DOCSLIB.ORG

9 Completing Reconstructed 6Th Appendix

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
9 Completing Reconstructed 6Th Appendix Appendix 1 Cicero: Rhetorical Theories Cicero spent his adulthood in the last decades (106-43 BCE) of the Roman Republic (509-31 BCE). His life reflects and represents that of people of power and high social status in the Rome of his day. Cicero was one of the most powerful and influential men in the civic society of Rome in the first century BCE. As Plutarch (c. 45-120 CE) states: “He had the greatest power in the state.”1 He goes on to describe Cicero‟s status; “Cicero‟s power in the city (or Rome) reached its greatest height at this time, and since he could do what he pleased… (Octavianus) Caesar sent messengers to Cicero begging and urging him to…manage affairs as he himself thought best.”2 Cicero was a significant figure in the history of Roman politics and rhetoric. Moreover, it seems impossible to speak of Roman history without dealing with him. Thus, Quayle states, Whatever estimate you may retain concerning Cicero, you cannot leave him out of the history of Rome…you cannot write a history of Rome and leave Marcus Tullius Cicero out…He was not the greatest man in his day, but he was the most versatile man in Rome. I take it he was the greatest man produced, save Julius Caesar only, who was a Hercules. All other men only reached to this Hercules‟s belt.3 For these reasons, the Romans of his time and the next generations were greatly 1Plutarch, Cicero, 24.1; also 40.1; 43.1. 2Plutarch, Cicero, 45.4-6. Dio Cassius supports this. He highlights in his Roman History Cicero‟s political career and his power by the time Julius Caesar was assassinated (March 44 BCE). When Rome was politically chaotic, he took control in the senate and united the members of the senate and protected it from factionalism. The senators valued and followed all Cicero‟s advice. Cassius says, “Cicero, whose advice they (the senators) actually followed…” (Dio Cassius, Roman History, 44.22). As a contemporary of Julius Caesar and Pompey, Cicero began his political career as a magistrate or Quaestore in 75 BCE. He then took several different positions: senator (74 BCE), Curle Aedile (69 BCE), Praetor Urbanus (66 BCE), consul (63 BCE), Augur (53 BCE), and proconsul of Cilicia (51-50 BCE). He was then in exile and retired from public service before the death of Julius Caesar in 44 BCE (see Cicero, Post Reditum in Senatu, 21; Epistularum ad Atticum, 1.4; Epistulae ad Familiares, 15.4.8- 10; 16.11.3; 16.12.5; Josephus, Jewish Antiquities, 14.66; Strabo, Geography, 10.2.13; Plutarch, Cicero, 8.1; see also Cowell, Cicero and the Roman Republic, 1-2, 165-269; T. Robert S. Broughton, The Magistrates of the Roman Republic: vol. 2: 99 BCE–31 BCE [Chico: Scholars Press, 1984], 97- 357). W.A. Quayle names the places Cicero visited: Athens, Rhodes, Samos, Ephesus, Galatia, Antioch (in Syria), Laodicea, Cappadocia, Parthia, Phrigia, Lycaonia, Iconium, Cilicia, Tarsus, Asia, and Pamphylia (Quayle, “Cicero and Paul,” 709-10). 3Quayle, “Cicero and Paul,” 711. 296 influenced by Cicero and his theory of rhetoric and eloquence. An example from Plutarch illustrates this point. “I (Plutarch) learn that (Octavianus) Caesar…paid a visit to one of his daughter‟s sons; and the boy…had in his hands a book of Cicero…Caesar took the book (from him) and read a great part of it as he stood…then gave it back to the youth, saying: „a learned man, my child, a learned man and a lover of his country‟.”4 Furthermore, many Romans in the first and second century CE, who spoke either Latin or Greek, were inspired by Cicero.5 In other words, he still lived on in the spirit of Roman and Greco-Roman culture and became an icon of Greco-Roman rhetoric in the first century Roman world. This is clearly evidenced in Plutarch‟s language, “his (Cicero‟s) fame for oratory abides to this day.”6 In addition, Cicero appears frequently in such Greek and Latin writings of the first and second century CE as Tacitus (c. 55-120 CE)‟s Dialogue de Oratoribus, Suetonius (c. 75-140 CE)‟s De Rhetoribus, and Dio Cassius (c. 150 CE- c.235 CE)‟s Roman History.7 It is appropriate, therefore, to use Cicero and his rhetorical theories as a model of Greco- Roman rhetorical patterns in the first century Roman colony of Corinth. In agreement with Aristotle,8 Cicero claims that there are three different types of oratory or rhetorical discourse – deliberative (deliberativo), epideictic 4Plutarch, Cicero, 49.5. 