THE PUBLIC SPHERE, WOMEN AND THE CASAMANCE PEACE PROCESS

Irene f' Oserneka

University of Lagos, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected]

Recibidu: I r.Iarzo 2011/1~e\'is~dll: 7 Abril 20111 Acepuido: 20 I\hril 20111 Publicacion Online: 15 Junio 2011 ~.------~------Abstract: Women in the Casamance are violent conflict, restore cooperative .relations traditionally confined to the private sphere as between warring parties and ensure that peaceful mothers, wives and farmers while a few are relations are maintained after the cessation of female priests. The protracted -narure of the hostilities. In other words, a peace process Casamance co 1'1 fl ict has had devastat ing effects involves the various stages of conflict on the civilian population including women. But management which include conflict prevention, it has also provided opportunities for women to conflict resolution and peace building efforts. contribute to the peace process thereby thrusting With regards to the Casamance peace process them into the public sphere, which otherwise, is much of the efforts were focused at resoJving the domain of men. The paper focuses on the the con n icts beginning 1I'01ll 1982 when the reconciliatory efforts in the Casamance showi 19 violence erupted in Ziguinchor. the regional the link between the public sphere, women and capital of the Casamance." the resolution of conflicts. It will also proffer solutions that can lead to a more inclusi~e The resolution of the Casamance conllict process, taking into consideration t re featured mainly men on either side. The exclusional ' approach of the Casamance peace predominance of men in governance has been a efforts whi has contributed sign ilicantly to tl~e universal norm since government officials anti failure tto ichieve durable solut'lon to tl e militant organizations are headed by men. As contl ict. such, men are the majority among rued iators and Keywords: Casamance peace process, the publ c negotiators who are representatives of warring sphere, women. parties. Women are not totally excluded especially in cases where they are ill positions of authority, but this is often the exception and not INTRODUCTION the norm. In the case or the Casamance pence process very few women were involved as either he public sphere is that communicative representati ves of the Senegalese government. or space that allows citizens to interact with the Movement of the democratic forces which Ta view to dealing with issues of common demonstrates the patriarchal nature of peace concerns. The publ ic sphere a Iso promotes processes A majority of women were involved discursive relations that are outside the private as members of civil society and as such they sphere. I In other words, the public sphere is have. not been able to influence the peace beyond the domestic or private sphere, which is process decisively. The need to ensure gender concerned with interpersonal .and relational balance in the search for peace is important

. I ' domain. involvement of official representatives of the /' \ state is important in the politics of resolving , From a brotler perspective a react: process con tl icts whether the COli11 ict involves groups involves all ITorts to prevent the outbreak of \•..ithin. the state such as the Aguleri-Umuleri.

