The Archaeology of Death Proceedings of the Seventh Conference of Italian Archaeology Held at the National University of Ireland, Galway, April 16-18, 2016

Home , Funerary art, Padua metropolitan area, Venetia et Histria

Papers in Italian Archaeology VII

The Archaeology of Death Proceedings of the Seventh Conference of Italian Archaeology held at the National University of Ireland, Galway, April 16-18, 2016

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edited Openby Edward Herring and Eóin O’Donoghue

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Archaeopress Archaeology

ISBN 978 1 78491 921 4 ISBN 978 1 78491 922 1 (e-Pdf)

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List of Figures ��v Preface and Acknowledgements �� xii Edward Herring and Eóin O’Donoghue

Celebrating Accordia Celebrating Accordia ��3 Edward Herring Reaching a new accord: revitalising feminism in the study of Italian archaeology ��5 Lucy Shipley At Face Value: Questioning the visibility of gender in Etruscan funerary art ��13 Carrie Ann Murray ‘You’ll get a belt from your Da’: military prowess, status and masculinity and the evidence of the bronze belts from South Italy ��22 Edward Herring Recent approaches to early writing ��30 Christopher Smith Access Cultural Contacts, Resistance etc. Introduction ��39 Arianna Esposito and Airton Pollini Open Have you said métissage or hybridization? A view from the graves ��41 Arianna Esposito and Airton Pollini Greek and Indigenous people: investigations in the cemeteries of Megara Hyblaea ��48 Reine-Marie Bérard Constructing deathscapes between Pithekoussai and Cumae: la costruzione del sociale all’alba della colonizzazione tra integrazione e ibridazione ��56 Valentino Nizzo Material culture and ethnic identity: some case studies from Pontecagnano (first – second quarter of the seventh century BC) ��70 Anna Maria Desiderio Archaeopress Le necropoli arcaiche di Capua: le tombe a cubo come fenomeno ibrido ��79 Ellen Thiermann Arpi (Puglia), città aperta? ��86 Luca Basile and Claude Pouzadoux Funerary art and munera: gladiators, graffiti and tombstones at Pompeii ��98 Renata S. Garraffoni Etruria Diversity in death: a construction of identities and the funerary record of multi-ethnic central Italy from 950 to 350 BC ��107 Albert J. Nijboer Subordinate satellite communities of Poggio Civitate ��128 Kate Kreindler Multicultural interaction, colonial boundaries and changing group identities: contextualising inscriptions, languages and alphabets ��138 Ulla Rajala and Karin W. Tikkanen

i © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Burial custom patterns in Early and Middle Orientalising Caere ��149 Orlando Cerasuolo Run to the Hill. The Iron Age settlement of Verucchio ��161 Lorenzo Zamboni and Paolo Rondini The Etruscan fortress of Rofalco. Twenty years of excavation and outreach activities ��172 Orlando Cerasuolo and Luca Pulcinelli Finding a middle ground in the burial ground: Mortuary behaviour at Populonia and Vetulonia in the Early Iron Age ��181 Sheira Cohen La nascita dei ‘principi’. Il sepolcreto di Vetulonia nel periodo Orientalizzante ��189 Camilla Colombi The Power of Etruscan Women Revisited: the evidence from Archaic Tarquinian Tomb Painting ��191 Eóin O’Donoghue Infancy and urbanization in central Italy during the Early Iron Age and beyond ��197 Francesca Fulminante Un approccio ‘interdisciplinare’ allo studio di un contesto funerario orientalizzante-arcaico da Tarquinia ��208 Alessandro Mandolesi, Maria Rosa Lucidi, Margarita Gleba, Ombretta Tarquini, Marcello Colapietro and Augusto Pifferi South Italy Access Identità e isotopi: il contributo delle analisi scientifiche all’interpretazione della necropoli enotria di Francavilla Marittima ��217 Camilla Colombi, Igor M. Villa and Martin A. Guggisberg Funerary customs and social aspects of one community inOpen the Valley of the River Agri between the end of the Fifth and Third Century BC ��227 Josipa Mandić Società pithecusana e traffici commerciali etruschi nell’Orientalizzante Recente ��234 Francesco Napolitano Dancing around the grave? Funerary rituals and the creation of Peucetian identity between the sixth and third century BC ��245 Bice Peruzzi No Country for Old Men? Gender and age in a small Archaic Southern Italian community ��254 Christian Heitz Le Forme dell’AppartenenzaArchaeopress Aristocratica nella Necropoli di Fornaci a Capua. Alcuni dati dalle Sepolture Orientalizzanti dell’Area Sud-Orientale ��263 Elena Marazzi Materiali e Corredi Funerari nella Media valle del fiume Fortore tra VII sec. a.C. e III sec. a.C. ��273 Pasquale Marino, Andrea Capozzi and Diletta Colombo Una preghiera senza voce. I gesti del sacro e la ritualità ctonia nelle necropoli della Campania tra I e II età del ferro ��282 Carmelo Rizzo Rango, potere e identità sociale nei sepolcreti indigeni di età orientalizzante della Piana del Sarno, Campania ��292 Francesca Mermati Only princes in Daunia? Critical considerations on the conception of the ‘elite’ in Iron Age North-Apulia on the basis of the so-called tombe principesche ��303 Lisa Obojes Capua in età orientalizzante. Tombe di rango dall’area occidentale della necropoli di fornaci ��309 Mattia Maturo

