Corruption and Crisis in Venezuela: Asset Repatriation for Humanitarian Relief
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’S Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah
Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela: Nicolas Maduro’s Cabinet Chair: Peter Derrah 1 Table of Contents 3. Letter from Chair 4. Members of Committee 5. Committee Background A.Solving the Economic Crisis B.Solving the Presidential Crisis 2 Dear LYMUN delegates, Hi, my name is Peter Derrah and I am a senior at Lyons Township High School. I have done MUN for all my four years of high school, and I was a vice chair at the previous LYMUN conference. LYMUN is a well run conference and I hope that you all will have a good experience here. In this committee you all will be representing high level political figures in the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, as you deal with an incomprehensible level of inflation and general economic collapse, as well as internal political disputes with opposition candidates, the National Assembly, and massive protests and general civil unrest. This should be a very interesting committee, as these ongoing issues are very serious, urgent, and have shaped geopolitics recently. I know a lot of these issues are extremely complex and so I suggest that you do enough research to have at least a basic understanding of them and solutions which could solve them. For this reason I highly suggest you read the background. It is important to remember the individual background for your figure (though this may be difficult for lower level politicians) as well as the political ideology of the ruling coalition and the power dynamics of Venezuela’s current government. I hope that you all will put in good effort into preparation, write position papers, actively speak and participate in moderated and unmoderated caucus, and come up with creative and informed solutions to these pressing issues. -
MPF Final Paper
Marcellus POLICY ANALYSIS Fall 2020 - Marcellus Policy Analysis No. 9 Restraint Solutions for a Failing Venezuela by Lucy Santora EXECUTIVE SUMMARY he United States must support its ally Colombia in aiding Venezuela to protect human life and bring stability to the region. The goal is to assist in the resurrec- tion of the Venezuelan rule of law and civil society. The first steps will include reducing economic sanctions that strangle average citizens, supplying aid to ref- ugees Twho have fled to Colombia, granting temporary protected status forVenezuelans seeking safety in the United States, and non-military assistance to opposition forces. Suppose this fails, or the situation in Venezuela rapidly deteriorates. In that case, the United States will lobby the United Nations to enact Responsibility to Protect that includes a clear strategy for rebuilding the country after violence has ceased. This policy is an incremental process that will require tenaci- ty and restraint. 1 Crisis in Venezuela to assist in drug-trafficking and money laundering.2 The United States is under pressure to make Some officials have even given such groups the use of progress in confronting the dire human-made ca- military assets, all of which is a considerable threat to 3 tastrophe in Venezuela. In 2019, the Secretary-Gen- the United States’ national security. Finally, Vene- eral of the Organization of American States (OAS), zuela has historically been a reliable exporter of oil Luis Almagro, stated that the Venezuelan case fit the to the United States. American oil dependency has criteria of the Responsibility to Protect doctrine under decreased with a ramp-up of domestic production and the pillar of crimes against humanity.1 The applica- actively seeking alternative resources, but oil is still tion of R2P for Venezuela has been discussed. -
No Room for Debate the National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela
No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela July 2019 Composed of 60 eminent judges and lawyers from all regions of the world, the International Commission of Jurists promotes and protects human rights through the Rule of Law, by using its unique legal expertise to develop and strengthen national and international justice systems. Established in 1952 and active on the five continents, the ICJ aims to ensure the progressive development and effective implementation of international human rights and international humanitarian law; secure the realization of civil, cultural, economic, political and social rights; safeguard the separation of powers; and guarantee the independence of the judiciary and legal profession. ® No Room for Debate - The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela © Copyright International Commission of Jurists Published in July 2019 The International Commission of Jurists (ICJ) permits free reproduction of extracts from any of its publications provided that due acknowledgment is given and a copy of the publication carrying the extract is sent to its headquarters at the following address: International Commission of Jurists P.O. Box 91 Rue des Bains 33 Geneva Switzerland No Room for Debate The National Constituent Assembly and the Crumbling of the Rule of Law in Venezuela This report was written by Santiago Martínez Neira, consultant to the International Commission of Jurists. Carlos Ayala, Sam Zarifi and Ian Seiderman provided legal and policy review. This report was written in Spanish and translated to English by Leslie Carmichael. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ............................................................................................... -