I «.~llistoria .tcu.al Ouliu« :20 I I 57 l ,. The Public Sphl;!rc, Women and the l"lISaJllilnC~ I)ea~e Process ---~ IIe-Modakeke crisis.' This is also the case in leaders to grant women greater access in conflicts between the state and groups such as deliberations to resolve it. Women in the civil war in Sudan, the Niger Delta crisis and Casamance have been able to contribute to the the Casamance conflicts where the militant Casamance peace efforts through several civil ~, organization are engaged in long drawn armed society organisations and this has translated to conflict with the Sudanese, Nigerian and an increase in the participation of women in the Senegalese states respectively." To this extent, public sphere. conflict resolution can be seen as the continution of the normal business of I. ORIGIN OF TIlE CONFLICT AND A governa'ce, which tends to be the exclusive REVIEW OF TI-IE PEACE PROCESS preserve of men, since they dominate the political sphere at almost all levels of The Casamance conflict involves the administration. The predominance of men in Mouvement des forces democrat ique de la government excludes women from actual Casamance (MFDC), which is mainly deliberations so that a majority of women make dom inated by the Join and the Senega lese r, up the unofficial and unarmed actors in the government (GOS), controlled by the Wain I' efforts tll resolve call fl icts. ethnic group. The southern part -of Senegal is known as the Casamance territory' The territory While this has been the practice in Africa and is located in the rain and swamp forest elsewhere, there have been noticeable changes vegetation belt of Senegal and is inhabited by in the role of women in 'conllict situations. the Join, Fulakhunda and the Mantling, who Firstly, there has been an increase in the constitute Senegal's minorities. The majority population of women involved in governance. ethnic groups inhabit the northern region of There has also been an increase in the number of Senegal and include the Tokolor, Fula, Sereer women engaged in actual combats in the recent and the Wolof The Wolof alone, make up about times' Based on a study of some African one third of Senegal's population and they conflicts including Sierra-Leone and Liberia, dominate the socio-economic and political John Laha i, agrees that the participation of process a I' the stat.eH women in actual COIll~ats has increased JlIt adds that they are more engaged in resou 'ce and The origin of the Casamance conflict is rooted opportunistic driven wars' Similarl, Lahai in the territorial arrangements that were reached also obst··ves that although politics is till the by the European powers at the Berlin exclusive preserve' of men, there has been a Conference of 1884-18lf6 and the establishment relative increase in 'the number of women of the French colonial administration afterwards parliamentarians in some A irican c untries. o The partition was such that, Casamance Women's political representation increhsed by which was a Portuguese territory was transferred 11.7 % in Chad 17.3% in Burundi and 111.9% in to the French in 1886. The Casamance territory Senegal between 1990 and 19936 In spite of the was administratively merged wiih northern impressive accounts wornerf are sti II largely Senegal with the result thnt northern and excluded from conflict resolution proce ses and southern Senegal are separated by the state (If this partly explains the global outcry lor a Gambia." Senegal's enrly colonial history and greater representation of women in peacemaking the territorial isolation of Casamance explains, efforts, " the claims of marginalisation by the Movement of the Democratic Forces of Casamance With regard; to the Casamance conflict, women (MFDC) and the demand for independence. The and children were a bulk of the unarmed MFDC resorted to violence against the population who died or survived and have been Senegalese government (GOS) from 198~ under subjected to all forms of deprivation. A majority the leadership of a Jola Catholic priest, of women became a part of internally displaced Augustine Diamacounne Senghor. In addition persons (IDP'S) and refugees. Apart from the to the isolation of Casamance, other reasons lor displacements, the sustained periods of armed agitation by the MFDC revolve mound the violence in the Casamance has had a de- adoption of the land policy of 1964 which the stabilising effect on family structures where government of Senegal began to implement • 7 women play prominent roles. Nevertheless, the from 1972. The land policy made it possible for war has trovided a basis for agitation by northerners who inhabit the arid region or Casamanc women and th is 'in turn has northern Senegal to acquire strategically located increased awareness oil the part of political land in the fertile Casamance region.tl In spite of

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these factors, the conflict has been blamed on by some of the Casamance male elite including ethnicity, since it involves the Wolof and Jola Emile Badiane, Ibou Dial!o and Asane Seck.17 who are culturally distinct ethnic groups. I~ A lthough women were not included in the Initially the MFDC was a political association founding of the MFDC, they were to play but became a militant organisation from the significant roles in the Casamance peace efforts, early 1980's. Since 1981, the MFDC and the in later years. GaS have been engaged in intermittent violence and by 1998, the conflict spread to Guinea- One of the first incidents which involved women Bissau.':' Ironically, the escalation of the conflict as peace makers was the Djignabo incident of and its regional spread intensified the search far 1980, popularly referred to, .as the Lyceen peace from the state, regional and international Djignabo incident. The protest was organized by organisations and actors. The regionalization of secondary school students of the Dj ignabo II igh the conflict coincided with the emergence of School in Ziguinchor. The protest can be Abdoulaye Wade as the President of Senegal in regarded as part of the general wave of protests 2000. I~ Wade's liberal stance with regards to that swept through Senegal as a reaction to Casama;lce peace efforts encouraged the government's decision to cut down students part icipat ion of civ iI society groups and stipends as a result of' Senegal's dwindling ultimately created avenues far women to economy. Apart from protesting the slash. the contribute to the peace process. students were also demanding the removal uf ihe school's principal, who was not a' Jola. Attempts 2. CASAMAN. CE WOME AS by the Senegalese government authorities to PEACEMAKERS disperse the protesters led to the death of a male student. The death of the student further < The involvement of women in the C samance intensified tension in the city of Ziguinchor and peace process can be traced to 1943, wilen Aline the women of the region mobilized under th.:: Sitoe Diatta, a Jola female priest, egan to platform of the Association of Initiated Women preach against the policies of the French and Priestesses (USANA).'X During the protests. colonial government. Sitoe relied on reaching women adorned their heads with calabash hats. as a means of asking her fellow the Jolt to reject carrying red brooms in their hands and marched the requisition tar cattle and rice ma e by the to the pri nci pa ls 0 ffice, the governor's o ffice colonial administration in Dakar whicll was to ' and the police station." The women used the boost food supply during the Secon~1 World occasion to demonstrate their anger at the killing War. She also preached against the planting of of the student and hoped that the peaceful groundnut and particular grain of rice as protest march could bring about some changes requested by the colonial government and both in the school and the Casamance as a opposed the conscription o~ men into the French whole. A fter the incident, women cont inned to army. The refusal to obey the French authorities contribute to the political stability in Casamance was on the ground that many of the Jola men territory by expressing their discontent through who fought in the First World War, never peaceful protests. returned horne." Sitoe was arrested by the French colonial government and deported to Women featured significantly in the 1982 Mali where she died and was buried. She has protest march, tagged the . IOOO-man paci licist since become a motivating factor tar Casamance walk', and was led by the Secretary General of nationalism as the demand tar her remains the MFDC, L'Abbe Augustine Diarnacounne . constitutes a' major basis of disagreement and Ansoumane Abba Bodian. The accounts between the MFDC and the Senegalese state that women participated in the peaceful government. Sitoe has remained an icon and is protest adorned in their traditional attires. The celebrated as the CasamanceJoan of Arc.lu women WOre charms and carried the branches of palm fonts. Some carried calabashes and The Sitoe incident marked the early Casamance together with the ill en chanted traditional resistance and nationalism. Apart from its songs." The aim of' the protests was to draw the propaganda effect, Sitoes efforts has been used attention of the Senegalese government to the to rnobilise Jola elements in the Casamance. It plight of the Casnmancaistpeople of is also clear that apart from the emotional Casamance ). attachment to Sitoes bravery in confronting the '. French colon ia I government as a \I oman. tile Apart from their phy:-ical involvement in the MFDC became a men's affair and was loundcd demonstrations, it is important to note that. the

