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Italian Renaissance Education: Changing Perspectives and Continuing Controversies Author(S): Robert Black Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol Italian Renaissance Education: Changing Perspectives and Continuing Controversies Author(s): Robert Black Source: Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 52, No. 2 (Apr. - Jun., 1991), pp. 315-334 Published by: University of Pennsylvania Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2709531 Accessed: 24-08-2015 21:02 UTC REFERENCES Linked references are available on JSTOR for this article: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2709531?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents You may need to log in to JSTOR to access the linked references. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/ info/about/policies/terms.jsp JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. University of Pennsylvania Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Journal of the History of Ideas. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 24 Aug 2015 21:02:27 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Italian Renaissance Education: Changing Perspectives and Continuing Controversies Robert Black Over the past hundred years studies in the history of Italian Renaissance education have tended to develop in the wake of wider intellectual and philosophi- cal movements. The great age of Italian posivitism at the turn of the century encouraged widespread research in local archives and led to the publication of numerous fundamental documentary studies, including Bellemo on Chioggia, Cecchetti, Bertanza and Della Santa, and Segarizzi on Venice, Barsanti on Lucca, Debenedetti on Florence, Gabotto on Piedmont, Massa on Genoa, Zanelli on Pistoia, and Battistini on Volterra.1 Archival work was complemented by the study of manuscripts and early printed editions, particularly focusing on the contribution of prominent teachers, including for example Rossi on Travesi, but most notable here was of course Sabadini with his work on Giovanni da Ravenna, Barzizza, and especially Guarino.2Such studies formed the basis of Manacorda's V. Bellemo, "L'insegnamento e la cultura in Chioggia fino al secolo XV," Archivio veneto,n.s., 35 (1888), 277-301, and 36 (1888), 37-56; B. Cecchetti, "Libri, scuole, maestri, sussidii allo studio in Venezia nei secoli XIV e XV," Archivio veneto, 32, pt. 1 (1886), 329-63; A. Segarizzi, "Cenni sulle scuole pubbliche a Venezia nel secolo XV e sul primo maestro d'esse," Atti del R. Istituto Veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, 75 (1915-16), pt. 2, 637-67; E. Bertanza and G. Dalla Santa, Documenti per la storia della cultura in Venezia, I: Maestri, scuole e scolari in Venezia verso la fine del Medio Evo (Venice, 1907); P. Barsanti, II pubblico insegnamento in Lucca dal secolo XIV fino al secolo XVIII (Lucca, 1905); S. Debenedetti, "Sui piu antichi 'doctores puerorum' a Firenze," Studi medievali, 2 (1907), 327-51; F. Gabotto, Lo stato Sabaudo da Amedeo VIII a Emanuele Filiberto, III: La cultura e la vita in Piemonte nelRinascimento (Turin, 1895); A. Massa, "Documenti e notizie per la storia dell'istruzione in Genova," Giornalestorico e letterariodella Liguria, 7 (1906), 169-205, 311-28; A. Zanelli, Del pubblico insegnamento in Pistoia dal XIV al XVI secolo (Rome, 1900); M. Battistini, II pubblico insegnamento in Volterradal secolo XIV al secolo XVIII (Volterra, 1919). 2 V. Rossi, "Un grammatico cremonese a Pavia nella prima eta del Rinascimento," Bollettino della Societa Pavese di Storia patria, 1 (1901), 16-46 (reprinted in his Dal rinascimentoal risorgimento[Florence, 1930], 3-30); R. Sabbadini, Giovannida Ravenna, insigne figura d'umanista (1343-1408) (Como, 1924); Studi di Gasparino Barzizza su Quintiliano e Cicerone (Livorno, 1886); "Lettere e orazioni edite e inedite di Gasparino Barzizza," Archiviostorico lombardo, 13 (1866), 363-78, 563-83, 825-36; Vita di Guarino Veronese(Genoa, 1891); and La scuola e gli studi di Guarino Guarini Veronese(Catania, 1896). 