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Andalusian dress and the Andalusian image of Spain: 1759—1936
Worth, Susannah, Ph.D.
The Ohio State University, 1990
Copyright ©1990 by Worth, Suaaimah. All rights reserved.
UMI 300 N. Zeeb Rd. Ann Arbor, MI 48106
ANDALUSIAN DRESS AND THE ANDALUSIAN IMAGE OF SPAIN: 1759-1936
DISSERTATION
Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate
School of The Ohio State University
by
Susannah Worth, B.A., M.S.
***** The Ohio State University
1990
Dissertation Committee; Approved by
L. R. Sibley
K. A. Jakes Adviser C. Noel Department of Textiles and Clothing H. Crane Copyright by Susannah Worth 1990 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
I would like to express thanks to my adviser.
Dr. Lucy Sibley, for her encouragement and guidance. Thanks
are also due to my committee members, Drs. Howard Crane,
Kathryn Jakes, and Charles Noel, for their insightful and
constructive comments on this study.
Thanks also go to the many museums and libraries both
in this country and in Spain which were so helpful to me in
the course of this research. The Graduate School Alumni
Research Award and a Graduate Research Award from the
Department of Textiles and Clothing made it possible to conduct research in Spain.
I wish to express my gratitude to Miriam Kahn, Nancy
Scott, and Suman Shenoi who very kindly gave of their time by proofreading this document and helping to dry-mount the illustrations. Thank you.
A very special thanks for some very special help throughout my graduate studies goes to Dr. Elizabeth
Kingsbury, Sunny Bates, and A.J.
My deepest appreciation is expressed to Richard Ford,
George Borrow, and to all my other fellow travelers whose names may be most readily found in R. Foulché-Delbosc's
ii Bibliographie des Voyages en Espagne et En Portugal.
Without their work this dissertation would not have been possible.
Ill VITA
1973...... Certificate in Fashion Writing London College of Fashion London, England
1976...... B.A. Schiller College, London, England
1984-1986 ...... Graduate Teaching Assistant, University of Rhode Island Kingston, Rhode Island
1984-1986 ...... Guide/Caretaker, Watson House University of Rhode Island Kingston, Rhode Island
1986 ...... M.S. Textiles and Clothing - Historic Program University of Rhode Island Kingston, Rhode Island
1987-1989...... Administrative Associate - Historic Costume and Textile Collection Teaching Associate Department of Textiles and Clothing The Ohio State University
PUBLICATIONS
1986 Embroidered China Crepe Shawls; 1800-1870. Unpublished master's thesis, University of Rhode Is1and.
1986 Embroidered China Crepe Shawls: 1816-1863. Dress, 12., 43-54
FIELDS OF STUDY
Major Field: Textiles and Clothing - Historic Minor Field: History of Art
IV TABLE OF CONTENTS
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS...... ii
VITA...... iii
LIST OP F I G U R E S ...... viii
CHAPTER PAGE
I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1
Purpose of the Study...... 4 Limitations ...... 5 Terminology ...... 6
Ii . REVIEW OF LITERATURE...... 10
Spain and Andalusia: History and C u l t u r e ...... 10 Majismo and Costumbrismo...... 13 The Image of Spain...... 14 Spanish Dress ...... 18 Elements of Spanish Dress ...... 20 The Maja Style...... 21 The Gitans Style...... 22 Dress in the 18th, 19th& 20th centuries...... 22 Styles of Dress ...... 22 Revival Dress ...... 24 Masquerade Dress...... 25 Dress as Comuni cat io n ...... 27 The Clothed I m a g e ...... 29 Summary ...... 35
III. METHODOLOGY...... 37
Primary Sources ...... 37 Travel Accounts ...... 37 Works of Art...... 38 Extant Costumes ...... 40 Data Collection...... 40 Data A n a lysis...... 43 IV. DEVELOPMENT OF THE IMAGE, 1759-1808 ...... 44
Spanish Dress ...... 44 Andalusian D r e s s ...... 47 The Majas and Maja Dress...... 48 The Gitanas and Gitana Dress...... 54 The Prevalence o£ Andalusian Dress in A r t ...... 56 In Fête Galantes...... 60 In Portraits...... 62 For Masquerade...... 64 Summary and Discussion...... 66
V. THE IMAGE EXPRESSED, 1809-1868 ...... 68
Spanish Dress...... 68 Andalusian Dress ...... 70 The Majas and Mandas and Their Dress...... 72 The Majas and M a n d a s ...... 72 Maja and Hanoi a D r e s s ...... 73 Gitanas and Their Dress ...... 77 The Cigarreras and Their Dress ...... 83 Occasions for Which Andalusian Dress Was Worn. . . . 86 Festivals...... 86 The Bullficht...... 88 Dance...... 90 Portraits and Masquerade ...... 93 The Andalusian Image of Spain...... 95 Souvenirs and Books...... 97 In A r t ...... 98 On the S t a g e ...... 100 The Elements of Dress as S y mbols...... 103 Discussion and S u mmary...... 105
VI. SIMPLIFICATION OF THE IMAGE, 1869-1936 ...... 107
Spanish and Andalusian Dress ...... 107 Majas, Mandas, and Chulas and Their Dress .... 110 Gitana Dress ...... 112 Cigarerras and Their Dress...... 116 Occasions for which Andalusian Dress was Worn. . . . 118 Festivals...... 119 The Cruz de M a y o ...... 122 The Romeria del Rocio...... 123 Bullfights...... 124 Dance...... 125
The Andalusian Image of Spain...... 127 In A r t ...... 130 Masquerade...... 135 On the S t a g e ...... 135 The Elements of Dress as Symbols...... 137 Discussion and Summary ...... 140
vi VII. SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS...... 142
Summary...... 142 Implications ...... 147 Recommendations...... 148
LIST OF REFERENCES...... 150
APPENDICES A. Historical Chronology ...... 165 B. Glossary...... 167 C. Fashion in the 18th,19th, and 20th Centuries . . 173 D. Worksheet...... 177 E. M u s e u m s ...... 17 9
FIGURES...... 183
Vll LIST OP FIGURES
FIGURES PfGE
1. Map of Spain, (from Morris' The Presence of Spain). . 183
2. Map of Spanish provinces in the eighteenth century. (from Hargreaves-Mawdsley's Eighteenth-Centurv Spain 1700-1788)...... 184
3. Map of Andalusia, (from Allee's Andalusia. Two Steps from Paradise...... 185
4. Goya. Gumersida Goicoechea. 1805-06. (Collection Roailles, Paris)...... 186
5. Goya. Duchess of Alba, 1797. (Hispanic Society of America)...... 187
6. Goya. Maio stretched on the ground, laughing as two Maias fight each other. 1796-97. Album B, page 15 (Hispanic Society of America) ...... 188
7. Woman in maja dress. (Detail of title page Cruz Cano's Coleccidn de traies de Espafia. . .. 1 7 7 7 ) ...... 189
8. La Maraniera. (In Cruz Cano’s Coleccién de traies de Espafia. . .. 1777)...... 190
9. Maja.. (In Cruz Cano's Colecciôn de traies de Espana. . ,, 1777)...... 191
