadership processes? Under what conditions positive development (Falk and Kilpatrick and in what way might that happen? What 2000; op. cit. Gallent, N. 2007). Social capi- consequences may this intervention have? tal creating process can help to build a com- Horlings, I. (2010), Sotarauta, M. (2012) munity, where common bases are evoked by and Raagmaa, G. et al. (2012) examined the trust and a growing well-being (Gallent, N. role of public sector leaders and found that 2007), as well as a collaborative governance they have an essential role in igniting new approach (Purdy, J.M. 2012). local/regional development and social capital Farstad found that RHO involvement in lo- creating process. However, Mintzberg, H. cal community depends on how much they (1998) stressed that the followers and teams are interested in local life and how much they around leaders are no less important. How are ready to contribute to it (Farstad, M. 2011). can RHOs as potential agents of change mo- RHOs oft en consider from their own interests, tivate local people? Do they understand each demanding privileges, rights, authority and other and do they share similar values? Quite local resources without giving anything in oft en, RHOs have an active social life in their return. They do not consider local needs and recreational destination (due to family ties, they are interested in topics that are connected friendship) and rather limited communica- to their property or environment directly or tion with their neighbours in their city apart- implicitly. Usually, they protest against any ments or suburban neighbourhoods. RHOs developments which can damage their living possessing high interpretative and network environment. On the positive side, RHOs may power (Sotarauta, M. 2009) have fairly good contribute to the improvement of employ- opportunities to contribute to local leadership ment, consuming local products and services and to enter local governance structures. (e.g., pushing snow, selling fi rewood and veg- etables, doing repair works) that stimulates the local economy (Müller, K.D. 2002; Rye, Methodology and data F. and Berg, G.N. 2011). In addition, RHOs ought to pay taxes to the local municipality. RHOs remain ‘invisible’ in population sta- Consequently, if the RHOs manage to im- tistics or are incorrectly registered because prove local economic and social qualities, they of the rigidity of the registration systems are accepted more by the community. Thus, that do not account for people’s increased leadership quality has a great importance in mobility (Marcouiller, W.D. and Chraca, orchestrating relations and communication A. 2011). RHOs are normally embedded into between diff erent interest groups. local community aff airs one way or another. Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 237

It is common that aft er many years of statisti- casual relations. Therefore, we compared cal invisibility, a recreational homeowner be- the social phenomena of two municipali- ing part of the community and local decision ties, using Keddie’s comparative case study making for years registers and becomes a methodology (Keddie, V. 2006). Campell, S. permanent resident. Therefore, we chose the et al. (2010) explained how this method helps case study method, focussing on interviews to study the context and the characteristics of att empting to pinpoint and describe causal concrete phenomena: the comparative case processes and identify the real involvement study aims to fi nd contrasts, similarities and of part-time residents in local governance. patt erns of diff erent cases, thus, it rests on the The methodological frame of this study is combination of diff erent sources and data. based on Sayer´s critical realism (Sayer, A. We chose two rural municipalities 1992). He states that the traditional (positivis- – Noarootsi and Vormsi in West Estonia – tic) social science approach usually describes with a high share of recreational population the top of the iceberg without seeking deeper (Figure 1). Both of them are well-discussed

Fig 1. Location of Noarootsi and Vormsi municipalities inside Lääne county in West Estonia. In case of their 9 villages extra investigations were carried out 238 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

in the national media because of local power The content analysis materials were collect- struggles. These two municipalities are rec- ed from the Lääne County newspaper Lääne reational peripheries: located outside the Elu and two national newspapers Maaleht daily commuting area of the regional capital (rural weekly) and Eesti Päevaleht (daily). The Haapsalu. They have att racted numerous main keywords were ‘Vormsi’, ‘Noarootsi‘, second house owners form the capital city ‘Estonian Swedes’ and ‘elections’. Tallinn and abroad (mainly Sweden). Basic Aft er choosing the fi elds and analysing data for booth municipalities can be seen in their conditions, the study plan was updated Table 1. and then, twenty in-depth semi-structured

Table 1. Basic data for the investigated rural municipalities Driving distance from Area in Population, person Municipality Tallinn Haapsalu km2 1934 1989 2015 km minutes km minutes Noarootsi 296 4,388 909 840 110 90 37 30 Vormsi 93 2,547 347 412 123 240* 25 150* *Including ferry

Noarootsi and Vormsi have a similar cul- interviews were conducted with former and tural background (the areas were populated actually appointed mayors, civil servants, mainly by Swedes before World War II) and NGO leaders, village elders, municipality RHOs actively participate in local govern- council members and RHOs involved in local ance. At the same time, they have had diff er- aff airs between November 14, 2012 and May ent leadership practices in the past: Noarootsi 23, 2014. Each conversation was recorded was ruled by one strong charismatic leader for and transcribed. 22 years (1987–2009), whereas Vormsi has had The interview guide covered the following a constantly changing weak local leadership. topics: For the background study, we made a (1) identity and community feeling, media analysis and analysed statistical data (2) interpersonal relations and social capital, provided by the Statistics Estonia and the (3) leadership, and National Electoral Committee. Moreover, (4) governance. we employed students to collect recreation- The identity questions aimed to fi gure out al housing fi eldwork data in the selected diff erent local sub-groups. The questions ad- Noarootsi and Vormsi villages in 2014 and dressing social relations and capital revealed 2015 (Table 2). permanent residents’ and RHOs’ relations and their involvement in community life. Table 2. Recreational households in the villages of the two Leadership and governance-related municipalities questions helped to understand the Total Recreational motivations behind power changes. Municipality Villages number of households households number % Elbiku 48 32 66.7 The formation of recreational Einbi 47 31 66.0 population in Noarootsi and Vormsi Höbringi 14 9 64.3 Noarootsi Riguldi 47 38 80.9 Noarootsi rural municipality covers Rooslepa 26 21 80.7 Spithami 34 31 91.2 an area of 296 km² in Lääne County, Kersleti 15 8 53.3 western Estonia. According to the Vormsi Borrby 16 15 93.8 population register, 840 inhabitants Rälby 24 18 75.0 lived in Noarootsi municipality on Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 239

July 1, 2015. The real situation is diff erent, fl uctuating recently due to the so-called elec- as a number of registered inhabitants are tion migration, such as to the registration of RHOs and students living elsewhere. The trusted voters on the island. In 2011, many average population density in Noarootsi is people signed out because of the new land very low (3 persons per km²). Nevertheless, taxation system and of the availability of free local population is tripled in the summer sea- public transport in Tallinn. Vormsi Isle is de- son. Noarootsi has about 100 km of sandy sirable for RHOs from Tallinn because of its coastline, and it is highly att ractive as a rec- closeness to the capital and its insularity. The reational area. Its main economic activities dominant economic activities in Vormsi are are tourism, wood processing, forestry and tourism, forestry and agriculture (Photo 2). agriculture (Photo 1). Our case study area used to be the area in- Vormsi, Estonia’s fourth largest island (93 habited by Estonian Swedes or Costal Swedes km²) is located in also in Lääne County, on (in Swedish Estlandssvenskar and colloquially, the Western part of Estonia and has 14 vil- Aibofolke) in the largest number before World lages. On July 1, 2015, Vormsi had 417 reg- War II. The beginning of continuous sett le- istered inhabitants (4.3 persons per km²), ment in these areas (known as Aiboland) Nevertheless, in statistical estimations, dates back to the 13th century. According three-quarters of them do not live there to the 1934 census, 7,641 Estonian Swedes permanently. An additional motivation for lived in Estonia. About 7,000 of them fl ed registering on the island comes from the to Sweden in 1944 (EE 2014) and only a few 50 percent discount on ferry tickets for lo- of them chose to stay. Newcomers from the cal people. Vormsi population has also been mainland sett led in the area and additional

