Evidence for Roman Intelligence Services along the Eastern Adriatic Coast Jurica TRIPLAT
Acquiring and passing on strategically important services were fully developed, namely the speculatores information has always been of great importance to and the frumentarii, who are well attested both in the state leadership as a way of securing political literary sources and epigraphical evidence. goals and maintaining state security. Early forms of Eleven epigraphical monuments mentioning specu- intelligence gathering and transmission were develo- latores and frumentarii have so far been found in the ped primarily to aid war efforts but also being equally Roman province of Dalmatia. With an additional stele important in decision-making and implementation found in Parentium in Istria (Regio X Venetia et Histria), of laws and directives. Conquering a certain territory these twelve monuments also represent the total num- must have required military, geographical, economical, ber of attested speculatores and frumentarii on the cartographical and similar information about that territory of Croatia. The aim of this paper is to provide territory and its population. Following the territorial relevant information about speculatores and frumenta- expansions of early empires, there was a need for rii, their importance in Roman provincial administration an effective way of acquiring and transmitting the and the variety of assignments they were given, and intelligence which concerned the political situation lastly, to compare and supplement that data with the in neighbouring states as well as in regions. Because examples from Dalmatia and Istria. of that, the first intelligence services came into being as a means of securing and passing on those vital Castra peregrina pieces of information. The earliest forms of intelligence systems and services were employed in Egypt, and by Ammianus Marcellinus mentions castra peregrina quae the second millennium BCE, the Babylonian kingdom sunt in Monte Caelio (Amm. XVI, 12.66), a “foreigners’ and later Assyrian empire had developed and built camp” situated on mount Caelius. Archaeological exca- military roads, courier and intelligence services, and vations at the beginning of the 20th century confirmed fire signalling over long distances.1 Persian rulers that buildings had indeed existed, and were probably further improved these models, as Xenophon and built in the time of Emperor Trajan, or even earlier.3 Herodotus describe with great admiration. From their As the name suggests, the “foreigners’ camp” was a works, we learn about Persian roads and swift couriers garrison camp for soldiers and officers sent from the who passed on messages from one to another, similar provinces to Rome on an official assignment.4 These to a relay race (Xen. Cyrop. VIII, 6.1–18; Hdt. Hist. V, soldiers were called milites peregrini because they all 52; VII, 98). Besides courier services and good roads, came from provinces, thus differentiating between Xenophon also describes the so-called “king‘s eyes” them and milites urbani, which were stationed in the and “king‘s ears” who reported back to the emperor city of Rome itself.5 Considering the importance of (Xen. Cyrop. VIII, 2.10). establishing a fast and trustworthy communication In Rome, similar services were developed rather late, network between Rome and the provinces, as well as at the end of the Republican period, mainly because between Rome and its legions, the existence of such the idea of a permanent, well-organized service of this a central place, which could accommodate all arriving nature was foreign to principles of city-state govern- soldiers, is not surprising. The largest military body ment common to classical Greece and Republican garrisoned there were frumentarii, although there Rome.2 However, by the late first century CE two such were a variety of others too, for example, centuriones
454 deputati, centuriones supernumerarii, centuriones and there seems to have been two of them – one for frumentarii, singulares, beneficiarii, and lastly, specu- civic affairs and one for military affairs.18 Speculatores latores, which seems to have been the second largest were primarily couriers carrying messages between detachment garrisoned here during their stay in Rome.6 Rome and the province they were stationed in, but The supposed number of frumentarii stationed in cas- could have had other assignments as well, such as tra peregrina varies from 200 to 400 depending on the police work, executions or sharing some duties with author.7 It is also worth noting that, based on epigra- the beneficiarii.19 Beneficiarii did the most versatile phical evidence found during the excavations, it would jobs and were by far the most numerous.20 They would appear that every legion had one or more frumenta- normally spend most of their time in stationes, i.e. rius.8 The recruitment of these soldiers was most likely smaller stations built close to mines, military camps, carried out by the provincial governor since they were major roads, rivers etc.21 Cornicularii, commentarien- part of his staff.9 G. Cupcea suggests that about three ses, speculatores