10. Maia del Contrabandists. (In Rodriguez's Colecciôn. . . . 1 8 0 1 ) ...... 192
11. Maia de Sevilla. (In Rodriguez's Colecciôn. . . . 1 8 0 1 ) ...... 193
12. Maia de Cadiz. (In Rodriguez's Colecciôn. . . . 1 8 0 1 ) ...... 194
13. Bavlorina Bolera de Madrid. (In Rodriguez's Colecciôn. . . . 1 8 0 1 ) ...... 195
viii 14, Boleria del Teatro de Madrid. (In Rodriguez’s Colecciôn. . . , 1801) ...... 196
15. Lorenzo Tiépolo. La Naraniera. (Royal Palace, Madrid)...... 197
16. Eighteenth century maja jacket. (Museu Textil d'ldumentaria. No. 88405) ...... 198
17. Detail of Figure 1 6 ...... 199
18. Detail of Figure 16 ...... 200
19. Lorenzo Tiépolo. People of Madrid. (Royal Palace, Madrid?)...... 201
20. Goya. Detail of El Paseo de Andalucia, 1777. (The Prado, M a d r i d ) ...... 202
21. Luis Paret. Detail of La Tienda. 1772. (Museo Lâzaro Galdiano, Madrid)...... 203
22. La Gitana. (In Rodriguez's Colecciôn.. ., 1801). . . 204
23. Lorenzo Tiépolo. Cherry Vendor. (Royal Palace, Madrid)...... 205
24. Lorenzo Tiépolo. Fruit Vendor. (Royal Palace, Madrid)...... 206
25. José Camarôn. Dancing the Bolero, c. 1790...... 2 0 7
26. Goya. The Duchess of Alba, 1796-97. Album A, page a (Bilioteca Nacional, Madrid)...... 208
27. Anton Raphael Mengs. Marguesa del Llano, c. 1773. (Royal Academy of San Fernando, Madrid) ...... 209
28. Detail of Figure 2 5 ...... 210
29. Spanish School, late 18th c. A Young Woman Dressed for Masguerade. (Sotheby, Parke, Bernat, Inc., New York, Important Old Master Paintings, Sale 3928, December 2, 1976)...... 211
30. Traie de Espafla. (In Ribelles* Colecciôn de Traies de Espana ■ 1825)...... 212
31. José Bécquer. Dona Maria Quintana. (In Honan's The Andalusian Annual for 1837) ...... 213
IX 32. José Bécquer. La Rosa. (In Honan's The Andalusian Annual for 1837)...... 214
33. Hippolyte Lecomte's Femme de L'Andalousie. (In Costumes de DifférentesNations, c.1817-19) . . . 215
34. Harriet Ford's maja dress ...... 216
35. John Frederick Lewis. Harriet Ford...... 217
36. John Frederick Lewis. Detail of Window of the Hall of Ambassadors. 1835...... 218
37. John Phillip, R.A. Fiesta in the Gvpsv Quarter, Seville, 1865. (Sotheby and Co., Belgravia, March 27, 1973) ...... 219
38. Gitana. (In Ribelles' Colecciôn de Traies de Espana, 1 8 2 5 ) ...... 220
39. Joaquin Dominguez Bécquer. Gvpsv Dance. 1934. (Royal Palace, Madrid)...... 221
40. Gipsies At Granada. (In Webster's Spain. 1882; and Blackburn's Travelling in Spain in the Present D a y , 1 8 6 6 ) 222
41. Gipsy Dancers. (In Thornbury's Life in Spain, 1859) . 223
42. J. Laurent photo. A Ciqarrera. (In Kennedy's Tramp in Spain, 1904; and Higgin's Spanish Life in Town and Country, 1902) . 224
43. José Bécquer. The Road to the Fair. (In Honan's The Andalusian Annual for 1837) ...... 225
44. Manuel Rodriguez Guzman. La Feria de Santiponce. (Caàon del Bueon Retiro, Madrid)...... 226
45. Bolero Dancers at the Theatre of Cadiz. (In Romer's The Rhone, The Dario, and The Guadalquivir, 1843) . . 227
46. Bolero Dancers. (In Ribelles' Colecciôn de traies de Espana, 1825)...... 228
47. Gustave Dore. The Fandango At the Theater San Fernando, Seville. (In Davillier's Spain, 1876). . . 229
48. Bernardo Lôpez. La infanta Isabel, nifia, 1857. (Patrimonio Nacional ) ...... 230 49. Anon. The Countess of Ouinto. 19th century. (Formerly in the Cincinnati Art Mu s e u m )...... 231
50. Spanish Fancy Costume. (In La Belle Assembles. Vol. 20, August 1 8 1 9 ) ...... 232
51. Leonhard de Jonghe. The Finishing Touches Before the Fancy Dress Ball, 1865. (Photograph courtesy Sotheby and Co., London. Sold at auction, October 16, 1 9 7 4 ) ...... 233
52. José Denis Belgrade. Detail of After the Bullfight. (Malaga Museum of Fine Arts)...... 234
53. Mâlaga Figurine. (Museo Meson de la Victoria, Malaga)...... 235
54. Eugenio Lucas. Maias on a Balcony. 1864. (The Prado, M a d r i d ) ...... 236
55. La Campanile, the Daughter of the Giralda. (In Thornbury's Life in Spain. 18591...... 237
56. Pauline Duvernay in Cachucha Costume. Lithograph from painting by John Frederick L e w i s ...... 238
57. The Jerez Mantilla. (In Hielscher's Picturesque Spain. 1922)...... 239
58. Côrdoba - Tipo de mujer del pueblo. (In Espana. sus monumentos. ._^ )...... 240
59. Granada - Mujer del pueblo. (In Espana. sus monumentos. . . )...... 241
60. Sevilla - Tipo de mujer del pueblo. (In Espana. sus monumentos. . . )...... 242
61. Madrid - Mujer del pueblo. (In Espana, sus monumentos. . . )...... 243
62. José Otero & pupil. (In Vi 11iars-Wardel1's Spain and the Spanish. 1909. Photo by Beauchy.)...... 244
63. Manola costume. Late 19th c. (Museu Textil d'ldumentaria, No. 8 8 4 1 7 ) ...... 245
64. Detail of Figure 63 ...... 246
65. A Dancer. (In Chatfield-Taylor's The Land of the Castenet. 1896)...... 247
XI 66. Gitana dress. 1920s. (Museo Meson de la Victoria, M â l a g a ) ...... 248
67. Andalusian Dancer in Bata Costume. (In Ortiz-Echaqüe's Espafia Tipos v Traies. 1933)...... 249
68. Gonzalo Bilbao Martinez. Poster for the Seville Spring Fair 1 9 1 3 ...... 250
69. Joaquin Sorolla. The Dance. (Sorolla Museum, Madrid)...... 251
70. Laughing Senoritas. (In Murdoch's She Travelled Alone in Spain. 1935. Photo by E . N . A . ) ...... 252
71. Otero's school of Spanish dancing. (In Batcheiler's Royal Spain of Today. 1913)...... 253
72. Manton de Manila. (In Villiars-Mardell's Spain and the Spanish. 1909. Photo by Mendiboure.) .... 254
73. Playing the Guitar. (In Hielscher's Picturesque Spain. 1922)...... 255
74. Fruit box label. (Museo Meson de la Victoria, M â l a g a ) ...... 256
75. S.M. del Rincon. Detail of The Royal Proposal. 1877. (Sotheby and Co., London, November 6, 1975) . . 257
76. Ignacio Zuloaga. Women on the Balcony, 1915. (Willard Straight Collection) ...... 258
77. Anglada Camarasa. Sevil lana, c. 1,13...... 259
78. Anon. The White Shawl . (Author's collection)...... 260
79. Ignacio Zuloaga. Lolita. 1913. (Collection of Senor Don José Santamarina, Paris) . . 261
Xll CH A PTER 1
INTRODUCTION
The history of Andalusian women's dress is an
overlooked but important chapter in the history of costume
and in Spanish cultural history. It is widely regarded
outside of Spain as the Spanish national costume although it
is in fact clearly distinguishable from the costumes of the
other provinces of Spain. Andalusian dress is significant
not only because it functions symbolically as the Spanish
national dress but also because it has been a major
influence on dress in Latin America (Sayer, 1985; McElroy,
1981; Foster, 1960).
