The Nominal Pitch Accent System of South Kyungsang Korean

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J East Asian Linguist (2014) 23:71–111 DOI 10.1007/s10831-013-9119-x

The nominal pitch accent system of South Kyungsang Korean

Hyunjung Lee · Jie Zhang

Received: 13 August 2011 / Accepted: 11 January 2013 / Published online: 19 December 2013 © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2013

Abstract The current paper investigates the nominal pitch accent system in South Kyungsang Korean through an acoustic study and presents a phonological analysis for the system based on the acoustic results. The data were collected from four male South Kyungsang speakers by recording monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns with various types of suffixes. The pitch results confirmed the accent distinctions reported in earlier works on the language, and we found that suffixes may also bear contrastive accent. We analyzed the pitch accent system as having three pre-linked accents and one default accent. Two of the pre-linked accents count from the left and are linked to the initial and peninitial moras of the root, respectively, and both spread one mora to the right. The other pre-linked accent counts from the right (penult) and does not spread. This analysis fits in with the culminative tone typology established in Evans (Types of tonal culminativity in language of Sichuan and elsewhere, 2009). An Optimality Theoretic analysis that derives the surface tone patterns for both the default and pre- linked accents is proposed, and the proposal is compared with earlier analyses of pitch accents in North and South Kyungsang Korean.

Keywords South Kyungsang Korean · Pitch accent · Culminativity · Tone spreading · Optimality Theory

1 Introduction

The current study examines the nominal pitch accent system in South Kyungsang Korean. Unlike Standard Seoul Korean, which does not distinguish words using

H. Lee · J. Zhang Department of Linguistics, University of Kansas, 1541 Lilac Lane, Lawrece, KS 66044, USA

H. Lee (&) Department of Linguistics, University of Chicago, 1010 E 59th Street, Chicago, IL 60637, USA e-mail: [email protected] 123 72 H. Lee, J. Zhang tonal contrasts, North and South Kyungsang dialects of Korean may use tonal differences in a word to cue meaning differences. We refer to the systems as pitch accent systems as the use of tone in these languages is different from that in a canonical tone language (e.g., Chinese) in that tone is restricted in its distribution (see, e.g., Yip 2002). The North and South Kyungsang dialects share many of the pitch contrasts, as shown in (1). But South Kyungsang preserved the rising pitch accent (R) from Middle Korean (15th century), while North Kyungsang did not. This R accent1 is realized as a rising tone on monosyllabic roots and as LH on disyllabic roots in South Kyungsang whereas R has merged with H(H) in North Kyungsang, as shown in (2). Due to different historical development between South and North Kyungsang, while North Kyungsang has only one LH pattern, South Kyungsang has two types of LHs that are distinguished morphophonemically, as shown in (3) (Kenstowicz et al. 2008). The Kyungsang data are transcribed according to the Yale Romanization (Martin 1992).

(1) South and North Kyungsang: HL ka´cı` ‘kind (n.)’ HH ka´cı´ ‘branch’ LH ka`cı´ ‘eggplant’

(2) South Kyungsang: North Kyungsang: R nwuˇn H nwu´:n ‘snow’ LH sa`la´mHHsa´:la´m ‘person’

(3) South Kyungsang: North Kyungsang: LH-L pa`la´m-ı` LH-L pa`la´m-ı` ‘wind-nom.’ LH-H sa`la´m-ı´ HH-L sa´:la´m-ı` ‘person-nom.’

We focus on the nominal pitch pattern of South Kyungsang Korean in this study, but we also refer to previous studies on North Kyungsang for analytical insights (e.g., Kenstowicz and Sohn 1997; Kim 1997; Chang 2005; Lee 2008). We start by reviewing the descriptive patterns of pitch accent in South Kyungsang and proposing the goals of the current study. We then report an acoustic study of four South Kyungsang speakers on their use of pitch accent, followed by a formal analysis of the pitch accent system.

1 Some other studies (Utsugi 2009; Lee and Davis 2009) use the L tone description instead of R. We adopt the R tone description for the following two reasons. First, the R description better reﬂects its phonetic properties than the L description as it better captures (1) the fact that the rime duration of this class of words is longer than that of the High tone class as the rising contour requires a longer duration to implement (Zhang 2002), and (2) the lack of difference in the F0 peak values of this class from the High tone class (Chang 2007). Second, the R tone description better matches the tone system of Middle Korean (ﬁfteenth century). The words in the monosyllabic R and disyllabic LH classes used to be in the R and RL classes in Middle Korean, respectively (Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz et al. 2008). Therefore, using the R tone description allows us to directly indicate the different historical development of the pitch system between the South and North Kyungsang dialects of Korean and thus allows us to be in a better position to trace the historical changes of the Kyungsang accent system. 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 73

Comparisons of our analysis with other approaches, directions for future research, and other concluding remarks are provided at the end.

1.1 Descriptions of tonal patterns in South Kyungsang Korean

In monosyllabic words, South Kyungsang Korean has pitch accent minimal pairs such as nwún (H) ‘eye’ versus nwǔn (R) ‘snow’ and mál (H) ‘horse’ versus mǎl (R) ‘speech’ (Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz and Park 2006; Kenstowicz et al. 2008; Chang 2007). The behavior of monosyllabic noun roots under suffixation indicates that there are in fact two different types of H accents (Ramsey 1975; Kim and Schuh 2006; Schuh and Kim 2007; Chang 2007). For example, although both nwún ‘eye’ and mún ‘door’ have an H pitch in isolation, when the suffix -i (nominative case marker) is added, the pitch pattern for ‘eye’ is nwún-í (H-H) while the pitch pattern for ‘door’ is mún-ì (H-L). In addition, when expanded with the disyllabic suffix -mankhum ‘as much as’, the pitch patterns are nwún-mánkhùm (H-HL) and mùn- mánkhùm (L-HL). Finally, when suffixed with -imyen ‘if’, the pitch patterns are nwún-ímyèn (H-HL) and mún-ìmyèn (H-LL). We tentatively write the two different H accents as H1 and H2. There is a consistent pitch pattern for the R accent under suffixation: the suffix will take on the H tone while the root syllable takes an L tone. Table 1 summarizes the pitch patterns for H1, H2, and R on monosyllabic nouns under different types of suffixation. For disyllabic nouns, we have already seen in (1) that South Kyungsang Korean has three pitch patterns: HL, HH, and LH. But expanding the nouns with suffixes indicates that there are in fact two LH classes. For example, although both sàlám ‘person’ and pàlám ‘wind’ have an LH pitch pattern in isolation, they pattern differently when suffixed: when the suffix -i (nominative case marker) is added, ‘person’ patterns as sàlám-í (LH-H) while ‘wind’ patterns as pàlám-ì (LH-L); when the suffix -imyen ‘if’ is added, ‘person’ patterns as sàlám-ímyèn (LH-HL)

Table 1 Pitch patterns for H1, H2, and R in monosyllabic nouns under suffixation. Data were adapted from Kim and Schuh (2006) and Chang (2007) H1 H2 nwuń H ‘eye’ muń H ‘door’ nwuń-ı´ H-H ‘eye (nom.)’ muń-ı` H-L ‘door (nom.)’ nwuń-mańkhu`m H-HL ‘as much as eye’ mu`n-mańkhu`m L-HL ‘as much as door’ nwuń-ı´mye`n H-HL ‘if eye’ muń-ı`mye`n H-LL ‘if door’

R nwuˇn R ‘snow’ nwu`n-ı´ L-H ‘snow (nom.)’ nwu`n-ma´nkhu´m L-HH ‘as much as snow’ nwu`n-ı´mye´n L-HH ‘if snow’

123 74 H. Lee, J. Zhang while ‘wind’ patterns as pàlám-ìmyèn (LH-LL). We tentatively label the two accents as LH1 and LH2, respectively. The HL and HH accents have consistent behavior under suffixation: the suffixed syllables will take an L tone while the HL and HH tones remain on the root. The pitch patterns for HL, HH, LH1, and LH2 on disyllabic noun roots under different types of suffixation are summarized in Table 2. We can observe the following parallels between the monosyllabic and disyllabic pitch patterns. (1) H1 in monosyllables and HH in disyllables behave in parallel in having an H tone on the first and second syllables if there is a second syllable available. (2) R in monosyllables and LH1 in disyllables behave in parallel in having an H tone on the second and third syllables if they are available; otherwise the H docks to the right edge of the monosyllable to create a rising tone. (3) Unlike the H1/HH and R/LH1 tone classes that have a consistent pitch pattern regardless of the suffix, the H2 and LH2 classes both have different pitch patterns depending on the suffix. When the words in these tone classes are suffixed with -mankhum ‘as much as’, the H tone always occurs on the first syllable of the suffix; but when they are suffixed with -i (nom.) or -imyen ‘if’, the H tone occurs on the last syllable of the root, and the rest of the syllables take an L tone. These parallels are summarized in Table 3. They seem to indicate that, descriptively, there are four different pitch patterns in South Kyungsang Korean nouns: HL, which only surfaces on disyllabic roots, H1/HH, R/LH1, and H2/LH2. An additional reason for the parallel between R in monosyllables and LH1 in disyllables is that the LH1 class was also derived from the rising pitch accent in Middle Korean (Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz and Park 2006; Kenstowicz et al. 2008). The accent patterns of trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic nouns will be discussed in Sect. 5 after our formal analysis for the nominal pitch accent pattern is proposed.

Table 2 Pitch patterns for HL, HH, LH1 and LH2 in disyllabic nouns under suffixation. Data were adapted from Kim and Schuh (2006) and Chang (2007) HL HH ke´wu`l HL ‘mirror’ kuńu´l HH ‘shade’ ke´wu`l-ı` HL-L ‘mirror (nom.)’ kuńu´l-ı` HH-L ‘shade (nom.)’ ke´wu`l-ma`nkhu`m HL-LL ‘as much as mirror’ kuńu´l-ma`nkhu`m HH-LL ‘as much as shade’ ke´wu`l-ı`mye`n HL-LL ‘if mirror’ kuńu´l-ı`mye`n HH-LL ‘if shade’ LH1 LH2 sa`la´m LH ‘person’ pa`la´m LH ‘wind’ sa`la´m-ı´ LH-H ‘person (nom.)’ pa`la´m-ı` LH-L ‘wind (nom.)’ sa`la´m-mańkhu`m LH-HL ‘as much as person’ pa`la´m-mańkhu`m LH-HL ‘as much as wind’ sa`la´m-ı´mye`n LH-HL ‘if person’ pa`la´m-ı`mye`n LH-LL ‘if wind’

123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 75

Table 3 Parallels in pitch patterns between monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns Monosyllables H1 R H2

Isolation H R H Mono_suffix: -i H-H L-H H-L Di_suffix: -mankhum H-HL L-HH L-HL Di_suffix: -imyen H-HL L-HH H-LL

Disyllables HL HH LH1 LH2

Isolation HL HH LH LH Mono_suffix: -i HL-L HH-L LH-H LH-L Di_suffix: -mankhum HL-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-HL Di_suffix: -imyen HL-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-LL