Photo 1. Permanent Estonian-Swedish inhabitant with Aiboland’s fl ag in Noarootsi 240 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

Photo 2. Norby village street view in Vormsi (Photos by G. Kindel) permanent residents were att racted to the Estonia initiated a restitution-based land area by the organisation of collective farms. reform in 1992 that returned property to pre- During the Soviet time, migration in war owners and their heirs. The majority of the border zones was strictly controlled. Estonian Swedes used this opportunity but Regardless of the border regime, next to the some of them either disclaimed or sold their permanent residents, an access to the area land to new people, mainly to the new RHOs was also granted to the Communist Party from Tallinn. The majority of Swedish peo- elites who were able to get building permits ple did not return as permanent residents, for new summerhouses or to purchase local but started to use their property for recrea- farmhouses and renovate them as summer tional purposes. The formation of new rec- cott ages. Owning a second house on the coast reational house communities was diff erent and particularly, on the islands has gained in Noarootsi and Vormsi. popularity among the political elites and in- The Swedish returnees and other new land tellectuals since the 1970s. By 1980 Vormsi owners were always welcome by the Noarootsi and Noarootsi were already functioning as Mayor, Ülo Kalm. His aim was to increase the recreational housing areas. Additionally, sev- number of permanent residents (thus, person- eral industrial enterprises and central gov- al income tax revenues) and for this he tried ernment organisations set up their holiday to convince RHOs to register in the Noarootsi house complexes and camps there. Therefore, municipality. Meanwhile, the Vormsi munici- the fi rst generation of RHOs had a specifi c pality decided not to return land to Estonian elitist background. Several former RHOs still Swedes and proposed to create small zones live in the area as permanent residents; they where Estonian Swedes could build their rec- are well embedded in the local networks and reational homes. This idea was not supported generally respected by other people. by the Estonian Parliament and accelerated the Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 241

confl ict between Estonian Swedes and Vormsi of Noarootsi (2012) and 80 percent (2011) of municipality. As a result of the disputes, the Vormsi land belongs to people living outside majority of Estonian Swedes got back their of Estonia, mostly Estonian Swedes. land but not the houses which were inhabited The majority of Estonian Swedes visit the by new bona fi de owners. area once a year. They are not interested in According to the 2011 census, 77 Estonians agricultural production, thus, they let their owned a second house in Vormsi and 236 in land to local farmers. Estonian Swedes pur- Noarootsi municipality (Statistics Estonia sue social activities in the summer, but these 2014). Today, Noarootsi and Vormsi RHOs events are solely for the ‘insiders’. Estonian are mainly middle-aged, well-educated, Swedes’ organisations such as Riguldi- well-off people that confi rms earlier research Noarootsi Union in Noarootsi and Vormsi results on the structure of RHO population Kodukandi Union mainly att empt to main- (e.g. Dij st, M. et al. 2005; Lundholm, E. 2006). tain old traditions. Permanent residents Second home owners from the 1990s on- think, that Estonian Swedes are peaceful and wards are mainly from Tallinn, and they are do not participate in local governance. wealthier than locals and the 1970s RHOs. Newcomers have more contacts with each other and with their neighbours. Governance and leadership in Noarootsi The interviewees complained about that the and Vormsi newcomers have a strong NIMBY mentality; they oft en fi ght against new developments or The municipality councils in Noarootsi as well for their own business projects. Relationships as in Vormsi have nine members. Five par- between Estonian RHOs and permanent resi- ties in Vormsi and four parties and one single dents depend on specifi c persons. The inter- candidate in Noarootsi ran for the municipal viewees found that the RHOs’ open-minded- council membership at the last (2013) elec- ness and their understanding of local habits tions. Noarootsi municipality has had four help to pursue an easy life together. Warmer mayors between 1990 and 2014 and Vormsi relationships are sett led with the RHOs who municipality had 12 mayors subsequently. have been there for a long time and who take Vormsi and Noarootsi municipalities prac- part in the locals’ projects and events. Some ticed entirely diff erent leadership styles until RHOs are members of local NGOs and help to 2009. While Noarootsi experienced 22 years arrange local actions. Nevertheless, a number of sustained governance under one leader, of recreational home owners do not want to Vormsi mayors were frequently replaced. take part in any local actions and prefer to Noarootsi mayor Ülo Kalm took offi ce in 1987 stay isolated in peace and quiet. as Pürksi Village Soviet chairperson when RHOs from Sweden were not included in Estonia was still part of the Soviet Union. He Estonian Census data. According to our in- was elected mayor aft er the establishment of terviews and the students’ fi eldwork (Bø, E. the municipal system in Estonia and contin- et al. 2014; Tamm, H. et al. 2015), about half of ued in that position through several re-elec- the RHOs in Roslepa and Spithami villages tions until 2009. He arguably relied on broadly in Noarootsi and 10–30 percent in Borrby, defi ned collaborative governance but due to Kersleti and Rälby villages in Vormsi are his parentage, the municipal development ac- Estonian Swedish (Ausdahl, K. et al. 2014). tion was clearly focussed on the development They are overwhelmingly elderly people of Estonian-Swedish cultural heritage that who are att ached to their property because used to be dominant in the area before the of their historical roots − the personal or their 1940s. Ülo Kalm, as a descendant of Estonian parents’ memories − and the idyll of the beau- Swedes achieved very warm contacts with the tiful coastal landscapes. According to mu- Estonian-Swedish community that contrib- nicipal landowner registers, about 30 percent uted signifi cantly to local development. 242 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