During the second half of the eighteenth century,
Andalusian dress came to symbolize Spanish nationality and
culture. As such it became the Spanish fancy dress for masquerade, portraiture, and festive occasions. Although it
continues to serve these functions to the present day, this
study is concerned with the period 1759-1936.
What Chapman (1922) termed a "century-long conflict between the French and native styles" (p. 420) in Spain became clearly focused during the reign of Carlos III (an outline of Spanish history appears in Appendix A). This 2
conflict existed not only in matters of dress but in music,
dance, theatre, and so forth. Starkie (1958), Kany (1932),
and Montgomery (1931) have commented on this conflict, and
they all agree that it became a distinctive feature of
Spanish society in the second half of the century.
Reacting against French high culture in Spain, the
Spaniards, especially the upper and lower classes it seems,
turned to indigenous Spanish culture particularly that of
Andalusia.
Popular culture did indeed stem from Madrid and certain Andalusian capitals, notably Sevilla and Cadiz, although it might be more accurate to say from Andalucia into or through Madrid, where the whole phenomenon enlarged and took the capital and to some extent the rest of the country by a storm. (Josephs, 1983, pp. 145-146)
This popular culture, majismo (terms in boldface are
extensively defined in the Appendix B), was shared by
members of all classes.
It seems appropriate that Andalusia should have begun
its domination of Spanish culture in the late eighteenth
century when pastoral fantasies as expressed in dress were
not uncommon in other parts of Europe (Boucher, 1967;
Baines, 1981; Ribeiro, 1984). "In Andalusia, contrary to
the custom in Castile, it is the warrior who has always been despised, and the countryman, the rustic, the master of the
farmhouse who has been esteemed above all others" (Ortega y
Gasset, 1937, p. 94). In late eighteenth century Madrid, 3
the heart of Castile (Pig. 1), Andalusian rural culture came
to be admired.
Since other Spaniards modeled themselves on the
Andalusians, it is not surprising that the Andalusian was
thought by those of other nationalities to be the most typical, to be the true image of Spain. The First Earl of
Malmesbury wrote in 1770 that
The most perfect Spaniard is to be found in Andalusia; here is the real m a jo, the true gitana;. . .the Spaniard so dressed (as a majo) vies with the French petit maître, the English maccaroni (sic), and in short the most accomplished character of each nation. (Malmesbury, 1844, p. 49)
The majos, or dandies, and the gitanos, the gypsies, are by definition two different groups and each has a distinctive costume. However the components, or elements of dress, of the two types are sometimes merged.
The common people of Madrid "were as a rule overtly rebellious against foreign influences and resented deeply the invasion of French customs among the middle classes. . .
These rebels were the majos, later manolos, and the majas, later manolas" (Kany, 1970, p. 172) of Madrid. The lower class dandy, the majo, and his female companion, the maja, were imitated by the aristocracy, and became the subjects of one act plays and works of art. The nobility's imitation of the lower classes in the eighteenth century has been attributed to the fact that the Spanish nobles were placed second in favor and preferment to French and Italian statesmen brought in by the Bourbon rulers. Having lost their pristine importance to the state they descended closer and closer to the masses, imitating their freedom, taking pleasure in their festivals, and speaking their language. (Kany, 1970, p. 172)
Purpose of the Study
Andalusia's role as the image of Spain has been most
fully explored by Ortega y Gassett (1937) and Josephs
(1983), but neither of these studies exami: >s dress as a
contributor to that image. Furthermore most of the studies
which have been made of Spanish dress describe it at a
specific point in time without a cultural and historical
analysis (Palencia, 1926; Anderson, 1957).
It is the purpose of this study to investigate the
visual image of the majas and gitanas between 1759 and 1936
as an Andalusian image of Spain. One of the ways this image
is expressed is through dress and it is these two costumes,
credited to Andalusia, which have become symbolically the
Spanish national dress. These two costumes function as a
double image, representing both Andalusia and the whole of
Spain. The visual image of Andalusian/Spanish dress is
communicated through works of art and photographs which
contribute to the image and reinforce it.
The objectives of this study are 1) to determine
changes over time in maja and gitana costume between 17 59
and 1936, and 2) to identify the ways in which maja and gitana costume were used to express the Andalusian image of Spain. It is hypothesized that even though there were
changes over time in the maja and gitana dress, the image
remains a stable symbol of Andalusia and of Spain and can be reduced to a few specific elements of dress. These two costumes comprise the symbolic Andalusian dress, which symbolizes Spanish dress.
Limitations
The geographic borders of Andalusia (Pigs. 2 and 3) are easily defined, the cultural boundaries less so. In the eighteenth century "Traditions that were essentially native to Andalucia spread rapidly and became identified with
Spanishness; bullfighting, for example, became a national pastime, flamenco song and dance became a popular art form"
(Kamen, 1973, p. 109). In the nineteenth century "Spain lived under the dominating influence of Andalusia" (Ortega y
Gasset, 1937, p. 88). For these reasons and because "the madrilenas dressed in the costume copied from the dainty garb of andalousian (sic) women" (Palencia, 1926, p. 82)
Madrid will be included.
This study is limited to maja and gitana dress between the years 1759 and 1936. The year 1759 marks the beginning of the reign of Carlos III. It was during the reign of
Carlos III (1759-1788) that an enthusiastic awareness of native Spanish traditions, particularly those of Andalusia, became a part of the culture of the Spanish upper classes.
As no relevant cut-off point in time exists, the year 1936 6
was chosen because it was the end of an era. In 1936 the
Spanish Civil War began, and was followed by the rapid
modernization of Spain and Spanish society.