and beneficiarii consularis were all frumentarii were recruited in every legion and sent to principales, meaning they were on double pay, by rank the provincial capital to be seconded to the staffs of below the centurion, and were exempt from standard provincial governors, and out of these three, two were legionary duties and exertion. Frumentarii were also sent to castra peregrina in Rome.10 While in Rome, principales, their duties ranging from conveying impor- they formed the numerus frumentariorum with its own tant messages, making arrests and escorting prisoners centurions and a commander.11 Furthermore, as will to acting as a “secret service”, occasionally doing be shown later, it was not unusual that they were also “dirty work” which accompanied it.22 Any soldier having engaged in special missions issued by the emperor one of these ranks, if he proved himself worthy, could during their stay in Rome. Their close connection to the advance to the next higher rank, i.e. frumentarius to emperor can be seen on many inscriptions where they speculator, speculator to commentariensis, and com- are described as frumentarii Augusti.12 Upon the com- mentariensis to cornicularius. If a soldier did advance pletion of assignments bestowed on them in Rome, through the ranks during his service, it would not have frumentarii and other milites peregrini would have been unusual for the inscription on his stele to have returned to their legion or provincial capital where they stated both ranks, as in the case of Tiberius Claudius would have continued to operate within a provincial Ianuarius from Salona (fig. 1). Tiberius was speculator office (officium consularis).13 Castra peregrina also legionis XIIII Gemina (stationed on the river Danube served as a central place for dispatching these soldiers at Carnuntum), detached to the provincial office in into provinces without a permanent legionary garrison Salona, where sometime during his 13 years of service (provinciae inermes) such as Dalmatia.14 he advanced to the rank of commentariensis consu- laris. Besides advancing through principales ranks, a Officium consularis soldier could advance to the rank of centurion while still retaining the same principalis rank. The inscription The administration of imperial provinces was entrusted on the funerary stele of Titus Varronius Maro may to legates who governed the province with the help elucidate this. Titus was frumentarius legionis III of their office (officium consularis). In senatorial pro- Cyrenaica who performed the duties of a frumentarius vinces, a certain number of apparitores (civil servants for 11 years, and just after that became a centurio whose salary was paid from the public treasury) was frumentarius. assigned to the appointed governor (usually former Besides principales there were also immunes, i.e. legi- praetor or consul), where they would help with the onaries who were also exempt from standard legionary administrative work. In imperial provinces, however, duties and exertion, but were on smaller pay than legates pro praetore had to find another source of principales and worked as assistants, craftsmen, han- literate men to aid them in governing the province, dymen and similar. There were many tasks and issues and they did so by recruiting some of the legionaries. that these men who formed the provincial office had A veteran centurion (princeps preatorii) with his to attend to23: ensuring the stability of the province deputy (optio praetorii) was in charge of managing the by preventing possible revolts, resolving issues and headquarters (praetorium) of a provincial governor.15 disagreements with the local population, implementa- The number of legionaries that were assigned to an tion of criminal law and Roman law in general, police officium usually consisted of a smaller number of duties, guard duties, patrolling and much more. It has cornicularii, a smaller number of commentarienses, been suggested that an office could consist of a high 10 or more speculatores and a higher number of number of officials, from 100–150 men in provinces beneficiarii consularis.16 Cornicularius was the highest- with one stationary legion, 200–300 in provinces with ranking official responsible for the overall work of the two legions, and even more if there were more legions officium.17 Commentariensis was in charge of archives, present.24 managing public documents, correspondences etc.,
455 The provincial governor and his staff were de facto the executive authority of Roman power and law in the province. While on duty, officials carried a specially shaped spear (hasta), which thus made the population aware of its symbolic power and their authority.25 These special ceremonial spears, also known as Bene- ficiarierlanzen, are sometimes depicted on funerary monuments of frumentarii, beneficiarii consularis and speculatores.26 In addition, archaeological exca- vations in Germania Superior have provided some well-preserved real examples of Beneficiarierlanzen as well.27 Spears of that kind can be seen on the funerary stele of Lucius Valerius Augustalis, speculator legionis I Adiutrix from Salona (fig. 2).