The building of the so-called Coastal and even tried to manage the municipality Swedish (Rannarootsi in Estonian) identity from outside Vormsi, visiting the municipal was defi nitely successful and the municipal- offi ce only while the meetings. Naturally, ity became a popular touristic and recrea- council members could not tolerate this. tional housing destination. However, the re- The municipality council had elected and established Estonian-Swedish community is then dismissed 12 mayors between 1991 and small and consists mainly of elderly RHOs 2015 subsequently. Somewhat surprisingly, recently. The Swedish people have not been Vormsi people did not consider the endless extensively integrated into the local networks change of mayors a substantial issue, because due to the language barriers, thus, they have the most infl uential council members were a rather weak position in the local leadership. always the same. Interviewees considered This gradually ageing and weakening com- the frequently changing leadership as a con- munity could not support the mayor in ac- sequence of the small size of the community complishing his Estonian-Swedish agenda. and of the confl icts between permanent resi- Moreover, permanent residents and Estonian dents and RHOs stemming from their very RHOs did not fully understand and accept diff erent views on local life. Whereas per- the mayor’s plan for uplift ing of the vanish- manent residents are mostly concerned with ing Estonian-Swedish culture and commu- the availability and quality of local services nity. Thus, the promotion of Coastal-Swedish they need in their daily practices (kinder- identity could not be successful. garten, school, shop, etc.), while RHOs who Estonian RHOs created a local party ‘Bett er consume those services at their permanent Noarootsi’ for the 2009 elections. The personal places of residence are concerned rather motivation of RHOs and their representatives with ferry traffi c, roads, power and security. was predominantly related to new real estate To achieve their own goals, the latt er group developments and spatial planning proce- started to play power games. They joined dures. They won 5 of the 9 local council man- the local party ‘Wintertime in Vormsi too’ dates as they managed to get the support of (In Estonian: Ka talvel Vormsil) and registered the other RHOs. During the election campaign, their friends from the mainland to Vormsi to they promised that Ülo Kalm would be re- increase the number of trusted voters. elected but fi nally, they invited a new mayor. Actually, they carried out an electoral fraud Voters who had thought that Ülo Kalm would that was reported even in the national media. be appointed again, thus, supported the RHO ‘Wintertime in Vormsi too’ won the 2009 elec- party were in shock. Local people collected 311 tion, gett ing 5 mandates of the available 9. Two signatures to support Ülo Kalm, but the new businessmen elected for the Vormsi council in- council elected Aivar Kroon, a Noarootsi RHO itiated a wind farm project immediately. This and businessman as a mayor. Quite soon, he was unacceptable for both the permanent resi- was replaced by a professional administrator dents and also for RHOs. 169 people joined the Annika Kapp, an outsider from North-Estonia. meeting arranged by the municipality (2010) Noarootsi informants stressed that municipal to discuss the windmill project that was fi nally development was hindered signifi cantly aft er rejected. It was the very fi rst time when the Ülo Kalm had left ; there were considerably majority of Vormsi people had a joint political fewer events and projects. Estonian Swedes action based on a consensus. emphasized that they had lost their connection Nevertheless, there have been series of with the municipality just because nobody was confl icts between permanent inhabitants and able to speak Swedish. RHOs’ representatives in the local council of The majority of Vormsi mayors were Vormsi since the establishment of local gov- businessmen who attempted to lead the ernment. RHOs were always active in infl u- municipality like a company. Some of them encing council members’ decisions. Despite had no real connection with the local people its small scale, there are no relationships Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 243

based on trust on the island: networks are ei- heterogeneous places need particularly skilled ther focused only on the villages or are tem- leadership and wider involvement of interest porary and dominated by interest groups − groups in the decision making processes. related to projects that need approval within Our comparative case study showed how the municipal council. Similarly to Noarootsi, weak (Vormsi) or imbalanced participatory the main motivation of Estonian RHOs for leadership (Noarootsi) raised dissatisfaction intervening in local governance was to ac- and how the ambition of the RHOs induced complish their business ideas, for instance, actions such as running for power to realise to change the local planning regulations or their own agendas. Local leaders of Vormsi to get a construction permit. and Noarootsi did not involve RHOs equally at the beginning. RHOs in turn did not join informal municipal networks; rather, they Conclusion chose a few local collaborators to commu- nicate with and to trust them as their repre- Townspeople´s growing incomes and ex- sentatives. tending opportunities to spend leisure time As a consequence, personal (business) in- in geographically distant areas has increased terests started to dominate instead of collec- their desire to possess property in the coun- tive values. Balanced municipal (community tryside with beautiful landscapes. Vormsi based) leadership was not considered impor- and Noarootsi rural municipalities – our tant by any parties and the orchestration of case study areas – are coastal villages that various interests (the involvement of poten- were turned into recreational destinations tial stakeholders in community development) and obtained a highly seasonal character. was either missing or one-sided. As a result, Recreational peripheries may well benefi t a small number of RHOs – notably, young from increased temporary population, who Estonian business persons − became strong may act not only as consumers but also as stakeholders, increased their impact on local active community members, able to enrich governance by incorporating some of the lo- the bridging and enhancing the social capital cal leaders into their business schemes, and of the communities. Nevertheless, so far, the took over institutional power. However, other involvement of RHOs in local leadership and groups started to play a similar game, acceler- governance has been studied insuffi ciently. ating confl icts within the local councils. This paper was an att empt to reduce this Permanent residents became minorities in gap by analysing the power relations of the terms of the power relations and defending RHOs and the permanent population and by their interests in the municipal councils. The discussing whether the restructuring of local same applies to Estonian-Swedish commu- power reinforced or reduced peripherality. nities: they actually own 80 percent of the According to Frisvoll, S. (2012), social re- land, while their infl uence on the municipal lations are crucial in the local cultural and decision making is limited. Power games in economic development of rural peripheries. local councils have induced some desperate The synergies may work in both directions. actions by local people such as going to court Improving interpersonal relations and increas- or approaching national media to make dis- ing social capital stimulates innovativeness puted cases – which they lost at the municipal and competitiveness (Horlings, I. 2010) that council − public. This did improve neither the presupposes vital social relationships between image of the municipalities nor their internal RHOs and the local community. Otherwise, solidarity. However, refl ections in the national segregation, competitive behaviour, and the media made these places more ‘visible’ prob- lack of communication between diff erent in- ably, contributing to local tourism businesses terest groups tend to erode trust and reduce and recreational home development. Such internal development capacity. Thus, culturally processes call for further studies. 244 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