The maja and gitana costumes are the most
representative costumes of Andalusia, but they are not the
only costumes in the region. There is also the traje de
amazonas, or bifurcated riding costume (Foster, 1960) worn
by some upper class women for certain festive occasions. In
addition Huelva, Jaén, and Cordoba each has its own costume
(Palencia, 1926; Herrera Escudero, 1984). In Tarifa and
Vejer de la Frontera at the southern-most tip of Spain, the tapada tradition (total veiling except one eye) died out only in the twentieth century (Allee, 1974). However, because these other costumes were rarely illustrated or referred to by artists and other travelers, they are not a part of the Andalusian image of Spain.
Most written references to everyday dress in Andalusia are limited to certain key accessories: the mantilla or veil worn with a comb, the manton de Manila or shawl, the saya or overskirt, and the fan. Illustrations of everyday dress usually feature these items although they tend to obscure the dress itself. Everyday dress will be described.
Terminology
An American traveler in 1847 referred to men who dress
"in the gala costume of Andalusia, which is known all over
Spain under the well received name of majo, or dandy" 7
(MacKenzie, 1847, p. 193). It is assumed therefore that
there is no significant difference between the Andalusian
costume and the costume of the majo(a). Regarding the dress
of the gitanos, by the 1830s "of whatever it (male gypsy
dress?) might consist in former days, it is so little to be
distinguished from the dress of some classes amongst the
Spaniards, that it is almost impossible to describe the
difference" (Borrow, 1914, p. 162). Regarding the gypsy
women he goes on to say that.
there is little to distinguish them from the Spanish women save the absence of the mantilla. . , Females of fashion not unfrequently take pleasure in dress a la Gitana, as it is called; but this female Gypsy fashion, like that of the men, is more properly the fashion of Andalusia, the principal characteristic of which is the saya, which is exceedingly short, with many rows of flounces. (Borrow, 1914, p. 163)
The terms "dress" and "costume" are frequently used
interchangeably. Hollander (1975) used "costume" to denote
clothing used in plays, films and other forms of public
pageantry while "dress" describes clothing worn in everyday
life. The point at which dress becomes costume is not
easily determined; however, when dress is no longer a part
of daily life (that is to say it is historical), or when it
is worn occasionally by those outside of the group to which
it is indigenous, then it is obviously costume and not dress.
It would seem then that consistency would require that clothing worn for masquerade be termed costume; however this 8
is not usually the case. "Masquerade dress" or "fancy
dress" are the terms used for clothing worn for
make-believe, the logic behind this being perhaps that masquerade requires a special type of clothing which is not
current fashion. Hence masquerade costume is actually
dress, that is, dress for a specific occasion.
The terms folk, rural, peasant, regional, national, and
ethnic dress are often used for dress which is unrelated to current high fashion. Roach and Musa (1980) chose the term folk dress to describe non-fashionable dress in Europe.
However they assume a distinction between rural and urban peoples which is not relevant to the present study. The genuine maja and the gitana are urban lower class women, hence the term "rural dress" is hardly appropriate. Because these costumes are worn by women of all classes, "peasant" seems an equally bad choice.
Although they are symbolically regional and national, the maja and gitana costumes are not representative of the entire region of Andalusia nor of Spain as a whole, hence neither "regional dress" nor "national dress" is entirely accurate. "Ethnic dress" is probably the best term although it implies an isolation from the mainstream of dress and culture which did not exist. Therefore the terms folk, rural, peasant, regional, national, and ethnic dress will be avoided in this study. 9
"Andalusian dress" will be used as a collective term to
cover maja and gitana dress. Most terms cited in the
Glossary (see Appendix B) were chosen because they are the
earliest or most extensive definitions, or because they modify earlier or more extensive definitions of garments or people. In addition, a few Spanish words which appear in the text are included in the Glossary. Eighteenth century spelling has been regularized in all citations. CHAPTER II
REVIEW OP LITERATURE
Studies of costume at other times and places, shed
light on the dynamics of change and the significance of
Andalusian dress. The history of dress for the eighteenth,
nineteenth, and twentieth centuries and studies of Spanish
dress will be reviewed in this chapter. Spanish and
Andalusian history and culture will be examined in order to
provide a background for the study--this incorporates the
influence of foreign travelers and artists. This study
focuses on the image of Spain as expressed in costume, hence
the meaning of the clothed image in paintings and
photographs will be examined as well as dress as a form of
communication.
Spain and Andalusia: History and Culture
"The civilization of Andaiucia is the oldest in the
Western world" (Josephs, 1983, p. 3). Andalusia (Figs. 1,
2, and 3), the biblical kingdom of Tarshish, the Roman province of Baetica, was over-run by the Vandals and
Visigoths in the fifth century. It was Christian by the time the Moors arrived in 711 A.D. The Moors named it
'Vandalusia' or land of the Vandals. The western portion
1 0 11
was reconquered by Christian Spain in the thirteenth
century, while the Kingdom of Granada in the east remained
in Moorish hands until 1492. The gypsies arrived in
Andalusia in the fifteenth century, and settled mostly in
Seville and Granada (Chapman, 1922; Josephs, 1983).
The region of Andalusia centers around the Guadalquivir
river which lies between the Sierra Morena to the north and
the Sierra Nevada mountains to the south. There are no
significant towns in the Sierra Morena, and there is only
one pass into the rest of Spain. This geographic isolation
has contributed to the formation of the distinctive
Andalusian culture. In the Sierra Nevada mountains lies the
town of Granada. The port of Câdiz, on the Atlantic coast
at the mouth of the Guadalquivir, has been continually
inhabited since 1100 B.C. The Guadalquivir is navigable as
far as Seville, the capital and heart of Andalusia
(Webster's , 1955).
In 1700 the last of the Hapsburgs died childless and
left the throne to Philip V, a Bourbon. The international
dispute over Carlos II's will, the War of Spanish
Succession, lasted fourteen years. The new monarchs, the
French Bourbons and their wives (most were Italian) imposed
French and Italian culture on the Spanish court.
Carlos III (1759-1788), often called "the enlightened despot", introduced wide-ranging reforms. His reign was one of relative peace, and increasing prosperity. It was during 12
his reign that a reaction to foreign cultural influences
became significant. Progress came to a halt with the reign
of his son Carlos IV, who feared change and permitted the
Queen snd her favorite, Godoy, to run the country. Napoleon
forced the abdication of Carlos IV and put his own brother
Joseph on the throne of Spain in 1808. The Spanish War of
Independence (or The Peninsular War) 1808-1814, brought the
French as conquerers, and the English as allies, to the
peninsula. One result of the war was that an interest in
Spain and Spanish culture flourished in both France and
England in subsequent years. This interest is reflected by an increase in the number of travel accounts published.
Spain in the nineteenth century suffered from a series of incompetent rulers, two regencies, political factions, frequent wars, and the loss of most of her colonies. The despotic Ferdinand VII (reigned 1814-1833) proved to be even more incompetent than his father. He changed the rules of succession, which left the throne to his three year old daughter and set the stage for a series of civil wars.