Frumentarii
Initial literary and epigraphic evidence for the exis- tence of frumentarii and some insights into their duties date to the early second century CE during the reign of Trajan and Hadrian. A document dated to 100–125 fig. 1 CE shows one of them as a courier in the service of a Funerary stele of provincial governor in Egypt.28 On a monument from Tiberius Claudius Delphi dating to 118–120 CE another frumentarius is Ianuarius (Photo: 29 Mario Radaljac, described as a construction supervisor. The author Archaeological of Hadrian’s biography in Historiae Augusta mentions Museum Split). frumentarii as the emperor’s spies: “ut per frumenta- rios occulta omnia exploraret...” (SHA, Vit. Hadr. XI, 4). However, as earlier authors have already established, the original role of frumentarii was closely connected to military logistics, i.e. the acquisition of grain, as the word frumentum suggests.30 Because of the nature of that job (grain procurement) they certainly had to tra- vel often, maintain contact with the military command, civic structures and probably the local population as well, which made them ideal for other work they could do alongside like conveying messages and similar tasks.31 That change probably occurred during the reign of Domitian who improved logistics and communication networks in place at that time.32 It seems conveying messages was their primary task, and ancient authors often describe them in that function. Cassius Dio calls them γραμματοφόροι or ἀγγελιαφόροι (LXXVIII, 14.1, 15.1), the author of His- toriae Augustae mentions that messages dispatched in all provinces were carried by frumentarii (scriptum est praeterea ad omnes provincias missis frumentariis) fig. 2 (SHA, Max. et Balb. 10.3; cf. Herodian 7, 7.5.), and that Funerary stele of goes for confidential reports as well (SHA, Div. Claus. Lucius Valerius 17. 1). Epigraphical monuments also confirm their role Augustalis (Photo: Mario Radaljac, as messengers, for example, an inscription found in Archaeological the province of Asia mentions a letter of the Emperor Museum Split). Philippus Arabs which was carried and delivered by a frumentarius, or a funerary stele from Sirmium which depicts a frumentarius riding a carriage while on duty.33
456 Here, the funerary stele of Titus Varronius Maro found in Salona supplements that excellently since the inscription reads “qui cucurrit frumentarius annos XI” (who ran as frumentarius for 11 years).34 In order for them to be effective as messengers and swift in delivering important news and reports, it was necessary to allow them to use the cursus publicus to full extent. Since the cursus publicus was mainly intended for official rather than private use, special permits were issued entitling only the carriers of such fig. 3 Building/dedicatory inscription found near Portae Andetriae 35 permits to use the system. Besides well-built roads, in Salona (Photo: EDCS http://db.edcs.eu/epigr/bilder. there were also so-called mansiones along the road php?bild=$Legio-II-Ital-X_00016.jpg). which provided lodgings, food and various services to the carriers of permits.36 The distance between two mansiones was set to 25–35 Roman miles since supervised the repairs done on scholae speculatorum that represented the distance that could have been in Aquincum.45 Another example comes from Salona as travelled in one day.37 Frumentarii could also operate well. With the help of detachments from legio II Italica within stationes which were built near major cross- Pia and III Italica Concordia, centurion Publius Aelius roads, rivers etc., where beneficiarii but also specula- Amyntianus, who was centurio frumentarius legionis II tores where stationed as well.38 Traianae, oversaw the construction of walls of Salona The most striking duties they performed were certainly during the Marcomannic Wars in the late second cen- spying and assassinations. Emperor Hadrian used tury CE, probably by the emperor’s order (fig. 3).46 them as secret agents to inform him of various secrets Frumentarii continued to exist and operate during the and relationships his friends and family maintained third century CE as well, however after the Severan (SHA, Vit. Hadr. 11.4, 11.6). Emperor Severus Alexander dynasty, a series of civil wars of succession started and employed them in a similar fashion (SHA, Vit. Alex. 23, persisted until Diocletian’s reign. Not unexpectedly, 2), as well as Emperor Macrinus, who deployed them during that period they were exceptionally active, and to spy on his own soldiers to find out even about their were not only involved in the activities mentioned adulteries. (SHA, Vit. Macr. 12.4–5).39 In addition to earlier, but also engaged in various criminal activities spying, various assassinations were also ordered by and oppression of the local population which came to emperors, which it seems, frumentarii readily perfor- an end only with the reign of Diocletian, who for that med. An interesting example is centurio frumentarius reason disbanded them and formed a new “agency” Marcus Aquilius who was a renowned