A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela Copyright © 2008 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 1-56432-371-4 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th floor New York, NY 10118-3299 USA Tel: +1 212 290 4700, Fax: +1 212 736 1300 [email protected] Poststraße 4-5 10178 Berlin, Germany Tel: +49 30 2593 06-10, Fax: +49 30 2593 0629 [email protected] Avenue des Gaulois, 7 1040 Brussels, Belgium Tel: + 32 (2) 732 2009, Fax: + 32 (2) 732 0471 [email protected] 64-66 Rue de Lausanne 1202 Geneva, Switzerland Tel: +41 22 738 0481, Fax: +41 22 738 1791 [email protected] 2-12 Pentonville Road, 2nd Floor London N1 9HF, UK Tel: +44 20 7713 1995, Fax: +44 20 7713 1800 [email protected] 27 Rue de Lisbonne 75008 Paris, France Tel: +33 (1)43 59 55 35, Fax: +33 (1) 43 59 55 22 [email protected] 1630 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Suite 500 Washington, DC 20009 USA Tel: +1 202 612 4321, Fax: +1 202 612 4333 [email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org September 2008 1-56432-371-4 A Decade Under Chávez Political Intolerance and Lost Opportunities for Advancing Human Rights in Venezuela I. Executive Summary .................................................................................................... 1 Political Discrimination ............................................................................................2 The Courts ...............................................................................................................3 The Media................................................................................................................4 Organized Labor ..................................................................................................... 6 Civil Society.............................................................................................................7 The Future of Venezuelan Democracy ...................................................................... 8 II. Political Discrimination ...........................................................................................10 Political Discrimination under International Law..................................................... 12 Political Discrimination under Venezuelan Law....................................................... 14 Political Patronage and Discrimination Before Chávez ............................................ 14 Blacklisting: The “Tascón List” and “Maisanta Program” ........................................ 15 Fund for the Guarantee of Deposits and Banking Protection.............................. 21 National Council of Frontiers (CNF)....................................................................24 National Electoral Council (CNE) .......................................................................25 Single Social Fund (FUS) and Fund for Microfinanced Development...................27 Discrimination in PDVSA ....................................................................................... 28 Blacklisting Oil Strikers ....................................................................................29 A “Revolutionary” Workforce ............................................................................30 Discrimination in Other Areas.................................................................................33 The Media........................................................................................................33 Organized Labor...............................................................................................34 Civil Society .....................................................................................................34 Recommendations.................................................................................................34 III. The Courts............................................................................................................. 36 International Norms on Judicial Independence .......................................................37 The OAS and the Inter-American Democratic Charter.........................................37 International Human Rights Treaties .................................................................38 Background ...........................................................................................................40 The Pre-Chávez Judiciary...................................................................................40 Reforming the Justice System ........................................................................... 41 A Polarized Supreme Court ...............................................................................42 The 2004 Court-Packing Law ..................................................................................45 Power to Pack the Court....................................................................................45 Power to Purge the Court ..................................................................................47 Implementation of the Court-Packing Law.........................................................49 A Compliant Court..................................................................................................54 The 2004 Court-Packing Law.............................................................................55 The 2007 Constitutional Reform Process...........................................................56 Conflicts of Interest ..........................................................................................58 Failure to Uphold Fundamental Rights ..............................................................59 Recommendations.................................................................................................62 IV. The Media ..............................................................................................................64 Venezuela’s Polarized Media ................................................................................ 68 Opposition Media ........................................................................................... 68 Government Media.......................................................................................... 69 Community Media ............................................................................................70 The “Media War”.............................................................................................. 71 Toughening Speech Offenses.................................................................................75 International Norms .........................................................................................75 Insult Provisions ..............................................................................................78 Defamation Provisions .................................................................................... 80 Speech Offense Prosecutions.......................................................................... 82 Regulating Media Content......................................................................................92 International Norms .........................................................................................93 Incitement Provisions.......................................................................................94 Dangers of Broad and Imprecise Wording ........................................................ 96 Lack of an Independent Regulatory Body ..........................................................97 Government Use of Incitement Provisions........................................................ 98 Restricting Information......................................................................................... 103 International Norms ....................................................................................... 103 Access to Information under Venezuelan Law .................................................106 Failure to Respect the Right of Access to Information ...................................... 107 Controlling the Airwaves ......................................................................................108 International Norms .......................................................................................108 Political Use of Discretionary Powers .............................................................. 110 Community Radio and Television ......................................................................... 121 International Norms ....................................................................................... 121 Government Support ...................................................................................... 121 State-Sponsored Pluralism............................................................................. 123 Lack of Judicial Protection of Freedom of Expression............................................. 125 The Court’s Handling of the RCTV Case............................................................ 126 Recommendations............................................................................................... 132 V. Organized Labor.................................................................................................... 134 Freedom of Association under International Law................................................... 138 The Right to Freely Elect Representatives ........................................................ 139 The Right to Bargain Collectively....................................................................