ii © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. Burial practices in the cemetery of Buccino from the mid seventh to the early fourth century BC ��316 Cesare Vita Accedere all’Aldilà? L’aes rude in tomba: nuove acquisizioni da Pontecagnano ��322 Anna Rita Russo Sicily La Necropoli Est di Polizzello: Riti e deposizioni dalle tombe 5 e 5A ��333 Alberto D’Agata La Tomba 24 e 25 della Necropoli Est di Polizzello: l’influenza culturale greca nelle tradizioni funerarie di un insediamento indigeno della Sicilia centrale ��343 Antonino Barbera Le Tombe a Grotticella artificiale del territorio di Valguarnera: Nuovi Dati ��354 Eleonora Draià Via Minervia: nuovi dati dalle recenti indagini a Punta della Campanella ��365 Tommasina Budetta, Rosa Cannavacciuolo and Carmelo Rizzo The making of sacred and funerary landscapes in central Sicily between the 6th and the 1st millennium BC ��371 Enrico Giannitrapani Sepolture femminili e infantili nella necropoli di Sabucina (Caltanissetta) ��383 Nicoletta Di Carlo Calicantone: A funerary landscape in Sicily ��Access 388 Pietro Militello, Anna Maria Sammito, Marianna Figuera, Maria Gianchino and Thea Messina

Prehistory Caves and shelters in the Uccellina Mountains (Alberese Open– Grosseto) – funerary practices and rituals during the Bronze and Copper Ages at Grotta dello Scoglietto and Buca di Spaccasasso ��399 Nicoletta Volante and Lucia Sarti Characteristics of the cult and funerary caves in the Agrigento territory ��410 Domenica Gullì The chamber tombs phenomenon as evidence for the birth of a Bronze Age èlite: the case of the Roccoia cemetery (Farnese, VT) ��419 Nuccia Negroni Catacchio, Matteo Aspesi, Christian Metta, Giulia Pasquini and Andrea Jacopo Sala Copper Age ancestral sanctuaries and landscapes in Valle Camonica ��431 Raffaella Poggiani Keller Grotta Nisco (Cassano delleArchaeopress Murge-Bari), una necropoli dell’età del Rame. Lo studio di ‘ambiente 1’ e ‘ambiente 5’ ��443 Francesca Radina and Maria Lucrezia Savino Discovering Sofia: semi-digital forensic facial reconstruction of a woman from Copper Age Sicily ��448 Davide Tanasi Roman Italy False-doors in domestic Roman architecture ��457 Maurice Owen Cremation structures and funerary dynamics in Roman Veneto. New perspectives from Padua/Patavium ��465 Cecilia Rossi and Irene Marini The Via Castrimeniense: one of the most ancient routes between the Alban Hills and Rome ��477 Agnese Livia Fischetti Approaching Roman secondary settlements in Italy: diachronic trends, spatial relationships and economic roles ��483 Stefano Bertoldi, Gabriele Castiglia and Angelo Castrorao Barba

iii © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. The discovery of the Roman rural settlement of ‘Podere San Lorenzo’ in Montecastrilli (Terni-Italy) ��494 Luca Desibio and Pier Matteo Barone

Post Antique Special deposition in the Catacomb of St. Callixtus in Rome. New data on the funerary use of catacombs between the eighth and the ninth centuries ��507 Agnese Pergola Ethnic identity, material culture and social development of the Langobards: some examples ��516 Federica Codromaz Gli spazi degli esclusi. Sepolture isolate d’infanti nell’Italia tardo-antica: il contributo della ricerca archeologica ��523 Lidia Vitale Putridaria (strainer rooms) and draining practices of the bodies. Anthropology of death in the modern age ��532 Roberta Fusco

New Methods and Technologies 3D modeling and Attic pottery. A new approach to an ‘old’ question ��543 Alessandro Pace and Daniele Bursich The Stockholm Volterra Project: exploring a cityscape in an urban context ��553 Ulla Rajala, Arja Karivieri, Andreas Viberg, Elena Sorge, Alessandro Furiesi,Access Gianfranco Morelli and Gianluca Catanzariti GIS applications in the valorisation of the cultural heritage: the case of Campovalano (Central Italy, TE) and its territory ��563 Carmen Soria Open Funerary landscapes and the archaeology of war in the Cuneo valleys. GIS and interdisciplinarity: toward new frontiers of research ��570 Isabel Beltrán Gil, Eliana Maniaci and Erika Mattio GIS and visual analysis of a Copper Age funerary site: intra-site perspectives at ‘Poggio di Spaccasasso’ (Grosseto, Italy) ��576 Giovanna Pizziolo and Nicoletta Volante A sign of the times: updating the outdoor wayside panels of Tarquinia ��584 Andrew Carroll Chemical characterization of EBA/MBA pottery from Ognina (Sicily). A comparison of XRF and pXRF for analysis of ancientArchaeopress pottery �� 590 Davide Tanasi, Robert H. Tykot, Frederick Pirone and Erin McKendry The socio-political dimension of archaeology: some reflections on the Italian path ��599 Andrea Maria Gennaro