assassin of called agentes in rebus.47 Unfortunately, they soon senators (notus caedibus senatoriis) during the late turned out to be as bad as their predecessors: “remoto second century CE.40 It would not have been unusual pestilenti frumentariorum genere, quorum nunc agen- for praetorian tribunes or centurions to also engage in tes in rebus simillimi sunt” (Vit. Caes. 39, 44; cf. Amm. such activities, especially during the first century CE XVI, 5, 11). as Tacitus describes on several occasions (Tac. Ann. I, In this section, we have shown two examples of fru- 6.1, 3; XI, 37.4; XV, 60.3; Hist. I, 85). mentarii from the province of Dalmatia, and here we Arresting and escorting prisoners was also part of would like to add the third and last one, a funerary their duties, although it is hard to say whether that ara of Caius Vibius Iulianus, frumentarius legionis I was done within their role in the officium or by order Adiutrix. This stele was found in Burnum, in the vicinity of the emperor. It is primarily early Christian authors of a Roman legionary camp. like Eusebius (Hist. Eccl. 6.11.22; 6.40.2–4) or Cyprian (Episteles 81.1) who describe them as such.41 If the Speculatores prisoners were to be escorted to Rome then castra peregrina would serve as temporary accommodation The term was often used in Caesar’s commentarii on for prisoners, and interestingly continued to do so even the Gallic and Civil Wars when describing men acting in late antiquity (Amm. XVI, 12, 66).42 as spies. In one instance during the civil war with Pom- Lastly, a supervision of important building projects pey, the speculator reconnoitring Caesar’s encamp- could have also been entrusted to frumentarii. A ment was captured and killed (B. Hisp. 13.3, cf. B. Gal. Centurio frumentarius and a frumentarius legionis II 1.47), and after some time another four were captured Italica were supervisors at the Carrara quarry,43 a fru- (B. Hisp. 20.5). Interestingly, three of those four were mentarius legionis I Italica supervised a construction slaves and only one of them a soldier. In Livy’s account in Delphi by order of Hadrian,44 and one frumentarius of the Punic Wars, he mentions a certain Carthaginian
457 spy who for two years operated in Rome and had eluded capture (Liv. XXII, 33.1). The same term conti- nued to be used in the time of Ammianus Marcellinus (fourth century CE) who also used a term to describe a Roman soldier who defected to the Persians and was later sent as a spy to the Roman territories, often bringing back trustworthy news (XVIII, 6.16). Even more frequently, Ammianus used a term when describing the course of Gothic invasion (XXXI 11.2, cf. XIV 2.15; XXI, 13.4). So it would seem that the speculatores these authors are referring to usually worked in smaller numbers, sometimes during the night as well (B. Hisp. 28.1; Tac. Ann. II, 12.1), and were regularly involved in clandestine actions such as observing the enemy and movement of its troops. Furthermore, considering late republican accounts of speculatores as described in Caesar’s works, it would appear that at that time they did not have to come from military structures, but were rather individuals or smaller groups that were ad hoc detached for a specific assignment because of their suitability and skills. However, it is very important to note that from the imperial period onwards, two specific ranks in the
Roman military structure would also be called specula- fig. 4 tores, although judging by the works of later authors, Ara of Aurelius Valerianus (Photo: Ivan Radman-Livaja, it is evident that they could have continued to act as Archaeological Museum Zagreb). spies and informers. The first group was briefly mentioned when discussing castra peregrina where they were the second most numerous group in the fort. Unlike earlier, they were now part of the Roman legion with each legion having ten speculatores.48 Although they continued to act as spies, they were also assigned additional duties, namely as messengers. Suetonius (Caligula 44) and Tacitus (Hist. II, 73) describe them as messengers for conveying sensitive and important information. Besi- des in legions, there were also speculatores in auxiliary troops, which were usually stationed near the frontier where they would have had an important intelligence gathering role with the capacity of maintaining their own intelligence network and being able to quickly dispatch any news of incoming retreats or attacks on Roman territory. One of the best examples comes from El Kantara in modern-day Algeria, former Roman pro- vince of Africa, where among the excavated remains of a Roman fort, surviving inscriptions were found reading burgus speculatorum Antoninianum and burgus Com- modianus speculatorius.49 When detached to provincial office they mainly acted as couriers between Rome and the provincial capital, thus coming in contact with castra peregrina as well.50 In the provincial office however, they could also have been entrusted with other duties as well. Most com- monly we see them doing police duties (SHA, Pesc. Nig.