5No doubt this included contemporaries of the Corinthians addressed in 1 Corinthians 1-4, in whose civic society Greco-Roman rhetoric and patronal structures were important in relation to social class. 6Plutarch, Cicero, 2.5. 7For more details see 2.1 above. 8The characteristics of Aristotle‟s three genres of oratory may be summarised in this way: An orator or author uses a deliberative rhetoric when s/he intends to persuade his/her hearers to take some action in the future. This sort of speech is either „exhortation‟ (protropē) or „dissuasion‟ (apotropē). Its primary concern is to promote the beneficial or advantageous (to sumpheron). The orator employs a judicial oratory when s/he is seeking to urge the audience to make a judgment about events that occurred in the past. This judicial speech is either „prosecution‟ (katēyoria) or „defence‟ (apologia). Its central issue is justice (to dikaion). An author or speaker uses epideictic oratory when s/he wants to persuade hearers to reaffirm or take hold of some viewpoint in the present, while the author celebrates (or praises) or denounces (or blames) some people or some quality. This kind of speech is „praise‟ or „encomium‟ (epainos) or „blame‟ or „invective‟ (psogos). The central concern is what is honourable (to kalon) (Aristotle, Rhetoric, 1:3 1358b8-28; see also Kennedy, New Testament Interpretation, 19; Fiorenza, “Rhetorical Situation,” 390-1). These rhetorical genres also appear in Cicero‟s description of rhetoric, but with some further developments. 297 (demonstrativo) (or demonstrative), and judicial (iudiciali) (or forensic). Nonetheless, Cicero‟s description of these oratorical types is slightly different from Aristotle. Epideictic (or demonstrative) discourse is present-situation-oriented oratory. It is used when an orator praises and censures a person. This sort of speech has to do with what is honourable about the person. Epideictic speech deals with the person‟s attributes: mind (animi), body (corporis), and external circumstances (extraneae).9 The virtue of mind (animi) comprises wisdom (sapientia or prudentia), justice (institia), courage (fortitudo), and temperance (temperantia).10 The virtue of body (corporis) consists of health (valentudo), beauty (dignitas), strength (vires), and speed (velocitas). And the external circumstances are public office (honos), money (pecunia), connexions by marriage (affinitas), high birth (genus), friends (amici), country (patria), and power (potentia). In speaking of these virtues and circumstances, an orator praises and censures his subject and also his audience and promotes honourable attitudes within the audience. In summary, epideictic speech focuses on issues of honour.11 Deliberative rhetoric is future-oriented discourse. It is commonly employed in political debates. Using this class of speech, an orator expresses his/her opinion on a political subject.12 Cicero argues that deliberative oratory is delivered to “retain, increase or acquire some advantage (utilitas)” and some honour (honesta), “or on the other hand to throw off, lessen or avoid some disadvantage” or dishonour.13 Cicero further states, “in the deliberative type…Aristotle accepts advantage as the end, but I 9Cicero, De Inventione, 2.59.177. 10Cicero describes wisdom as “the knowledge of what is good or bad”(Cicero, De Inventione 2.53.159- 165). 11Cicero, De Inventione, 2.59.177; 2.51.156. The elements of epideictic type are found in 1 Cor 1-4 (see 2.1.2 above). 12Cicero, De Inventione, 2.4.13. 13Cicero, De Inventione 2.5.18. 298 prefer both honour and advantage”14 This is evidence that Cicero‟s definition of rhetoric is slightly different from Aristotle and that he developed his theory of rhetoric further on the basis of Aristotle‟s theory of rhetoric. Cicero also argues that in using deliberative oratory, an orator seeks in his/her audience the following things:15 The first thing has to do with something honourable (honesta) that attracts the audience not by any prospect of gain but by its natural merit and its own worth. Belonging to this category are virtue (virtus), knowledge (scientia), and truth (veritas).16 The second has to do with something advantageous (utilia) that draws an audience‟s attention not because of its own worth and intrinsic goodness, but because of some profit and advantage that is derived from it. Money belongs to this class.17 The last thing is sought by uniting qualities of honour and advantage, such as a good reputation, friendship, rank, glory, and influence.18 These have to do with something that “entices people and leads them on, and also holds out 14Cicero, De Inventione, 2.51.156. 