Isabella II (1833-1868) was considered a worse monarch than her father and was forced into exile in 1868. Amadeo of
Savoy was elected king in 1870, but, as an Italian, he was so unpopular that he abdicated in 1873, and a republic was proclaimed. When the republic floundered Isabella II's son,
Alfonso XII, was made king in 1874. He died in 1885 six 13
months before the birth of his only son Alfonso XIII. Carr
(1982) provides an excellent account of this period.
The internal turmoil did not seem to deter foreign
travelers to Spain. In the 1820s and 1830s when a handful
of foreign Romantics had first helped to create a widespread
interest in the country travel in Spain was extremely difficult. By mid-nineteenth century improved transportation in the form of railroads between cities and increased quality and quantity of accomodation in the major towns helped to encourage travel in Spain.
Majismo and Costumbrismo
Majismo, the Andalusian popular culture, is an indigenous Romanticism which operated at all levels of society (Josephs, 1983). The origin of majismo, and the majos and majas, is to be found in popular theatre and toreo
(Ortega y Gasset, 1937; Josephs, 1983). Toreo, that is to say, all that is related to the bullring is essentially an
Andalusian phenomena closely associated with flamenco (music and dance), and both are interwoven with Andalusian gypsy culture. Andalusian gypsies were not the creators, but rather the means by which Andalusian culture was preserved and popularized (Josephs, 1983).
Costumbrismo is the cult of local customs and manners and is manifest in many ways, including literature and art.
It may be found in many parts of Spain but Andalusia with 14
its distinctive culture was a particularily appealing choice
for costumbrismo writers and artists.
The Image of Spain
The image of Spain is in fact the image of Andalusia.
A number of scholars (Josephs, 1983; Ortega y Gasset, 1937;
Trevelyan, 1984) have written on this image which focuses on
such specific, dramatic and superficial aspects of
Andalusian culture as gypsy dancers, bullfighters, bandits,
and Moorish architecture. Majismo appealed to both the
foreign Romantics and the members of the costumbrismo movement within Spain. Majismo which is Andalusian, and
costumbrismo which used Andalusia as a theme were major
factors in the establishment of the image.
Josephs had this to say regarding Andalusia in the early nineteenth century:
As a result of all these factors--centuries of Eastern cultural and ethnographical influence, persecutions, poverty, and the lack of any material progress-- Andalucia became a kind of continuum for a way of life that had ceased to exist in the modern world. Little wonder then that the Romantics were so attracted to it, so compelled to write about it, correctly or incorrectly, so fascinated by its charm, its paradoxes, and its delights. And little wonder that the Andalusians themselves created their own popular culture. As Europe moved from the Enlightenment into the modern age, Spain remained constant and Andaiucia seemed, perhaps only by contrast, but perhaps by some collective cultural instinct, almost to move backward. (Josephs, 1983, pp. 22-23)
Almost every foreign traveler to Spain spent some time in Andalusia, where Seville, Cadiz and Granada were the main 15
attractions. The warm climate, the Moorish legacy, and the
nearness to North Africa have served as a magnet to artists
and other foreign travelers. Majismo, or popular Andalusian
culture, spread to Madrid and from there to the rest of the
country (Josephs, 1983). Most travelers to the Peninsula
included a trip to Andalusia and Madrid.
Travelers usually described the manners and customs of
the people, the art, architecture, history, and current
events of the area traveled as well as their personal
experiences. Many of these accounts included illustrations
of people in regional costume. Travel accounts of Spain and works of art with Spanish themes, both of which are predominately Andalusian, have served to establish Andalusia
as the image of Spain.
Travel in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries often meant weeks, even months in the same locale, and a few foreign travelers even took up residence for years at a time. These lengthy sojourns meant that the traveler was usually familiar with the language, manners and customs of the people. Travel accounts prior to the Napoleonic Wars are few in number and are not illustrated; however, the limited knowledge of Spain in their own countries meant that these early writers were often very thorough in their descriptions.
Several excellent travel accounts were published in the
1830s and 1840s but three of the most popular books deserve 16
special mention here because of their contributions to the
popular image of Spain, and because many later travelers
were influenced by them. The three volume A Handbook for
Travellers in Spain, and Readers at Home, 1845 (1966), by
the erudite Richard Ford, who lived in Andalusia 1830-33,
contains lengthy accounts of the manners, customs, costumes,
and character of the Andalusians. It went through several
editions and has been reprinted several times. Most authors
of travel accounts since 1845 seem to have been familiar
with the Handbook and to have been influenced by it.
The other two notable accounts were by a representative
of an English missionary society, George Borrow (1896,
1914), who traveled in Spain in the 1330s. He spoke Spanish
and Calô (the Spanish gypsy dialect) fluently which provided
him with a greater access to Spanish and gypsy culture than most travelers. Borrow had a considerable following in his
own day, due to the romantic appeal of his subject and his
own adventurousness (Meyers, 1966). He wrote two best
selling books as a result of his five years in Spain. These
two books, both of which went through numerous editions, were to have considerable influence on the popular image of the Spanish gypsies.
The Zincali has been obscured by the far greater Bible in Spain, but we must not forget that his striking description of the Gitana in Seville in The Zincali transformed her into the heroine of countless novels that were to come. (Starkie, 1953, p. 121) 17
In the nineteen twenties José Ortega y Gasset proposed
"A Theory About Andalusia" which was expanded upon by
Josephs (1983). According to Ortega y Gasset,
The admirable, the mysterious and the profound in Andalusia are over and above that multi-colored pageant which its inhabitants set for the tourists eyes. For it must be noted that the Andaluz, in contradistinction to the Castilian and Basque, is so fond of presenting himself as a spectacle for strangers, that even in a town as important as Seville a traveler is likely to suspect that the inhabitants have accepted the role of actors and are collaborating in a magnificent ballet to be called "Sevilla". (Ortega y Gasset, 1937, p. 90)
His essay then goes on to examine the antiquity of
Andalusian culture and to discuss those aspects of the
culture which are hidden from tourists eyes. But most
travelers and artists were not searching for the subtleties
of the culture but rather for Ortega y Gasset's ballet
called "Sevilla", that is to say the dramatic or theatrical
aspects of Andalusian culture.
Ortega y Gasset chose a most appropriate metaphor in
his choice of ballet. In the 1830s when ballet was
beginning to experience its first widespread popularity,
there were several ballets with Spanish themes and/or
costumes. Numerous prints exist from the 1830s and 1840s of
ballerinas in "Spanish" costume. Starting in 1834, folk dancers from Spain, many of them Andalusian and/or gypsies, began to travel to other parts of Europe (Guest, 1986).
Their dances and costumes contributed to the Andalusian image of Spain and Spanish costume. 18
George Bizet's 1875 opera Carmen based on Prosper
Mérimée's 1846 novel Carmen gave the public a femme fatale
as the embodiment of Andalusian gypsy culture. By the
mid-1880s most travelers made some reference to her,
expressing their belief that she is, or was, somehow the
true image of the region or their disappointment in not
finding her on every street of Seville.
While opera companies throughout Europe and America
presented Carmen as the image of Spain, the Andalusians
themselves were well aware of the commercial value of their
image. "It was. . .found that English visitors were ready purchasers of pictures of tavern scenes, gypsies dancing, bandits in caves, and lovely girls being serenaded with guitars" (Trevelyan, 1384, p. 94).