10), or indeed acting as executioners, a role probably fig. 5 assumed very early since lictors were not present Funerary stele of Titus Ti[---] (Photo: Mario Radaljac, in imperial provinces.51 They chose the place and Archaeological Museum Split).
458 organized the execution, and also applied the death A second group of speculatores founded during the penalty (Seneca, Ben. 3.25, cf. Dial. 3.18.4; Tranq. 14).52 beginning of the imperial period were speculatores Lastly, they could have operated alongside praetorii in the emperor’s service where they would beneficiarii in stationes.53 serve in the praetorian cavalry.54 They called them- So far, eight monuments of speculatores have been selves speculatores Augusti but only until 23 CE found in the province of Dalmatia: Aurelius Valerianus, when they were fully incorporated into the Praetorian speculator legionis XI Claudiae (fig. 4); Caius Appu- Guard.55 They acted as the emperor’s bodyguards, leius Etruscus speculator veteranus legionis XI, but especially to control the masses when the emperor was also a decurion in Salona; Tiberius Claudius Ianuarius moving through the streets, thus ensuring his safe pas- speculator legionis XIIII Geminae, who was mentioned sage (Suet. Galba 18, 19; Cass. Dio LXIII, 29).56 Because earlier as an example of a speculator who advanced of their treason against Nerva in 97 CE, they lost their to the rank of commentariensis, having served for role as the emperor’s bodyguards, and soon afterwards, 13 years in total (fig. 1); Lucius Valerius Augustalis during Trajan’s reign, they were replaced by hastiliarii, speculator legionis I Adiutrix. A faithful representation an escort chosen from the new equites singulares of a Beneficiarierlanze is carved on his funerary stele, bodyguard.57 There is one example of a praetorian symbolizing his profession, and attachment to the speculator from modern-day Croatia, a funerary officium (fig. 2); Titus Ti[---] speculator legionis XI monument of Lucius Arius Proculus found in Parentium Claudiae piae fidelis who served for 22 years (fig. 5); (Poreč). Lucius served ten years as miles speculator Caius Apuleius Terentianus, a former speculator praetorii, and died very young at the age of 28. (fig. 6); and speculator Caius Allius whose stele is par- tially fragmented and, as a spolia, is part of one of the church columns in Zadar. Also, part of the inscription, most likely another name, has been deleted, i.e. damnatio memoriae (fig. 7).
fig. 6 fig. 7 Votive inscription of Caius Apuleius Terentianus Fragment of the funerary stele of Caius Allius (Photo: O. Harl, http://lupa.at/24168). (Photo: O. Harl, http://lupa.at/23057).
459 No. Name Rank Legion
1 Aurelius Valerianus spec(ulator) leg. XI Claudia pia fidelis Caius Appuleius 2 speculator / vet(eranus) leg. XI (Claudia pia fidelis) Etruscus Tiberius Claudius 3 spec(ulator) leg. XIIII G(emina) Ianuarius Lucius Valerius 4 specula/tor leg. I Ad(iutrix) Augustalis leg. X[I C(laudiae) p(iae) 5 Titus Ti[---] spec(ulator) f(idelis) Caius Apuleius 6 ex specu[latore] — Terentianus 7 Caius Allius spec(ulator) — Lucius Fadienus 8 vet(eranus) speculator — Pomptina Lucius Arius 9 miles speculator praet(orii) — Proculus Publius Aelius 10 |(centurio) fru/mentari(us) leg. II Traiana Amyntianus Titus Varronius
Inscriptions
Aurelius Valerianus Caius Appuleius Etruscus
1. Modern find spot: Josipdol 1. Modern find spot: Proložac bei Imotski 2. Present location: Archaeological Museum in Zagreb 2. Present location: Unknown 3. Type of monument: Ara 3. Type of monument: Funerary stele 4. Inscription: 4. Inscription: Numini / maiestatiq(ue) / d(omini) n(ostri) Gordiani C(aius) Appuleius Etr[u]s/cus speculator / vet(eranus) / Aug(usti) / et Genio loci / Aur(elius) Valerianus / leg(ionis) XI decurio / allectus Salona(e) / et G(aius) spec(ulator) leg(ionis) XI Cl(audiae) / referens / gratiam Appuleius / Etruscus f(ilius) anno/rum XIIII h(ic) s(iti) // v(otum) s(olvit) su[nt] / Cuparia Lupu[la p(osuit)?] 5. Chronological data: 238–244 CE 5. Chronological data: 1–150 CE 6. References: CIL III 3021; CIL III 10058. EDH 6. References: CIL III 1914; CIL III 8506; EDH HD055357; J. Brunšmid, Kameni spomenici hrvatskog HD053692; C. Patsch, Archäologisch-epigraphische narodnog muzeja u Zagrebu, VjesDal 9, 1906/07, Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der römischen Provinz 118–119. Dalmatien, WMBH 8, 1912, 84–85.