15“On the opposite side an equal number to be avoided” (Cicero, De Inventione, 2.52.157). 16See Cicero, De Inventione 2.52.157. The virtue here refers to virtues of mind such as wisdom, justice, courage, and temperance. They themselves are honourable (Cicero, De Inventione 2.53.159). 17See Cicero, De Inventione, 2.52.157. 18These possess their own intrinsic merit. They bring about advantages as well. “Friendship is a desire to do good to some one simply for the benefit of the person whom one loves, with a requital of the feeling on his/her part.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period
    Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period This volume is an investigation of how Augustine was received in the Carolingian period, and the elements of his thought which had an impact on Carolingian ideas of ‘state’, rulership and ethics. It focuses on Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Rheims, authors and political advisers to Charlemagne and to Charles the Bald, respectively. It examines how they used Augustinian political thought and ethics, as manifested in the De civitate Dei, to give more weight to their advice. A comparative approach sheds light on the differences between Charlemagne’s reign and that of his grandson. It scrutinizes Alcuin’s and Hincmar’s discussions of empire, rulership and the moral conduct of political agents during which both drew on the De civitate Dei, although each came away with a different understanding. By means of a philological–historical approach, the book offers a deeper reading and treats the Latin texts as political discourses defined by content and language. Sophia Moesch is currently an SNSF-funded postdoctoral fellow at the University of Oxford, working on a project entitled ‘Developing Principles of Good Govern- ance: Latin and Greek Political Advice during the Carolingian and Macedonian Reforms’. She completed her PhD in History at King’s College London. Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period Political Discourse in Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Rheims Sophia Moesch First published 2020 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Published with the support of the Swiss National Science Foundation.
    [Show full text]
  • Women's Life During the Chosŏn Dynasty
    International Journal of Korean History(Vol.6, Dec.2004) 113 Women’s Life during the Chosŏn Dynasty Han Hee-sook* 1 Introduction The Chosŏn society was one in which the yangban (aristocracy) wielded tremendous power. The role of women in this society was influenced greatly by the yangban class’ attempts to establish a patriarchal family order and a Confucian-based society. For example, women were forced, in accordance with neo-Confucian ideology, to remain chaste before marriage and barred from remarrying once their husbands had passed away. As far as the marriage system was concerned, the Chosŏn era saw a move away from the old tradition of the man moving into his in-laws house following the wedding (男歸女家婚 namgwiyŏgahon), with the woman now expected to move in with her husband’s family following the marriage (親迎制度 ch΄inyŏng jedo). Moreover, wives were rigidly divided into two categories: legitimate wife (ch΄ŏ) and concubines (ch΄ŏp). This period also saw a change in the legal standing of women with regards to inheritance, as the system was altered from the practice of equal, from a gender standpoint, rights to inheritance, to one in which the eldest son became the sole inheritor. These neo-Confucianist inspired changes contributed to the strengthening of the patriarchal system during the Chosŏn era. As a result of these changes, Chosŏn women’s rights and activities became increasingly restricted. * Professor, Dept. of Korean History, Sookmyung Women’s University 114 Women’s Life during the Chosŏn Dynasty During the Chosŏn dynasty women fell into one of the following classifications: female members of the royal family such as the queen and the king’s concubines, members of the yangban class the wives of the landed gentry, commoners, the majority of which were engaged in agriculture, women in special professions such as palace women, entertainers, shamans and physicians, and women from the lowborn class (ch’ŏnin), which usually referred to the yangban’s female slaves.