Spanish Dress
Fashionable Spanish women of the eighteenth century wote French fashions but with certain specific details which were uniquely Spanish, such as gowns shorter and lighter than those of Paris, the mantilla and comb, and flowers in the hair (Boucher, 1967). In eighteenth century Madrid there were two modes of dress, the French and the Spanish.
The petimetra, the woman who wore French fashion, "had at least two modes of attire, which she donned according to the hour and the occasion" (Kany, 1970, p. 190). Petimetras wore over their fashionable clothes a mantilla (either black or white) and a basquina (nearly all were black), which was 19
the Spanish costume for morning. French modes were worn in
the evening. The mantilla and the basqufiia were unique
features of Spanish dress. Regional Spanish styles,
especially the maja and gypsy costumes, were popular for
portraiture, masquerade, and festive wear among Spain's
upper classes.
In 1802 one observer claimed that "the veil, the
basquina petticoat, and in a word the whole Spanish costume have now disappeared; (the women) are all transformed into
Greeks" (Fischer, 1802, pp. 147-148). His reference to the classical revival in fashion at that time is evidence that
fashion-minded Spanish women wore the same type of dress as the women of Paris or London. The women of Andalusia, or at
least those in its capital, seem to have been very fashion conscious, as another traveler while staying at Seville commented on the "prevailing rage for French bonnets. They are much more commonly to be seen in this and in other parts of Andalusia, than in those provinces which are nearer to
France" (Quin, 1823, p. 305).
In the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, travelers frequently commented upon the use of the mantilla or its absence, and the basquina which disappeared from general use by mid-nineteenth century. Mnja and gitana dress continued to be popular modes of attire for portraiture and masquerade for both Spaniards and foreigners. These costumes were also used for certain festive occasions which involve traditional 20
Spanish dances. These occasions include the Spring fairs,
the Cruz de Mayo, and the romerias (pilgrimages) to country
shrines made annually by large numbers of people on certain
holy days. (Anderson, 1957)
Elements of Spanish Dress
The mantilla, or veil, is worn in much of Spain and its
use has been traced to pre-Roman times (R. Ford, 1966;
Herrera Escudero, 1984). Ford identified three types; the
white lace, the black satin or bombazeen, and the mantilla
de tira of black silk with a broad band of velvet. Lace mantillas varied in shape: "Sevilla was partial to those
deeply flounced, while Câdiz favoured those of triangular
form, shaped like an elongated lozenge" (May, 1939, p. 218).
Shawls are an important part of Spanish costume.
According to Palencia (1926), four types of shawls are seen
in Spain. These types are 1) a thick woolen model, 2) a plain black silk shawl, 3) "an aristocratic shawl of black silk net, embroidered in bright toned silks, of andalousian origin and very rare" (Palancia, 1926, p. 24), and 4) the embroidered China crepe shawl with fringes.
The mantôn de Manila, an embroidered China crepe shawl with fringes, was worn by women throughout Europe and
America as part of fashionable dress from the 1810s to the early 1860s. By the 1870s only the "common" people wore them in Madrid (Pérez Galdôs, 1986). According to one source (Espana, sus monuments y artes. . .. 1884-91) by the 21
mid-1880s these shawls were identified as an essential
component of the costume of just four locales; Madrid,
Seville, Cordova, and Granada. In the English speaking
world these shawls were so closely associated with Spanish
costume, that by the 1920s, when the shawls were revived as
a fashion item, they were referred to as "Spanish shawls"
(Worth, 1986).
The Maia Style
The maja was a working class (female) dandy who took
pride in her festive costume. Majas could be single or
married and were most frequently employed as street vendors
and servants. The maja type of dress developed in Seville
and was adapted by the Madridlenas (Palencia, 1926). The maja costume in the eighteenth century consisted of
a tight jacket, so open before as to form two hanging flaps under the breast, something in the form of wings, with sleeves close to the fist, a short petticoat of any colour, a black apron, a striped handkerchief carefully covering the whole neck, with the net and the montera (hat) exactly such as the man. The seams of both dresses are not sowed, but kept together by interlacing ribbands. (Baretti, 1770, p. 153)
A mantilla is sometimes worn with this costume. The maja mode of attire was worn by both the true maja, a lower class woman, and those members of the upper classes who on occasion adopted their dress and manner (Kany, 1970;
Hamilton, 1926; Ortega y Gasset, 1937). In the nineteenth century the term maja was replaced by manola, and later by the term chula. 22
The Gitana Style
The focus of the gitana or gypsy costume is a dress made usually in one piece with flounced sleeves and skirt.
The silhouette, neckline, waistline, and the size and shape of the sleeves are influenced by current fashions. The number of flounces on the sleeves and skirt varies. The fabrics are never sumptous but rather seem to be of some sort of washable cotton. While plain or printed fabrics were used by the early twentieth century, the most common were those with a coin dot print. The flounces are frequently edged with a simple contrasting trim, although variations in the trim such as vandyking and scalloped edges are not unknown. Worn with this costume is either a mantôn de Manila or a panuelo or both. The mantilla is not usually worn with this costume, but instead a comb and/or flowers in the hair.
Dress in the 18th, 19th and 20th centuries
Changes in the silhoutte and mood of women's dress will be examined in this section. This will be followed by a discussion of revival and masquerade dress.
Styles of Dress
In the time period coverd by this study, fashion went through a great many changes. An overview of the visual changes in dress is given in Appendix C, which contains an illustration of one garment for every ten years covered.
These illustrations represent the mode for the year as 23
determined by Young (1937) and, except for the years 1760
and 1770 are taken from fashion plates.
In the middle of the eighteenth century, fashionable dress relied on sumptous fabrics and lavish embellishments in the form of trims and embroideries. The aim of such clothing was to create an appearance of elegance. In Paris, the center of Western fashion, Anglomania created a fashionable ideal of simplicity in the 1780s. This smoothed the way for the classical mode inspired by ancient Greece and Rome which lasted from the 1790s through to the early
1820s. Fashions of the 1820s and 1830s seem to have been inspired by the nursery, or were indebted to Renaissance and national dress in a rather eclectic revivalist manner.
According to Squire, between 1830 and 1860 women changed
(i.e. the fashionable image of women) from
a timid, blushing youthfulness, all "sheep's-eyes" and breathless calf-love, to a complete assurance and unequivocal maturity. The frivolities of the thirties gave place to the slender seriousness of the forties, which in its turn was transformed into the expansive graciousness of the fifties. (Squire, 1974, p. 154)
The dress of women in the eighteen-sixties seems to express that same "expansive graciousness" but between 1870 and 1910 there emerged two very distinctive types of women's dress--the excessively feminine and the masculine
(tailored). Increasingly during these years women's clothing became overtly, almost aggressively, feminine.
Curves were exaggerated and clothing was lavishly decorated. 24
The 1890s and early years of the twentieth century were
marked by an orgy of lace and frills. (Steele, 1985a)
Running counter to the overtly feminine clothing was an
increased acceptance of very tailored clothing for women.