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Jola women actually initiated the 1982 protest members. The arrest and detention of many of march. '1heir role as initiators of this protest is the MFDC leaders including Diamacoune • one that has antecedents in the Jola traditional Senghor. became the basis for more protests. society. I ike several other African societies, the The women in Casamance reacted in 1983 and Jola society is patriarchal in structure. In spite of during the protest they marched naked in the this, Jola women play significant roles in the streets as a form of protest". Nudity is a tradition,'! institutions. The Jola traditional common practice in Africa and elsewhere. It is society revolves around the worship of the mainly used by women to express extreme Sacred Bush institution, which is, the soul of the anger. It is often adopted as the highest price to community and a symbol of traditional and be paid by women to reverse, a situation that is political .iuthority. According to Marrie Diana. considered to have grave consequences on the in espect ive of their educat ional background, citizenry. At the level of traditional society. social status and religious inclinations most Jola nudity can be used as a veritable tool in the identify with the indigenous religion which is management and resolution of conflicts because mainly practiced in secluded forests. Such it is believed to have dire consequences on those designated forests are regarded as the sacred who are considered to be offenders. The bush. Tha.religion involves the performance of recourse to nudity by the Jola womeh attracted . rituals, n:~ grade init!ation and ceremonies th~~ attention with many of international media ':take plu..c at planting and harvest tunes.' flashing the incident as a major news itel'll. To a Traditionrlly, the sacred bush is where social great extent. the case of Casamance women disputes .ire settled based on local customs so shows that nudity has lost its potency as a that the indigenous Jola religion is an important conflict management strategy. Nevertheless, the aspect of the village of contliet manager» nt.22 incident was indicative of the sacri fice women The religious practice of the Jola ex ibits were willing to pay in return for durable peace speci fie gender roles' with men placed a' the in Casamance. More importantly, the. incident hierarchy and excising authority while w men also became a source of inspiration to play complimentary roles as prieste ses. Casamance women elsewhere who were Priestesses are initiated and among other duties 'motivated to contribute their quota to they are the keepers of the fetishes used djring Casamance peace process. The Casamance traditional ceremonies. The priestesses als use continued to experience intermittent violence their office as female priests to dissem nate with attendant problems of insecurity to life and information and mobilise women for social and property of the inhabitants of the Bignogna and political events in the communities. During the Ziguinchor region where the fighting has been 1982 protest, women gathered iJl the sacred bush heaviest." near Oussouye, one of the major Jola dominated towns in Casamance, to perform some rituals, Outside the traditional fiat. women have These activities included the chanting of continued to Lise existing civil society incantations to the gods and the offering of organisations as platforms to contribute their prayers. This was followed by the collection of a quota to the peace process. One of the heap of s'a!d by the women wh ich they used to associations that played n key role in the make fetif,es in several sacred pushes in the Casamance peace process. was the Association communi.j . Having performed theses rituals, the de jeune agriculture Casamance pour la women accepted the pledge of the men to fight promotion de L'Arrondisement de Nyassia for the independence of Casamance." The role (APRAN). Women constitute 850 of the 1100 women played at the beginning of Casamance members of the association." The association resistance showed that women were more had been active in the area of agricultural concerned with peaceful change. A Ithough the development in the Casamance region since the women shared a common desire for the 1970s focusing on the dehydrnt ion of fruits such o attainment of Casamance independence, they as mangos, wh ich has become a source II r shunned actual violence but rather provided foreign exchange earnings. With the cycle of emot iona I and sp iri tun I support lor thei I' men. violence in the Casamance. members of ArRAN channeled their efforts to the restoration of The repressive response by the GaS to the 1982 peace to the Casamance region. The association protesters, led to the escalation of the conflict became increasingly involved in the and ironically the violent phase stimulated wider rehabilitation projects especially with' the rise in interest by civil society groups within the region the population of internally displaced persons as well as associations which have women as and refugees in the region. ArRAN's