    [Show full text]
  • Traditional Legal Thoughts in Korea
    Journal of Korean Law, Vol.2, No.3, 2003 Traditional Legal Thoughts in Korea Chongko Choi * Abstract In spite of the scarcity of research related to traditional Korean law, this article attempts to offer a general overview of traditional Korean legal concepts for Western readers. It surveys the legal history of Korea, from ancient times to the reception of Western law in the 19th Century. Due to Korea’s geographic location--between China and Japan--Korean law holds many similarities to that of “East Asian Common Law.” However, Korea has continuously endeavoured to indigenize imported foreign laws. The Tangun mythology offers the archetype of the Korean concept of law and justice. On the subject of medieval legal concepts influenced by Buddhism, Wonhyo, Choe Chiwon and Chong Mongju are mainly analysed. In regard to early modern legal concepts, the Neo-Confucianists Chong Tojon, Yi Hwang (Toegye) are discussed. When discussing the legal concepts of the late modern period, the Sirhak School, namely Yi I (Yulgok), Yi Ik (Songho), Chong Yakyong (Tasan) are analysed. Kang Hang, Yi Chinyoung and Yi Maegye are included due to their contribution towards “East Asian Common Law”. Each period had dominant morals and values that were enforced by the law. Whilst analysing the dominant legal values during the different periods, the article tries to offer a philosophical foundation of traditional Korean law and East Asian jurisprudence. * Professor of Law, College of Law, Seoul National University; 1970 BA; 1972 LLM at Seoul National University; 1979 Dr. Jur. at Freiburg University; 1987-88 Visiting Scholar at Berkeley and Harvard Law Schools; 1996 Visiting Professor at Freiburg University; 1997 Visiting Professor at University of Hawaii; 2002 Distinguished Adjunct Professor at Santa Clara University Law School; Author of 20 books on Legal History, Jurisprudence, especially on the History of East Asian Legal Thoughts.
    [Show full text]
  • Natural Law and Modern Jurisprudence Joseph V
    Document généré le 1 oct. 2021 06:45 Laval théologique et philosophique Natural Law and Modern Jurisprudence Joseph V. Dolan Volume 15, numéro 1, 1959 URI : https://id.erudit.org/iderudit/1019972ar DOI : https://doi.org/10.7202/1019972ar Aller au sommaire du numéro Éditeur(s) Laval théologique et philosophique, Université Laval ISSN 0023-9054 (imprimé) 1703-8804 (numérique) Découvrir la revue Citer cet article Dolan, J. V. (1959). Natural Law and Modern Jurisprudence. Laval théologique et philosophique, 15(1), 32–63. https://doi.org/10.7202/1019972ar Tous droits réservés © Laval théologique et philosophique, Université Laval, Ce document est protégé par la loi sur le droit d’auteur. L’utilisation des 1959 services d’Érudit (y compris la reproduction) est assujettie à sa politique d’utilisation que vous pouvez consulter en ligne. https://apropos.erudit.org/fr/usagers/politique-dutilisation/ Cet article est diffusé et préservé par Érudit. Érudit est un consortium interuniversitaire sans but lucratif composé de l’Université de Montréal, l’Université Laval et l’Université du Québec à Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. https://www.erudit.org/fr/ Natural Law and Modern Jurisprudence I. LAW AND THE FORMATION OF THE CITIZEN 1. The influence of the community It is almost with surprise that we remark in theEthics, where Aristotle is preparing his transition to thePolitics, the important and even critical role he assigns to law in the formation of virtue.1 It is our habit to think of law as occupied with ends more immediate and pedestrian like monitoring traffic, taxing our cigarettes, and suppressing violence.