Contributors ��606

iv © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. C. Rossi and I. Marini

Cremation structures and funerary dynamics in Roman Veneto. New perspectives from Padua/Patavium

Cecilia Rossi and Irene Marini

Summary The present work is aimed to suggest some new perspectives on the funerary customs of Roman Veneto (North-Eastern Italy), with particular attention to the practice in use at the very beginning of the Imperial period, when the Romanisation comes to an end. Moving from a short discussion of the state of the art, the paper focuses on hints produced by a well-preserved burial plot recently discovered at Padua/Patavium, one of the capitals of the ancient Veneto. Dated to the first two centuries CE, the site is firstly introduced from a topographical point of view; then, the spatial arrangement is discussed, with description of structures and their development. Particular attention is given to cremation deposits, the main evidence in the cemetery. Burials are examined starting from the urned examples, followed by unurned deposits, and closing with the analysis of the most representative aspect in the context: busta-type cremation graves, i.e. deposits completely apart from the local tradition, that maybe arrived in Veneto as a result of cultural exchanges that occurred during the Romanisation process. A comparison between archaeological and anthropological data is finally proposed, suggesting several hints in order to better reconstruct both the interment steps and the real function of the great cremation structures.

Riassunto Il presente lavoro vuole offrire dei nuovi spunti di riflessione sui costumi funerariAccess del Veneto romano (Italia nord-orientale), con particolare attenzione alle pratiche in uso agli inizi dell’età imperiale, quando il processo di romanizzazione era ormai giunto a compimento. Dopo una rapida sintesi dello stato dell’arte, l’attenzione si sposta sulle novità apportate da un’area cimiteriale ben conservata, scoperta recentemente a Padova/Patavium, uno dei principali centri del Veneto antico. La necropoli, datata ai primi due secoli della nostra era, è innanzi tutto analizzata dal punto di vista topografico; in seguito, viene esaminato l’arrangiamento spaziale, con descrizione delle strutture rinvenute e relativo sviluppo. Una particolare attenzione è poi rivolta alle cremazioni, che costituiscono l’evidenza maggiormente documentataOpen nel sepolcreto. Le tombe sono analizzate partendo dalle sepolture in urna, per poi passare alle deposizioni senza urna e terminare con l’analisi dell’aspetto più caratterizzante dell’intero contesto: le cosiddette cremazioni a bustum. Queste ultime evidenze si distinguono perché completamente estranee alle tradizioni locali e potrebbero essere giunte in Veneto a seguito degli scambi culturali avvenuti col resto della penisola durante il processo di romanizzazione. Infine, si propone un confronto tra il dato archeologico e quello antropologico, dal quale emergono indizi utili alla ricostruzione delle fasi del rituale funebre e al riconoscimento funzionale delle grandi fosse di cremazione.

Keywords: Veneto, Romanisation, Padua/Patavium, funerary practice, cremation

Archaeopress Venetorum angulus between Pre-Roman and Roman then Celtic and Italic (Gamba, Gambacurta, Ruta times Serafini, Tiné and Veronese 2013).

Since its origin, the region called by the Romans In continuous clashes with the Celtic groups settled Venetorum angulus (Livy 5.33.10), in North-Eastern Italy, around, the Venetic communities stood out among has had an historical development deeply tied to its the other populations of Northern Italy because of an role as a link between the Peninsula, the transalpine early amicable relationship with Rome, ennobled by world and the Eastern Mediterranean. the ancient authors by reference to a mythical kindred. Begun in 225 BCE with an alliance agreement against This pivotal position, together with the nature of the Celts, this ‘friendship’ remained unchanged even land – mostly flat and crossed by rivers, limited by during the following wars and allowed the region to natural boundaries, protective yet permeable –, can be have almost a linear development, marked at the end considered the real base for the birth, between Final by some events that marked the official entry into the Bronze Age and First Iron Age, of the Venetic culture, Roman state: notably the concession of Latin rights in well-defined as to its language, alphabet, socio-political 89 BCE, and the acquisition of the full Roman citizenship and administrative organisation, and worship, but also in 49 BCE (Bandelli 1999; Buchi 1999; Bonetto 2009: 26- open to external inputs, at first Greek and Etruscan, 39).