.P. ": ..•.-... : Irene N. Osemeka

commitment to peace attracted the attention or meetings where members .. of the smaller the GOS and as a result, the association was able associations could interact. establish to facilitate the peace agreements of 1992, relationships and forge a common interest in between the MFDC and the GOS. 17 In issues of development and peace. Other acknowledgement of APRAN's role in the activities include training in food processing and Casamance peace effort's, the organisation was various cropping technics. One of the selected as a participant in the special associations under the umbrella of CONGI\D. Senegalese project, which was attended by the Associat ion Culture] d ' A id a la promotion Senegalese military and civil society groups in Educarif et Sociler (ACAPES) led by Seynabou 1993. Such efforts have helped to build create Male Cisse. contributed to the peace process by possibilities for closer relations between the conducting studies with a view to emphasizing Senegalese military and the representatives of the importance or women ill the area of conflict . C '8 groups III asamance.: resolution. Such studies helped to raise the consciousness of women with a view to showing The cont inued 'demand for Fasamance greater concern in the Casamance peace independence by the M FDC partly ~XPlains the efforts." restriction on the participation of c vii society groups by the Senega lese g vernment. An organisation which gained recognition 1'01' its Consequently. the Casamance pea e process Casamance peace efforts at the regional level was exclusionary and the approach i often the was the Comiie Regional de Solidiiaire des posture tak ing by states especia I\Y in the Femmes pour la paix en Casamance (CRSrp). I instances where the sovereignty of the state is Members or the association were among other likely to be undermined. In the case 6f Senegal, civil society groups that attended the Banjul the continued demand for Casamance Conference or 1998.J1 The Conference was independence by the MFDC was a sbcessionist organized by the governments of Guinea Bissau bid. Although military action was principally and Gambia with the support of the GOS. The directed at the MFDC rebels, with the aim of major aim of the conference was to bring all weakening the organizations resolve, it also part ies in the Casamance conil ict to, ncgot iate a deterred civilians from mobilizing for peace for settlement that is acceptable to all. At the fear of "being arrested, tortured or even conference. women expressed their desire to imprisoned without fair trial. participate in the peace talks. but were denied the chance 10 contribute to actual deliberations. As a result of the militarist approach by the GOS However. under pressure from the women. the several civil society groups including women conveners of the conference allowed them to groups in the Casamance were constrained from make a presentation. during which they made a ".' participating in the peace process. For instance. passionate plea lor peace to be restored to the in 1993 the Yewwi- Yewwu, a Dakar-bused Casamance. Commenting on the relegation or feminist association, organized a protest march women to the status of observers at the with the aim 0'1' launching a new organization to con lerence, Fye and Massey observed, be known as Mouvement des femmes pour la "traditional and notably Jola, patriarchal and Paix en Casamance (MOSEPAC)2Q The status norms were observed and grassroots organization comprised mainly of Casamance social structures were not represented. in women residing in Dakar. However, the particular the Kafoo gender groupings. leading movement was not allowed to take off, as the to a negligible involvement of women and GOS prohibited its existence. youths"." The exclusion of women in the Banjul peace process can be regarded as a great One of the organisations which played a central omission especially in view of the fact that role in mobilizing women in the Casamance was women have suffered from the negative impact the Conseil Des Ong D'uppui au Developpment of the contlict and as victims. they were best (CONGAD). CONGAD is an umbrella body suited to contribute to its resolution. Besides. the embodying several other smaller associations in history of the conflict shows that women have Casamance and its major objective is to promote been involved in the Casamance struggles since agricultural development and inter-communal tile days of Aline Sitoe Diatta. relations. With the war. the organisation helped redirect the focus or local associations to include Aller the 1998 Banjul Conference. a breakaway the promotion of peace in Casamance. Some or group of CRSFP formed another association in such activities include the organisation of 2000 called tile Kabonkeioor." The organisation ". The Public Sphere. Women anti the Casumuncc Peace Process Irene: N. Oscmcku