    [Show full text]
  • A Study of Musical Rhetoric in JS Bach's Organ Fugues
    A Study of Musical Rhetoric in J. S. Bach’s Organ Fugues BWV 546, 552.2, 577, and 582 A document submitted to the Graduate School of the University of Cincinnati in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF MUSICAL ARTS in the Keyboard Division of the College-Conservatory of Music March 2015 by Wei-Chun Liao BFA, National Taiwan Normal University, 1999 MA, Teachers College, Columbia University, 2002 MEd, Teachers College, Columbia University, 2003 Committee Chair: Roberta Gary, DMA Abstract This study explores the musical-rhetorical tradition in German Baroque music and its connection with Johann Sebastian Bach’s fugal writing. Fugal theory according to musica poetica sources includes both contrapuntal devices and structural principles. Johann Mattheson’s dispositio model for organizing instrumental music provides an approach to comprehending the process of Baroque composition. His view on the construction of a subject also offers a way to observe a subject’s transformation in the fugal process. While fugal writing was considered the essential compositional technique for developing musical ideas in the Baroque era, a successful musical-rhetorical dispositio can shape the fugue from a simple subject into a convincing and coherent work. The analyses of the four selected fugues in this study, BWV 546, 552.2, 577, and 582, will provide a reading of the musical-rhetorical dispositio for an understanding of Bach’s fugal writing. ii Copyright © 2015 by Wei-Chun Liao All rights reserved iii Acknowledgements The completion of this document would not have been possible without the help and support of many people.
    [Show full text]
  • Open Torrey.Dissertation.Pdf
    The Pennsylvania State University The Graduate School Department of Comparative Literature SET APART BY MIND AND SOUL: SUBJECTIVITY IN THE WRITINGS OF EARLY KOREAN CATHOLICS A Dissertation in Comparative Literature by Deberniere J. Torrey 2010 Deberniere J. Torrey Submitted in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2010 The dissertation of Deberniere J. Torrey was reviewed and approved* by the following: Thomas O. Beebee Distinguished Professor of Comparative Literature and German Dissertation Advisor Chair of Committee Ronnie Hsia Edwin Earle Sparks Professor of History Alexander C.Y. Huang Assistant Professor of Comparative Literature, Chinese, and Asian Studies Richard Nichols Professor Emeritus of Theater Arts Donald Baker Director, Centre for Korean Research Associate Professor, Department of Asian Studies, University of British Columbia Special Member Cho Sung-Won Professor of English Language and Literature, Seoul Women’s University Special Signatory Caroline D. Eckhardt Head, Department of Comparative Literature Director, School of Languages and Literatures *Signatures are on file in the Graduate School. iii ABSTRACT In Korean intellectual historiography, engagement with Western Catholic thought is cited as one of several influences contributing to the epistemic change that marked the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. However, studies of this influence have thus far been limited to intellectual and social historiography. This project helps to complete the general picture and to
    [Show full text]
  • The Structure of the Virtues a Study of Thomas Aquinas’S and Godfrey of Fontaines’S Accounts of Moral Goodness
    Alexander Stöpfgeshoff The Structure of the Virtues A Study of Thomas Aquinas’s and Godfrey of Fontaines’s Accounts of Moral Goodness Dissertation presented at Uppsala University to be publicly examined in Sal VIII, Universitetshuset, Biskopsgatan 3, 753 10, Uppsala, Monday, 10 September 2018 at 14:15 for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. The examination will be conducted in English. Faculty examiner: Professor Bonnie Kent (The Department of Philosophy, UC Irvine). Abstract Stöpfgeshoff, A. 2018. The Structure of the Virtues. A Study of Thomas Aquinas’s and Godfrey of Fontaines's Accounts of Moral Goodness. 173 pp. Uppsala: Department of Philosophy, Uppsala University. ISBN 978-91-506-2713-8. This dissertation is a study of Thomas Aquinas’s (1225–1274) and Godfrey of Fontaines’s (d. 1306) moral philosophies. In this study, I conduct a detailed analysis of two Aristotelian commitments concerning the character virtues, namely, The Plurality of the Character Virtues and The Connection of the Character Virtues. Both Aquinas and Godfrey think that there are many distinct character virtues (such as moderation and justice), however, one cannot (perfectly) possess these character virtues in separation from each other. In Chapter I, it is established that Aquinas believes in the plurality of the character virtues not because of a specific account of the human soul, but because he is committed to a plurality in what he calls “the notion of goodness.” In Chapter II, it is argued that Aquinas’s account of virtuous action requires that there be a likeness between a person and their actions in terms of the notion of goodness explored in Chapter I.