We may presume, recreational house own- Commissioner for Regional Policy. DG REGIO, ers are defi nitely capable of local leadership Manuscript, 218 p. and under certain circumstances, they aspire Bø, E., Kindel, G., Orre, L. and Rohula, T. 2014. Estonian-Swedish second home owners in Noarootsi, also for being part of it. Their intervention three villages; Spithamn, Dirhamn and Rooslep. Case- defi nitely caused a major change in local gov- study report. Nordplus intensive course, Pärnu. ernance. It is too early to say whether it had Campell, S., Albert, J.M., Durepos, G. and Wiebe, E. positive or rather negative consequences in 2010. Encyclopedia of Case Study Research. Thousand the long run, but recreational peripheries are, Oaks, CA. Sage Publications. Christaller, W. 1963. Some considerations of tourism in many cases, less ‘peripheral’ due to their location in Europe. Papers of the Regional Science actions and the social capital they possess. To Association 12. 95–105. reduce potential confl icts and release positive Daft, L.R. 1998. Organization theory and design. synergies, it is a crucial issue to involve RHOs Cincinnati, OH, South-Western Publishing in community life and to improve the relation- Company. Dijst, M., Lanzendorf, M. and Smit, L. 2005. ships of diff erent stakeholders (e.g., remote Second homes in Germany and the Netherlands: villagers) as much as possible. Local leaders as Ownership and travel impact explained. Tij dschrift well as civil servants should be more aware of voor Economische en Sociale Geografie 96. (2): social processes and the ways in which these 139–152. residents can be involved in local aff airs for Farstad, M. 2011. Rural residents´ opinions about the mutual benefi t of all parties. recreational home owners´ pursuit of own interests in the host community, Norsk Geografi sk Tidsskrit/ Future research should consider the high- Norwegian Journal of Geography 65. (3): 165–174. ly complex composition of both permanent Friedmann, J. and Miller, J. 1965. The Urban Field. and temporary population − there are always Journal of the American Institute of Planners 31. (4): more than two groups involved in confl icts, 312–320. organised oft en by villages and neighbour- Frisvoll, S. 2012. Power in the production of spaces transformed by rural tourism. Journal of Rural hoods, along various motives. As changes in Studies 28. (4): 447–457. leadership raise emotional reactions, an ad- Gallent, N. 2007. Second home, community and a ditional objective for future research should hierarchy of dwelling. Area 39. (1): 97–106. be the analysis of the actual (fi nancial, eco- Gallent, N., Mace, A. and Tewdwr-Jones, M. 2003. nomic) results of the diff erent types of local Dispelling a myth? Second homes in rural Wales. Area 35. (3): 271–284. governance models. Moreover, the impact of Giannias, D., Chepurko, Y., Figus, A. and Lameyikon, the media should also be studied − as coast- Y. 2010. Transformation core-periphery socio-eco- al areas have a very positive image per se, nomic relations (quality of life indices approach even negative refl ections may be benefi cial within European funding programmes). Journal to those places. Finally, we must also real- of Organisational Transformation and Social Change ise that the databases available – including 7. (3): 285–299. Halfacree, K. 2006. ‘From dropping out to leading even the population census − do not refl ect on? British counter-cultural back-to-the-land in a the reality of the temporary population of changing rurality’. Progress in Human Geography recreational peripheries. 30. 309–336. Hall, C.M. 2015. Second homes planning, policy and governance. Journal of Policy Research in Tourism, Leisure and Events 7. (1): 1–14. REFERENCES Horlings, I. 2010. How to generate sustainable European Rural Regions: The Role of Social Capital, Ausdahl, K., Khanal, B., Raun, J. and Ruberg, G. Leadership and Policy arrangements. Regions 280. 2014. Eff ects of the presence of the temporary residents (Winter): 8–12. on permanent residents lives. Case-study report. Kaltenborn, B.P., Andersen, O. and Nellemann, Nordplus intensive course, Pärnu. C. 2009. Amenity development in the Norwegian Barca, F. 2009. An agenda for a reformed cohesion mountains. Eff ects of recreational home owner policy. A place-based approach to meeting European environmental att itudes on preferences for alter- Union challenges and expectations. Independent native development options. Landscape and Urban Report prepared at the request of Danuta Hübner, Planning 91. 195–201. Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245. 245

Keddie, V. 2006. Case study method. In The Sage Robertsson, L. and Marjavaara, R. 2014. The Seasonal Dictionary of Social Research Methods. Ed.: Jupp, V. Buzz: Knowledge Transfer in a Temporary Sett ing. London, Sage Publications. Tourism Planning and Development 12. (3): 251–265. Lipkina, O. 2013. Motives for Russian Recreational Rye, F. and Berg, G.N. 2011. The second home phe- home ownership in Finland. Scandinavian Journal nomen and Norwegian rurality. Norsk Geografi sk of Hospitality and Tourism 13. (4): 299–316. Tiddskrift /Norwegian Journal of Geography 65. (3): Lundholm, E. 2006. Are Movers still the Same? 126–136. Characteristics of Interregional Migrants in Sweden Sayer, A. 1992. Method in Social Science: A Realist 1970–2001. Tij dschrift voor Economische en Sociale Approach. London, Routledge. Geografi e 98. 336–348. Sotarauta, M. 2009. Regional development and re- Marcouiller, W.D. and Chraca, A. 2011. Recreational gional networks: The role of regional development Homes, Amenities, and their Gateway Communities: offi cers in Finland. European Urban and Regional A Summary of Extant Knowledge for Planning and Studies 17. (4): 387–400. Public Policy. Paper writt en for presentation at the Sotarauta, M. 2012. Leadership and Change in World Planning Schools Congress 5–8 July, 2011, Sustainable Regional Development. London and New Perth, Australia. York, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. Mintzberg, H. 1998. Covert Leadership: Note on Stewart, S.I. 2002. „Amenity Migration“. Trends 2000: Managing Proff esionals. Harvard Business Review Shaping the Future. Proceedings of the 5th Outdoor 76. (6): 140–147. Recreation and Tourism Trends Symposium, Moss, L.A.G. 2006. The Amenity Migrants: Seeking and Lansing, MI, Recreation and Tourism Resources, Sustaining Mountains and their Culture. Wallingford, East Lansing. CAB International. Tamm, H., Fernández, D.C., Sink, G., Alho, E. and Müller, K.D. 2002. Reinwenting the Countryside: Tómasdóttir, A.D. 2015. Consumption of space and German Second-home Owners in Southern local governance in core-periphery relations. Case- Sweden. Current Issues in Tourism 5. (5): 426–446. study report. Nordplus intensive course, Tartu. Nordbo, I. 2014. Beyond the Transfer of Capital? Second-Home Owners as Competence Brokers for Rural Entrepreneurship and Innovation. European Internet sources: Planning Studies 22. (8): 16–41. Nordin, U. and Marjavaara, R. 2012. The local non- Eesti Entsüklopeedia (EE), 2015. htt p://entsyklop- locals: Recreational home owners associational eedia.ee/. 16.03.2015 engagement in Sweden. Tourism: An International Eesti Päevaleht, 2015. www.epl.ee. 16.03.2015 Interdisciplinary Journal 60. (3): 293–305. Lääne Elu, 2015. www.le.ee. 16.03.2015 Norris, M. and Winston, N. 2010. Second-Home Maaleht, 2015. www.maaleht.ee. 16.03.2015 Owners: Escaping, Investing or Retiring? Tourism Noarootsi valla arengukava aastateks 2013-2020 Geographies 12. (4): 546–567. (NVA), 2012 htt ps://noarootsi.kovtp.ee/et/valla- Paris, C. 2009. Re-positioning Second Homes arengukava. 14.05.2014 within Housing Studies: Household Investment, Population Register, 2015. htt ps://www.siseminis- Gentrifi cation, Multiple Residence, Mobility and teerium.ee/elanike-arv 30.06.2015 Hyper-consumption. Housing Theory and Society Statistics Estonia, 2015. www.stat.ee. 14.05.2015 26. (4): 292–310. Vormsi valla arengukava aastateks 2011-2025 (VVA), Perlik, M. 2010. The problems with applying the 2011. htt p://avalik.amphora.ee/VORMSIVV/docu- amenity-led migration concept in a Europe context. ment.aspx?id=41592. 14.05.2014 Regions 280. (Winter): 25–27. Pettersson, R. 1999. Foreign Second Home Purchases – The Case of Northern Sweden, 1990–96. CERUM Working Paper 14, Umeå, Umeå University. Pitkänen, K. 2008. Second-home Landscape: The Meaning(s) of Landscape for Second- Home Tourism in Finnish Lakeland. Tourism Geographies 10. (2): 196–192. Purdy, J.M. 2012. A framework for assessing power in collaborative governance processes. Public Administration Review 72. (3): 409–417. Raagmaa, G., Kindel, G. and Lüsi, M. 2012. Leadership and Change in Sustainable Regional Development. London and New York, Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group. 246 Kindel, G. and Raagmaa, G. Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 233–245.