1.2 Problems posed by sufﬁxes for H2/LH2

As noted above, the pitch pattern for words in the H2 and LH2 classes varies depending on the type of suffix added to the root: disyllabic suffixes -mankhum and -imyen elicit different pitch patterns on these nouns. Based on her preliminary phonetic examination, Chang (2007) made the generalization that the tone pattern difference is determined by whether the disyllabic suffix is vowel-initial or consonant-initial. Specifically, when a monosyllabic word in the H2 class (analyzed as an M-class by Chang) is followed by a monosyllabic or vowel-initial disyllabic suffix such as -i (nom.), -to ‘also’, -un (topic), or -imyen ‘if’, the H tone is placed only in the root. However, when a word in this class is followed by a consonant-initial suffix such as -pota ‘than’, the H tone occurs on the first syllable of the suffix but not on the root, and the rest of the syllables take L tones: mún-ìmyèn (H-LL) versus mùn- pótà (L-HL). Likewise, when a word in the disyllabic LH2 class (analyzed as an LM- class by Chang) is followed by a monosyllabic or vowel-initial disyllabic suffix, the H tone occurs only in the root but not in the suffix. But when the word is followed by a consonant-initial disyllabic suffix, the H tone occurs in the suffix: pàlám-ìmyèn (LH- LL) versus pàlám-pótà (LH-HL). This suffix-determined tonal pattern led Chang (2007) to control the suffix type in her phonetic study by including only monosyllabic and vowel-initial disyllabic suffixes but not consonant-initial disyllabic suffixes. Schuh and Kim (2007, pp. 16–17), on the other hand, argued that “Particles bear H only when they are associated with H that is part of a lexical tone pattern. Otherwise, particles bear L tone.” This means that H tones in suffixes must come from underlying H tone specifications. In other words, the different pitch patterns between the vowel-initial suffix -imyen ‘if’ and the consonant-initial suffix -pota ‘than’ discussed in Chang (2007) should come from the difference in their underlying pitch accent, not from the difference in initial segment type. This is evidenced by the fact that a consonant-initial disyllabic suffix -tul-i (pl. nom.) induces the H-LL pattern on monosyllabic nouns just like vowel-initial suffixes

123 76 H. Lee, J. Zhang while -mankhum induces L-HL. The implication, then, is that -mankhum and -tul-i belong to two different underlying pitch accent classes. The exact role of the suffix in the nominal pitch pattern of South Kyungsang, therefore, is controversial. We believe that the clarification of the following two issues can benefit its understanding. First, many Korean suffixes have allomorphs that differ in the initial segment. For example, the topic marker is -un following a consonant-final stem but -nun following a vowel-final stem; the suffix meaning ‘if’ is -imyen or -lamyen2, also depending on whether the final segment of the stem it attaches to is a consonant or a vowel. If the nominal pitch pattern is indeed determined by the initial segment of the suffix, we would expect different pitch patterns when different allomorphs are selected. But if the pitch pattern difference comes from the pitch accent of the suffix, then we would not expect the allomorphy to influence the tones. Second, we recognize that the disyllabic suffix -tul-i used in Schuh and Kim’s (2007) study is in fact a combination of two monosyllabic suffixes. The question, then, is whether there is indeed a contrast in disyllabic suffixes in their underlying pitch accent. We aim to clarify these two issues in our own study.

1.3 Goals of the current study

The current study broadly aims to understand the underlying pitch accent system in South Kyungsang Korean nouns with different types of suffixes. To this end, we first conducted an acoustic study with four male South Kyungsang speakers by recording monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns with various types of suffixes. Although acoustics studies of tone in South Kyungsang Korean already exist (Chang 2007; Lee 2008; Kim and Jun 2009), they did not focus on the tone patterns under different types of suffixes as their research goals were to clarify the tonal descriptions (Chang 2007), determine the location of the main accent (Lee 2008), and examine the interaction between lexical tone and focus prosody (Kim and Jun 2009). Our acoustic study will provide a full picture of the nominal tonal patterns of South Kyungsang Korean. In addition, it will also address Chang (2007)’s assumption about the tonal variations conditioned by the initial segment of suffixes and therefore resolve the controversy regarding the behavior of the suffixes. We also paid attention to potential variations in the tonal patterns to see whether any disagreements in earlier descriptions are due to such variations and whether any systematicity emerges in the variations. Based on the acoustic results, we then provide a formal analysis couched in Optimality Theory (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) for the nominal pitch accent system of the language and see how the analysis works in longer nouns. We compare it with theoretical alternatives (Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz and Sohn 1997; Kim 1997; Schuh and Kim 2007; Lee 2008; Lee and Davis 2009) and see how the system fits in with our current understanding of the typology of culminative tone systems (Evans 2009).

2 We would like to comment that -imyen is allomorphic with -myen, and -lamyen is allomorphic with -ilamyen. The suffixes -imyen/-myen and -lamyen/-ilamyen have the same lexical meaning, ‘if’. Since each of the allomorphs differs in their number of syllables, we selected the disyllabic suffix -imyen/-lamyen and treated them as if they are allomorphs to test the relevance of the initial segment of the suffix to the surface tone pattern. 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 77

2 Acoustic study

2.1 Methods

2.1.1 Speech materials

Our acoustic experiment recorded monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns in different tone classes as reported in earlier literature. The recording included nouns both in isolation and with various types of suffixes. There were seven conditions for tone classes: three for monosyllabic nouns (H1, H2, R) and four for disyllabic nouns (HH, HL, LH1, LH2). For each monosyllabic tone class, we recorded five words, and for each disyllabic tone class, we recorded ten words. These words are given in Tables 4 and 5. In order to test the issues regarding suffixes, the following factors were considered in the experiment: (1) the number of syllables in the suffix (monosyllabic or disyllabic); (2) the initial segment of the suffix (vowel-initial or consonant-initial); and (3) whether the suffix has allomorphs that differ in the initial segment. Table 6 summarizes the suffix conditions in the experiment. The monosyllabic suffix -to and disyllabic suffix -pota do not have phonologically conditioned allomorphs. But the monosyllabic suffix -un/-nun and disyllabic suffix -imyen/-lamyen have allomorphs that are either vowel- or consonant-initial, and the allomorphy is determined by the last segment of the noun root: a consonant-final noun takes the vowel-initial suffix allomorph; a vowel-final noun takes the consonant-initial suffix allomorph. With fifteen monosyllabic and forty disyllabic nouns, each with five suffix conditions (including isolation), we recorded 275 word tokens in total from each speaker.

2.1.2 Speakers

Four male speakers of South Kyungsang Korean participated in the study. Their age ranged from 27 to 67 years old (mean = 40, s.d. = 18). All speakers had lived and gone through primary and secondary education in the South Kyungsang region with parents who spoke the same target dialect for at least 20 years; three of them were from Pusan city, and one of them was from Masan city. Three speakers were graduate or undergraduate students at the University of Kansas; the 67-year-old speaker was a short-term visitor to the U.S. None of the speakers reported any speech or hearing disorders, and all of the speakers were literate in Korean.

Table 4 Monosyllabic nouns used in the acoustic experiment H1 R H2 mul ‘water’ mal ‘speech’ mal ‘horse’ nwun ‘eye’ nwun ‘snow’ mun ‘door’ pam ‘night’ pam ‘chestnut’ pi ‘tomb stone’ pi ‘rain’ tol ‘stone’ swul ‘alcohol’ son ‘hand’ ton ‘money’ son ‘guest’

123 78 H. Lee, J. Zhang

Table 5 Disyllabic nouns used in the acoustic experiment HL HH LH1 LH2 anay ‘wife’ ceksam ‘jacket’ angay ‘fog’ kamca ‘potato’ cangsik ‘decoration’ hinsayk ‘white’ imca ‘owner’ mati ‘joint’ kewul ‘mirror’ kulim ‘painting’ nongtam ‘joke’ menci ‘dust’ koli ‘ring’ kwulum ‘cloud’ papo ‘fool’ namu ‘tree’ kutay ‘thou’ moki ‘mosquito’ paychwu ‘cabbage’ palam ‘wind’ kwuli ‘copper’ mole ‘the day after popay ‘treasure’ namul ‘wild tomorrow’ vegetable’ meli ‘head’ nalgay ‘wing’ samul ‘object’ poli ‘barley’ mole ‘sand’ phali ‘ﬂy’ salam ‘person’ sokum ‘salt’ napi ‘butterﬂy’ phwulmu ‘bellows’ tampe ‘cigarette’ tali ‘bridge’ yelum ‘summer’ swukcu ‘bean sprout’ wusan ‘umbrella’ elgwul ‘face’

Table 6 Sufﬁx conditions in the acoustic experiment Word in isolation

Monosyllabic sufﬁx word + -to ‘also’ No distinct allomorphs word + -un/-nun (topic marker) V- or C-initial allomorphs Disyllabic sufﬁx word + -pota ‘than’ No distinct allomorphs word + -imyen/-lamyen ‘if’ V- or C-initial allomorphs

2.1.3 Procedure

All four speakers were recorded in an anechoic chamber in the Phonetics and Psycholinguistics Laboratory at the University of Kansas using a cardioid microphone (Electrovoice-RE 20) and a solid state recorder (Marantz PMD 671). The test words were randomized and presented to each speaker in standard Korean orthography on a computer monitor using PowerPoint with a four-second inter-trial interval. The speakers read each word once without repetition. Along with the orthography, pictures were provided for the speakers to help distinguish segmental homonyms in the orthography. For example, pictures of an eye and of snow were used to distinguish nwun (H1) ‘eye’ and nwun (R) ‘snow’, both of which are written as 눈 in Korean orthography. The stimuli were recorded at a sampling rate of 22,050 Hz and analyzed using Praat (Boersma and Weenink 2005).

2.1.4 Measurements

In order to locate the H peak(s) in the test words, the F0 peak value was measured for all 1,100 recorded tokens. The measurements of the F0 peak are described in Fig. 1, which shows the measurements in Praat for the words nwun (H1)-pota ‘than eyes’ and nwun (R)-pota ‘than snow.’ In Fig. 1, the ﬁrst, second, and third syllables are indicated as σ1,

123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 79

nwun (H1)-pota nwun (R)-pota

1 2 3 1 2 3

F0 Peak1F0 Peak2 F0 Peak 1 F0 Peak2

Fig. 1 F0 peaks for the test words nwun (H1)-pota (left) and nwun (R)-pota (right). Solid-line arrows indicate the point where the F0 shows the ﬁrst local maximum; dashed-line arrows indicate the point where F0 shows the second local maximum

σ2, and σ3, respectively; F0 Peak 1 indicates the point of the first F0 maximum, and F0 Peak 2 indicates the point of the second F0 maximum. The F0 maximum values between F0 Peak 1 and F0 Peak 2 are comparable. With these F0 peak measurements, we adopted the following simple criterion to decide whether a particular syllable has an H tone. For example, if there was an observable F0 maximum before the end of the first syllable and another F0 maximum before the end of the second syllable, both the first and the second syllables were analyzed as carrying an H tone, as in nwun (H1) -pota in Fig. 1; if there was an observable F0 maximum before the end of the second syllable and a second maximum before the end of the third syllable, both the second and the third syllable were analyzed as carrying an H tone, as shown in nwun (R)-pota. This procedure was used for all 1,100 tokens to determine their pitch patterns.