Recommended publications
  • An Analysis of the New York Times 2014 Anti-Government Protests in Venezuela
    Framing Rebellion: An Analysis of the New York Times 2014 Anti-government Protests in Venezuela A Research Paper presented by: Melanie Hughes Scotland, U.K. in partial fulfilment of the requirements for obtaining the degree of MASTER OF ARTS IN DEVELOPMENT STUDIES Major: Social Justice Perspectives (SJP) Specialisation: Peace & Conflict Studies Members of the Examining Committee: Dubravka Zarkov & Silke Heumann The Hague, The Netherlands, Sept. 2014 ii List of Acronyms ISS Institute of Social Studies NYT The New York Times; also referred to as the Times IMF International Monetary Fund WB World Bank IDB International Development Bank iii Acknowledgements I would like to extend a gargantuan thanks to my supervisor, Dubravka Zarkov, for her continual support and for her valuable insights into conflict in contemporary society. I would also like to express my appreciation for her sol- idarity and for keeping my extensive use of descriptive adjectives in check. I would also like to thank Silke Heumann for her reference material, which I had difficulty incorporating due to length and time constraints. iv Abstract This research explores how the mainstream news media outlet, the New York Times framed the 2014 anti-government protests in Venezuela, which erupted online in February, 2014. A content analysis revealed that the domi- nant narrative disseminated by the New York Times conveyed the misleading impression that Venezuela was yet another nation ripe for democratic revolu- tion, poised to overthrow a violently repressive regime. The Venezuelan anti- government protest(or)s were overwhelmingly framed in terms of state repression of peaceful protes(or)s, which masked their underlying causes.
    [Show full text]
  • US and Venezuelan Presidential Masculinities in the First Decade of the ‘War on Terror’
    US and Venezuelan Presidential Masculinities in the First Decade of the ‘War on Terror’ Emma Cannen Bachelor of Arts Communication Social Inquiry/Bachelor of Arts International Studies (First Class Honours) 2013 Doctoral Thesis in Communication Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Technology, Sydney Certificate of Authorship / Originality I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a degree nor has it been submitted as part of requirements for a degree except as fully acknowledged within the text. I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in my research work and in the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the thesis. Signature of student: Date: i Acknowledgements First and foremost, I would like to thank my supervisors Dr. Christina Ho and Dr. Paul Allatson. Without their generous encouragement, assistance and care, I would not have been able to complete this thesis. I could not have asked for better supervisors and became a better writer and thinker thanks to both of you. I would also like to thank Chris for initially encouraging me to embark on a PhD and always expressing faith in my abilities to see it through. And to Paul, I actually enjoyed the race to the finish line thanks to you. A big shout out to my fellow PhD students (and now good friends) for thesis chats, brainstorms and freak outs over drinks, gym sessions, emails and lunches.