465 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. The Archaeology of Death

In the second and first century BCE, the transition from Such scenarios, just sketched in order to provide an full independence to inclusion in the Roman world took easier understanding of the following dynamics, went place in a rather ‘consensual’ way, preceded by several under a visible change during Romanisation, reflecting insfrastructural works, among which are the drafting of the cultural exchange produced by the peaceful a new road network, based on the viae publicae system, absorption into the Roman world. From a topographical and the partitioning of the land in centuriae. Together point of view, the routes network brought a new with a deep transformation of the territory, these organising principle to the suburban development works allowed a strenghtening of the existing economic and the number of cemeteries increased around the activities and a further trade development. towns, spreading out almost radially along the primary roads, now assumed as the main guarantee for visibility Enticed by earning expectations, many people from and self-representation by the rising social classes. Rome and Central Italy settled in the region, easing The dependence on streets coming from/to the cities the cultural melting-pot and fostering impulses of self- influenced, in the long run, even the inner disposition: Romanisation among the local communities (Bandelli gradually collective tumuli decreased and another 2009; Capuis 2009; Bandelli 2015). arrangement began to take hold, with burials placed in multiple rows parallel to the roads, sometimes kept This kind of slow and peaceful transition well explains within funerary enclosures. Some links with tradition the continuity of several aspects of indigenous can still be traced in the practice: between the Late culture, strongly rooted in the region till the advent Republic and the Julio-Claudians, cremation went on to of the empire, a period that marked in Veneto, just prevail and the human remains were still collected into like elsewhere in Northern Italy (Gabba 1994: 133- non-perishable urns. The ceremony itself maintained 143; Häussler 2013), a sort of acceleration of the self- some typical aspects of the previous custom, such as the Romanisation processes (Cresci Marrone 2009; de Ligt libations, but was at once enriched with ritual elements 2015). taken from CentralAccess and Southern Italy: first of all, the sprinkling of scented oils enhancing each step of the Romanisation of funerary practice interment and the adoption of new vessels completely alien to the local productions, such as flasks and By nature characterised by great conservatism in unguentaria. Another sign of detachment from the past choices, the funerary field is more than others suited canOpen be seen in the decline of the re-opening practice: to analyse the dynamics of cultural exchange set in the great family graves with several urns kept together motion by the contact between local traditions and inside were gradually replaced by single graves, Roman-Italic customs. conveying the image of a society in which individuality began to prevail over family ties, the latter frequently In the last decades, several discoveries and recap expressed by a mere proximity (Rossi 2016a). studies helped to shape the original Venetic context. Located outside the settlements, in the first suburb, New hints from the cemetery of Padua – vicolo pre-Roman cemeteries were generally set in the Pastori vicinity of waterways, with a highly symbolic position because fording the river could remind the community Far from addressing each aspect of this process, the of the passage from life to death;Archaeopress inside the cemeteries, present work is aimed to suggest some new perspectives burials were, for the most part, grouped into collective with regard to the funerary custom of ‘Romanised’ tumuli, at first reflecting simple extended families, Veneto, with particular attention to the practice in use which from the sixth century BCE onwards developed in the first two centuries CE, when the transformation into real gentes. As for the rite, cremation prevailed over of the Venetic towns into real Roman cities can be inhumation, with human remains generally collected considered completely finished. into urns and placed into simple pits or else put into stone/wooden caskets or great dolia. In the whole The study got started from the recent discovery in Venetic world, graves were usually reopened in order Padua, ancient Patavium, of the funerary context of to re-establish the family ties and emotional bonds vicolo Pastori, exceptionally well preserved, despite its broken by the death, and several urns were, therefore, position at the heart of a city mostly grown on itself, gathered in a sole container or the remains of several at the expense of its own past. Because it is one of the human beings were put together in a single ossuary. cemeteries surrounding one of the capitals of Roman As proved by botanical and animal remains and/or by Veneto, this plot represents a real turning point in our potsherds recovered within the pyre-debris and the knowledge of funerary dynamics in this corner of the last backfill of the graves, several food offerings and empire. libations were carried out both during the cremation process and the following interment (Ruta Serafini Right in the middle of the region, at the heart of a 2013). complex trading network, Patavium was one of the