By the 1920s, simplicity of form became the dominant note in
women's dress. The intricate cut of many women's dresses in
the 1920s reflects the period's fascination in art with
geometric shapes. While Art Deco and menswear were probably
the two most influential factors on women's styles in the
1920s, there were many other sources of inspiration
including Egypt (Forman, 1978), China, and Spain. The
nineteen thirties witnessed several changes, mostly in form
and in a limited return of lace, bows, and other forms of
traditionally feminine styling.
Revival Dress
Revival dress has been defined as "any search, manifest
in dress, for a paradise lost by time or place" (Baines,
1981, p. 9). Baines identified four distinctive types of
revival dress: classical, rural (i.e. pastoral), historical and exotic. Classical revivals look back to ancient Greece
and Rome for inspiration. Rural revivals attempt to capture
something of a simpler place, historical revivals reflect a nostalgia for simpler times. In the same spirit exotic dress is inspired by other (usually distant) places, which may or may not be rural and/or historical. 25
Rural revivals have been an integral part of fashion
since at least the sixteenth century (Baines, 1981). Rural
dress was used as early as the seventeenth century for
portraiture in the Netherlands as a means of avoiding the
rapid changes in fashion which quickly dated a painting
(Louttit, 1973). A rural revival in fashion existed in the
second half of the eighteenth century in England (Baines,
1981; Ribeiro, 1984) and France (Maeder, 1983).
A classic revival in fashion lasted from the 1790s
through to the 1820s (Ribeiro, 1988). It was succeeded by
an assortment of historical and exotic revivals along with
some occasional rural themes. A classical revival of sorts
emerged at the end of the nineteenth century as an
anti-fashion movement, but a true classical revival did not
come about until the twentieth century.
Masquerade Dress
Masquerade dress is intended to serve a specific
function, to disguise the individual in some measure on a
specific occasion. The masquerade permits revival dress to be taken to its furthest extreme.
In eighteenth century England,- costumes chosen for masquerade were, for the most part, identifiably from
far-away places, long ago, or were intended to represent
Arcadian, i.e. pastoral, dress. These costumes were frequently chosen for portraiture either because of the popularity of masquerade as a diversion or in order to give 26
a timelessness to the painting as these costumes were
thought to be outside of fashion. Masquerade dress slowly
worked its way into fashion, and, by the end of the
eighteenth century, many elements of masquerade dress had
lost all connotations of masquerade, or even of revivalism
(Ribeiro, 1984).
Jefferys' A Collection of the Dresses of Different
Nations, Ancient and Modern (1757) was an important source
in Ribeiro's study because it was one of the most widely
used sources of inspiration for English masquerade dress.
Although Jefferys included two plates, ’’Habit of the Infanta
of Spain in 1598" and a "Habit of a Spanish Lady of Quality
in 1700", both of these costumes are fashionable dress and
in no way reflect Andalusian costume. Ribeiro does not include any examples of Spanish costume used for masquerade--evidently if it was worn, it was not very c ommon.
In the first half of the nineteenth century, the
Romantic movement created a renewed interest in England in masquerade in the form of fancy dress balls (Jarvis, 1982).
One of the earliest known examples of the flounced gitana costume was published in an English fashion periodical, illustrating "A Spanish Fancy Dress" (La Belle Assembles,
1819).
In eighteenth century Spain costume for masquerade included "the ancient costume of Spain" and costumes from 27
the various regions of Spain (Baretti, 1770, p. 154), but
maja and gitana dress seem to have been the favorite
costumes (Hamilton, 1926). Evidence of the popularity of
masquerade dress for portraiture exist in the work of Anton
Raphael Mengs and others.
Public masquerades such as that shown in Luis Paret's
painting, A Masked Hal 1. were held in Madrid from 1767 until
1773. At least one public masquerade site forbade the use
of regional dress unless made of "fabrics suitable for such
occasions" (Kany, 1970, p. 328).
Dress as Communication
"Dress functions as a physical environment and as a
means of communication" (Roach and Musa, 1980). As a form
of communication it can be used as a symbol of national
identity, ethnic identity, and/or patriotism. Examples of
this are the dress of revolutionary Prance, the Highland
kilt of Scotland, and the dress of the Macaronis of England.
During the French Revolution both men and women used dress
or elements of dress to proclaim, or disguise, their class
and/or political ideology (Ribeiro, 1988).
In Scotland, the kilt of the Highlander was modified in
the late eighteenth century, and in the nineteenth the
"traditional clan plaids" were created. This "invention of tradition" by the Romantic movement cast the "Celtic
Highlanders, so recently despised as outer barbarians 28
. • .(as). . .the sole representatives of Scottish history
and culture" (Trevor-Roper, 1983, p. 27). The result has been that the kilt has been worn by Lowlanders and even the
English royal family since the early part of the last century.
Steele (1985b), in her study of the Macaronis
(aristocratic fops who wore foreign styles of dress) showed that Macaroni dress was associated with values which were being rejected in eighteenth century England. Styles of dress which were being accepted were or were perceived to be indigenously English styles of dress for men. These styles were associated with values and ideas which were seen as being English and desirable.
Steele demonstrates that in late eighteenth century
England, these indigenous clothing styles of men were
"trickling up" the social scale. According to the
"trickle-up" theory (also known as the "status float phenomenon") fashion changes move up the social scale from the lower classes, the young, and ethnic groups (Field,
1970). This phenomenon seems to have existed in eighteenth century Spain as well. One 18th century traveler wrote that
"In most countries the inferior classes think it an honour to ape their superiors; in Spain it is the contrary in many respects" (Bourganne, 1789, p. 223).
In writing about Spain and Latin America, Foster, albeit focusing on the present century, claimed that 29
fashions "trickled-down" from the urban elite and were
recognizeable as such "in spite of being reworked to conform
to local patterns" (Poster, 1960, p. 96). Recently it has
been suggested that fashion change works in both directions
and that other variables such as median age of the
population (which determines who the role models in society
will be), the general health of the economy, and
governmental restrictions or regulations determine which direction fashion moves at a given point in time (Behling,
1985).
The maja and gitana costumes, both associated with dance (a form of theatre) are visual conventions which signify Andalusia, and by extension Spain. According to
Hollander, "clothes suitable for any kind of theater cannot escape visual conventions established by art. They are what enable us to perceive and to judge costume correctly, to understand what a clothed figure on the stage is supposed to look like" (Hollander, 1975, p. 239). Hence while art is the medium for communicating the visual image of clothing, it is also a contributor to the establishment of clothing conventions, and the agency by which those conventions are reinforced. These visual conventions in dress are essential to the concept of revival dress.
The Clothed Image
In Hollander's examination of the meaning of clothing and its images entitled Seeing Through Clothes (1975), she 30
warns that visual images must be examined in light of their
accuracy, function, and meaning in their own time. Artists
and photographers instinctively create images which reflect
currant ideals in beauty and fashion which are contemporary,
regardless of whether they intend to represent the past or
the present.