460 Tiberius Claudius Ianuarius 4. Inscription: T(itus) Ti[---] / T(iti) f(ilius) R[---] / dom(o) Fab[ia Brixia] 1. Ancient find spot: Salona, northern necropolis / spec(ulator) leg(ionis) X[I C(laudiae) p(iae) f(idelis) 2. Present location: Archaeological Museum Split, inv. ann(orum) ---] / stip(endiorum) XXII[--- t(estamento) no. A-1926 f(ieri) i(ussit) sibi et lib(ertis)] / lib(er)t(abus)q(ue) [pos- 3. Type of monument: Funerary stele terisque eor(um)] / arbit(ratu) T(iti) [---] / Euphro[syni? 4. Inscription: ---] / et T(iti) T[---] // in f(ronte) p(edes) [--- in a(gro) D(is) M(anibus) / Tib(erio) Cl(audio) Ianua- p(edes) ---] rio / spec(ulatori) leg(ionis) XIIII G(eminae) / 5. Chronological data: first half of second CE comm(entariensi) co(n)s(ularis) prov(inciae) / 6. References: AE 1914, 0075.; ILJug 2097; EDH Delm(atiae) stip(endiorum) XIII / Aebutia Ianuaria / HD028033; M. Abramić, Speculatores i beneficiarii na fil(io) piissimo et / Visellia Iulia ma/rito nekim solinskim spomenicima, Starinar 1, 1922, 57–58; 5. Chronological data: 151–200 CE S. Ivčević, Uporabni predmeti prikazani na nadgrobnim 6. References: CIL III 2015; ILS 2379; EDH HD054711; spomenicima iz Salone, Histria Antiqua 14, 2006, M. Abramić, Speculatores i beneficiarii na nekim solins- 142–143; I. Matijević, Rimski vojnici na natpisima iz kim spomenicima, Starinar 1, 1922, 61; D. Demicheli, Salone iz doba principata (PhD thesis), Zadar 2015, Salonitani extra fines Dalmatiae (IV). Salonitanci u 534, catalogue no. 103; J. J. Wilkes, Dalmatia, London, vojnoj službi (dio prvi), Tusculum 8 (2015), 64–65; I. 1969, 103, 131, 465. Matijević, Rimski vojnici na natpisima iz Salone iz doba principata (PhD thesis), Zadar 2015, 524, catalogue. Caius Apuleius Terentianus no. 96; J. J. Wilkes, Dalmatia, London, 1969, 121, 133; M. Zaninović, Dva antička natpisa iz Senja, Diadora 1. Ancient find spot: Narona 9/9, 1980, 323. 2. Present location: Metković, Ereš tower (as spolia) 3. Type of monument: Funerary stele Lucius Valerius Augustalis 4. Dimensions: 37 x 24 cm 5. Inscription: 1. Ancient find spot: Salona, western necropolis ------] / [--- ob] / indu[lgentiam] / singu[larem] / 2. Present location: Archaeological Museum Split, inv. consec[utam] / C(aius) Apul[eius] / Teren[tianus] / ex no. A-4692 specu[latore] / v(otum) s(olvit) [l(ibens) m(erito)] 3. Type of monument: Funerary stele 6. Chronological data: 151–250 CE 4. Dimensions: 63 x 39 x 13 cm 7. References: CIL III 01809; AE 1999, 1221; EDH 5. Inscription: HD011467; E. Marin, M. Mayer, G. Paci, I. Rodà, Corpus D(is) M(anibus) L(ucius) Val(erius) / Augusta/lis spe- Inscriptionum Naronitanarum I, Split – Tivoli 1999, cula/tor leg(ionis) / I Ad(iutricis) infe/licissimo / posuit 122–124, 223. Val(eria) / Sabina patr/i pientissi/mo pio 6. Chronological data: 171–300 CE Caius Allius 7. References: AE 1945, 0088; ILJug 2086; EDH HD019944; M. Abramić, Speculatores i beneficiarii na 1. Ancient find spot: Iader nekim solinskim spomenicima, Starinar 1, 1922, 59; I. 2. Present location: Church of St. Donatus (as spolia) Matijević, Rimski vojnici na natpisima iz Salone iz doba 3. Type: Funerary stele principata (PhD thesis), Zadar 2015, 406, catalogue 4. Inscription: no. 2; J. J. Wilkes, Dalmatia, London, 1969, 121, 134; F. C(aius) Allius [---] / spec(ulator) l[eg(ionis) ---] / [[[----- Bulić, Escavi nella necropoli antica pagana di Salona, -]]] / v(ivus) f(ecit) sibi et [---] / in fr(onte) [p(edes) ---] / VjesDal 37, 1914, 94. in agr(o) [p(edes) ---] Chronological data: 1–150 CE Titus Ti[---] 5. References: CIL III 2910; CIL III 9996; EDH HD060141; A. Kurilić, Pučanstvo Liburnije od 1. do 3. 1. Ancient find spot: Salona, basilica Urbana st. po Kr.: antroponimija, društvena struktura, etničke 2. Present location: Archaeological Museum in Split, promjene, gospodarske uloge (PhD thesis), no. AK inv. no. B–684 2050, Zadar, 1999. 3. Type of monument: Fragment of funerary stele
461 Lucius Fadienus Fuscus Titus Varronius Maro
1. Ancient find spot: Iader 1. Ancient find spot: Salona 2. Present location: Unknown 2. Present location: Solin, as spolia in modern house 3. Type of monument: Funerary stele near amphitheatre 4. Inscription: 3. Type of monument: Funerary stele L(ucius) Fadienus L(uci) f(ilius) Pomp(tina) / Fuscus 4. Inscription: dom(o) Dert(ona) / vet(eranus) speculator v(ivus) f(ecit) [D(is)] M(anibus) // T(itus) Vrronius / Maro sibi / et Camuriae Pollae uxori / L(ucio) Fadieno patri frumen
462 Notes
1 10 Dvornik 1974, Ch. 1. Cupcea 2009, 306–307, and notes 23, 24.
2 11 Sheldon 2005, 4, 37; Austin – Rankov 1995, 30–31. Austin – Rankov 1995, 136–137.
3 12 Baillie Reynolds – Ashby 1923, 152–167; Rankov 1999, 30. Austin – Rankov 1995, 136.; IGR III, 80 = ILS 9476; AE 1977, 60; ILS 9473; CIL XIII 1771. 4 Baillie Reynolds 1923, 168–170; Rankov 1990, 176. 13 Rankov 1990, 177, and note 7. 5 Durry 1938, 27. 14 For a list of examples see: Rankov 1990, 176–177, and note 6. 6 Baillie Reynolds 1923, 175–178. 15 Rankov 1999, 19, and note 27. 7 Austin – Rankov 1995, 152 gives a high number of 400; Baillie 16 Reynolds 1923, 177 mentions 300–400 as a total number of all Rankov 1999, 24; Jones 1949, 44, notes 60–64 mentions three soldiers in castra peregrina; Sinnigen 1961, 67 and note 28, men- cornicularii, three commentarienses, ten speculatores; von Domas- tions 200 frumentarii in castra. zewski 1908, 29–32.
8 17 Baillie Reynolds 1923, 170–171. Rankov 1999, 19. 26.