466 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. C. Rossi and I. Marini: Cremation structures and funerary dynamics in Roman Veneto major cities of the ancient Veneto, playing a key-role In the absence of surface evidence, the only input as a cultural and political centre both in pre-Roman for the reconstruction of the outward image of the and Roman times. Thanks to recent studies, both the cemetery is given by a limestone monument, dating cemeteries of the Venetic (Michelini and Ruta Serafini back to the mid first century CE, discovered in a pillage 2005; Gamba, Gambacurta and Ruta Serafini 2014) and pit at the edge of the excavated site. Rather typical of the Roman city (Rossi 2014; Pettenò and Rossi 2015; the Eastern part of the region, the monumental grave Pettenò, Rossi and Vigoni 2015; Rossi 2016b) are now consisted of a cylindrical altar with reliefs and a square well known. base with a surface cavity for the human remains, the altar serving as the closure for the urn. The inscription The funerary context that we are going to discuss was on the front of the base helps us to define the social a part of the Eastern suburb of the town, quite far from group that used the cemetery, suggesting exploitation the urban border, at about 700 metres from the access of the burial ground even extended to foreigners: the point to the public and residential areas of the town. deceased was actually a freedman, whose name is quite The Roman exploitation of the soil had no previous pre- unusual in Cisalpine, but is more common in Central Roman forerunners although it was not far from the Italy and especially in Rome (Pettenò, Boscolo and Rossi great Venetic necropolis, established at the end of the 2011; Bassignano 2016: 368-369). ninth century BCE along the river Meduacus, out of the town; this area remained unused till the end of the first The situation found underground, with a wide range century BCE, when new burial grounds began to appear of funerary structures, some of which completely far in the Eastern suburb of the city in relation to the via distinct from local traditions, seems to support this Annia, i.e. the route connecting Patavium with Altinum suggestion of a multi-cultural population. and Aquileia, which already existed in pre-Roman times but formalised by the Romans between 153 and 128 BCE The cemetery was established directly on the natural (Rosada, Frassine and Ghiotto 2010). underlay and theAccess material culture let us distinguish at least three different periods: the first, corresponding to About 800 square metres wide, the excavated plot was, the first quarter of the first century CE, the following in a straight-line 50 metres far from the modern road, to the second and third quarters of the first century which presumably retraces the ancient one. During the CE, and the last to the span between the last quarter of investigations, 123 deposits were found, all of them theOpen first and the beginning of the second century CE. dating between the late Augustan period and the first As for the layout, an irregular distribution can be easily decades of the second century CE (Fig. 1). recognised on the plan, with some clusters, made of similar and contemporary deposits occurring together The good state of preservation of the Roman context is, in the same part of the plot, and other zones apparently for the most part, due to the unintrusive exploitation free of depositions, which may have been used for small of the soil from Late Antiquity to the present: as shown paths. by cadastral maps, in Medieval and modern times, the soil was turned into gardens. A significant change, in As regards the ritual, inhumation is quite irrelevant: terms of function, occurred only in the fifties, when an there were only four inhumation burials, two belonging open-air garage was built but without it damaging the to adults and dated to the last period of use (Marini archaeological record. Archaeopress 2016), the others belonging to children and presumably older. Despite the unquestionable interest of these Such a ‘well preserved’ state must be understood in graves, the present paper will focus the attention only relation to the general archaeological situation of on the main evidence from this context: the cremation Padua, a city where Medieval and modern works often deposits. wiped out earlier evidence: in this plot, none of the original surfaces survived and very little remained even Cremations from Padua – Vicolo Pastori: the of the buildings, mostly likely destroyed and removed archaeological data in a systematic way during subsequent agricultural exploitation. Only patches of sub-structures, maybe The simplest examples are the urned cremation parts of enclosures, were still in situ, but the residual burials, most of which belong to the first half of the state makes it difficult to guess the dimensions and first century CE, without differences from what has shape of the original masonry. Only the presence of a been already observed in other cemeteries from Padua shared alignment let us suggest some remarks upon and elsewhere in the region (Rossi 2014: 135-149). In these structures: this kind of arrangement, perhaps these graves, representing 22.8 per cent of the total, influenced by the road passing by, seems to have some kind of continuity with respect to ancient Venetic characterised the burial ground since its inception, practice can still be noticed. Human remains were still suggesting the existence of a veritable planning scheme, kept in non-perishable containers (i.e. coarse ware ollae with a possible partitioning established a priori. and grey ware vessels), whose types can be considered

467 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. The Archaeology of Death

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Figure 1. Padua – vicolo Pastori. Plan of the site. Blue: brick-works; Red: 10 BCE – 25 CE; Green: 25CE – 75CE; Yellow: 75CE – 110 CE (Courtesy of MIBACT – Archivio SABAP-Ve-Met. Drawing: SAP srl). the evolution of those in use in the previous centuries. of some grave goods put in the grave at the end of the With regards to the arrangement, the urn could be ceremony, while closing the pit. As for the amphorae, placed in a simple circular pit, similar in size to the the types chosen as ready-made containers are notably container or, more commonly, into a sort of protective those produced for wine and oil in the Adriatic area structure, such as an amphora cut into sections, a (i.e. first of all Dressel 6A and Dressel 6B), a choice most novelty in respect to previous customs, or a wooden likely influenced, on one hand, by the huge availability casket, the latter suggested by the collapsed position of these containers in the local trades and, on the other,