tended to be exclusive in its membership as a majority of its members were .Iola women. Most women participated in .the Casamance Another criticism against the organization is that peace process within their local groups, and in a the language of communication was in Jola few instances as individuals. Lucy Shonk. a while many of its deliberations were held in female Jola entrepreneur was one female who Sacred Bush. In spite of its ethnic coloration, contributed to the Casamance peace process. the organisation continued' to use the traditional Using the radio. she W

The peace. campaign of 2003 was another The escalation of the Casamance connict find its occasion that a lIowed women to contribute to regional spread necessitated interaction between the Casamance peace process." The Senega lese actors beyond the domestic sphere. This level of government mobil ized the youths. rei igious interaction is understandable, given that the state leaders, women. njusicians and civil servants to was one of the conflicting parties. Initially, embark. on peace rallies and sensitization women tended to play compl imentary roles campaigns. The aim' of the sensitization using their traditional offices and associations, .• campaign was to extend the peace process to the which appeared to confine them largely to the unofficial members of the warring parties find domestic sphere. However, the escalation or the such a citizen-centered approach helped to move con fl ict and its negat ive consequences generated the parties towards a more co-operative greater public concern. With the escalation interaction. As expected, the mass rallies helped many international organizations became to build an atmosphere of positive change in the interested and focused on the involvement of the Casamance and this gave the GOS more civilian population in the peace process. The con fidence to increase its presence in the region. existence of local associations provided the Consequently, the Wade administration held a platforms for bringing women who fire members cabinet meeting in Ziguinchor, the regional into the Casamance peace efforts. It was with capital of the Casamance. In the past. the broadening or the peace process that the Ziguinchor was not the choice of venue' for such can fl ict entered the de-escalat ion phase. important government meetings, Thus, women were not excluded from what can be regarded as The regionalization also attracted the attention a practical implementation of the policy of of international and non-governmental integration of the isolated Casamance territory. organisations such as the Catholic Relief The act, .alrhough, appeared inconsequential. Services (CRS), Ford Foundation. United States was a step in the right direction considering that Agency lor lnrernat ionul Development Dakar has remained Senegal's administrative (US/\ID). Frederick Ebert Foundatiou.!" The and commercial capital since the colonial increase in the activity of these organizations period. became sources of funding for the civil society Irene N. Oscmeku The I'uhlie Sphere. WOlllen nnJ the Casal11ance Peace Process"

groups without which lll<1ny of the 10c<11 It is generally stated that , women me more organisation would have been less active in the predisposed to working for peace. According to Casamance peace process. Such funding helped Ntahobari and Ndayaziga, women me "more to activate local associations which had women concerned about what threatens life'. They a Iso as their members. But for the support of these note, A frican women are peaceful beings, who organisations, the women's groups merely personi fy gent leness and goodness. ·16Generally, functioned as agricultural associations, the women in Casamance and elsewhere fit into Therefore, a major impedime t to women's these widely held views, but not so snugly participation in the resolution ot the Casamance particularly in situations of violent conflicts. contlict was the lack of funding. Reports show that some of the women have acted to the contrary in. the course of the Similarly there were other c~onstraints that Casamance conflict. Women in C<1S8m8nCe have prevented women tl'OI'11 playin more active acted as spies while others have been involved roles in the Casamance peace p 'ocess. One of in the illicit trade in drugs and arms. In other this was their lack of institutional capacity. This cases the women have helped to conceal arms factor partly, explains why the several and provided safe havens for soldiers who an: associations that were engaged in the pe<1ce friends, brothers and husbands." Such process were headedby men. For instance, the contradictory roles are not peculiar 10 most prominent organisations working for peace Casamance women alone.' In' the Rwandan in Casamance such as APRAN, CONGAD and conflict, women participated in the genocide and World Education are headed by men, such as many offered protection to combatants." Thus, Dernba Keita, Mane Martin and Abdou Sarr." women are sometimes remotely involved in The marginalisation of men in leadership and activities that sustain conditions of armed decision-making positions is clearly violence. The diverse roles women have played demonstrated in A PRA N, where women in the Casamance conflict demonstrate ihar constitute over three quarters of its membership. women represent a significant link in the chain