Geography in Visegrad and Neighbour Countries

Regional Socio-Economic Processes in Central and Eastern Europe – 20 Years in Transition and 2 Years in Global Economic Crisis

Edited by Ágnes Erőss and Dávid Karácsonyi

Geographical Research Institute Hungarian Academy of Sciences Budapest, 2011. 169 p.

During the last twenty years the erstwhile Soviet bloc countries in Central and Eastern Eu- rope (CEE) have taken distinct routes in post-socialist development, wherein the nation- al trends and internal regional processes proved to be in deep contrast. Responses to the challenges of the global economic crisis also varied, repeatedly brought to the surface long existing regional issues, structural problems and ethnic confl icts. Hu- man geographers are divided in the assessment of the shift s that oc- curred during the past twenty years and the exchange of experience is vital for fi nding adequate answers to the new challenges. In order to provide a forum for discussion the Geographical Research Institute Hungarian Academy of Sciences with the generous support of the International Visegrad Fund Small Grant Programme organized a conference in order to induce the revival of contact between the in- stitutes of geography of Visegrad Countries and their Western and Eastern neighbours. Present volume is a selection of presentations aim- ing to provide a deeper insight in socio-economic processes and their

------Price: EUR 10.00 Order: Geographical Institute RCAES HAS Library, H-1112 Buda- pest, Budaörsi út 45. E-mail: magyar.arpad@csfk .mta.hu Hungarian GeographicalLiterature Bulletin – Hungarian64 2015 (3) Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251. 247–251.247

LITERATURE

Hartemink, A.E. and McSweeney, K. (eds.): Soil Carbon. Progress in Soil Science, Springer, Heidelberg– New York–Dordrecht–London, 2014. 506 p.

World soils contain approximately 1,500–2,000 Gtons ing scientifi c activity. The number of publications of organic carbon in the top two meters. This large concerning SOC has been also increasing steadily carbon reserve can increase atmospheric concentra- since early 2000s. Actually, more than 1,500 papers tions of CO2 by soil misuse or mismanagement, or per year cited by diff erent scientifi c search engines. it can temperate the ‘greenhouse’ eff ect by proper International Union of Soil Science (IUSS) organ- land use and soil management. The recognition of ised a Conference on Global Soil Carbon in June 2013, importance of soil carbon reservoir on the climate in Madison (Wisconsin, USA). 90 presentations were and soil fertility led to increasing scientifi c activity on presented by more than 140 scientists from 35 coun- this fi eld. Specifi c workshops and conferences on soil tries. Organisers have invited 48 authors and teams organic carbon (SOC) are a manifestation of increas- to participate in this book. Chapters are grouped in four sections: I. Soil carbon in space and time; II. Soil carbon properties and proc- esses; III. Soil use and carbon management; IV. Soil carbon and the environment. All of papers focus on novel and intriguing research from all over the world. The fi rst part of the book is an overview of the recent status of soil carbon research in the World’s science. It summarizes the history, the recent scientifi c potential and new tendencies of these studies. Several authors emphasize importance of low car- bon saturation of soils due to the agricul- ture and other human activities. However, capacity of the carbon sink depends on the land use (changes) and cultivation tech- niques, process of the carbon storage is proportional to molecular interactions between organic and mineral phase. The macro-scale studies are actually prevailed by SOC monitoring studies. The micro- scale researches on SOC follow these trends and deal with its chemical compo- sition and structural properties. This part of the book provides a brief inventory of new developments for monitoring systems and the latest novel micro-morphological and analytical techniques for SOM. Some of previously introduced ana- lytical methods for studying SOC and molecular and microbial processes of soil organic matter (SOM) are overviewed in the second part of the book. Some of the chapters introduce applications of novel techniques (e.g. X-ray Fluorescence Molecular Spectroscopy, Quartz Crystal Micro-gravimetry) and few articles de- lineate new applications of traditional 248 Literature – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251.

methods, such as UV-ViS spectrometry and refl ect- are reviews on state of the art of soil mapping and on ance measurements. Most of the chapters deal with the relationship between climate change and soil car- molecular structures of SOM and molecular processes bon management. Most of the papers are overviews of carbon storage in soils. on the recent status of SOC researches of an area. Chapters of the third part contain large scale stud- Soil Carbon is a new and high quality element of ies: carbon management on diff erent landscapes and the Springers’s Progress in Soil Science series. Several the agro-technical aspects of the carbon sequestration. the authors (e.g. McBratney, A.B.; Monger, C.; Poch, Selected teams have introduced new achievements to R. etc.) belong to the top soil scientists of the world. increase SOC absorption in the soils of the croplands This is an essential handbook for soil scientists, ge- and grasslands from tropical and subtropical Third ographers and environmentalist to receive up to date World countries through the temperate zone (Europe, knowledge about soil carbon. US) until the boreal areas. Chapters of the fourth part (Soil and the environ- Zoltán Szalai – Gergely Jakab ment) are loosely aggregated. Some of the chapters Literature – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251. 249

Viktória Szirmai (ed): From spatial inequalities to social well-being. Kodolányi János University of Applied Sciences, Székesfehérvár, 2015. 187 p.

At the beginning of 2015 a substantial volume was emphasises that the core concept of the book (i.e. ‘so- published in Hungarian language edited by the cial well-being’) builds on the theoretical construct prominent Hungarian sociologist Viktória Szirmai of A. Joseph Stiglitz, Nobel Prize-winner American which contained studies on spatial inequalities and economist. The well-known Stiglitz Report published social well-being in the Hungarian context. Actually, in 2009 stated that the GDP is an inappropriate index the English version of the volume entitled “From to measure social progress, thus, new indicators and spatial inequalities to social well-being” summarises analytical tools are needed for describing and model- the main results of the most exciting studies. Eight ling of social processes. Instead of one-dimensional papers selected for the English version are obvi- indicators on production and economy so typical for ously not enough to walk around the whole subject the 1970s and 1980s the emphasis should be placed on in detail, but more than enough to outline the main the sophisticated measurement of social well-being. context of contemporary spatial inequalities and well- Viktória Szirmai draws the readers’ att ention to the being in Hungary and to provide a careful analysis fact that the Stiglitz model unfortunately does not of the country-specifi c situation. In my review I try take into account the spatial aspects, namely national to summarise the main fi ndings of the book in order and regional characteristics. This is actually the main to provide additional information to the public and aim of the volume, to shed light on regional varia- researchers interested in the topic. tions of social well-being of those living in metro- In her short introduction entitled „The history of politan and rural areas trough empirical surveys. The researching social well-being in Hungary” Viktória main question of the comprehensive research was Szirmai outlines the main concept of the volume. She how well-being is determined by spatial location and social structural positions of the population? The initial statement of the study „Social well-be- ing issues in Europe: The possibility of starting to establish a more competitive Europe” refers to the fact that European economy has lost its competitive advantages against other world regions since the 1980s, which resulted a gradual downsizing and re- ducing of welfare measures within national economic policies. Due to the withdrawing welfare systems in the last couple of decades rising urban poverty and intensifying migration processes could be detected throughout the EU member states. Next to impacts of globalisation processes the transformation of the wel- fare systems and administrative structures can also be mentioned, which induced polarisation processes in the regional structures: new spatial dependencies and disparities have emerged in Western Europe. Due to the emerging socio-economic diff erentiation spa- tial diff erences became more pronounced. The study comes to the conclusion that in the last two decades eff orts in Europe to solve (or at least to soft en) socio- economic and environmental problems have failed, and the civil sector could not show resounding suc- cess in this fi eld either. That is the reason why the author assumes that the Stiglitz model could bring a new approach and more likely could lead to success in improving European competitiveness. The chapter on „International study of public policies on well-being” provides an overview on the emergence and development of European welfare policies and examines how the question of well-be- ing appears in signifi cant international documents. Considering the achievements and failures of mod- 250 Literature – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251.