468 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. C. Rossi and I. Marini: Cremation structures and funerary dynamics in Roman Veneto by their great capacity: characterised by a pear-shaped urn and outside the secondary container, the funerary or oval body, these local types were very suitable for process can be easily retraced. As happens at many the purpose, providing protection for both the urn and other cemeteries throughout the Roman empire, the at least some of the vessels used during the ceremony human remains are not alone inside the urns: in this (Fig. 2a). instance, excavation carried out in lab on a sample of the urns proved the recurring position of coins, brooches The amphora is usually cut at the shoulders and placed and small glass flagons at the very head of the human upside down over the urn and the grave goods. As remains, suggesting an encoded gesture, according to an alternative, it can be recovered at all, cut at the which the human remains were placed first of all inside halfway point and reassembled at the end, or finally a textile/skin bag, which may have been closed by the both the neck and the spike can be removed, reducing brooches, then the bag was placed inside the urn and the container to a simple cylinder placed inside the the closure of the ossuary was finally formalised by grave before the urn and then closed with a perishable placing a coin, as Charon’s fee, and sprinkling scented covering, perhaps a wooden platform. oils on the whole contents (Fig. 2b).

The base of the grave is generally levelled with brick Recurring arrangements can be recognised even fragments ensuring the stability of the structure and outside the urns: as a rule, the vessels used during the sealing the content. The pyre debris is normally outside interment, for food and liquid offerings, were placed and only in one case it is put inside the pit, being used all around the ossuary or the outer container and, no as the first backfill over the amphora. matter which type or class, dishes, bowls, beakers and flasks were usually combined in order to create a sort Taking into account the nature of the grave goods and of minimal banqueting set. The position of each object the position of each object inside the urn, outside the is always the resultAccess of a precise choice, something

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Figure 2. Padua – vicolo Pastori. a: Tb. 130; b: Tb. 130, inside the urn; c: Tb. 85 (Courtesy of MIBACT – Archivio SABAP-Ve-Met. Picture: SAP srl).

469 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. The Archaeology of Death that we can easily retrace, in particular for flasks and its final closure (Fig. 3a). Moreover, similar to what other liquid containers: frequently placed outside was revealed by flasks for the earlier graves, simpula the amphora or even found while collapsing from the and beakers collapsing downwards from a surface upper filling levels, they seem to have been used mainly level seem to suggest the continuity of some kind of at the end of the burial practice and were, therefore, banqueting practice even at the end of the interment placed inside the grave just before closure of the pit, (Fig. 3b). sometimes at the base, outside the container and covered with brick fragments, more often on higher Finally, what remains to be discussed is perhaps shelves or wooden platforms used for the closure (Fig. the most representative evidence of this context: 2c). cremation graves with quadrangular plan and vertical walls, generally altered by the fire. Representing the Something similar can be noticed even for the small 9.7 per cent of the total amount, they play a minor role glass flagons, whose position outside the urns seems in the cemetery, persisting however from the Augustan to prove the enactment of several ritual sprinklings in age to the second half of the first century CE. order to mark each step of the interment: as proved by flagons found outside the urns but inside the amphorae, Some of them were large and had an almost square plan, the placement of the ossuary was presumably followed two metres and more in side; others were smaller and by some kind of perfusion and other flagons found had a rather rectangular plan, less than one metre wide outside the amphorae, at the base of the pit or within and less than one metre and a half in length (Fig. 4a). the filling, seem to suggest the same practice while As a rule, the first filling level from the base was made closing the grave. of a rich charcoal layer, in which even great pieces of charred logs were sometimes preserved. In the smaller In this reconstruction of the funerary practice, pits, the logs were usually collapsing downwards, problems increase when the container for the human suggesting the Accessassembly of the pyre stacks just over remains is absent at all or missing because it was made the graves using the surface as support base with the of perishable material, as usually happens in Padua, corpse that was sticking out from the borderline. In the just like in other parts of the region, from the mid first greater ones, the logs lay instead just on the bottom of century CE onwards (Rossi 2014: 150-156). the graves, with a rather regular distribution, parallel andOpen orthogonal to the walls. Small pits, on average 50 centimetres wide and 70 centimetres long, containing varying amounts of Due to the contact with the flames, even the alteration cremated bones and pyre-debris, are typical elements seems to have had a different distribution depending of the second and third phase of use of the cemetery, on the size: in the smaller pits, the altered band was representing the 63.4 per cent of the total amount. normally limited to the higher part of the walls; in the others, the alteration involved the whole surface. Except for one deposit, covered with bricks on the upper Combined with the regular distribution of the wooden section, these pits were for the most part truncated and remnants, this fact suggests the construction of the damaged by subsequent ploughings and what remains stacks directly inside the graves. Almost not touched is generally preserved only for a few centimetres in by the subsequent agricultural activity and preserved depth, preventing whateverArchaeopress evaluation of the bulk of to 80 centimetres in depth, an exceptional grave (Tb. human remains recovered inside. 124), dated to the first decades of the first century CE, offers the greatest hints for the reconstruction of the The loss of data becomes quite evident when cremation rite (Fig. 4b): the wall was altered with an considered in the light of the exceptional preservation horizontal strips pattern, perhaps due to the presence of a cluster of a few graves from the western side of the of obstacles for the air flow; on the bottom, covered by burial ground: dating back to the last decade of the first the pyre-debris, the frame of the lower levels of the century CE, these graves were deeper than the average, stack was still quite complete, consisting of logs and similar in terms of weight of bones to the urned branches of medium size, the thickness being between cremation burials and useful for some considerations 15 and 18 centimetres. Comparable with other examples about funerary practices in the last phase of use of the from Germania (Witteyer 1993; Pirling 2002) and Gallia cemetery: the human remains were sometimes mixed (Cenzon Salvayre 2014), the structure shows a notable with the pyre debris, sometimes collected in separate likeness to the stacks still used in some parts of India heaps, suggesting the original contents of perishable and Nepal (Grévin 2009). containers, such as textile/skin bags, wooden caskets or wicker baskets. Glass flagons were found in different Inside the charcoal layer of each grave, a lot of tableware backfill levels, suggesting once again the enactment and glass flagons were found, most of them changed of some ritual perfusions of scented oils while placing in colour or warped by the exposure to the flames, the human remains in the grave and also during proving the enactment of food offerings, libations and