    [Show full text]
  • Misión Madres Del Barrio: a Bolivarian Social Program Recognizing Housework and Creating a Caring Economy in Venezuela
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by KU ScholarWorks MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA BY Cory Fischer-Hoffman Submitted to the graduate degree program in Latin American Studies and the Graduate Faculty of the University of Kansas in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master’s of Arts. Committee members Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ____________________ Chairperson Tamara Falicov, Phd. ____________________ Mehrangiz Najafizadeh, Phd. ____________________ Date defended: May 8, 2008 The Thesis Committee for Cory Fischer-Hoffman certifies that this is the approved Version of the following thesis: MISIÓN MADRES DEL BARRIO: A BOLIVARIAN SOCIAL PROGRAM RECOGNIZING HOUSEWORK AND CREATING A CARING ECONOMY IN VENEZUELA Elizabeth Anne Kuznesof, Phd. ________________________________ Chairperson Date approved:_______________________ ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis is a product of years of activism in the welfare rights, Latin American solidarity, and global justice movements. Thank you to all of those who I have worked and struggled with. I would especially like to acknowledge Monica Peabody, community organizer with Parents Organizing for Welfare and Economic Rights (formerly WROC) and all of the welfare mamas who demand that their caring work be truly valued. Gracias to my compas, Greg, Wiley, Simón, Kaya, Tessa and Caro who keep me grounded and connected to movements for justice, and struggle along side me. Thanks to my thesis committee for helping me navigate through the bureaucracy of academia while asking thoughtful questions and providing valuable guidance. I am especially grateful to the feedback and editing support that my dear friends offered just at the moment when I needed it.
    [Show full text]
  • Historia De Espacio Político Latinoamericano Visto Desde La Distinción Política Entre Derecha E Izquierda
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Zaloamati Maestría en Sociología Propuestas políticas partidistas y percepción ciudadana en América Latina. Anos 2000-2008 ALUMNO: Fermín Feria Pulido ASESOR: Dr. Godofredo Vidal de la Rosa. Diciembre 2010 Índice Página Introducción i Capítulo I Perspectivas teóricas del estudio de la derecha e izquierda políticas. 1 Derecha e izquierda 2 ¿Es válido todavía distinguir entre derecha e izquierda? 9 ¿El Populismo es exclusivo de la izquierda? 11 Los Estados que integran a América Latina 16 Capítulo II Esbozo histórico de cuatro procesos latinoamericanos en el siglo XX: Brasil, Colombia, México, Venezuela Populismos latinoamericanos 20 Brasil (1930-1956) 24 Colombia (1930-1973) 28 El Bogotazo y la Violencia 32 México (1930-1960) 35 Venezuela (1941-1948) 40 Dictaduras autoritarias promovidas por Estados Unidos 45 (Década de 1960) Brasil 46 Colombia 47 Venezuela 48 América Latina en las décadas 1970-1990 50 América Latina en el siglo XXI 53 Historia reciente de los Estados estudiados Brasil 54 Colombia 56 México 57 Venezuela 59 Capítulo III Derecha e izquierda partidista latinoamericana, temas comunes 62 ¿Enfoques diferentes? Democracia 65 Democracia y el autoritarismo 68 Intervención estatal: Estado regulador frente a libre mercado Estado interventor 69 Libre mercado 71 Nivel de secularización y religiosidad en los partidos 72 Planteamientos de las organizaciones latinoamericanas de partidos políticos acerca de los temas comunes ODCA 73 COPPPAL 74 Foro de Sao Paolo 74 La ideología en los textos de las organizaciones latinoamericanas de partidos políticos 76 Democracia ODCA 77 COPPPAL 78 Foro de Sao Paolo 78 Estado regulador frente a libre mercado ODCA 79 COPPPAL 81 Foro de Sao Paolo 82 Valores: nivel de secularización vs.