2.2 Results3

2.2.1 Dominant accent pattern

Our data from the four speakers provide general support for the nominal pitch patterns in South Kyungsang Korean previously reported in the literature. In

3 There were lexical anomalies for five nouns: the LH1 word paychwu ‘cabbage’ with a monosyllabic suffix had an LH-L pattern instead of LH-H by Speakers 1 and 4; ceksam ‘jacket’ in the HH group was pronounced as an LH2 word for Speaker 4; the H2 nouns pi ‘tomb stone’ and son ‘guest’ patterned like the H1 class for Speaker 2; pi ‘tomb stone’, mal ‘horse’, and son ‘guest’ from the H2 class were in either the H1 or the R class for Speaker 3. 123 80 H. Lee, J. Zhang particular, Speaker 2’s pitch patterns are in line with earlier reports with few exceptions. Thus, we first report the accent patterns for Speaker 2 and then discuss variations observed both between and within speakers in the following section. The F0 tracings for Speaker 2’s pitch patterns under suffixation are provided in Appendix 1. Speaker 2 (32 years old, Pusan) behaved identically to the previously reported patterns in Table 3 except for the monosyllabic word mal ‘horse’ (H2). The word mal ‘horse’ (H2) behaved like an H2 word under disyllabic suffixation but like an R word under monosyllabic suffixation (L-H instead of the expected H-L). With the exception of this word, Speaker 2’s pitch patterns are exactly in line with the earlier reports given in Table 3. Our acoustic data confirm that the neutralized H1-H2 and LH1-LH2 in isolation pattern differently when suffixes are added, implying separate underlying tone classifications for these stem classes. In addition, there is a parallel between H1 and HH, R and LH1, and H2 and LH2. For H1/HH, High tones occur on the first and the second available syllables for these stem classes; for R/LH1, two high tones occur on the second and the available third syllables. For H2/LH2, different tonal patterns emerge under different suffix types. An H tone occurs only in the root with -imyen/ -lamyen for both monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns, consistent with the monosyllabic suffix -to and -un/-nun. An H tone in the root with the disyllabic suffix -imyen was also observed by Chang (2007). With the suffix -pota, on the other hand, an H tone always occurs on the first syllable of the suffix, and there is no H tone in the monosyllabic root. These pitch patterns in the H2 and LH2 classes indicate that the differences in pitch patterns are not caused by the initial segment of the suffix, contra Chang (2007), as the V-initial versus C-initial suffix allomorphy invariably did not have any effect on the surface tones for any of our speakers. Given that we used two truly disyllabic suffixes, - pota and -imyen/-lamyen, our results lend further support to Schuh and Kim’s (2007) suggestion that the suffixed-induced pitch differences are caused by different underlying pitch accents on the suffixes.4 We, however, are not in a position to address the question of whether all pitch accents can appear in a suffix or whether monosyllabic suffixes can also bear pitch accents. These will require further testing of additional suffixes, and we leave them open as topics for future research.

2.2.2 Inter- and intra-speaker variation

While the four speakers generally agree with the accent pattern for the HL and HH/ H1 classes, Speakers 1, 3, and 4 show accent variations for the R/LH1 and H2/LH2 accent classes. The three speakers’ accent patterns for R/LH1 and H2/LH2 are summarized in Table 7, and their tonal variations are indicated in bold. For Speaker 1 (35 years old, Pusan), the variations were mostly observed in monosyllabic R and disyllabic LH2 words. For the monosyllabic R class with the

4 Through his or her own elicitation with a Kyungsang consultant, one of our reviewers noted the discrepancy between C-initial and V-initial suffixes in that C-initial suffixes tend to carry a high tone while V-initial suffixes do not, indicating that Chang (2007)’s generalization may be valid. We do not have an explanation for the imbalance in the suffixal tones. The possibility of the initial segment-induced tonal allomorphy suggested by such an imbalance still requires further investigation. 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 81

Table 7 Pitch patterns of R/LH1 and H2/LH2 for Speaker 1, 3, and 4. The tonal variations are indicated in bold Monosyllables R H2

Isolation R H Mono_suffix: -to, -un/-nun L-H H-L Di_suffix: -pota L-HH L-HL L-HL H-LL Di_suffix: -imyen/-lamyen L-HH L-HL H-LL

Disyllables LH1 LH2

Isolation LH LH Mono_suffix: -to, -un/-nun LH-H LH-L LH-L Di_suffix: -pota LH-HL LH-HL LH-LL Di_suffix: -imyen/-lamyen LH-HL LH-LL LH-HL suffix -pota, Speaker 1 primarily showed L-HL (80%) while the reported pattern is L-HH (20%). For the disyllabic LH2 class with the disyllabic suffix -imyen/-lamyen, Speaker 1 showed variation between LH-LL (the reported pattern, 40%) and LH-HL (60%). These deviations from the reported patterns seem to indicate that Speaker 1 has a weakened contrast between the R/LH1 and H2/LH2 accents as the deviations wipe out a pitch difference between these two tone classes. When the monosyllabic R class is followed by the disyllabic suffix -imyen/-lamyen, there was one word that showed L-HL instead of the expected L-HH (20% of the data for this class). For Speaker 3 (27 years old, Masan5), the monosyllabic R class with disyllabic suffixation, both -pota and -imyen/-lamyen showed an L-HL variant with a frequency of 40% (in lieu of the expected L-HH), and for the disyllabic LH2 class with suffix -imyen/-lamyen, the attested pattern was LH-HL instead of the expected LH-LL. Although it is tempting to conclude that these patterns also indicate a weakened contrast between R/LH1 and H2/LH2, we noticed that while L-HL is the pitch pattern for the H2 class for the -pota suffix, it is not for the -imyen/-lamyen suffix, which should be H-LL. This, therefore, may indicate instead a weakened contrast between the two suffixes. The pitch patterns for Speaker 4 (67 years old, Pusan) also indicate a weakened contrast between the two disyllabic suffixes. For the monosyllabic H2 class with the suffix -pota, three words showed the expected L-HL, while the other two showed H-LL—the pattern for the -imyen/-lamyen suffix. In addition, for the LH2 tone class, all disyllabic suffixes showed LH-LL, and there was no LH-HL pattern even with the suffix -pota. Overall, we observed two general types of variations among the three South Kyungsang speakers. One is the tendency for the R/LH1 and H2/LH2 classes to be

5 While the other three speakers are from Pusan city, Speaker 3 is from Masan, a city in the South Kyungsang region. However, the reported accent pattern for the Masan dialect of Korean is identical with that for Pusan (Utsugi 2009). Therefore, we do not expect that the tonal variation for Speaker 3 is due to the geographical variation. 123 82 H. Lee, J. Zhang merged (Speaker 1), and the other is for the difference between the two types of disyllabic sufﬁxes to disappear (Speakers 3 and 4). In the following section, we provide a formal analysis for our Speaker 2’s pitch patterns, which showed the least variation and agreed with the patterns previously reported. We then discuss possible ways in which analyses for other speakers’ systems can be built upon Speaker 2’s analysis and compare our analysis with other formal approaches.

3 Analysis

3.1 Observations

From the pitch patterns for Speaker 2, summarized in Table 8 (except for mal ‘horse’), we can make the following observations. For the disyllabic HL class, the H tone always occurs on the initial syllable of the root only, and the rest of the syllables take L tones. Two interpretations are consistent with this observation: an H tone occurs on the initial or the penultimate syllable of the root. We opt for the penultimate-syllable interpretation for the following three reasons. First, it provides an account for why this tone class is missing in the monosyllables: a penult is simply not available in monosyllabic roots. The initial-syllable interpretation, on the other hand, cannot explain the absence of this tone class in monosyllables. Second, there are trisyllabic words with an LHL pattern in South Kyungsang Korean, such as mìnálì ‘parsley.’ These words can be easily accommodated in the HL class if the H tone occurs on the penultimate instead of the initial syllable. Finally, in a cross-linguistic typology of culminative tone systems, Evans (2009) proposed that there are two types of culminative tones: one that spreads and one that does not spread. According to Evans (2009), tones in spreading systems are typically left-aligned with respect to the relevant domain (e.g., Qiangic languages of Sichuan), and spreading proceeds rightward while tones in non-spreading systems are typically right-aligned (e.g., Jiarongic languages of Sichuan). In other words, there is a directional asymmetry between the two types of tones: the spreading tones usually count from the left edge of the word, and the non-spreading tones count from the right. This is consistent with both the phonetic observation that (1) tonal coarticulatory assimilation is primarily progressive (e.g., Gandour et al. 1994; Peng 1997;Xu1997)and(2)the typological asymmetry in tone sandhi systems that left-dominant sandhi (sandhi that preserves the leftmost tone) usually involves rightward spreading whereas right- dominant sandhi (sandhi that preserves the rightmost tone) usually involves contour reduction and neutralization on nonﬁnal syllables, not leftward spreading (Zhang 2007). Given that the H tone here does not spread, it is more likely that it counts from the right according to Evans’s typology. For the H1 class in monosyllables and HH class in disyllables, we can see that the H tone always docks to the leftmost syllable and is associated with two syllables whenever a second syllable is available. It therefore appears that the accent is an H tone associated with the initial syllable and that it spreads one syllable to the right. For the R/LH1 class, the H tone always occurs on the peninitial syllable and is also associated to the following syllable whenever one is available. The only exception is for monosyllabic nouns without sufﬁxation, where the H is at the right edge of the 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 83

Table 8 Pitch patterns for Speaker 2 (except for mal ‘horse’) Monosyllables H1 R H2

Isolation H R H Mono_suffix: -to, -un/-nun H-H L-H H-L Di_suffix: -pota H-HL L-HH L-HL Di_suffix: -imyen/-lamyen H-HL L-HH H-LL

Disyllables HL HH LH1 LH2

Isolation HL HH LH LH Mono_suffix: -to, -un/-nun HL-L HH-L LH-H LH-L Di_suffix: -pota H-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-HL Di_suffix: -imyen/-lamyen HL-LL HH-LL LH-HL LH-LL syllable and creates a rising contour. A possible restatement of the generalization that will capture the monosyllabic behavior is that the H tone occurs on the second mora of the root and spreads one mora rightward, where the mora is equivalent to the syllable everywhere except for the monosyllables, which are lengthened to two moras on the surface. This lengthening is supported by the phonetic data in Kenstowicz et al. (2008), which showed that the word tǒn ‘money’ in the R class had a rime duration of 342 ms while the words són ‘hand’ (H1) and són ‘guest’ (H2) had a rime duration of 212 ms and 200 ms, respectively. Our own data support the lengthening as well: the average rime durations across the four speakers for tǒn ‘money’, són ‘hand’, and són ‘guest’ are 368 ms (s.d. = 16), 253 ms (s.d. = 36), and 267 ms (s.d. = 26), respectively, and those for nwǔn ‘snow’ (R), nwún ‘eye’ (H1), and mún ‘door’ (H2) are 397 ms (s.d. = 39), 284 ms (s.d. = 14), and 303 ms (s.d. = 29), respectively. This interpretation also finds a historical correspondence: the Middle Korean Rising pitch first developed into allophonic vowel length, which then became contrastive upon the loss of the initial Low tone in North Kyungsang (Ramsey 1975; Kenstowicz and Park 2006; Kenstowicz et al. 2008). Finally, the initial-H and peninitial-H analysis for H1/HH and R/LH1 classes fits in with the tone typology in Evans (2009) in that accents that count from the left have a spreading property. No clear generalization emerged for the docking of H tones for the H2/LH2 class. Moreover, this is the only class for which disyllabic suffixes -pota and -imyen/ -lamyen induce different pitch patterns. These point to the possibility that this class is underlyingly toneless (Schuh and Kim 2007), and its surface pitch patterns are determined by the interaction of a set of markedness generalizations (to be proposed in Sect. 3.3) and the accent of the suffixes. Regarding the tone patterns for the suffixes, we see that -pota always appears with an HL pattern, while -imyen/-lamyen appears with LL for this class of words, indicating that -pota has the same underlying pitch accent as an HL-class word while -imyen/-lamyen does not come with any tonal specification. When these suffixes are attached to nouns with their own pitch accents, the pitch accent of the suffix is unrealized, and the pitch pattern of the word is entirely determined by the pitch accent of the noun. This is indicated by the fact -pota and -imyen/-lamyen

123 84 H. Lee, J. Zhang induce exactly the same pitch behavior in the other tone classes. Any H tone on the sufﬁx is then the result of spreading from an H tone in the root. Our formal analysis in the next section is built upon these observations. We ﬁrst propose the underlying representations for the pitch accents and then propose the necessary constraints to capture the observations made here. Analyses in tableau form for each tone class are then provided.