Redalyc.LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA
Boletín de Lingüística ISSN: 0798-9709 [email protected] Universidad Central de Venezuela Venezuela Lovón Cueva, Marco Antonio; Pita Garcia, Paula Sharon LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Boletín de Lingüística, vol. XXVIII, núm. 45-46, enero-diciembre, 2016, pp. 79-110 Universidad Central de Venezuela Caracas, Venezuela Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=34754747004 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto BOLETÍN DE LINGÜÍSTICA, XXVIII/45-46 / Ene - Dic, 2016: 79-110 79 LOS TÉRMINOS DE LA CRISIS VENEZOLANA Marco Antonio Lovón Cueva Universidad Peruana de Ciencias Aplicadas (UPC) [email protected] Paula Sharon Pita Garcia Universidad Ricardo Palma (URP) [email protected] RESUMEN En los últimos años, en Venezuela, el contexto político-económico, entre la continuidad del régimen y el descontento social, ha ocasionado que los venezolanos inventen y recreen una serie de palabras para expresarse sobre dicho acontecimiento. Este trabajo lexicográfico y lexicológico recoge y analiza dichas voces, tales como majunche, pupitrazo, boliburgués. Cada entrada lexicográfica presenta una definición, alguna precisión etimológica, una marca gramatical, una marca sociolingüística, un ejemplo de uso, y alguna nota lexicográfica. Los datos han sido recopilados de distintas fuentes, particularmente de sitios web, y validados por hablantes del país. La investigación concluye con la importancia de recoger las distintas expresiones lingüísticas de esta coyuntura como una forma de consignar una realidad que reclama ser comprendida y atendida. -
Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse
Michigan Journal of Race and Law Volume 3 1998 Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse Estelle T. Lau State University of New York at Buffalo Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Law and Race Commons, Law and Society Commons, and the Legal History Commons Recommended Citation Estelle T. Lau, Can Money Whiten? Exploring Race Practice in Colonial Venezuela and Its Implications for Contemporary Race Discourse, 3 MICH. J. RACE & L. 417 (1998). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjrl/vol3/iss2/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Michigan Journal of Race and Law by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. CAN MONEY WHITEN? EXPLORING RACE PRACTICE IN COLONIAL VENEZUELA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS FOR CONTEMPORARY RACE DISCOURSE Estelle T. Lau* The Gracias al Sacar, a fascinating and seemingly inconceivable practice in eighteenth century colonial Venezuela, allowed certain individuals of mixed Black and White ancestry to purchase "Whiteness" from their King. The author exposes the irony of this system, developed in a society obsessed with "natural" ordering that labeled individuals according to their precise racial ancestry. While recognizing that the Gracias al Sacar provided opportunities for advancement and an avenue for material and social struggle, the author argues that it also justified the persistence of racial hierarchy. -
Artículos University of New Brunswick, Canada Política
REVISTA DE CIENCIA POLÍTICA / VOLUMEN 41 / N° 2 / 2021 / 425-447 VENEZUELA: AUTOCRATIC CONSOLIDATION AND SPLINTERED ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION*1 Venezuela: consolidación autocrática y liberalización económica fragmentada ANTULIO ROSALES CienciaArtículos University of New Brunswick, Canada Política MARYHEN JIMÉNEZ University of Oxford, United Kingdom ABSTRACT In 2020, Venezuela has gone through a process of autocratic consolidation. This con- solidation has taken place amid substantial economic reforms that have allowed the government of Nicolás Maduro survive sustained international and domestic pressure. In this article, we analyze this process of autocratic consolidation. We ex- plain how, by focusing on the establishment of an “interim-government” in 2019, the Venezuelan opposition has been unable to coordinate an inclusive strategy to successfully bring about a democratic breakthrough and instead became further divided. We address the economic transformations witnessed in the country as policies of fragmented liberalization through opaque privatizations and an uneven multi-currency system, which have resulted from a deep recession, the collapse of the oil economy and sanctions. Finally, we discuss the implications of these poli- tical and economic processes for the social fabric of the country. We highlight that despite the government’s attempts at criminalizing autonomous activism, the re- lative strengths of civil society allowed the survival of minimal democratic spaces that have spurred dialogue and resistance. Keywords: autocracy, Nicolás Maduro, opposition, liberalization, Venezuela. RESUMEN En 2020, Venezuela pasó por un proceso de consolidación autocrática. Esta consolidación ha ocurrido en medio de reformas económicas sustanciales que han permitido al gobierno de Nicolás Maduro subsistir a la presión nacional e internacional. En este artículo analizamos el proceso de consolidación autocrática que se ha concretado en el último año. -