    [Show full text]
  • Transición Política, Democracia Y Espacio Público En Venezuela (1998-2001)
    Cuestiones Políticas No. 28, Junio de 2002, 71-97 lEPDP-Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Políticas - LUZ ISSN 0798 -1406 Transición política, democracia y espacio público en Venezuela (1998-2001) José R. Larez Rubio y Juan E. Romero Jiménez* Resumen Desde el triunfo de Hugo Chávez en las elecciones presidenciales en 1998, se experimenta en Venezuela unproceso de transición política dentro del sistema democrático, caracterizado por el cambio de un escenario determinado porelconsensoconstruido entorno a losgrupos de podereconómico ylosparti dos políticos (AD-COPEI) a otro escenario donde lo político adquiere especial expresión en elcampo de lo público, ampliando de esa forma los límites de de senvolvimiento del ciudadano más allá de lo establecido por los partidos. Como nunca antes en la historia de Venezuela, se experimenta una discusión política expresada como ampliación de "lo público" yqueimplícita una creciente dinámi ca que revaloriza el papel del ciudadano. Estetrabajo analiza la expresión de este fenómeno en la sociedad venezolana. Palabras clave: Democracia, poder, transición, Venezuela, Espacio pú blico, ciudadano. Laboratorio de Investigación Transdisciplinario del Espacio Público (Litep). LaUniver sidad del Zulia-Venezuela. Recibido: 22-01-02» Aceptado: 17-05-02 72 Juan E. Romero Jiménez y José R. Larez Rubio Political Transition, Democracy and Public Space in Venezuela (1998-2001) Abstract Since Hugo Chávez' victory in the presidential elections in 1998, political transition inside the democratic system has been experienced in Venezuela, characterized by the change of a scenario determined by consensus built around economic power groups and political parties (AD-COPEI) to a distinct scenario where political matters acquire special expression in the field of the public mat ters, enlarging in this way the limits of citizen participation beyond that estab- lished by political parties.
    [Show full text]
  • La MUD Finiquita Reglamento Para Escoger Presidente De La an Por Consenso
    IMPRESO DIGITAL OVACIÓN TODO EN EME DE ARCHIVO LOGIN REGÍSTRATE Buscar DOMINGO MUJER 09:24 AM 16 DE DICIEMBRE DE 2015 • CARACAS (VENEZUELA) TÚ DECIDES 2015 POLÍTICA ECONOMÍA MUNDO SUCESOS PRESOS POLÍTICOS DEPORTES ESCENAS EN TV SUPLEMENTOS MÁS POLÍTICA La MUD finiquita reglamento para escoger presidente de la AN por consenso AL INSTANTE 09:19 Elton John indignado con los precios de El consenso se daría entre los 14 partidos de la MUD que tendrán representantes dentro del reventa para Hemiciclo sus conciertos La alianza se comprometió a que la directiva sea unitaria. 09:14 Henry Ramos Allup y Julio Borges buscan el apoyo de los partidos ÁLEX VÁSQUEZ S. 16 DE DICIEMBRE 2015 - 12:01 AM Tweet 9 Hoy elegirán a 84 son los votos que se necesitan (mayoría las simple) para designar la directiva de la Asamblea Enviar por mail semifinalistas Nacional. De acuerdo con el artículo 7 del del Miss Reglamento de Interior y Debate de la Asamblea Imprimir Nacional, se requiere que cuando se instale el Universo 2015 Rectificar Parlamento, el 5 de enero, las bancadas 09:12 presenten planchas para todos los cargos a elegir: presidente, primer y segundo vicepresidente, secretario y subsecretario. Como ningún partido de la oposición cuenta con la cantidad de diputados necesaria para imponer una plancha, deben negociar. plancha, deben negociar. Publican En este momento, informan fuentes políticas, la Mesa de la Unidad adelanto de la Democrática finiquita un reglamento para escoger la directiva de la cuarta nueva Asamblea Nacional. Algo está definido: la presidencia temporada de corresponderá a un partido por año, y las distintas fuerzas políticas House of tendrán representación en las vicepresidencias y presidencia de las Cards comisiones.
    [Show full text]
  • Exploring Hugo Chávez's Use of Mimetisation to Build a Populist
    Exploring Hugo Chávez’s use of mimetisation to build a populist hegemony in Venezuela Elena Block Rincones MSc, BA A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at The University of Queensland in 2013 School of Journalism and Communication Abstract “You too are Chávez”… (Hugo Chávez, 2012i) This thesis examines the political communication style developed by Hugo Chávez in his hegemonic construction of power and collective identity during the 14 years he governed Venezuela. This thesis is located in the field of political communication. A culturalist approach is used for the case, which prioritises issues of culture and power and acknowledges the role of human agency. Thus, it specifically focuses on the way the late President appears to have incrementally built an emotional, mimetic bond with his publics in a process that culminated in the mimetisation of the leader and his followers in a new collective, but top-down, identity called Chávez. This process expresses a hegemonic dynamic that involved the displacement of former dominant groups and rearrangement of power relations in Venezuela. The logic of mimetisation proposes an incremental logic of articulation whereby I tried to make sense of Chávez’s political communication style and success. It involves the study of the thread that joined together key elements in Chávez’s political communication style: hegemony and identity construction, political culture, populism, mediatisation, and communicational government. It is a style that appears to have exceeded classic populist forms of communication based on exerting an appeal to the people, towards more inclusive, participatory, symbolic-pragmatic forms of practising political communication that may have constituted the key to Chávez’s political success for 14 years.