3.2 Underlying pitch accents for South Kyungsang Korean nouns

According to the discussion in Sect. 3.1, we propose the following underlying representations for the pitch accents in South Kyungsang Korean nouns, as summarized in Table 9. All pitch accents are marked by a culminative H tone, and the underlying representation specifies two properties of the H: the location of prelinking and whether the H spreads. The location is defined in terms of the number of moras from either the left or the right edge of the root. But as previously discussed, moras are equivalent to the syllables except for monosyllabic words with a rising tone. The spreading is restricted to the rightward direction, and the span of the spread is restricted to two moras. In the representation, the spread tone is marked as H+. In the analysis, the entire tone pattern of the word becomes predictable once we know the underlying tone and its location; this is the sense in which our analysis is a pitch accent analysis. In our analysis, the HL class has an H tone pre-linked to the penultimate mora, and the H tone does not spread. The H1/HH class has an H tone pre-linked to the initial mora that spreads one mora to the right. The R/LH1 class has an H tone pre-linked to the peninitial mora that also spreads one mora to the right. The H2/LH2 class has no H tone specification and is therefore toneless. The surface pitch patterns for the words in this toneless class are derived by interaction of markedness constraints and the underlying tone in the suffixes. The suffix -pota belongs to the HL class and thus has a pre-linked local H on the penultimate mora. We will write this suffix as -póta from now on. Suffixes -to, -un/-nun, and -imyen/-lamyen, however, are toneless.

3.3 Constraints

Let us ﬁrst consider the constraints necessary to derive the surface pitch patterns for the three pitch accent classes. First of all, the surface patterns always preserve the underlying H tones in the root in their original location, and the spreading property of the H+ is always respected. This indicates the necessity of the constraints in (4)-(7). Clearly, MAX-ROOT(H), MAX-ROOT + + (Assoc), and SPREAD(H ) are undominated, and DEP(Assoc) is outranked by SPREAD(H ).

(4) MAX-ROOT(H): An H tone in the input of a root must have a corresponding H tone in the output. (5) MAX-ROOT(Assoc): An association line in the input of a root must have a corresponding association line in the output. + + (6) SPREAD(H ): An H tone must be associated with the mora following the mora it is associated with in the input if such a mora is available.

123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 85

Table 9 Underlying representations (UR) for the pitch accents in South Kyungsang Korean nouns Tone class Location of UR H tone Spread UR Examples

Mono Di

HL Pre-linked H on penult No H mólè ‘sand’ | µµ #

H1 HH Pre-linked H on initial Yes H+ nwún ‘eye’ | mólé ‘the day after tomorrow’ #µ

R LH1 Pre-linked H on peninitial Yes H+ nwǔn ‘snow’ | sàlám ‘person’ #µµ H2 LH2 Toneless __ __ mún ‘door’ pàlám ‘wind’

(7) DEP(Assoc): An association line in the output must have a corresponding association line in the input. We must also capture the fact that when both the root and the suffix have a pitch accent, only the root accent is preserved, and the suffix accent is deleted. This can be captured by the high ranking of the CULMINATIVITY constraint, defined in (8), along with ranking the MAX-ROOT constraints in (4) and (5) over the MAX-SUFFIX constraints, defined in (9) and (10) (cf. Root Faithfulness in Beckman 1998).

(8) CULMINATIVITY: Only one H tone representation can be realized per word in the output. (9) MAX-SUFFIX(H): An H tone in the input of a sufﬁx must have a corresponding H tone in the output. (10) MAX-SUFFIX(Assoc): An association line in the input of a sufﬁx must have a corresponding association line in the output.

When the noun belongs to the toneless class (H2/LH2), we can divide the data up into two situations. First, when neither the noun root nor the suffix has a pitch accent, the surface pattern has an H tone that docks onto the root for monosyllabic roots and onto the second syllable of the root for disyllabic roots. The presence of the H tone can be derived by restating the CULMINATIVITY constraint in (8) as in (11) and ranking it higher than DEP(H), defined in (12), and DEP(Assoc) in (7). To derive the H tone docking site, we need the markedness constraints in (13) and (14). *SUFFIX-H will prefer candidates in which the H is inserted in the root, and *INITIAL-H will prefer candidates in which the H is not inserted on the first mora. Both of these constraints are + outranked by all MAX(H) and MAX(Assoc) constraints as well as by SPREAD(H ), which 123 86 H. Lee, J. Zhang protect underlying H tones’ pre-linking and spreading properties, and by *SUFFIX- H»*INITIAL-H, which allows the inserted H to dock onto monosyllabic noun roots.

(11) CULMINATIVITY (restatement): Each word must realize exactly one H tone representation. (12) DEP(H): An H tone in the output must have a corresponding association in the input. (13) *SUFFIX-H: No H tone can be associated to any syllables in the suffix. (14) *INITIAL-H: The first mora of a word cannot be associated with an H tone. The second situation is when the root is toneless, but the suffix is -póta, which has a pre-linked H tone on the first syllable. The L-HL pattern when the root is monosyllabic can be easily derived by the constraints and their rankings proposed so far, but the LH-HL pattern when the root is disyllabic requires an additional markedness constraint, defined in (15): a highly ranked *#LL will force the H on the suffix to spread leftward onto the final root syllable. Notice that the L in the constraint is shorthand for the lack of an H tone specification.

(15) *#LL: A phonological word cannot begin with two syllables, neither of which has an H tone.

Our discussion so far has led to the following ranking among the proposed constraints:

(16) Constraint ranking:

+ MAX-ROOT(H), MAX-ROOT(Assoc), SPREAD(H ), CULMINATIVITY, *#LL

MAX-SUFFIX(H), MAX-SUFFIX(Assoc), DEP(H), DEP(Assoc)

*SUFFIX-H

*INITIAL-H

We illustrate this analysis in tableau form with commentary for all the tone classes in the next section.

123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 87

3.4 Tableaux

We start with the HL class in disyllabic nouns, which we have proposed to have a pre-linked H tone on the penultimate mora that does not spread. The analyses for the word móle ‘sand’ with disyllabic suffixes -lamyen (toneless) and -póta (also pre-linked H on the penult that does not spread) are given in (17) and (18), respectively. For (17), the winner (a) keeps the H tone on the syllable from which it originates; spreading the H to the right (b) violates DEP (Assoc) unnecessarily; moving the H to the following syllable to satisfy *INITIAL-H (c) violates both MAX-ROOT(Assoc) and DEP(Assoc) and is thus too costly; removing the H (d) violates all undominated constraints in the tableau. For (18), the winner (a) preserves only the underlying H from the root as preserving both the root and suffix Hs (b) violates the undominated CULMINATIVITY, and preserving only the suffix H (c-d) violates highly ranked root faithfulness constraints.

(17) Input: H | /mole-lamyen/ ‘if sand’

MAX- MAX- CULMINAT *#LL DEP(Assoc) *INIT-H RT(H) RT(Assoc) H * | a. mole-lamyen H *! * | b. mole-lamyen H *! * | c. mole-lamyen d. mole-lamyen *! * * *

(18) Input: H H | | /mole-pota/ ‘than sand’

123 88 H. Lee, J. Zhang

For the H1/HH class, which has a spread H+ pre-linked to the initial mora of the root according to our proposal, we derive a monosyllabic root followed by the two disyllabic suffixes -imyen/-lamyen (toneless) and -póta here. For the monosyllabic noun nwún ‘eye’, when it is followed by a toneless suffix -imyen as in (19), the winner (a) preserves the H+ on nwun andalsospreadstheH+ onto the following syllable. Not spreading the H+ (b) + + + violates the undominated SPREAD-H , and spreading the H but dislodging the original H linking to avoid an initial H (c) violates the undominated MAX-ROOT(Assoc). When nwún ‘eye’ is followed by a toned suffix -póta as in (20), the winner (a) spreads the H+ onto the following syllable and deletes the H tone on the suffix. Preserving both Hs (b) violates + + CULMINATIVITY as well as SPREAD-H , and preserving only the H butnotspreadingit(c) + violates SPREAD-H . Preserving the H on the suffix only (d) violates undominated root faithfulness constraints. For a disyllabic noun, the analysis is virtually identical: the winner + spreads the H to the second syllable of the noun regardless of the suffix to satisfy SPREAD- + H , and the suffix H is always deleted to satisfy CULMINATIVITY and the positional faithfulness ranking that preferentially protects the root tone.

(19) Input: H+ | /nwun-imyen/ ‘if eye’

MAX- MAX- SPRD CULMI DEP(A) *SUF- *INIT- + RT(H) RT(A) -H NAT H H H+ * * * | a. nwun-imyen H+ *! * | b. nwun-imyen H+ *! * * | c. nwun-imyen

(20) Input: H+ H | | /nwun-pota/ ‘than eye’

123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 89

For the R/LH1 class, the underlying representation has a spread H+ pre-linked to the second mora. This makes the derivation of monosyllabic nouns without suffixes particularly interesting. We illustrate this in (21) using the word nwǔn ‘snow’. We assume that the input to the word has only one mora as vowel length is not contrastive in South Kyungsang. The H+ tone, therefore, is associated to a second mora that has no segmental content in the input, which we mark as μ. We assume that this empty mora can be realized in the output either by being associated with segmental content or merged with an existing mora to the right that is already associated with segmental content in the input. The directionality requirement of free mora merging can be considered as the lexical property of this class of words: if the free mora is merged with a segmentally-associated mora to the left, the H+ tone will be effectively realized on the initial mora of the word, which is in conflict with the lexical tonal specification of this class of words. One way to formally capture this is via an undominated constraint *μ ← μ·, which states that an empty mora cannot be merged with the mora to its left. For nwun ‘snow’ in (21), the winner (a) associates the empty mora with the segmental content (the rime) and lengthens the rime. Candidate (b), which adds an association between the H+ and the first mora, violates DEP(Assoc) one more time and causes the initial mora to have an H tone. In the faithful candidate (c), since the H-tone-bearing mora is not associated with any segmental content, the CULMINATIVITY constraint is therefore violated as the word does not include any realized H tone. If the H+ tone is dislodged from the empty mora and reassociated to the previous mora (d), then it violates both MAX-ROOT (Assoc) and DEP(Assoc), the former of which is fatal. Finally, if the empty mora is merged with the mora on the left (e), then it violates the undominated directionality constraint for mora merging mentioned above and thus also loses. (Given that the directionality constraint is undominated, in the tableaux that follow we will not be considering candidates in which the empty mora merges leftward.) Notice that candidates (d) and (e) have the same phonetic realization but differ in their representation. Assuming that there is an undominated DEP(μ) that prevents the + insertion of a mora in the output, SPREAD-H is irrelevant in the entire evaluation here as there is no available mora for the H+ to spread to.