of participants that have sustained the cycle llf The patriarchal structure of the associations also protracted violence in the southern Senegalese influenced women's representation at the Banjul territory and are then needed 10 secure a lasung conference of 1998. II was also observed 111<1t pence. Thus, the exclusion or women is likely 10 only five women were allowed 10 make a force women into activities that me inimical 10 presentation at the conference. The figure was peace initiatives particularly at the grass mot abysmally low as the conference was attended level where they play central roles in daily by over 150 delegate." For the most part social activities, negotiations were between the MFDC hierarchy and the representatives of the GOS and this In assessing the role of actors institutions in the demonstrates that the Senegalese government resolution or West A [rican conflicts. lJi<1ya notes acted. from the point of view that women were that the role of women in the Casamance pence not in a position to influence the cycle of process has been limitedN However, in view of violence or its resolution. This is a reflection of the patriarchal structure of the Join society and the perception that women are the weaker sex, the constraints posed by government's policies, . whose role should be confined to the domestic Casamance women have exhibited their sphere. On the contrary, the Casamance women potential to perform roles in the public sphere operate 11'0111 a position of strength in many and in particular, the area of conflict resolution. ways. Agriculture contributes over 70% of the The limited participation of women in the region's economy and women constitute about Casamance peace process, is <1150 an indication half the population in this sector." Rice is the that there is need to promote and equalize the major crop grown in the area and Casamance role of women in the political sphere, which will alone has the capacity to provide the rice needs then create a smooth transition for women to of Senegal, Rice farming, and oyster picking are play more functional roles ill the area of conflict activities mainly dominated. by the ~omen.44 resolution. This position has been the resolution Apart from the central role of w men in of the United Nations at the Beijing Conference agriculture, population figures show tha women of 1995 and again reiterated in :2000 and 2005.'" constitute over 58°<" of Senegal's popula ion and The adoption of this resolution was based on the this figure roughly represents the prop rtion of realisat ion that women constitute "a women in the Casamance." fundamental force for leadership, conflict resolution and the promotion of lasting peace ,II ,. The P~lblic Sphere. Women and the Casamance l'cucc I'rucess Irene N. Oselllek,1 all I~vels"" The implementation or the United Nations (UN). resolution which is supported by More importantly. women have a disposition the regional organisation the world over, will that makes them crucial partners in the search address the problem of marginalisation of for peace. Loleta Dimadja has also observed that women in decision-making processes and in political actors (such as the GOS and the MFDC particular conflict resolution processes, which leaders), must focus on, is the recognition that has become an increasingly, public-oriented the specific role of women as care givers in the activity. At the state level, the enegalese family. unconsciously equips them with the government should align with global trends by skills to play the role of life savers." Thus. the adopting policies that will refle t gender inclusion of women is the pence process should sensitivity in malters of contlict prev ntion and not be 1'01' its propagandist value. but this makes resolution in the Casamance. The ado tion of a it possible to utilize their natural skill as mothers more gender-balanced approach is Ii ely to be and wives. It will also gradually expose women more effective in resolving conflicts, as victims to negotiation and mediation sk.ills beyond the who i~l~IL~de women can particiPatlle in the- domestic affair and ultimately empower to be reconciliation process. effective participants in the public sphere.