ernisation in the Central and Eastern European periphery gained momentum. Results from 2014 (CEE) countries and based on the results of the survey suggest a strong regional and social polarisa- UN-Habitat Sustainable Cities Programme the pa- tion. On the one hand, the spatial expansion of higher per points out that social transformation of the CEE status strata could be detected, on the other hand, countries is actually completed, the standard of liv- the level of social exclusion has clearly increased. ing has improved considerably but very unevenly, While inside the compact cities spatial disparities and signifi cant concentrations of unemployment has somewhat decreased, the social status of neighbour- emerged. According to the authors, large cities and hoods levelled out, at the peripheries (both inside and metropolitan regions prevail in the sett lement devel- outside the city-limits) new bett er-off residential areas opment contrary to small towns and rural regions, emerged. This could be predominantly traced back to and regional development has become uneven. With the outmigration of higher status groups. The process regard to demographic trends low birth rates and ag- is labelled by the authors as ‘suburbanisation inside ing are the prime challenges to be solved in the CEE the city’. Anyway, according to the empirical data countries. The economy is characterised by a lack of the status of the city centre has nowhere diminished, co-operation, the social housing sector is weak due and thanks to the sporadic gentrifi cation processes to the privatisation and a dramatic rise of housing the core cities will most probably maintain (or even and living costs could be observed in these countries. increase) their socio-economic status. Thus, the European Union’s urban development poli- The upcoming study „Social well-being character- cy could not convey the urban development patt erns istics and spatial-social determinations” examines the and models everywhere in Europe. Actually, the new already well-known metropolitan regions but this model for social well-being policy should be based on time the characteristics of well-being are addressed. the characteristics of the local society and they should Authors detect the patt erns of Stiglitzian dimensions be conveyed clearly, the needs and satisfaction of local (i.e. material living standards, health, education, per- residents must be taken into account, and well-being sonal activities, political voice and governance, social for urban residents should appear as a priority issue connections and relationships, environment, insecu- in these policies. The study comes to the conclusion rity) on intra-urban and regional scale in Hungary. that European urban policies provide a mix of legisla- According to the investigations they conclude that tive and business models, and although elements of due to the strengthening weight of the middle class, well-being issues appear oft en, well-being seems not and the ongoing polarisation within the society the to be the main objective of these policies. inner-city will most probably continue to play a lead- The chapter on „The socio-demographic structure ing role in the core-periphery model, however, the of the Hungarian Metropolitan Regions” deals with transition zone seems to become more mosaic-like. the socio-demographic conditions of 9 Hungarian The chapter entitled „Well-being defi cits in dis- metropolitan regions based on empirical analyses advantaged regions” provides a comprehensive as- focusing on demography, migration, education and sessment of the so-called ‘objective’ and ‘subjective’ income conditions. Authors come to the conclusion well-being in four disadvantageous micro-regions. In that social conditions in metropolitan areas on the order to explore the level of ‘objective’ well-being in countryside are less favourable than in Budapest. the case study areas educational att ainment, labour Demographic indicators are deteriorating on the market position and fi nancial situation of the popu- countryside, mainly due to the declining population lation are compared in the fi rst section of the study. fi gures and the growth of outmigration. Demographic Diff erent characteristics of ‘subjective’ well-being are and social diff erences among the major provincial presented through the analysis of diff erences in term cities and Budapest have clearly grown during the of happiness and satisfaction. All indicators for objec- past decade. tive and subjective well-being are the weakest in pe- In the next study „The spatial social characteristics ripheral marginalised communities, and diff erences of Hungarian metropolitan regions and the trans- are most pronounced in the case of objective well-be- formation of the core-periphery model” we get an ing. Among determining social and economic factors insight into the transformation of the spatial struc- for well-being defi cits aging, decreasing population, tures of the investigated metropolitan regions. The stagnation of the local economy, lack of industrial chapter is based on comparative analyses of empirical activities and reduction in employment can be men- research results carried out in 2005 and 2014 with the tioned. Peripheralisation, economic marginalisation same methodology. Results of the fi rst survey in 2005 and negative demographic processes could not be sig- showed that inner-city areas could be characterised nifi cantly improved even by government measures. by a strong socio-spatial hierarchy, and the social sta- In the fi nal chapter of „How can we get from spa- tus of the population clearly dropped towards the pe- tial inequalities to social well-being?” the editor of riphery. Due to the outmigration of middle-class peo- the book concludes that globalisation produces in- ple to the suburbs inner-urban areas became strongly equalities and the global economy actually works diff erentiated, whereas the social upgrading of the in inequalities eff ectively. International research on Literature – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 247–251. 251

competitiveness also testifi es this experience. Over the outcomes are predominantly based on empirical the past decades a signifi cant deconcentration (of research and a comparative and interdisciplinary ap- jobs and people) has taken place, and urban areas proach is applied. have been torn to developed and underdeveloped The quality of the book could have been further areas. In particular, social and spatial diff erences have improved with valuable photos, which could have become very conspicuous especially between metro- provided a bett er understanding of local conditions politan and rural disadvantaged micro-regions. Thus, to foreigners and readers without knowledge of local in the coming years it would be important to reduce (Hungarian) circumstances. In any case, the book is regional disparities and to support the development a good starting point for those who deal with social of well-being. The way out could be the assessment of diff erentiation of metropolitan areas in CEE and more the level of well-being of various social strata in urban specifi cally in Hungary, or want to get deeper insight and rural areas, and aft er defi ning well-being defi cits into the subject of social well-being. Honourable is diff erentiated steps should be performed in order to the work of the editor because the joint research and increase the well-being of these social strata. publishing of the book have successfully contributed We can conclude that the aesthetically pleasing, to the cooperation of sociology and geography. properly illustrated book gives a good insight into the social well-being issue of metropolitan and ru- Tamás Egedy ral areas in Hungary. The merit of the book is that Hungarian252 GeographicalChronicle Bulletin – Hungarian64 2015 (3) Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 252–258. 252–258.