Protecting Politics: Deterring the Influence Of
Protecting Politics Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Protecting Politics: Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Elections are essential elements of democratic systems. Unfortunately, abuse and manipulation (including voter intimidation, vote buying or ballot stuffing) can distort these processes. However, little attention has been paid to an intrinsic part of this threat: the conditions and opportunities for criminal interference in the electoral process. Most worrying, few scholars have examined the underlying conditions that make elections vulnerable to organized criminal involvement. This report addresses these gaps in knowledge by analysing the vulnerabilities of electoral processes to illicit interference (above all by organized crime). It suggests how national and international authorities might better protect these crucial and coveted elements of the democratic process. Case studies from Georgia, Mali and Mexico illustrate these challenges and provide insights into potential ways to prevent and mitigate the effects of organized crime on elections. International IDEA Clingendael Institute ISBN 978-91-7671-069-2 Strömsborg P.O. Box 93080 SE-103 34 Stockholm 2509 AB The Hague Sweden The Netherlands T +46 8 698 37 00 T +31 70 324 53 84 F +46 8 20 24 22 F +31 70 328 20 02 9 789176 710692 > [email protected] [email protected] www.idea.int www.clingendael.nl ISBN: 978-91-7671-069-2 Protecting Politics Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Protecting Politics Deterring the Influence of Organized Crime on Elections Series editor: Catalina Uribe Burcher Lead authors: Ivan Briscoe and Diana Goff © 2016 International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance © 2016 Netherlands Institute of International Relations (Clingendael Institute) International IDEA Strömsborg SE-103 34 Stockholm Sweden Tel: +46 8 698 37 00, fax: +46 8 20 24 22 Email: [email protected], website: www.idea.int Clingendael Institute P.O. -
Predators 2021 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 PREDATORS 2021 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Azerbaijan 167/180* Eritrea 180/180* Isaias AFWERKI Ilham Aliyev Born 2 February 1946 Born 24 December 1961 > President of the Republic of Eritrea > President of the Republic of Azerbaijan since 19 May 1993 since 2003 > Predator since 18 September 2001, the day he suddenly eliminated > Predator since taking office, but especially since 2014 his political rivals, closed all privately-owned media and jailed outspoken PREDATORY METHOD: Subservient judicial system journalists Azerbaijan’s subservient judicial system convicts journalists on absurd, spurious PREDATORY METHOD: Paranoid totalitarianism charges that are sometimes very serious, while the security services never The least attempt to question or challenge the regime is regarded as a threat to rush to investigate physical attacks on journalists and sometimes protect their “national security.” There are no more privately-owned media, only state media assailants, even when they have committed appalling crimes. Under President with Stalinist editorial policies. Journalists are regarded as enemies. Some have Aliyev, news sites can be legally blocked if they pose a “danger to the state died in prison, others have been imprisoned for the past 20 years in the most or society.” Censorship was stepped up during the war with neighbouring appalling conditions, without access to their family or a lawyer. According to Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh and the government routinely refuses to give the information RSF has been getting for the past two decades, journalists accreditation to foreign journalists. -
By Carlos Subero* Edgar G., a Doctor Who Practices In
By Carlos Subero* Edgar G., a doctor who practices in Caracas, decides to pay 2,000 bolívares fuertes (US$930) to a “private agent” (a middleman used in some Latin American countries to handle bureaucracy) because it is the only way he knows to keep his medical practice going. “I am required to process a great quantity of documents and other requirements. I have only two weeks to accomplish all this work, which is not enough time, so I need to hire a middleman to meet these requirements,” he says. “The system is designed in a way that allows corruption to flourish,” he adds. Another example of corruption in Venezuela can be seen in the predicament of a Venezuelan businessman who is under investigation by the National District Attorney’s Office. Police officers from the Corp. of Scientific, Penal and Criminal Investigations (Cuerpo de Investigaciones Científicas, Penales y Criminalísticas — CICPC) come to the businessman’s house, claiming they are there to search for evidence. Instead, they take the man into a back room, explain to him that he is “in trouble,” and blackmail him into paying them 6,000 bolívares fuertes (US$2,970). The businessman consults with his attorney who recommends that he pay off the officers. Otherwise, the police will plant false evidence that could further damage his case. These two cases serve as examples of the corruption that many Venezuelans face every day. Venezuelan people think that there is much corruption, but that’s not one of their main concerns. A 2006 survey of the Venezuelan Institute of Data Analysis (Instituto Venezolano de Datos— IVAD) says that 72 percent of the population believes there is much corruption in Venezuela. -