    [Show full text]
  • 96-17 December 1996
    WP 96-17 December 1996 Working Paper Department of Agricultural, Resource, and Managerial Economics Cornell University, Ithaca, New York 14853-7801 USA THE G-3 FREE TRADE AGREEMENT: MEMBER COUNTRIES' AGRICULTURAL POLICIES AND ITS AGRICULTURAL PROVISIONS Ricardo Arguello and Steven Kyle - It is the policy of Cornell University actively to support equality of educational and employment opportunity. No person shall be denied admission to any educational program or activity or be denied employment on the basis of any legally prohibited dis­ crimination involving, but not limited to, such factors as race, color, creed, religion, national or ethnic origin, sex, age or • handicap. The University is committed to the maintenance of affirmative action programs which will assure the continuation of such equality of opportunity. THE G-3 FREE TRADE AGREEMENT: MEMBER COUNTRIES' AGRICULTURAL POLICIES AND ITS AGRICULTURAL PROVISIONS Ricardo Argiiello and Steven Kyle December 1996 - Ricardo Argiiello is a Ph.D. student and Steven Kyle is an Associate Professor at the Department of Agricultural, Resource and Managerial Economics at Cornell University ABSTRACT Since the mid 1980s Latin American and Caribbean countries have unilaterally liberalized their economies and have started a new wave of economic integration that led to the establishment of 25 trade agreements between 1990 and 1994. The Group of Three (G-3) Free Trade Agreement, comprising Colombia, Mexico, and Venezuela, provided for the liberalization of around 62 percent of exportables from Colombia and Venezuela and 16 percent of those from Mexico_ This paper provides a qualitative assessment of the potential impact of the G-3 on member countries' agricultural trade.
    [Show full text]
  • THE CHAVEZ Pages
    Third World Quarterly, Vol 24, No 1, pp 63–76, 2003 The Chávez phenomenon: political change in Venezuela RONALD D SYLVIA & CONSTANTINE P DANOPOULOS ABSTRACT This article focuses on the advent and governing style of, and issues facing colonel-turned politician Hugo Chávez since he became president of Venezuela in 1998 with 58% of the vote. The article begins with a brief account of the nature of the country’s political environment that emerged in 1958, following the demise of the Perez Jimenez dictatorship. Aided by phenomenal increases in oil prices, Venezuela’s political elites reached a pact that governed the country for nearly four decades. Huge increases in education, health and other social services constituted the hallmark of Venezuela’s ‘subsidised democracy’. Pervasive corruption, a decrease in oil revenues and two abortive coups in 1992 challenged the foundations of subsidised democracy. The election of Chávez in 1998 sealed the fate of the 1958 pact. Chávez’s charisma, anti- colonial/Bolivarist rhetoric, and increasing levels of poverty form the basis of his support among the poor and dissatisfied middle classes. The articles then turns its attention to Chávez’s governing style and the problems he faces as he labours to turn around the country’s stagnant economy. Populist initiatives aimed at wealth redistribution, land reform and a more multidimensional and Third World-orientated foreign policy form the main tenets of the Chávez regime. These, coupled with anti-business rhetoric, over-dependence on oil revenues and opposition from Venezuela’s political and economic elites, have polarised the country and threaten its political stability.