470 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. C. Rossi and I. Marini: Cremation structures and funerary dynamics in Roman Veneto

The analysis of the human remains recovered inside has given several hints as to the function of this kind of cremation in situ, commonly named Busta. Before dealing with the anthropological data, the novelty of this evidence with regard to the local funerary practice requires some final remarks: similar structures do not have any parallel in the pre-Roman Venetic world and seem strange even among the neighbouring Celtic people.

The first appearance occurs in Patavium at the very beginning of the first century CE and something similar has been noticed in other centres of the region, such as Altinum, Opitergium and Montebelluna, everywhere with low rates of occurrence. AccessComparable values have been found in other parts of Cisalpine too (Rossi 2014: 156-163).

This led us think of a funerary Open custom borrowed from abroad in the context of the final Romanisation phase, thanks to the strengthening of cultural exchanges with other cultural contexts. As a suggestion, the model may have been borrowed from the Hellenic centres of Southern Italy, as conveyed by the widespread occurrence of similar graves in the burial grounds of Archaeopress Magna Graecia and Sicily, where such graves occur as early as the Archaic period (Pettenò, Rossi, Vigoni 2015: 153-154). Once arrived in Rome, the model could have spread like a fashion at first to Northern Italy (Venetorum angulus included) and then in Figure 3. Padua – vicolo Pastori. a: Tb. 70; b. Tb. 68 the provinces, as suggested by (Courtesy of MIBACT – Archivio SABAP-Ve-Met. the time lag between the first Picture: SAP srl). examples in Cisalpine, dated to the Augustan period, and the evidence north of the Alps, where perfusions while burning the corpse. Without traces the practice is not really common until the mid first of burning, other artefacts lay at the very head of the century CE (Struck 1993). The centres of Northern Italy charcoal layer: again dishes and cups for food offerings, (and Patavium among them) could have acted as a link generally placed at the edges, and foremost glass between the Greek-Italic world and the world beyond flagons, proving that the closure of the cremation rite the Alps. involved a solemn perfusion of scented oils. Cecilia Rossi

Figure 4. Padua – vicolo Pastori. a: Tb. 10; b: Tb. 124 (Courtesy of MIBACT – Archivio SABAP-Ve-Met. Picture: SAP srl). Access Cremations from Padua – Vicolo Pastori: the selective collection of remains (Mc Kinley 2013). The anthropological data colour of bones was also taken into account, in order to understand the cremation dynamics (Mays 1988). Data The anthropological study of the cremated remains were recorded using a relational database (Marini 2014- led us to a deeper understanding of different aspects 2015).Open of rituals carried out in the cemetery of Vicolo Pastori and also inspired a deep reflection on burial practices The evaluation of sex was possible in only five cases in the Roman world. (two males and three females), while the age-at-death was established in eleven cases (nine adults and two The analysis of skeletal remains began with the dry young). No double burial was manifestly recognised. sieving of the pyre-debris; then, bones were cleaned up and analysed with anthropological recognition and The weight analysis of up to 107 of the 119 cremation lateralisation according to the skeletal region. The deposits (the rest are still awaiting excavation in the lab) minimum number of individuals (MNI) was evaluated revealed a great variability, the total amount ranging through a check on the presence of double bones and from 0.1 g to 720 g (Fig. 5). Affected to a lesser extent the weight of each bone depositArchaeopress (Duday 2006: 218; Van by post-depositional disorders, the highest rates were Andringa, Duday and Lepetz 2013: 5-16). those of the urned burials. By contrast, the lower rates were found inside the unurned burials, with weights As for the sex and the age-at-death, the robustness of normally below 50 g. None of the tombs matches the the mastoid apophysis, the morphology of the chin theoretical values estimated by the bibliography and the mandibular branch, the development of the (Mc Kinley 2013). The average weight (83.30 g) seems nuchal line of the occipital bone and the supraorbital to be even lower than those found in other Roman margin were observed, together with the weight cemeteries of the region (Drusini, Ranzato, Onisto and (Ferembach, Schwidetzky and Stloukal 1977-79; Lovejoy Rippa Bonati 1997; Amoretti 2010): Verona – Porta 1985; Buikstra and Swegle 1989; Ubelaker 2009). Where Palio (mean: 183.78 g; n=494), Verona – Spianà (mean: possible, the morphology of the skull and pelvis was 177.13 g; n=500), Altino – Le Brustolade (mean: 701.91 also taken into account, although these parts normally g; n=267), Altino – Via Annia (mean: 430.89 g; n=77) and suffer greater fragmentation during the exposure to Riva del Garda – Baltera (mean: 203.59 g; n=8). Weights the flames. from these cemeteries seem to be almost comparable with what is found elsewhere in the Roman empire, In every deposit, each skeletal region was weighted such as in Britain (McKinley 2006: 85), Germany and and the percentage on the total mass was established Switzerland (Wahl 2015: 170), and Spain (Silva 2015: in order to assess the degree of representativeness 135). The good state of preservation of the majority of of each part and appreciate the possibility of the the burials with a ceramic container led us to think that