CHRONICLE

Report on the 5th EUGEO Congress

30 August – 2 September 2015, Budapest

Since 2007 EUGEO, the Association of Geographical event hosted by Hungary was more than timely. The Societies in Europe, has been organising its con- importance of EUGEO congresses has grown since gresses every second year at various locations. Aft er the fi rst Amsterdam meeting, the number of partici- Amsterdam (2007), Bratislava (2009), London (2011), pants and the diversity of sessions have also greatly and Rome (2013) in 2015 Budapest had the opportu- increased, refl ecting the growing demand of geogra- nity to organise the 5th EUGEO Congress. By now, phers for this Pan-European academic meeting. The this series has become the most important European initiative of EUGEO founding fathers to make the geographical congress to promote exchange of biennial congresses easily accessible for young geog- knowledge, information and best practices among raphers undoubtedly created good opportunities for geographers in Europe and beyond. early career researchers to introduce themselves and The only major international geographical confer- establish scientifi c contacts which are especially im- ence to be held in Hungary was the IGU regional portant for international collaboration, joint projects conference in 1971. Since then the Iron Curtain was and publications. lift ed, old boundaries were dismantled in Europe, Traditionally, EUGEO congresses also warmly and a new generation of geographers has grown up. welcome “non Europeans” and “non geographers” Therefore, the organisation of a major geographical among the participants which makes this event more

Welcome speech of Zoltán Kovács at the opening ceremony of the Congress Chronicle – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 252–258. 253

open minded, inclusive and interdisciplinary. This As second speaker Henk Ottens President of was also the case in Budapest, where multidimen- EUGEO welcomed the delegates. He emphasised that sional sight showed up in diff erent sessions and in EUGEO 2015 takes place in a period of tension, uncer- diff erent discussion. Where one of the most frequent tainty and warfare, both within and at the borders of debates concentrated on different environmental Europe. Political Geography, in particular European processes and their eff ects on the society, equality geopolitics and fi nancial geographies, rightly have and fairness, sustainability and effi ciency. been given a prominent place among the themes to The programme of the Budapest Congress started be presented and discussed at the 5th Congress of on the 30th of August with registration and a cheerful EUGEO. Space-time dynamics are at the heart of Icebreaker Party. Next morning the opening ceremony geographical inquiry, and geographers should con- took place in the spectacular sett ing of the Ceremonial tinue to give priority to closely monitor and interpret Hall of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (HAS). these dynamics. Many sessions were devoted also As fi rst speaker Zoltán Kovács, Vice-President of to this theme. Vulnerability of and hazards in the the Hungarian Geographical Society and Chairman natural environment, oft en related to climate change of the Organising Committ ee noted that the mott o and sustainability of resources were also among the of the congress „Convergences and Divergences of main topics of the congress. Finally, Geoinformation Geography in Europe” refl ects the way in which Science, as he commented, continues to be a thriv- geography has developed in the recent past. The ing interdisciplinary fi eld and business opportunity mushrooming of new research topics, the far-reach- that needs substantial geographic input and the new ing specialisations and not least the strengthening co- data and methods that are developed should be ex- operation between geographers and representatives ploited in geographical research and applications. In of other disciplines all loosened up the traditional this respect the Budapest Congress could also open boundaries of geography. According to his expecta- up new perpectives. The fi rst two welcome greetings tion the congress would shed light on the question were followed by a short performance of the string if divergence is pervasive within our discipline or quintet of Concerto Budapest entitled ’The Sounds it goes hand in hand with certain tendencies of con- of Hungary’. vergence among various sub-disciplines, countries In the second part of the opening ceremony and schools. Ádám Török, Secretary General of the Hungarian

Welcome speech of Ádám Török at the opening ceremony of the Congress 254 Chronicle – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 252–258.

Academy of Sciences, András Kisfaludy, Vice-Rector the Congress – shared ideas how vision and strategy of Eötvös Loránd University and Alexandra Szalay- evolve from a single idea, and how the ‘new econo- Bobrovniczky, Vice Mayor of Budapest warmly wel- my’ will born via political and economic reforms. The comed participants of the 5th EUGEO Congress from fi rst day of the Congress culminated in the social din- all over the world. Aft er the welcome speeches the ner where old friends could reunite again and new fi rst two keynote lectures were delivered. friendships could be established Aft er the opening ceremony bus transfer was pro- On Tuesday aft er the parallel sessions Eleonore vided the delegates to the main congress venue, the Kofman from the United Kingdom talked about Lágymányos Campus of Eötvös Loránd University ’Mobilities and Migrations in Europe: a problematic where 520 papers were presented in 60 sessions in dichotomy’ in her keynote lecture. This was followed the next two and a half day. The Congress also gave by Michael A. Fullen’s presentation on ’Closed loop opportunity to present posters at the poster session, recycling and Physical Geography’. The aft ernoon where 31 posters were exhibited. sessions closed at 7 pm. It was also Tuesday aft er- Every day two keynote lectures were followed by noon when the EUGEO had its General Assembly. the curious participants. The fi rst day Jean Poesen The General Assembly discussed among others new from Belgium questionned if we need more research- applications for membership in EUGEO, and future es in soil erosion hazard and mitigation in the Euro- congresses and seminars. In the evening the Gala Mediterranean region. The answer is undoubtedly dinner of the Congress took place in the fascinating in the affi rmative, whilst soil protection should be Gerbeaud House. more coordinated on integrational level within the On Wednesday aft er the morning sessions the fi rst EU, as one of the most important natural resource. keynote speech was delivered by Peter Meusburger Also on the fi rst day Herman van der Wusten from who talked about the importance of scientifi c sett ing, the Netherlands talked about ‘Imagined communities knowledge environments in the recent scientifi c life. and practiced geopolitics’ which is gett ing more and Professor Meusburger became Honorary Member of more important in today’s infocommunication-based the Hungarian Geographical Society in 2010, and this world. In the evening a special lecture was given by year he received the Lóczy Lajos Plaquett e, for his Norbert Csizmadia from Pallas Athéné Geopolitical outstanding activity in establishing and maintaining Foundation, Hungary – one of the biggest sponsors of close relationships between Hungarian and German

In the fi rst plenary session Herman van der Wusten delivering his keynote lecture Chronicle – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 252–258. 255

In the second plenary session Eleonore Kofman delivering her keynote lecture

The General Assembly of EUGEO discussing future joint activities 256 Chronicle – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 252–258.