    [Show full text]
  • Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016
    Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs January 23, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R43239 Venezuela: Issues for Congress, 2013-2016 Summary Although historically the United States had close relations with Venezuela, a major oil supplier, friction in bilateral relations increased under the leftist, populist government of President Hugo Chávez (1999-2013), who died in 2013 after battling cancer. After Chávez’s death, Venezuela held presidential elections in which acting President Nicolás Maduro narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD), with the opposition alleging significant irregularities. In 2014, the Maduro government violently suppressed protests and imprisoned a major opposition figure, Leopoldo López, along with others. In December 2015, the MUD initially won a two-thirds supermajority in National Assembly elections, a major defeat for the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV). The Maduro government subsequently thwarted the legislature’s power by preventing three MUD representatives from taking office (denying the opposition a supermajority) and using the Supreme Court to block bills approved by the legislature. For much of 2016, opposition efforts were focused on recalling President Maduro through a national referendum, but the government slowed down the referendum process and suspended it indefinitely in October. After an appeal by Pope Francis, the government and most of the opposition (with the exception of Leopoldo López’s Popular Will party) agreed to talks mediated by the Vatican along with the former presidents of the Dominican Republic, Spain, and Panama and the head of the Union of South American Nations.
    [Show full text]
  • OEA/Ser.G CP/ACTA 1428/04 21 Junio 2004
    CONSEJO PERMANENTE OEA/Ser.G CP/ACTA 1428/04 21 junio 2004 ACTA DE LA SESIÓN EXTRAORDINARIA CELEBRADA EL 21 DE JUNIO DE 2004 Aprobada en la sesión del 28 de junio de 2005 ÍNDICE Página Nómina de los Representantes que asistieron a la sesión .................................................................................. 1 Palabras del Presidente del Consejo Permanente ............................................................................................... 2 Palabras del Secretario General........................................................................................................................... 3 Palabras del Presidente de la Comisión de Relaciones Exteriores del Senado de los Estados Unidos ......................................................................................................................... 5 iii CONSEJO PERMANENTE DE LA ORGANIZACIÓN DE LOS ESTADOS AMERICANOS ACTA DE LA SESIÓN EXTRAORDINARIA CELEBRADA EL 21 DE JUNIO DE 2004 En la ciudad de Washington, a las tres y diez de la tarde del lunes 21 de junio de 2004, celebró sesión extraordinaria el Consejo Permanente de la Organización de los Estados Americanos para recibir al Senador Richard G. Lugar, Presidente de la Comisión de Relaciones Exteriores del Senado de los Estados Unidos. Presidió la sesión el Embajador Miguel Ruíz Cabañas, Representante Permanente de México y Presidente del Consejo Permanente. Asistieron los siguientes miembros: Embajadora María Tamayo Arnal, Representante Permanente de Bolivia y Vicepresidenta del Consejo Permanente
    [Show full text]
  • Izquierda Y Populismo. Alternativas Al Neoliberalismo En Venezuela
    Izquierda y populismo: alternativas al neoliberalismo en Venezuela1 Edgardo Lander I. El Pacto de Punto Fijo y la izquierda En el año 1958, con el derrocamiento de la dictadura militar de Marcos Pérez Jiménez, se inicia en Venezuela el período democrático del llamado puntofijismo, pacto de gobernabilidad que tiene como protagonistas a los dos principales partidos políticos del país (Acción Democrática y Copei), contando con el respaldo de las Fuerzas Armadas, la alta jerarquía de la Iglesia Católica, la principal federación sindical, la Confederación de Trabajadores de Venezuela (CTV), y la mayor organización empresarial, la Federación de Cámaras de Comercio y Producción (FEDECÁMARAS) (López Maya y Gómez Calcaño 1989). En un clima de amplia conflictividad social, en poco tiempo se va agudizando la confrontación entre un régimen político excluyente con estrechos márgenes de tolerancia para la disidencia y una izquierda crecientemente radicalizada. En el año 1960 se suspenden las garantías constitucionales y se clausuran los periódicos de izquierda. Los dirigentes sindicales de ésta son pasados al tribunal disciplinario de la CTV. La suspensión de garantías se reafirma el mismo día de la aprobación de la nueva Constitución en el año 1961. Bajo la influencia de la Revolución Cubana se inicia la lucha armada. Son inhabilitados el Partido Comunista de Venezuela (PCV) y el Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR), primer desprendimiento de Acción Democrática. Después de varios años de lucha rural y urbana, que incluyó los levantamientos militares conocidos como el Carupanazo y el Porteñazo en el año 1962, la izquierda termina derrotada. Centenares de personas son detenidas, torturadas, desaparecidas, muertas.
    [Show full text]