Political Corruption in the Caribbean Basin : a Comparative Analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica Michael W
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 6-28-2000 Political corruption in the Caribbean basin : a comparative analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica Michael W. Collier Florida International University DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14060878 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the Comparative Politics Commons, Latin American History Commons, Political History Commons, and the Public Affairs, Public Policy and Public Administration Commons Recommended Citation Collier, Michael W., "Political corruption in the Caribbean basin : a comparative analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica" (2000). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 2408. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2408 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida POLITICAL CORRUPTION IN THE CARIBBEAN BASIN: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF JAMAICA AND COSTA RICA A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS by Michael Wayne Collier To: Dean Arthur W. Herriott College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Michael Wayne Collier, and entitled Political Corruption in the Caribbean Basin: A Comparative Analysis of Jamaica and Costa Rica, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. Anthony P. -
Assessing Dangerous Threats to Our Nation's Borders
TESTIMONY OF AMBASSADOR ROGER F. NORIEGA BEFORE THE UNITED STATES HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES COMMITTEE ON HOMELAND SECURITY SUBCOMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT “A Line in the Sand: Assessing Dangerous Threats to Our Nation’s Borders” Friday, November 16, 2012 Room 311, Cannon House Office Building Washington, DC Mr. Chairman, I applaud you and other members of the Subcommittee for your continued efforts to study and expose the evolving threats to the U.S. homeland that are developing beyond our borders. The Subcommittee’s published reports on this subject contain a sobering and insightful appraisal of the menacing cooperation between narcotraffickers and the Islamic terrorist group Hezbollah in our hemisphere. As a visiting fellow at the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research, I head a project to examine and expose the dangerous alliance between the Venezuelan regime of Hugo Chávez and Iran. To date, we have conducted dozens of interviews with experts from throughout the world and with eyewitnesses on the ground in the region regarding Hezbollah’s offensive in the Americas. We also have obtained reams of official Venezuelan and Iranian documents, only a few of which we have published to support our conclusions. In addition, I have worked for most of my professional life to understand and obstruct the illicit production and distribution of illegal narcotics and associated crimes of deadly drug syndicates. While much attention has been paid to the bloody confrontation between authorities in Mexico and several Central American countries with the transnational narcotrafficking organizations, there is virtually no recognition of the simple fact that, for the last 6-7 years, much of the cocaine from South America makes its way northward with the material support of the government of Venezuela. -
Venezuela: Background and U.S
Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy (name redacted) Specialist in Latin American Affairs June 14, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov R44841 Venezuela: Background and U.S. Policy Summary Venezuela is in an acute political, economic, and social crisis. Following the March 2013 death of populist President Hugo Chávez, acting President Nicolás Maduro of the United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) narrowly defeated Henrique Capriles of the opposition Democratic Unity Roundtable (MUD) to be elected to a six-year term in April 2013. President Maduro now has less than 20% public approval, and fissures have emerged within the PSUV about the means that he has used to maintain power, including an aborted attempt to have the Supreme Court dissolve the MUD-dominated legislature. Since March 2017, large-scale protests have called for President Maduro to release political prisoners, respect the separation of powers, and establish an electoral calendar. Instead, Maduro has scheduled July 30, 2017, elections to select delegates to a constituent assembly to rewrite the constitution (the opposition is boycotting). Security forces have repressed protesters, with some 70 dead and thousands injured and jailed. Venezuela also faces crippling economic and social challenges. An economic crisis, triggered by mismanagement and low oil prices, is worsening. In 2016, the economy contracted by 18% and inflation averaged 254% according to the International Monetary Fund. Shortages of food and medicine have caused a humanitarian crisis. The Maduro government is struggling to raise the cash needed to make its debt payments and pay for imports. Some economists maintain that Venezuela is at risk of default in 2017.