9 18 Rankov 1990, 177; Austin – Rankov 1995, 136. Ibid., 26.
463 19 38 In general: von Domaszewski 1908, 20. As messengers: Tac. Hist. Rankov 1990, 181, note 21.; CIL VI 230; XIV, 7, 125 (statio II, 73; cf. B. Afr. 31.4, Liv. XXXI, 24; CIL III 1650; Baillie Reynolds n(umeri) fr[u]mentariorum); X, 1771. 1923, 168–189. In stationes: CIL III 138, 3021, 3615, 8173, 13719, 14165; AE 1959.330; AIJug. 273; Spomenik 71 (1931), 513. Police 39 duties: SHA, Pesc. Nig. 10. As executioners: Sen. Ben. 3.25, Sen. There are more examples like this. See: Vit. Claud. 17.1, Vit. Alb Ira 1.18.4; Mk. 6, 27; Jones 1949, 44–45; Rankov 1999, 26–27, 8.1–3; cf. Herodian III, 5.3–8; Cass. Dio 78.17.1, 79.15.1) and note 80. 40 20 CIL X 6657; SHA Did. Iul. 5.8, Pesc. Nig. 2.6, Sev. 5.8. Commodus Rankov 1999, 24, gives the number of 60 per legion. also employed frumentarii (Comm. 4.5).
21 41 Ibid, 27–28; Austin, Rankov 1995, 195–204. Lopuszanski 1951, 22–23.
22 42 Rankov 1999, 20, and notes 36–37. Baillie Reynolds 1923, 186.
23 43 Rankov 1999, 25–31; Jones 1949, 38–55; Austin-Rankov 1995, CIL XI 1322. 149–161; for duty roster see: Fink 1958, 102–116. 44 24 ILS 9473 Austin – Rankov 1995, 152–153. 45 25 CIL III 3524; Cupcea 2009, 307, bilj. 39. Alföldi 1959, 1–27. 46 26 CIL III 1980 = ILS 2287; Rankov 1990, 177. Frumentarii: CIL III 3241, 5579; beneficiarii consularis: CIL III 6379=8656, 12895; XIII 1909, 6557, 6628, 7400 (=ILS 4192a), 47 7731, 11777; speculatores: CIL III 1650, 9401, AE 1914.75, Rankov 1999, 30. 1945.88. 48 27 Gichon 1989, 166–167. CIL II 4122, CIL III 3524, 4452. Rankov 1999, 31, and notes 121–123; Mráv 2011, 21–61. 49 28 Baradez 1949, 235–242. CIL VIII 2494, 2495. Youtie – Winter 1951, 472. 16 (page 41). 50 29 Baillie Reynolds, 168–189; also, see stele with the depiction of a ILS 9473 = Dittenberger SIG3 830. speculator in a carriage doing his courier duty (CIL III 1650 = ILS 2378) 30 Rostovtzeff, s. v. Frumentum RE VII (1910) 181; Sinnigen 1962, 51 214. Rankov 1999, 27.
31 52 Durry 1938, 28; Sinnigen 1962, 223–224. G. Cupcea 2008, 266; Austin – Rankov 1995, 151–155. For more examples see: Dig. 48.20.6; Cyprian, Act. Proc. Cypr. 5; St. Mark’s 32 Gospel 6.27. Jones 1992 (1993), 72–114. 53 33 Rankov 1999, 27, and note 79. CIL III 14191; CIL III 3241. 54 34 Rankov 1999, 19. Matijeviċ 2014, 67–74.; Rankov 1999, 29, note 105; Baillie Rey- nolds 1923, 180; Rankov 1990, 180–182; Cupcea 2009, 306; CIL 55 III 2063, 8581=ILS 2370. Speidel 2005, 22.
35 56 Permit was called evectio (-is, 3.); see Corpus Iuris Civilis, Cod. Speidel 2005, 22; Durry 1938, 108–110. 12.22.2; 12.50.3. 57 36 Speidel 2005, 23, and note 40. Dvornik 1974, 98, 100; Corpus Iuris Civilis: Cod. XII, 5.2, 16.3, 23.2–4, 51, 52, 58.2, Dig. L, 4.18, 5.10–11.
37 Casson 1974, 185; Ramsay 1925, 68.
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