    [Show full text]
  • AUGUSTINE on SUFFERING and ORDER: PUNISHMENT in CONTEXT by SAMANTHA ELIZABETH THOMPSON a Thesis Submitted in Conformity With
    AUGUSTINE ON SUFFERING AND ORDER: PUNISHMENT IN CONTEXT BY SAMANTHA ELIZABETH THOMPSON A Thesis Submitted in Conformity with the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Philosophy University of Toronto © Samantha Elizabeth Thompson 2010 Augustine on Suffering and Order: Punishment in Context Samantha Elizabeth Thompson Doctor of Philosophy Department of Philosophy University of Toronto 2010 Abstract Augustine of Hippo argues that all suffering is the result of the punishment of sin. Misinterpretations of his meaning are common since isolated statements taken from his works do give misleading and contradictory impressions. This dissertation assembles a comprehensive account of Augustine’s understanding of the causes of suffering to show that these views are substantive and internally consistent. The argument of the dissertation proceeds by confronting and resolving the apparent problems with Augustine’s views on sin and punishment from within the broader framework of his anthropology and metaphysics. The chief difficulty is that Augustine gives two apparently irreconcilable accounts of suffering as punishment. In the first, suffering is viewed as self-inflicted because sin is inherently self-damaging. In the second, God inflicts suffering in response to sin. This dissertation argues that these views are united by Augustine’s concern with the theme of ‘order.’ The first account, it argues, is actually an expression of Augustine’s doctrine that evil is the privation of good; since good is for Augustine synonymous with order, we can then see why he views all affliction as the concrete experience of disorder brought about by sin. This context in turn allows us to see that, by invoking the ii notion of divinely inflicted punishment in both its retributive and remedial forms, Augustine wants to show that disorder itself is embraced by order, either because disorder itself must obey laws, or because what is disordered can be reordered.
    [Show full text]
  • Literature and Ethics
    Literature and Ethics LIVERPOOL HOPE UNIVERSITY STUDIES IN ETHICS SERIES SERIES EDITOR : DR. DAVID TOREVELL SERIES DEPUTY EDITOR : DR. JACQUI MILLER VOLUME ONE : ENGAGING RELIGIOUS EDUCATION Editors: Joy Schmack, Matthew Thompson and David Torevell with Camilla Cole VOLUME TWO : RESERVOIRS OF HOPE : SUSTAINING SPIRITUALITY IN SCHOOL LEADERS Author: Alan Flintham VOLUME THREE : LITERATURE AND ETHICS : FROM THE GREEN KNIGHT TO THE DARK KNIGHT Editors: Steve Brie and William T. Rossiter Literature and Ethics: From the Green Knight to the Dark Knight Edited by Steve Brie and William T. Rossiter Literature and Ethics: From the Green Knight to the Dark Knight, Edited by Steve Brie and William T. Rossiter This book first published 2010 Cambridge Scholars Publishing 12 Back Chapman Street, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2XX, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2010 by Steve Brie and William T. Rossiter and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-2288-4, ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-2288-6 In memory of Katie Elizabeth Edge What was it about her that without her The world grew dull? (Brian Patten, “Her Ghost”) CONTENTS Introduction: “Distinct but Separate?”.........................................................1 “Substituting Earth for God?”: Ethics and the Recognition of Specific Place in Sir Gawain and the Green Knight and The Secret Garden.........