123 90 H. Lee, J. Zhang

(21) Input: H+ | µ µ | /nwun/ ‘snow’

*μ μ MAX- MAX- SPRD CULMI DEP(A) *INIT- + RT(H) RT(A) -H NAT H H+ * | µ µ | a. nwun H+ **! * | µ µ | b. nwun H+ *! | µ µ | c. nwun H+ *! * *

µ µ | d. nwun H+ *! * | µ μ | e. nwun

When nwǔn ‘snow’ is followed by a toneless monosyllabic suffix such as -un,as in (22), the empty mora can then be merged with the mora provided by the segmental content of the suffix to the right, which causes the word to have an L-H pattern as in (a). Candidate (b) has the same phonetic realization as (a) but representationally dislodges the H+ tone from the empty mora and reassociates it to the following mora, thus causing violations of MAX-ROOT(Assoc) and DEP(Assoc), the former of which is fatal. Leaving the empty mora unassociated with segmental material (c), though satisfying *SUFFIX-H, incurs a fatal violation of the undominated CULMINATIVITY. If we associate the empty mora with the segmental content of the suffix, which effectively lengthens the vowel in the suffix, the candidate that + + does not spread the H (d) loses due to SPREAD-H , and the candidate that does (e) loses due to DEP(Assoc) violations. Associating the empty mora with the segmental content of the root, which lengthens the root vowel (not shown here), will also not be a viable option similar to (d) and (e).

123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 91

(22) Input: H+ | µ µ µ | | /nwun - un/ ‘snow (topic)’

MAX- MAX- SPRD CULMI DEP(A) *SUF- *INIT- + RT(H) RT(A) -H NAT H H H+ * | µ μ µ | | a. nwun - un H+ *! * *

µ μ µ | | b. nwun - un H+ *! | µ µ µ | | c. nwun - un H+ *! * * | µ µ µ | | d. nwun - un H+ *!* * | µ µ µ | | e. nwun - un

When nwǔn ‘snow’ is followed by a toneless disyllabic suffix such as -imyen as in (23), there is a mora to the right of the empty mora for it to merge with and another mora for the H+ tone to spread rightward to as shown in the winner (a). Its phonetic equivalent, which dislodges the H+ from the empty mora and reassociates it rightward, again loses due to a MAX-ROOT(Assoc) violation as in (b). Not spreading + + the H tone (c) is not an option due to the high ranking of SPREAD-H (assuming that the free mora is merged with the mora associated with the first vowel in the suffix in this candidate). In (d), the free mora is associated with the first vowel in the suffix instead of merging with its mora, and the H+ spreads. This candidate loses due to an additional violation of the DEP(Assoc) constraint. Associating the empty mora with the segmental content of the root similarly will not be a viable option (not shown here).

123 92 H. Lee, J. Zhang

(23) Input: H+ | µ µ µ µ | | | /nwun - imyen/ ‘if snow’

When nwǔn ‘snow’ is followed by a toned disyllabic suffix -póta as in (24), the winning candidate (a) merges the free mora with the first mora of the suffix and spreads the H+ tone one mora to the right; the H tone on the suffix is deleted. Dislodging the H+ from the empty mora and reassociating it with the following + mora (b) violates MAX-ROOT(Assoc) fatally. Not spreading the H (c) violates the + undominated SPREAD-H (again assuming the rightward merging of the empty mora). Linking the free mora with the segmental content of the root, i.e., lengthening the root vowel, and spreading the H+ to the first mora of the suffix (d) + incurs an additional DEP(Assoc) violation, which is fatal. And keeping the H on the + root and H on the suffix, as in (e), violates both SPREAD-H and CULMINATIVITY.

123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 93

Cases with disyllabic roots in this tone class are simpler as the H+ tone comes associated with the second mora in the input. We illustrate the disyllabic cases with the word sàlám ‘person’ followed by the disyllabic toned suffix -póta as an example in (25). The winning candidate (a) spreads the H+ tone one mora to the right onto the suffix and deletes the H tone on the suffix. Not spreading the H+ (b) violates the + + undominated SPREAD-H , and keeping the H on the root and H on the suffix, as in + (c), violates both SPREAD-H and CULMINATIVITY.

123 94 H. Lee, J. Zhang

For the H2/LH2 class, which we analyzed as toneless underlyingly, we illustrate ﬁrst with a monosyllabic word mún ‘door’ as in (26): the winner is the candidate that inserts an H on the root syllable (a), which, despite its violations of DEP constraints and *INITIAL-H, is more harmonic than the faithful candidate (b) that violates the undominated CULMINATIVITY.

(26) Input: /mun/ ‘door’

CULMI DEP(H) DEP(A) *SUF- *INIT- NAT H H H * * * | a. mun b. mun *

When mún ‘door’ is followed by a toneless disyllabic suffix -imyen as in (27), the winner (a) assigns an H tone to the root syllable, violating *INITIAL-H. Its closest competitor (b) assigns an H tone to the first suffix syllable, violating *SUFFIX-H, which is higher ranked than *INITIAL-H. A faithful rendition of the input without H insertion, though it fares better with DEP constraints, violates the undominated *#LL and CULMINATIVITY.

123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 95 (27) Input: /mun-imyen/ ‘if door’

*#LL CULMI DEP(H) DEP(A) *SUF- *INIT- NAT H H H * * * | a. mun-imyen H * * *! | b. mun-imyen c. mun-imyen *! *

When mún ‘door’ is followed by a toned disyllabic sufﬁx -póta as in (28), the winner (a) is the faithfulness candidate that keeps the underlying sufﬁx H. Relinking the H to the root syllable (b) violates both MAX-SUFFIX(Assoc) and DEP(Assoc), both of which are higher ranked than *SUFFIX-H, which the winner violates. Deleting the H (c) incurs costly violations of *#LL and CULMINATIVITY as well as the MAX constraints.

(28) Input: H | /mun-pota/ ‘than door’

*#LL CULMI MAX- MAX- DEP DEP *SUF- *INIT NAT SUF(H) SUF(A) (H) (A) H -H H * | a. mun-pota H *! * * | b. mun-pota c. mun-pota *! * * *

For a disyllabic toneless word pàlám ‘wind’, shown in (29), the winner (a) inserts an H tone on the second syllable, and its closest rival (b), which inserts the H on the initial syllable, incurs a spurious violation of *INITIAL-H. Not inserting the H violates the undominated *#LL and CULMINATIVITY.

(29) Input: /palam/ ‘wind’

*#LL CULMI DEP(H) DEP(A) *SUF- *INIT- NAT H H H * * | a. palam H * * *! | b. palam c. palam *! *

123 96 H. Lee, J. Zhang

When pàlám ‘wind’ is followed by a toneless disyllabic sufﬁx -imyen (30), the winner (a) puts the H tone on the second syllable of the root, avoiding violations of both *SUFFIX-H and *INITIAL-H. Putting the H tone on the sufﬁx (b) incurs spurious violations of both *#LL and *SUFFIX-H, and not inserting the H tone (c) again violates both *#LL and CULMINATIVITY.

(30) Input: /palam-imyen/ ‘if wind’

*#LL CULMI DEP(H) DEP(A) *SUF- *INIT- NAT H H H * * | a. palam-imyen H *! * * * | b. palam-imyen c. palam-imyen *! *

Finally, when pàlám ‘wind’ is followed by a toned disyllabic sufﬁx -póta as in (31), the winner (a) spreads the sufﬁx H one syllable to the left to avoid a *#LL violation. Not spreading the H (b) fatally violates the highly ranked *#LL, and relinking the H to the second syllable in the root (c) incurs a violation of MAX- SUFFIX(Assoc), which is more highly ranked than *SUFFIX-H, which the winner violates. Finally, deleting the H (d) is again not an option due to its costly violations of *#LL and CULMINATIVITY as well as the MAX constraints.

(31) Input: H | /palam-pota/ ‘than wind’

*#LL CULMI MAX- MAX- DEP DEP *SUF- *INIT NAT SUF(H) SUF(A) (H) (A) H -H H * * | a. palam-pota H *! * | b. palam-pota H *! * | c. palam-pota d. palam-pota *! * * *

So far, we have provided a complete analysis for the pitch accent pattern of our most consistent speaker, namely Speaker 2. The analysis relies on the following key elements. First, we proposed three pitch accents and one accentless class for South Kyungsang Korean nouns. The underlying representations of the accents observe the culminative tone typology proposed by Evans (2009) in that accents that count from the left have a spreading property while accents that count from the right do not. Second, when both the root and the sufﬁx have an underlying pitch accent, only the one on the root surfaces. This is derived by the positional faithfulness ranking 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 97 that preferentially protects the root accent together with the CULMINATIVITY constraint. Third, other markedness constraints, such as *#LL, *SUFFIX-H, and *INITIAL-H, interact with faithfulness constraints MAX and DEP regarding H tone and association lines to derive all surface tone patterns.

4 Extending the analysis to variable patterns

In this section we make a preliminary sketch of how the analysis proposed above can be extended to account for the speaker variations we have observed in our data. We have seen two general types of variations. One is for the R/LH1 and H2/LH2 classes to merge (Speaker 1). In principle, this can be captured by proposing one underlying representation for both classes. But in reality it is not clear what this merged UR would be for this speaker as the merging only occurs for certain suffixes, not across the board, for most of the lexical items. Therefore, it seems to us that we have caught a language change in progress in this speaker, and his current grammar likely includes a fair amount of lexical listing in order to produce the irregular tonal behavior. Notice that this change is already complete in favor of the H2/LH2 class in North Kyungsang Korean (see Sect. 1). The second type of variation is for the difference between the two types of disyllabic suffixes to disappear (Speakers 3 and 4). Between the two speakers, Speaker 4 seems to be farther along in this merger, as the merger can be observed in both monosyllabic and disyllabic noun roots. The direction of merging is also clear in this speaker: -póta is taking on the behavior of -imyen/ lamyen, indicating that -póta is losing its underlying tone. For the toneless nouns after which -póta still keeps the underlying H tone behavior, the nouns then must be lexically marked with a feature to preserve suffix tones. Alternatively, the suffix -póta needs to be accompanied with a list of nouns after which it exhibits the H tone behavior. For Speaker 3, however, the merger is observed only in disyllabic nouns, and the direction of the merger is towards -póta. So for this speaker -imyen/-lamyen seems to be in the process of acquiring an underlying H tone. The disagreement between Speakers 3 and 4 is an indication to us that suffixal accent contrast is at an unstable stage, and we have likely again caught a language change in progress. Although we are not in a position to make strong generalizations regarding the variable patterns based on only four speakers’ data, making a formal analysis of the variations premature, a further study (Lee et al. 2013; Lee 2013), designed to investigate the effect of age on the tonal pattern of South Kyungsang with a considerably larger number of speakers, shows that the tendencies of accent merger and the non-distinctive suffixal tones are systematic, not anecdotal, and a comparison with pitch patterns in Seoul Korean indicates that the contact with this dominant dialect is responsible for these changes. In particular, Lee et al. (2013) show that (1) R/LH1 and H2/LH2 classes are less contrastive among younger Kyungsang speakers compared to older Kyungsang speakers, and (2) for the H2 and LH2 classes, while older Kyungsang speakers show distinct tonal patterns in suffixes, younger speakers do not.