315 Copyright 1991 by JOURNAL OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS, INC. This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 24 Aug 2015 21:02:27 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 316 Robert Black Storia della scuola in Italia. II medioevo,3which, although primarily concerned with the earlier Middle Ages, nevertheless extended its scope into the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. All these works, including Manacorda's survey, enjoyed the advantages as well as the limitations of other studies influenced by positivist fashions. The contents and the problems were usually determined by the documentary evidence uncovered. There was little need felt to go beyond empirical discussion to form a broader or more analytical view of the development of schools and education in Italy. There was much important and extremely interesting material brought to light, but no overall synthesis or general picture emerged. It is characteristic of all this work that there was almost no assessment of the impact of humanism and the Renaissance on education; not even Sabbadini came up with a coherent evaluation of Guarino's place in the overall history of schools and teaching. When Eugenio Garin turned to the study of Renaissance education after the Second World War,4 Italian intellectual fashions had changed: positivism had been discredited and the dominant currents were neo-Hegelian and very often Crocean or Gentilian idealism. Garin's reaction to Sabbadini'swork on Guarino shows how much the climate had altered: On closer inspection, the fact that several decades of tireless and constant work, conducted with great rigour and over a vast horizon, did not even lead to an attempt at [genuine] history is not without good reason. The material, at times chaotically assembled, was too much and too little.... Whoever looks at Sabba- dini's notes and at his attempts at synthesis will be almost dumbfounded; the contours are dulled, all is lost in a uniform grey. The discussion of particular points does not always meet the need for a comprehensivejudgement; all historical perspective is diminished.5 Garin here reveals the impatience of a new generation with the outmoded ways of their predecessors. Garin, unlike his positivist antecedents, does not see his principal purpose as an intellectual historian in bringing to light new evidence or information which then of itself will lead to greater knowledge; although he has examined and even edited a number of unpublished sources for Renaissance education,6 most of his work consists of reinterpretingpublished sources and secondary material. Indeed, it is his major contribution to have developed a highly focused, yet broadly ranging view of Renaissance education and particularly of the impact of human- ism on schools and teaching. Garin's interpretation is based on a sharply drawn contrast between the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. He paints a gloomy picture of late medieval scholastic methods, aims, and curriculum. He suggests that barbarous discipline 3 Milan, Palermo, and Naples, 1914. 4 E. Garin, L'educazione umanistica in Italia (Bari, 19532); L'educazione in Europa (1400-1600) (Bari, 1957); ed., II pensiero pedagogico dello Umanesimo (Florence, 1958); and "Guarino Veronese e la cultura a Ferrara," Ritratti di umanisti (Florence, 1967), 69-106. 5 Ibid., 79-80. 6 See especially his Pensieropedagogico, 434ff, 534ff. This content downloaded from 128.103.149.52 on Mon, 24 Aug 2015 21:02:27 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions Italian Renaissance Education 317 was the norm in medieval Italian schools.7 The mainstays of the curriculum were manuals such as Ianua, Alexander of Villedieu's Doctrinale, Everard of Bethune's Graecismus,Giovanni of Genoa's Catholicon, Papias and Hugutio of Pisa's Deri- vationes;these were, he continues, read mainly in conjunction, not usually with the Roman classics but with the traditional school authors such as Cato's Distichs, Ecloga Theoduli, Facetus, Matthew of Vendome's Thobias, Liber parabolarum, Aesop's fables (translated by Walter the Englishman), Floretus, Prudentius's Eva Columba (Dittochaeum), Prosper of Acquitaine's Epigrams, and the Physiologus.8 From such a curriculumboys were taught contempt for the secular world; indeed, all medieval education-even at its most classicizing-was directed, according to Garin, to religious, theological, and spiritual goals.9 When the Roman classics were occasionally brought into the schoolroom, they were a means to an end, not an end in themselves.10Indeed, it had been the fundamental antipathy of the Middle Ages to classical culture more than the barbarian invasions which, for Garin, had destroyed the ancient world.11When secular learning was cultivated in the later Middle Ages, it was for technical, professional training, to allow each individual to fit into his appropriate level in the social hierarchy.12Scholastic education was fundamentally antipathetic to the empirical study of nature or to any real content in education; texts, not genuine subjects in themselves, were the objects of learning:13 For Garin, Renaissance humanism represented a revolutionary change in European cultural history, and this dramatic new force was particularlypowerful and effective in the classroom. Most important were new aims for education: The school created in fifteenth-century Italy
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