geography. The ceremony of the award took place above mentioned features. One of the most important aft er his keynote lecture. conclusions of the slots of these sessions is the recog- Judit Timár as the last keynote speaker focused nition of the emergence of radical movements and on the ’Convergences and divergences of geogra- parties in Europe in the last decade. phies from an East-Central European perspective’ Several informal meetings took place during the which gave and gives perfect theoretical frame for Congress to dispute recent processes and to strength- the whole Congress. Timár highlighted the fact that en international cooperaion in research. Hungarian from a post-socialist, East Central European point researchers engaged in economic geography started of view general geographic processes, described, an initiative to establish a subcommitt ee to foster defi ned, conceptualised in the “west” have diff erent researches on recent economic processes and sup- meaning. Wednesday aft ernoon the closing ceremo- port the institutionalisation of economic geography ny took place in the plenary room from 5 pm. First, in Hungary. Zoltán Kovács summarised the fi rst main results of A critical geographical initiative took place in the Congress, then the plans of the next EUGEO con- Gólya, the cult meeting point for critical thinkers and gress were introduced by Christian Vandermotten. activists in recent years. The Critical Urban Research Finally, Henk Ottens expressed his warm thanks to and Action group was founded in Valtice, Czech the local organisers for the great event. Republic and aims to connect European research- In the following paragraphs I try to refer to some ers dealing with post-socialist urban transformation, sessions where the post-socialist context came into policy-making, involvement from perspective of post- discussion. New and traditional approaches made colonialism, poststructuralism and political economy. the session of electoral geography diverse. A question The group also aims to fi nd out how researchers can emerged if traditional social patt erns or newly occur- theorise the city in a changing political and power ing global trends are infl uencing voting behaviour structure. Linking to the critical aspects several ses- through diff enrent scales more. But not only the as- sions and slots reff ered to conceptualising new and pects of drivers were discussed, but also perspectives old urban spaces. The question arose many times who of space. It was questionned if place, position and has right to the city, who is controlling urban growth, border have the same role in political geography re- public spaces, residential areas. The sessions on pow- searches in East Central Europe and Western Europe. er, resistance, occupation discussed recent debates on The session also disputed how power restructures the use, transformation and modicfi cation of space.

Peter Meusburger receives the Lóczy Lajos Plaquett e Chronicle – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 252–258. 257

The main Congress Venue, in the Lágymányos Campus of Eötvös Loránd University

Cheerful delegates, geographers, friends 258 Chronicle – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 252–258.

Henk Ottens, President of EUGEO summarises his experiences at the closing ceremony

Sessions dealt with topics which for the fi rst sight During the three days of the congress fi eld trips seemed to work with traditional geographical perspec- were also provided by the local organisers. These city tive. Later it turned out that even the most traditional tours were very popular among the delegates as they papers had some new innovation. The case of urban could visit diff erent parts of Budapest. Three diff erent spatial processes highlighting migration, segregation, perspectives of Budapest were off ered: a traditional gentrifi cation and suburbanisation. Presenters and touristic sight-seeing, a waterfront development and discussants pointed out that the mentioned processes industrial transformation-theme, and one with diff er- should be analysed on diff erent scales, in which local ent aspects of urban regeneration processes. and micro-scale eff ects should be emphasised. Ethnic As a conclusion, aft er the initial phase EUGEO and minority groups, such as deprived communities congresses the 5th Budapest Congress became more were named as the main stakeholders of the disadvan- international and att ractive than the organisers and tages of newly evolved urban processes. Many ses- the participants originally expected. Outdoor pro- sions also discussed recent migration trends in Europe, grammes gave good opportunity to discover Budapest the possible scenarios and real or imagined outcomes, and its surroundings and to know each other bett er, especially in the East Central European region. strengthening the connections among geographers Papers on life quality introduced recent trends and which hopefully will lead to further cooperations. approaches how the so-called traditional statistical The wide-range of geographical and interdisciplinary accounting changes to more qualitative aspects. The topics gave the opportunity the delegates to get a lit- starting point was a complex point of view where tle insight how recent geographical researches seek environment, not only the built but the natural as to answer challenges caused by environmental, social well, is taken into account. There are problematic and and economic changes. The next EUGEO Congress hardly defendable indices used in the last decades will take place in Brussels the capital of Belgium in to fi nd out nature’s impact on individuals and social 2017. We sincerely hope that many of those who at- groups. Several papers applied GIS techniques to tended the successful EUGEO 2015 congress will also map spatial inequalities in connection with health, join the next one. well being and quality of life. As a conclusion it can Gyula Nagy be summarised that we are only at the beginning of establishing a valid, working and universal index for life quality, there is much more to be done, and re- searchers are just slowly approximating. Chronicle – Hungarian Geographical Bulletin 64 (2015) (3) 252–258. 259

GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS

Hungarian Geographical Bulletin (formerly Földrajzi REFERENCES Értesítő) is a double-blind peer-reviewed English- language quarterly journal publishing open access Please ensure that every reference cited in the text is original scientific works in the field of physical also present in the reference list (and vice versa). and human geography, methodology and analyses in geography, GIS, environmental assessment, re- gional studies, geographical research in Hungary Reference style and Central Europe. In the regular and special issues also discussion papers, chronicles and book reviews Text: In the text refer to the author's name (small capi- can be published. tals with initials) and year of publication. References should be arranged fi rst chronologically and then further sorted alphabetically if necessary. More than Manuscript requirements one reference from the same author(s) in the same year must be identifi ed by the lett ers 'a', 'b', placed We accept most word processing formats, but aft er the year of publication. MSWord files are preferred. Submissions should Examples: (Ridgewell, A.J. 2002; Maher, B.A. et al. be single spaced and use 12pt font, and any track 2010) or Ridgewell, A.J. (2002); Maher, B.A. et al. changes must be removed. The paper completed with (2010) abstract, keywords, text, fi gures, tables and references should not exceed 6000 words. Journal papers: The Cover Page of the article should only include Aagaard, T., Orford, J. and Murray, A.S. 2007. the following information: title; author names; a foot- Environmental controls on coastal dune forma- note with the affi liations, postal and e-mail addresses tion; Skallingen Spit, Denmark. Geomorphology 83. of the authors in the correct order; a list of 4 to 8 key- (1): 29–47. words; any acknowledgements. An abstract of up to 300 words must be included Books: in the submitt ed manuscript. It should state briefl y Pye, K. 1987. Aeolian Dust and Dust Deposits. Academic and clearly the purpose and sett ing of the research, Press, London, 334 p. methodological backgrounds, the principal fi ndings and major conclusions. Book chapters: Kovács, J. and Varga, Gy. 2013. Loess. In: Bobrowsky, P. (Ed.) Encyclopedia of Natural Hazards. Springer, Figures and tables Frankfurt, 637–638.

Submit each illustration as a separate fi le. Figures and tables should be referred in the text. Numbering Submission of fi gures and tables should be consecutively in ac- cordance with their appearance in the text. Lett ering Submission to this journal occurs online. Please sub- and sizing of original artwork should be uniform. mit your article via geobull@mtafk i.hu. Convert the images to TIF or JPEG with an appropri- All correspondence, including notifi cation of the ate resolution: for colour or grayscale photographs Editor's decision and requests for revision, takes place or vector drawings (min. 300 dpi); bitmapped line by e-mail. drawings (min.1000 dpi); combinations bitmapped line/photographs (min. 500 dpi). Please do not supply fi les that are optimized for screen use (e.g., GIF, BMP, PICT, WPG). Size the illustrations close to the desired dimensions of the printed version. Be sparing in the use of tables and ensure that the data presented in tables do not duplicate results described elsewhere in the article.