123 98 H. Lee, J. Zhang

5 Extending the analysis to trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic nouns

This section extends our proposed analysis to longer nouns. Table 10 presents the reported accent patterns of nouns in isolation including tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns (adopted from Utsugi 2009 with some modifications). Table 10 also contains our proposed underlying tonal classifications to show how our analysis fits into the reported accent classes. In Table 10, we can see that our proposed tonal classification fits Utsugi’s descriptive tone patterns except for the unavailability of an underlying tone class for the trisyllabic HLL (Non-final (–3)) noun. In addition, Table 10 shows an identical LHH pattern for trisyllabic Final and Medial- Double nouns and an identical LHHL pattern for quadrisyllabic Medial-Double and Non-final (–2) nouns. Utsugi (2009) proposed an accent merger for these identical patterns. We examined acoustic data for monomorphemic trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic nouns to empirically verify the descriptive pitch patterns for the longer nouns and to test the merger proposed by Utsugi (2009). The data were collected from a female speaker (32 years old, Pusan), and the tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns for each accent class were recorded twice with the same suffix conditions in Table 6: (1) isolation, (2) -un/-nun, (3) -to, (4) -póta, (5) -imyen/-lamyen. The recorded word lists for tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns are provided in Appendix 2. Our acoustic data for tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns support the pitch patterns reported in the literature for most cases. However, considerable mismatches between the reported and observed patterns were found for trisyllabic HLL words. Among the six HLL words recorded, only one word (a.ci.mey) showed a clear HLL pattern; two other words (mye.nu.li and nam.tay.mun) could also be potentially interpreted as HLL if we consider the later pitch peak to have resulted from peak delay; an LHL pattern was observed for the other three words. The pitch patterns for these six words were observed consistently under all suffix conditions. The F0 tracings for these six HLL words with suffixes are provided in Fig. 2. Based on the considerable mismatch between reported and observed patterns for HLL trisyllabic nouns, it seems premature to argue for a separate underlying tone class for HLL. Notably, South Kyungsang Korean does not have monomorphemic

Table 10 Accent patterns of nouns in South Kyungsang Korean. The patterns in parentheses are com- pounds or derived nouns. “–2”, “−3”, and “–4” indicate “penultimate”, “antepenultimate”, and “preantepenultimate” syllables, respectively

Current analysis Pre-linked H+ Toneless Pre-linked H+ Pre-linked H on penult on initial on peninitial Utsugi Initial-double Final Medial-double Non-final Non-final Non-final (2009) (–2) (–3) (–4)

Mono- H H Ra Di- HH LH LH HL Tri- HHL LHH LHH LHL HLL Quadri- HHLL (LHHH) LHHL LHHL (LHLL) (HLLL) a The monosyllabic R class is described as L in Utsugi (2009) 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 99

450 a.ci.mey 450 mye.nu.li 450 nam.tay.mun 'a middle aged woman' 'a daughter in law' 'South gate of Seoul' 350 350 350

250 250 250

150 F0 (Hz) 150 150

50 50 50 0 0 0 0 90 20 40 80 80 10 50 60 30 70 40 0 0 100 40 80 20 10 50 30 60 90 70 40 80 80 20 60 30 40 50 90 70 40 80 10 100 100 -1 -2 -3 -4 -5 -1 -2 -3 -4 -5 -1 -2 -3 -4 -5 Time: % of each syllable

450 a.hu.le 450 e.lin.i 450 ka.mul.chi 'nine days' 'a child' 'a mullet' 350 isolation 350 350 (n)un (la)imyen 250 pota 250 250

F0 (Hz) 150 150 150 50 0 0 50 40 40 10 50 90 20 60 30 80 80 70 50 100 0 0 0 0 40 80 10 90 20 80 50 60 30 70 40 40 20 80 50 30 80 10 90 60 70 40 100 100 -1 -2 -3 -4 -5 -1 -2 -3 -4 -5 Time: % of each syllable -1 -2 -3 -4 -5

Fig. 2 Pitch patterns for the trisyllabic nouns in the HLL class with four suffixes: (1) isolation, (2) -un/ -nun, (3) -imyen/-lamyen, (4) -póta. Each F0 track was pooled across two repetitions (The F0 contour of the fifth syllable does not appear clearly due to glottalization. The F0 track of test words with the monosyllabic suffix -to is consistent with that of the monosyllabic suffix -un/-nun.)

4-syllabled HLLL and LHLL nouns with which the trisyllabic HLL class might be categorized. In other words, the rarity of HLL nouns and the non-existence of monomorphemic HLLL and LHLL nouns indicate that the pitch accent system of South Kyungsang Korean does not necessarily need an additional tone class for these accent patterns, and the tone class for HLL may be dispensable in the lexical pitch accent system of the language. Figure 2, however, shows the HLL pattern for the word a.ci.mey ‘a middle aged woman’ under different suffixes. There are two possible explanations for this without having to resort to a separate underlying representation. One is that the word a.ci.mey is a truncated form for the word a.cwu. me.ni (LHHL), and the other is that a.ci.mey is spoken only in the Kyungsang region, not in other Korean regions. This possibly suggests that a different grammar is required either for truncated forms or for lexical items used only in Kyungsang Korean. Regarding the accent merger for tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns, Utsugi (2007) argued for a complete merger of the Medial-Double (peninitial H+) and the Non- Final (–2) (penultimate H) tone classes for quadrisyllabic nouns. Note that the accent pattern of the quadrisyllabic penultimate H words is not LLHL but LHHL, due to *#LL. As a result of the *#LL constraint, both the Medial-Double (peninitial H+) and the Non-Final (–2) (penultimate H) quadrisyllabic nouns have the LHHL surface pattern. In his later study, Utsugi (2009) proposed an on-going merger of Final (toneless) and Medial-Double (peninitial H+) accents for trisyllabic nouns. The following pieces of supporting evidence were given by Utsugi (2009) for the 123 100 H. Lee, J. Zhang merger-in-progress between Final (toneless) and Medial-Double (peninitial H+): (1) no difference in pitch register between Final and Medial-Double, (2) complete merger of Medial-Double (peninitial H+) and Non-final (−2) (penultimate H) in quadrisyllabic nouns, (3) identical accent pattern for Final (toneless) and Medial- Double (peninitial H+) words with suffixes of different underlying tones. Our acoustic data for the longer nouns also confirmed the merger between Final (toneless) and Medial-Double (peninitial H+) for trisyllabic nouns proposed in Utsugi (2009). Hypothetically, we expect the accent pattern of LHH-HL for the ‘toneless’ noun but LHH-LL for the ‘peninitial H+’ noun when these words are affixed with -póta ‘than’. For example, when tay.na.mu ‘bamboo’ in the toneless class is affixed with -póta, the LHH-HL pattern is expected; when ho.lang.i ‘tiger’ in the peninitial H+ class is affixed with -póta, the LHH-LL pattern is expected. Under the current analysis, the tone in -póta surfaces with toneless words but not for underlyingly pre-linked H tone words, due to the tonal culminativity. But in the actual data, both tay.na.mu-pota (toneless) and ho.lang.i-pota (peninitial H+) showed LHH-LL, consistent with Utsugi’s observation. This indicates that the trisyllabic LHH in the two underlying tone classes may lose their accent distinctions, preferring the peninitial H+ (Medial- Double) pattern, and the merger is on-going. Given the merger of the toneless class with the peninitial H+ class in trisyllabic nouns, the established constraints and their ranking in the current study can derive the surface pitch patterns for trisyllabic LHH nouns of the peninitial H+ class. To sum up, the current analysis with the four underlying tone classes can be extended to tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns with no required modifications regarding both underlying tonal classes and constraint interactions. Given the rarity of HLL words and the accent merger in tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns, our analysis can successfully derive the surface accent patterns in these longer words.

6 Analytical comparisons

In this section we provide a comparison between our analysis of South Kyungsang pitch accent and the analyses in the literature for both North and South Kyungsang. We ﬁrst review analyses that consider the accent tone to be an H tone and thus share similarities with our own analysis; then we discuss Lee and Davis (2009), who consider the accent to be a pitch fall. Table 11 summarizes the ﬁrst type of analyses in the literature along with our own for each tone class. For North Kyungsang, the R/LH1 class has been merged with the H2/LH2 class (see Sect. 1). For the HL tone class, our analysis is in line with that of Schuh and Kim (2007), who also argued that this accented H is assigned to the penult in the root. The advantage of this analysis over Ramsey’s (1975) and Lee’s (2008) analysis whereby the H accent falls on the initial syllable lies in its easy account for the absence of this pattern in monosyllabic roots6 without additional stipulations. The non-spread