    [Show full text]
  • Nietzsche's Dialogic Ethic After Illusion: Rhetoric and Difference John Prellwitz
    Duquesne University Duquesne Scholarship Collection Electronic Theses and Dissertations Fall 2006 Nietzsche's Dialogic Ethic After Illusion: Rhetoric and Difference John Prellwitz Follow this and additional works at: https://dsc.duq.edu/etd Recommended Citation Prellwitz, J. (2006). Nietzsche's Dialogic Ethic After Illusion: Rhetoric and Difference (Doctoral dissertation, Duquesne University). Retrieved from https://dsc.duq.edu/etd/1062 This Immediate Access is brought to you for free and open access by Duquesne Scholarship Collection. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Duquesne Scholarship Collection. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nietzsche’s Dialogic Ethic After Illusion: Rhetoric and Difference A Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Department of Communication & Rhetorical Studies McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts Duquesne University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy by John H. Prellwitz November 20, 2006 Chair: Ronald C. Arnett, Ph.D. Reader: Richard H. Thames, Ph.D. Reader: Kathleen Glenister Roberts, Ph.D. Copyright ii Preface Acknowledgements The thanks I mention here merely begin to describe the debts I owe to those who helped to enable my completion of the Ph.D. Program in Rhetoric at Duquesne University: I wish to thank Cindy Burke and Jane Gardner for all their kindness, understanding and support. Duquesne University for the funding of my graduate assistantship that allowed me to complete my studies at a University campus, graduate college, and in a department committed to education for the mind, heart, and spirit. To my many colleagues whose conversations and questions sparked illumination and offered guidance in innumerable ways, thank you.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparison Between Confucian Democracy of Dasan Jeong Yak-Yong and Modern Democracy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau
    Korea Journal, vol. 57, no. 1 (spring 2017): 153–174. © Korean National Commission for UNESCO, 2017 Comparison between Confucian Democracy of Dasan Jeong Yak-yong and Modern Democracy of Jean-Jacques Rousseau YI Jongwoo Abstract One salient feature of modern democracy is that people elect their head of state, either directly or indirectly. This popular democracy is the result of revolutions in England, the USA, and France. However, this feature is also present in Confucian democracy as assert- ed by the Korean thinker Dasan Jeong Yak-yong. As such, this article presents a compara- tive analysis of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, a founding framer of modern democracy, and Dasan, a Korean Confucian and democratic thinker. Rousseau argued that the people had the right to elect their sovereign directly and dismiss him if he harmed peace and equality in the city-state (in this case, Geneva). However, Dasan claimed that lords cho- sen by the people had the right to elect the ruler and remove or even execute a tyrant if it were justified. Although Dasan and Rousseau did not influence each other, they made the common argument that the people had a right to elect and remove their chief. Rousseau stated that the people could elect their ruler directly, but that they should remove that ruler in a peaceful way through an assembly. Dasan suggested that the people elect their ruler indirectly and remove a tyrant through justified revolution. Their respective concep- tions of democracy both presuppose that the ruler should act on behalf of the people. Thus, this article analyzes the claims of these two thinkers when a ruler causes misery to the people.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Gender in Colonial Korea
    1p.Yoo, Politics 9/10/07 12:43 PM Page 15 chapter one Women in ChosQn Korea If the family of a scholar’s wife lives in poverty and destitution, there is no reason why she should not work a little if it serves as a means of survival. In so far as raising chicken and ducks, buying and selling soy sauce, vinegar, wine, and oil . securing [her] family’s livelihood should not be her only reason; after all it is one of [her] many sugong [tasks for women]. Yi TQng-mu, SasojQl (A scholar’s minor matter of etiquette), 1775 Innaech’Qn; sa-in yQch’Qn Every human being is an embodiment of heaven; serve every human being as you would serve heaven. Ch’oe Che-u, Yongdam yusa (Hymns from Dragon Pool), 1860 In his 1895 memoir, Henry Savage-Landor describes his first encoun- ters with Korean women upon his arrival in the capital: “I remember how astonished I was during the first few days that I was in Seoul, at the fact that every woman I came across in the streets was just on the point of opening a door and entering a house.... The idea suddenly dawned upon me that it was only a trick on their part to evade being seen.”1 Under the leadership of Yi SQng-gye (1335–1408), the founders of the ChosQn dynasty (1392–1910) had launched a series of social, economic, 15 Copyrighted Material 1p.Yoo, Politics 9/10/07 12:43 PM Page 16 16 / Women in ChosQn Korea and political reforms designed to transform the kingdom into a male- dominated neo-Confucian society.
    [Show full text]