472 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. C. Rossi and I. Marini: Cremation structures and funerary dynamics in Roman Veneto

such low rates were not due, not at all, to taphonomic and diagenetic phenomena.

The fact that part of the ritual was based on a selective removal of bones, carried out once the pyre was extinguished, could have led to these results. In Antiquity this practice, known as ossilegium, consisted of a ritual collection of the human remains, which were then prepared for interment (Tib. 1, 3, 5-6; 3, 2, 17-18; Verg. Aen. 6.228). Taking into account the percentage of each skeletal part in relation to the total mass of the remains, it is clear that in each deposit bones belong fairly equally to all the anatomical regions, a fact that seems to suggest a lack of preference during the collection of the remains.

Even for cremations in situ, the weight analysis has shown the presence of a very small quantity of bones, with the average weight (136.92 g) being too scant for real tombs, suggesting the image of simple cremation pits, sacralised at the end of the ceremony with several ritual practices resulting in the deposition of artefacts.

This is quite Accessevident considering the previously mentioned Tb. 124 (Fig. 4b): the total mass is only 44 g but the analysis revealed that remains belonged to a single adult subject. Considering the exceptional state of preservation, a 900 g weight would have been possible.Open Therefore, most of the remains could have been reasonably picked up and placed elsewhere (i.e. urn or monumental tomb), the grave becoming quite a sort of individual ustrinum. Such kind of evidence can be compared with similar great quadrangular graves found elsewhere in the Roman world, particularly in Gaul, where the scarce amount or even the absence of human remains has already suggested their interpretation as fosses-bûchers, i.e. simple cremation places (Blaizot and Tranoy 2004; Blaizot, Bel, Bonnet, Georges and Richier 2009): grave goods placed at the head of the charcoal Figure 5. Padua – vicolo Pastori. Weight analysis of human remains. Archaeopress layer, before filling, should not be considered as a means to remember the deceased, but rather as a sacralisation mark for a pit in which a funerary ritual took place.

In addition, the colorimetric data and the size of

Blue: Busta-type cremation deposits; Red: Urned burials; Green: Unurned burials. skeletal fragments allowed us to put forward an hypothesis on the cremation process: almost all the analysed bones were white-grey to yellow in colour, sometimes with black hues given by the smoke from the pyre. There were no colorimetric differences between the skeletal parts. This seems to suggest that the pyre could have been controlled or managed by someone – the Latin ustor – who had to ensure a uniform burning of the corpse (Cic. Mil. 90; Cat. 59.5; Lucan. 8.738). The presence of an attendant for the cremation ceremony is also supported by the high fragmentation of the bones, mostly small and medium size, a result obtainable only with high temperatures and if the remains undergo voluntary manipulations by a stick or something

473 © Archaeopress and the authors, 2017. The Archaeology of Death similar, as ethno-archaeological studies in India and Bandelli, G. 1999. Roma e la Venetia orientale dalla Nepal have recently highlighted (Grévin 2004; 2009). guerra gallica (225-222 a.C.) alla guerra sociale (91- Most likely due to a deliberate shutdown of the flames 87 a.C.). In Cresci Marrone, G. and Tirelli, M. (eds), before the complete break down of the wooden parts, Vigilia di Romanizzazione. Altino e il Veneto Orientale tra the good state of preservation of the lower logs in Tb. II e I sec. a.C. Atti del Convegno, Venezia 2-3 dicembre 124 may suggest the existence of a rather high stack, not 1997 (Studi e ricerche sulla Gallia Cisalpina 11). completely damaged by the attendant, who probably Roma: Quasar, 285-301. acted just till the consumption of the corpse. Bandelli, G. 2009. Note sulla categoria di romanizzazione Irene Marini con riferimento alla Venetia et Histria. In Cuscito, G. 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