6 Although we are not aware of native words that have an HL pattern on monosyllables, Kim (1997) reports that English monosyllabic loanwords regularly take this pattern (e.g., ‘bell’ is pêyl with a falling pitch contour). We currently do not have an analysis for this pattern. 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 101 property of this accent also agrees better with cross-linguistic typology àlaEvans (2009) if it counts from the right edge of the root. Kenstowicz and Sohn’s (1997) “non-final” analysis of this tone class requires further specification of where the accent falls in longer words while our analysis, along with Schuh and N’s, makes clear predictions. Kim (1997) argued that words in this tone class are toneless, or unmarked, and a default H is assigned to the penultimate syllable based on the tone patterns of loanwords and longer words in which the penultimate syllable takes a high tone. However, Kim’s observation was made from only 34 loanwords; in addition, given the fact that the LLHL pattern with the two initial low tones is prohibited in South Kyungsang Korean, it seems dubious whether the default-H on the penult is valid. For loanwords in South Kyungsang Korean, Lee (2009) indicated other accent patterns such as HH/HHL and LH/LHH as well as HL/LHL and argued the importance of syllable weight in predicting the accent patterns for loanwords. Chang (2005) also argued against the default nature of penultimate H based on phonetic data: under the assumption that marked tones are phonetically more prominent than unmarked tones, the H in this class is better interpreted as a marked tone as it is more prominent than the H tone in the H2/LH2 class. Finally, given that words in this class consistently have an H tone on the penult, it is not clear what the “default” analysis buys us. Under Optimality Theory, Lexicon Optimization (Prince and Smolensky 1993/2004) would in fact select the pre-linked form as the input as the derivation from it incurs the fewest faithfulness violations. For the H1/HH tone class, we proposed the underlying representation “pre-linked H+ at the initial mora,” where H+ is an H tone that spreads one mora to the right. Other analyses in the literature generally fall into two types: those that treat it as a doubly linked accent (Kenstowicz and Sohn 1997; Schuh and Kim 2007) and those that treat it as an underlying floating H that docks onto two syllables (moras) on the surface. Ramsey’s (1975) “pre-accented H” analysis is akin to the latter as it assumes only that there is a pre-existing H accent in the tonal representation of this class of words without specifying the association between the H and any syllables. Similar to the “default tone” analysis for the HL class, the “floating tone” account here also requires additional derivational mechanisms and is disfavored by Lexicon Optimization. The doubly linked accent, though preferred by Lexicon Optimization, causes the analysis to lose the typological asymmetry in the directionality of spreading as there is no restriction on where doubly linked accent can occur. Our analysis, on the other hand, restricts the H+ with a spread property to start from the left edge of an accent domain and makes better typological predictions in this regard. For the R/LH1 tone class, our proposal that the underlying pitch accent is a “pre- linked H+ at the peninitial mora” is again similar to Schuh and Kim’s (2007). But our analysis specifies a spreading property of the H rather having a doubly linked H in the UR for the same advantage outlined above. Our analysis draws a similarity between the H1/HH class and the R/LH1 class in that both tone classes involve a spread H accent, with their only difference being the location of the pre-linked H. Consequently, we do not need to distinguish between accented Hs and accentless Hs as Schuh and Kim did. The similarity between H1/HH and R/LH1 is also reflected in Ramsey’s (1975) analysis in the sense that he treated both classes as having a 123 102 H. Lee, J. Zhang

Table 11 A summary of phonological analyses for Kyungsang pitch accent in the literature North Kyungsang South Kyungsang

Tone class Kenstowicz Kim (1997) Lee (2008) Ramsey Schuh and Current and Sohn (1975) Kim (2007) analysis (1997) HL Nonﬁnal Default H H Tonic: Accented H / H accent | initial H Hσ/, / | σHσ/ µµ

H1/HH Double Floating H H Tonic: pre- Accented H / H+ accent accented H HHσ/ | # µ

R/LH1 Tonic: Accentless H / H+ pre-accented H σHH/ | with an initial L # µ µ

H2/LH2 Final Pre-linked H H Atonic Toneless /σ/ Toneless accent |

pre-accented H and differentiated them only by the presence (R/LH1) or absence (H1/HH) of an initial L tone. Finally, for the H2/LH2 class, the current analysis is in line with that of Ramsey’s (1975) and Schuh and Kim’s (2007). We have argued that words in this class have no underlying pitch accent and that the surface tone patterns are derived through the interaction between markedness constraints such as *#LL, *SUFFIX-H, and *INITIAL-H and faithfulness constraints MAX and DEP regarding H tone and association lines. Kenstowicz and Sohn (1997),7 Kim (1997), and Lee (2008) have all suggested a pre- linked H tone on the final root syllable for this tone class in North Kyungsang. This analysis cannot be easily extended to South Kyungsang for the following reasons. First, as we have seen, monosyllabic H2 words do not have an H tone in the root when occurring with the toned suffix -póta. The absence of the root H cannot be due to the strength of the pitch accent in -póta,as-póta does not cause the deletion of other root accents. Additionally, this is the only class of words that has different tonal behaviors upon the addition of two suffixes -imyen/-lamyen and -póta. The difference can be easily accounted for if this class of words is toneless and if -póta, but not -imyen/ -lamyen, has an underlying pitch accent. If this class of words has an underlying pitch accent, we would expect it to override the pitch accent of the suffix under culminativity and positional faithfulness, effectively rendering identical pitch patterns for both

7 Kenstowicz and Sohn (1997) suggested that while the ﬁnal H may spread to a following verb from an upstep operation, presence of a case marker triggers downstep blocking H-spread to the following verb. 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 103

-imyen/-lamyen and -póta suffixation. It would be interesting, however, to examine the pitch patterns for this class of words under -póta suffixation in North Kyungsang to evaluate the effectiveness of the “final-accent” analysis for this particular dialect. Overall, our analysis is the most similar to Schuh and Kim’s (2007), but we have restricted the dimensions along which pitch accents can vary to the location of prelinking and whether the accent spreads, with the additional requirement that the location of spread tones counts from the left. We believe that the resulting system fits better into our current understanding of culminative tone typology, and our analysis for the accent patterns is formal and explicit. A recent study (Lee and Davis 2009) addresses the pitch accent system of South Kyungsang Korean by viewing the tonal pattern as ‘accented’ and ‘unaccented’ based on the presence or absence of a pitch fall within a word, an insight gained from the Japanese accentual system (Haraguchi 1999). The phonological analysis of Lee and Davis (2009) for the pitch accent system of South Kyungsang is presented in Table 12. Under Lee and Davis’s view, words are classified as either accented or unaccented. The phonetic realization of the accented class is the presence of a pitch fall within the word; no pitch fall surfaces for the unaccented class. In Table 12, the accented syllable is indicated by H*, marking the high toned syllable immediately before the low tone. According to the location of H* + L, one can tell whether a word belongs to the first-, second-, or third-syllable accented class. Along with the accented and unaccented classifications, Lee and Davis (2009) proposed that South Kyungsang has an initial tone register: if the initial syllable is accented, (e.g., in

Table 12 The accent pattern of South Kyungsang Korean and its phonological analysis in Lee and Davis (2009,p.8) 1st σ 1st σ 2nd σ 2nd σ 3rd σ accented register tone accented unaccented accented (unaccented) monosyllabic Register HH nouns tones LL None None H* disyllabic Register H HH* nouns tones L LH*LH None None H*L trisyllabic Register H HH*L nouns tones L LH*L LHH* None None H*LL quadrisyllabic Register H HH*LL nouns tones L LHH*L None None Adopting Table 12 from Lee and Davis (2009) has been permitted by the journal, Langauge and Research

123 104 H. Lee, J. Zhang

H*L), then it has no register tone; if the initial syllable is unaccented, then it belongs to the H register class if it has an H tone (e.g., in H or HH*) and to the L register class if it has an L tone (e.g., in LH* or LH). The properties of the initial register H or L tone include (1) the register tones are never changed under suffixation, and (2) the initial register L tone belonging to the unaccented class deaccents the tone in suffixes. Therefore, the underlying tones under Lee and Davis’s analysis are determined by (1) the presence or absence of the falling accent, (2) the location of the accented syllable, (3) the presence or absence of the initial register tone, and (4) the type of the initial register tone: (a) register H of an accented class (HH*), (b) register H of an unaccented class (H), (c) register L of an accented class (LH*), or (d) register L of an unaccented class (LH). Together with the constraints such as *#LL, *#HHH, and *HHH#, this theoretical analysis in Lee and Davis (2009) accounts for the pitch accent system of South Kyungsang. Comparing Lee and Davis’s analysis (Table 12) with the current proposal (Table 9), we can see that our analysis seems more economical in terms of its underlying tones. Specifically, while we account for the full range of nominal accent patterns of South Kyungsang with four underlying tonal classes, Lee and Davis’s analysis requires six underlying tones (assuming that the monosyllabic accented pattern H* and the disyllabic first-syllable accented pattern H*L are the same underlying pattern) to derive the monosyllabic and disyllabic accent patterns. This is due to the fact that Lee and Davis (2009) did not consider some of the commonality between the monosyllabic and disyllabic tone patterns. For example, Lee and Davis (2009) analyzed the monosyllabic nwun H(H) ‘eye’ as an unaccented pattern with an H register tone and the disyllabic kunul HH(L) ‘shade’ as a second-syllable accented pattern, but we were able to analyze both of them as an initial H+ pattern. Similarly, the monosyllabic mun H(L) ‘door’ and the disyllabic palam LH(L) ‘wind’ were analyzed differently by Lee and Davis (2009) as an accented pattern without register tone and a second-syllable accent pattern with an L register tone, respectively, but they can be both subsumed under the toneless pattern under our analysis. Table 13 lists how Lee and Davis (2009) and the current study analyze the representative tone patterns, highlighting the underlying representations and the other constraints necessary to derive all the current surface tone patterns. We can see that Lee and Davis (2009) appeal to markedness constraints such as *HL-HL, *#HHH, *HHH#, and *#LL and also require an L register tone to deaccent the suffix tone. Our analysis, on the other hand, uses CULMINATIVITY, *#LL, *SUFFIX-H, and *INITIAL-H as well as faithfulness constraints MAX-ROOT(H) and MAX-SUFFIX(H). We believe that three points of comparisons are in our favor. First, in terms of the generality of the constraints, although both analyses use markedness constraints that reflect the idiosyncratic tonotactic generalizations of the language (*#HHH, *HHH#, in Lee and Davis (2009), *Initial-H in our analysis, *#LL in both), our analysis has more generality in the rest of the elements: CULMINATIVITY is a property that characterizes many pitch accent systems (Evans 2009), and the preservation of the H accent in favor of the root is also common; *HL-HL in Lee and Davis (2009) does not have the generality of CULMINATIVITY, and the requirement for an initial register tone to influence the tone of a non-local suffix is cross-linguistically rare. 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 105

Table 13 Analytical comparison between Lee and Davis (2009) and the current study for the accent patterns of monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns under sufﬁxation Lee and Davis (2009) Current analysis kewul ‘mirror’ HL Initial accent; no register tone Penult H kewul-i HL-L HL-HL for kewul-pota is ruled out by HL-HL for kewul-pota is ruled kewul-imyen HL-LL *HL-HL. out by CULMINATIVITY,MAX-RT (H) » MAX-SUF(H). kewul-pota HL-LL nwun ‘eye’ H Unaccented; H register tone Initial H+ nwun-i H-H H-HH for nwun-imyenis ruled out by HH-HL for kunul-pota is ruled nwun-imyen H-HL *#HHH. out by CULMINATIVITY,MAX-RT (H) » MAX-SUF(H). nwun-pota H-HL kunul ‘shade’ HH Final accented; H register tone kunul-i HH-L HH-HL for kunul-pota is ruled out by kunul-imyen HH-LL deleting H in the sufﬁx according to *#HHH. kunul-pota HH-LL mun ‘door’ H Initial accented; no register tone Toneless mun-i H-L H-LL for mun-pota is ruled out *#LL, CULMINATIVITY mun-imyen H-LL (see comment below). MAX-SUF (H) allows the underlying mun-pota L-HL H in -pota to surface. *SUF-H prefers H in a root.

*INITIAL-H prefers non-initial H. palam ‘wind’ LH Final accented; L register tone palam-i LH-L LH-LL for palam-pota is ruled out palam-imyen LH-LL (see comment below). palam-pota LH-HL nwun ‘snow’ R Unaccented; L register tone Peninitial H+ nwun-i L-H L-L for nwun-i and L-LL for nwun- nwun-imyen L-HH imyen are ruled out by *#LL. nwun-pota L-HH L-HL for nwun-pota is ruled out by deaccenting the sufﬁxal tone salam ‘person’ LH according to the nature of the unaccented L tone register. salam-i LH-H LH-HH for salam-imyen and for salam-imyen LH-HL salam-pota are ruled out by salam-pota LH-HL *HHH#.