CONCLUSION I NOTES

In terms of their numerical strength, women are I. Rumsey L. Michele. Driven lrotn th« Public still largely excluded from the resolution process Sphere: The CUII/IOIioll of women '~\'libcrution and driving ill advertising from . l

64 ,0 l l ivt nri a -/('/11111 Onl in,. ')(1 I I Irene N. Oserneka The Public Sphere. Women and the Casamance l'cucc Process J1'

Diout, Le Senegal Contemporuin. Kurthalu . l'uris. bhc.co.uk/Z I/hi/A rricul4 I 3797.htm. Accessed 2002, pp 375-424. 20102105. . 12. Lambert, M. Violence, and the War of lI'orcl.~: 41. Deck, 2001,pp17-19 Ethnicitv. I'. Nationalism in the Ca. aniance. frica, 42. ibid t 1998, Number 4, Vol 68, p.591. 43. Dernba MOUSH Dembele, Debt and Destruction in 13. Manley: 1998, opcit Senegal-A SIII(t" 0/ Twenty rears I/I·IF and I/'orld 14. Martin Evans, Briefing Senegal. Wade an j the Bank Policies, Dakar/London. Casamance Dossier, African Affairs (2000),69,649- www.africafocus.org/doc.O) Isenu311.php-25k 658. Arrar.oxrordjournals.orglcontents/99/397/6 9. Nov. 2003. p.J2 15. De Jong, 1999, opcit.p. II 44. Olga, l.inare. Front Tidal SII'aI1IP. to inland 16. Foucher. 2002 .Opcit, p388 1'0111'.1': Oil Social Organisation (If 1/'1'1 Rice 17. Diaw, A .. Dioul. M. (Eds) "Ethnic Group Versus tlllli\'(/lifJI/ lIIIIOII}!, the Dioi« (J( S(,lIegal. A/ik(lll Nation: Identity Discourse in Senegal" In. Nnoli .10111'110of1the lnternational African Institute, Vol 51. Okwudiba, Ethnic Conflicts in .-!/rica, No 2. 19X I. p.557 CODESR IA.1998.p227 45. Johnson Agboton Christiane. 20() I Case: Studv: 18. Foucher, 2002. opcit, 1'41 I I/'omell and Stnall Arms in Senegal. lntcrnutionul 19. Manley, 1998. opcit, Action Network On Sill all Arms. IITTI':ii 20. ibid WWW.IANSA/WOMF.NIBUI.I.ETIN6/CASE- 21. Therese Diaua, interviewed by author, STUDY. HTML. Accessed. 15109/08 . Ziguinchor, ORI04/0X 4(1. Ntnhohuri Josephine. nassilissa Ndayuzig«. lhc 22. De Jong, 1999. p I I role or llurundi women in peaceful settlement or 23. Beck, 2001,1' II conflict In. Women and Peace in Arrica.20'OJ. pp 11- 24. ibid 26. France, 25. Amnesty International Document. i'utting an end unesco.unesco.org/images/Ou 13/00 13321155274. II) lmpunity. // Unique Opportunity 1101 10 be Accessed on 12/0811 O. Mi'ssed".2003, 47. Therese Diana, interviewed by author. OX/04108 I-IItp: www.unhcr.org/re livorllcountry.A M N [STY Ziguinchor. COUNTRY REI' SENEGAL. 48. Lahai.1999, opcit 126. Beck, 200 I v opcit 49.Biayu . T k.. Project Conflict Prevention in West '27, Seynabou Male Cisse; Senegal Framework lor a Arrica(CI'WA).The Hague. \lecclllber.Il)9

t '1I111II'eS and 1'011/('.1' ill Gambia Conflict Xlecliution in Accessed on I I/O-t!20 I020. , 'asamunce. Southern Senegul.20()6. Itttp:IIII'\\.polsis.bham:uk. Acesscd IIOR/O(l. 32. ibid .:3. Seynabou Male Cisse, Femmes ct Guerre en Casamance, In, Bulletin. Women and War, ACSA, 1999, Spring/summer http; corncernedatricanscholars.org 34. ibid .15. Otto, Carol. Otto, Jonathan. (Eds), Bullding For l'eace and Prosperity in the Casamance Region (If .'>l'IJeglll, World Education, 200-t l'ubl icut ion. I'd l.dec.org/pd f-docs/Pt+A D l)(l2J.pd I' . ..\ccessed.12/061O:;.r 17-21 ,ll. Harsch. Eurnest.vl'cace Pact Raises Hope 1\1 ~';negHI" In .. Africa Renewai. Vol. 19, 2005,April. 1'1. II IVIV.un.orgl@·un,org/AR. Accessed, 25107/08 . .17. Moustnpha Gueye. Director or CST!. School ( I' lnformation and Communication, Chcikh Anta Dio University. interviewed by author, Dakar. 051O-t/OR.

:11). ibid -to. Andrew Simons, llBC 5'1 News: Crowds ClICe:' .\,·negal Peace Deal 200:;

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