Second, for the tonal pattern of the sufﬁxed forms, our analysis also has greater cross-linguistic validity and is more straightforward than Lee and Davis’s. In our analysis, the H tone of the sufﬁx -póta ‘than’8 is preserved only when the root is underlyingly toneless due to MAX-ROOT(H) » MAX-SUFFIX(H) and the high ranking of CULMINATIVITY. The root faithfulness pattern is cross-linguistically common, as shown

8 Lee and Davis (2009) used -chélem ‘like’ whose underlying tone is presumably identical to -póta ‘than’. 123 106 H. Lee, J. Zhang in Beckman (1998), and the analysis captures the identical tone pattern between the -imyen and -póta suffixes when the root is toned straightforwardly. In Lee and Davis’s analysis, the identical tone pattern between the two types of suffixes after nwun ‘eye’ and kunul ‘shade’ is due to the more ad hoc *#HHH, as shown in Table 13: the H-HL pattern of nwun-imyen ‘if eye(s)’, which is unaccented, but H-registered in both the root and the suffix, is derived very differently from the H-HL pattern of nwun-pota ‘than eye(s)’, the former due to the conversion of the final H into L to satisfy *#HHH, the latter due to the first-syllable accent nature of the suffix; the identical tone pattern between the two suffixes for the final-accented, H-tone-registered kunul ‘shade’ is due to *#HHH in both cases. For mun ‘door’ and palam ‘wind’, which our analysis treats as toneless, the surface tone patterns of the isolation and suffixed forms are derived through the interaction among CULMINATIVITY, *#LL, *SUFFIX-H, and *INITIAL-H as well as faithfulness constraints MAX-ROOT(H) and MAX-SUFFIX(H) as detailed in Sect. 3 and summarized in Table 13. The analysis of these patterns in Lee and Davis (2009) are less than convincing. Both mun and -pota are initial accented in their analysis, and the L-HL pattern for mun-pota is explained as follows: “One can understand the output as reflecting a rule of deaccentuation that deletes the first of two consecutive accents. Since the accent on mun ‘door’ is immediately before the accent on the suffix, it deaccents and surfaces as low tone (Lee and Davis 2009, p. 10).” There are two problems with this account. First, it directly contradicts the HH-LL tone pattern for kunul-pota ‘than shade’ (kunul has final accent with an H register initial tone), which shows the deletion of the second accented tone to satisfy *#HHH, but also to avoid two consecutive accents. Second, the fact that it is the root accent that is deaccented is cross-linguistically surprising. In other words, H-LL would have been a more expected outcome for deaccenting for mun-pota. A similar problem arises for LH-HL palam- pota ‘than wind’. According to Lee and Davis (2009), palam is in the ‘final syllable accented class with an L register tone’. To explain the LH-HL pattern, Lee and Davis (2009) stated that “The root-final syllable cannot acquire low tone because of the constraint against SK words beginning LL. It (the root-final syllable) stays as a high tone, but it is not accented since it does not occur before the pitch fall (Lee and Davis 2009, p. 15).” Their analysis needs to explain why the root gets deaccented rather than the suffix. In other words, it needs to explain why LH-LL is not the surface tone pattern. Finally, Lee and Davis’s analysis does not consider the accentual correspondence between contemporary Kyungsang and Middle Korean. Although historical innovations have shaped the accentual system of Kyungsang Korean through the Kyungsang Accent Shift (Ramsey 1975) as well as other accent mergers, many researchers have noticed remarkably systematic correspondence in accent classes between contemporary Kyungsang and Middle Korean (Kenstowicz et al. 2008). For example, the words that used to have the initial R in Middle Korean now show monosyllabic R and disyllabic LH(H) patterns, which correspond to our ‘peninitial H+’ class. We recognize that the historical correspondence by itself cannot serve as an argument for the synchronic analysis, but given that a historically more accurate analysis also does better in terms of predicting the correct surface tone patterns and having greater cross-linguistic validity, it is then less likely for the speakers to undergo substantial restructuring, as Lee and Davis’s analysis would entail.

123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 107

7 Concluding remarks

In this paper we investigated the nominal pitch accent system in South Kyungsang Korean both empirically and theoretically. Our acoustic data confirmed the accent distinctions reported in earlier works on the language: there are three accent classes for monosyllabic nouns (H1, R, H2) and four accent classes for disyllabic nouns (HL, HH, LH1, LH2), and there is a parallel between H1 and HH, R and LH1, and H2 and LH2. Suffixes may also bear contrastive accent: we have observed the HL accent on the suffix -póta ‘than’; whether other accents can also appear on suffixes remains to be seen. Theoretically, we analyzed the pitch accent system as having three pre-linked accents and one default accent. Two of the pre-linked accents count from the left and are linked to the initial (H1/HH) and peninitial (R/LH1) moras of the root, respectively, and both spread one mora to the right. The other pre-linked accent counts from the right (penult) and does not spread (HL). The H2/LH2 class has the default accent (toneless). The surface tone patterns for both the default and pre-linked accents are derived through constraint interaction in Optimality Theory. Compared to other analyses, our approach provides a closer fit with the data and fits in better with the culminative tone typology established in Evans (2009). There are a number of directions in which this study can be extended. Within the language itself, we have pointed out that our understanding of pitch accent on suffixes can benefit from investigating a larger range of suffixes, and additional accents beyond the HL class on suffixes, if any, can provide a further test to the grammar we proposed in Sect. 4. It would also be interesting to investigate the pitch accent pattern of the verbal system in order tounderstand the extent to which the nominal system we proposed can be extended to the entire language. Some of the pioneering work on verbal accent has been done by Schuh and Kim (2010). Finally, empirical and theoretical investigation for loanwords of South Kyungsang Korean will also advance our understanding of the pitch accent system in the language. For extensive data and a formal account for the loanword tone patterns of South Kyungsang Korean, see Lee (2009). In our acoustic study, we noticed a fair amount of inter-speaker variation, much of which we were not able to provide a formal analysis for. The tendencies we observed, however, are interesting: it seems that there are speakers who are in the process of losing the R/LH1 and H2/LH2 distinction and the accent distinctions on suffixes, the former of which losses is in fact observed in full force in North Kyungsang Korean. With a larger speaker pool, we will be in a position to better understand the nature of these variations and the changes that the Kyungsang Korean accent system is going through. This is an interesting issue for both sociolinguistics and theoretical phonology. Sociolinguisti- cally, the Korean government’s language policy has given Seoul Korean a strong normative bias (Silva 2011), and consequently, the non-tonal system of Seoul Korean may have had an influence on the tonal systems of Kyungsang Korean dialects, causing them to weaken their tonal contrasts (but see Silva 2006 on how Seoul Korean may be developing a tonal system from the changes in the speakers’ use of voice onset time to cue laryngeal contrasts). The question, then, is whether we can document, and more importantly, make predictions on how the changes occur. Phonologically, the issue of variations and exceptions is playing an increasingly important role in its theoretical development (see for example, Coetzee and Pater 2011). Phonologists strive to 123 108 H. Lee, J. Zhang understand whether speakers have active knowledge of the patterns of variation, and if so, what the synchronic grammar must look like to account for this knowledge. South Kyungsang Korean pitch accent, therefore, can provide us with another empirical case to further test and refine phonological theories of variations and exceptions.

Acknowledgments The JEAL editors and four anonymous reviewers have provided us with many insightful comments and critiques that helped us improve the quality of this work. Russ Schuh, Allard Jongman, Joan Sereno, and fellow participants in the Empirical Research seminar in the KU Linguistics Department have also provided us with valuable feedback and encouragement. We are grateful to all these individuals, but we remain fully responsible for the data content and opinions expressed in this article.

Appendix 1

See Fig. 3.

R (Pen-initial H+) H1 (Initial H+) H2 (Toneless) 190 190 190 isolation (n)un 170 170 170 (la)imyen 150 150 150 pota 130 130 130 110 110 110

F0 (Hz) 90 90 90 70 70 70 50 50 0 0 0 0 0 50 0 40 60 80 80 20 60 20 60 40 80 40 20 60 20 40 20 40 60 20 40 60 80 80 80 100 100 100 100 100 0 20 40 60 80100 0 20 40 60 80100 100 σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 Time: % of each syllable Time: % of each syllable Time: % of each syllable

HL (Penult H) HH (Initial H+) 190 190 170 isolation 170 isolation (n)un (n)un 150 (la)imyen 150 (la)imyen 130 pota 130 pota 110 110 F0 (Hz) 90 90 70 70 50 50 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 60 20 20 40 40 60 80 20 80 60 60 80 40 20 40 80 80 20 40 60 80 20 40 60 20 40 60 20 40 60 80 80 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-4 σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-4 Time: % of each syllable Time: % of each syllable

LH1 (Pen-initial H+) LH2 (Toneless) 190 isolation 190 isolation 170 (n)un 170 (n)un (la)imyen (la)imyen 150 pota 150 pota 130 130 110 110 F0 (Hz) 90 90 70 70 50 50 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 40 80 60 40 80 60 40 60 80 40 20 40 20 40 80 20 20 40 80 20 60 20 40 60 80 20 60 80 60 80 60 20 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-4 σ-1 σ-2 σ-3 σ-4 Time: % of each syllable Time: % of each syllable

Fig. 3 F0 tracing for each tonal class in monosyllabic and disyllabic nouns with different sufﬁxes. All data are from Speaker 2. F0 was averaged across the word stimuli within each accent class + sufﬁx 123 Pitch accent of South Kyungsang Korean 109

Appendix 2

See Table 14.

Table 14 Word lists of tri- and quadrisyllabic nouns in §5. The tonal classes proposed in both the current study and Utsugi (2009) are provided in parentheses HHL (Initial H+; Initial double) LHH (Peninitial H+; Medial-double) LHH (Toneless; Final) mucikay ‘rainbow’ samakwi ‘mantis’ pukkurem ‘shame’ oleypi ‘older brother’ holangi ‘tiger’ taynamu ‘bamboo’ khokkili ‘elephant’ sathwuli ‘dialect’ pokswunga ‘peach’ halmeni ‘grandmother’ manwula ‘wife’ satali ‘ladder’ kwukminseng ‘national character’ kemeli ‘leech’ olchayngi ‘tadpole’

LHL (Penult H; Non-final (−2)) HLL (Non-final (−3)) minali ‘parsley’ myenuli ‘daughter-in-law’ mangaji ‘colt’ ajimey ‘middle aged woman’ pitwulki ‘pigeon’ kamulchi ‘mullet’ kkamakwi ‘crow’ namtaymun ‘South great gate of Seoul’ pengeli ‘speech-impaired person’ urini ‘child’ kosali ‘bracken’ ahuley ‘nine days’ akassi ‘young lady’ mamumri ‘end’ enwuri ‘discount’ HHLL LHHL halapeci ‘grandfather’ acwumeni ‘middle aged woman’ haypalaki ‘sunflower’ ttakttakwuli ‘woodpecker’ mikkwulaci ‘mudfish’ gosumtochi ‘hedgehog’

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