Works of art representing contemporary subjects usually
record contemporary reality or an idealized contemporary
reality. History paintings and certain types of art genres
lack such integrity because artists are influenced by their
own times and culture. For example "if modern ladies are wearing hoopskirts, as they did in 1860, Lady Macbeth and
Cleopatra will wear them" (Hollander, 1975). Dress seen in history paintings and genre works of art is not so much a
reliable guide to contemporary reality in dress as it a guide to the idealized image of the dress of certain people of a given period in history.
Clothing "conventions" are essential to the clothed image. Hollander (1975) provides several examples of the creation of such conventions on the stage and in art. These conventions are created by the use of one or more element of dress to symbolize a certain time, place, or person which in time become crucial to the image because they instantly communicate the meaning of the whole to the viewer. Both the stage and art rely on these conventions. 31
The fête galante (courtship party) was an important artistic genre in eighteenth century Europe. The pastoral scenes of Goya, Paret, and other Spanish painters while thoroughly French in inspiration, are, Hispanisied by the costumes of the majos and majas, and by some Spanish activities such as dancing the Bolero. The absurdity of satins and lace worn in rustic settings does not negate the value of these works to the costume historian. These scenes present the artists' idealized contemporary life. In addition certain aspects such as the cut, the components, and the proportions of the costume are of interest.
In the nineteenth century, Spain attracted artists from throughout Europe who appreciated the inherent picturesqueness of the country, particularly of Andalusia.
Among the many genres of nineteenth century popular painting in Europe identified by Hook and Poltimore (1986) three are relevant to this study. The "Eighteenth Century Genre" catered to a mostalgia for a romanticized, elegant past in a
Victorian sort of fête ganate manner, while the "Peasants and Country Life" romanticized and idealized the peasantry and indigenous folk life. The "Beauties" genre portrayed idealized beautiful young women and was often limited to head and shoulder portraits, a format which limited the artist to the use of mantillas, combs, flowers, and fans to imply Spanish nationality. 32
Many paintings of the purely "Peasants and Country
Life" genre are a reliable source of costume history inform
ation because the artists' intentions were to present a
contemporary peasant, maja or gitana. Spanish painters of
the late nineteenth century often combined the peasant/
country life genre with the eighteenth century genre. This
presents a false visual image of dress as it was actually
worn, but the mixture of genres offers another aspect of the
Andalusian image of Spain.
In addition to these three genres there was also a gypsy genre in both art and literature of nineteenth century
England and Prance. In France "artistic fascination with bohemians became transformed into an identification with the marginal life-style and apparent creative freedom of the gypsies" (Brown, 1978). While there was a sizeable gypsy community in France, the Spanish gypsies seemed to French artists to be less assimilated and more exotic, at least in matters of dress. Romantic literature of the 1830s and
1840s such as Prosper Mérimée's Théâtre de Clara Gazul and
Carmen, and Victor Hugo's Notre Dame de Paris helped to stimulate an interest in the Spanish gypsies. "During the
1830s and 1840s there was a veritable boom in the annual
Salons of Romantic gypsy pictures based on travels to Spain"
(Brown, 1978, pp. 231-232).
These art genres helped to establish the visual image of Andalusia as full of flirtatious (or seductive) pretty 33 girls, often of gypsy blood, whose activities were usually
limited to dancing and guitar playing. Andalusian genre paintings were produced well into the twentieth century and helped to perpetuate the Andalusian image of Spain. The sheer quantity of these paintings is an indication of the popularity of Spanish/Andalusian themes.
Photography has not differed from painting in the matter of image formation. Although costumes seen in photographs are usually authentic, they were frequently worn to conform to the photographers' (or the clients') concepts of a region. This was apparently a common nineteenth century practice when photographers encountered non-Western or "picturesque" people. For example, "Frontier studio photographers routinely kept a stock of Indian costumes with which to attire local native subjects. The result was that several natives were often photographed in the same outfit or one native might be photographed in two or more different outfits" (Blackman, 1980, p. 70).
While some photographers such as Ortiz-Echagüe (1933) and Hielscher (1922) were primarily motivated by artistic and/or documentary considerations, other photographers have been strictly commercial in their approach. The nineteenth century "staged and mounted costume genre" of commercial photography as Nir called it, has been extensively documented in regard to the commercial photographers of the
Near East (Nir, 1985) and the American West (Blackman, 34
1980). These photographers made photographs which were sold to European and American publishers to illustrate books and as souvenirs for tourists (Fabian and Adam, 1983). While some photographers' catalogues were continually being revised (Sennet, 1986), it was not unusual for a particular photograph to be used years, even decades after it was taken.
One photographer of the "staged and mounted costume genre" working in Spain was J. Laurent, who had studios in
Paris and Madrid. Active in the 1860s through the 1880s, he published an extensive catalogue. Catalogue de la collection
Photographique "Laurent", of pictures taken in Gibraltar,
Spain, Portugal, and France. His photographs frequently appear in travel accounts of the period. Laurent seems to have been the most prolific photographer of this type working in Spain. Other photographers are less well known possibly because of the scant amount of scholarship which has been done on early Spanish photography, or because they were not as commercially successful as Laurent.
Eastman invented a camera in 1888 which made photography relatively simple and easily portable; he sold twelve thousand in the first year (Fabian and Adam, 1983).
As a result of Eastman's invention, the tourist was now capable of taking his own photographs and these began to appear in travel accounts. The Andalusians were ready to assist them, particularly at Granada where the "King of the 35
Gypsies” sold photographs of himself and orferpd to pose for
tourists (Thomas, 1892; Clark, 1914; and Jordan 1932).
Photographs of women are more frequent in travel accounts
and while many of these were the product of a studio, at the
entrance of the Alhambra (and probably other sites)
"gaily-clad senoritas waited in expectation of being asked
by the tourists to pose for their pictures in Carmen
costume" (Chappie, 1926, p. 166). Although most amateur
photographers seem to have limited themselves to stereotyped
costumes and poses, occasionally candid photographs were
published.
Summary
In this chapter the history and culture, the indigenous
Romanticism (majismo), and the image of Spain have been
presented. An overview of Spanish dress and the elements of
Spanish dress provided a background for a cursory
examination of the maja and gitana styles. A brief survey
of dress in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth
centuries provided a background for a discussion of revival
dress and masquerade dress. The symbolic use of dress to
communicate national or ethnic identity, and/or patriotism
and the movement of these symbolic fashions through society
was explored. The interpretation of visual images was
discussed as it relates to the clothed image.
Andalusian dress was used by both wearers and those who portrayed it being worn to express cultural identity 36
(ethnie, regional, national) or nostalgia for the past.
Just as Andalusian culture since the late eighteenth century has dominated and symbolized Spanish culture so too the dress of the majas and gitanas, the Andalusian costume, has symbolized Spanish nationality and culture. While the role of Andalusia as the image of Spain has been examined by a number of scholars (Ortega y Gassett, 1937; Josephs, 1983:
Trevelyan, 1984), the contribution of Andalusian dress to that image has not been explored. It is the purpose of this study to investigate the visual images of the majas and gitanas as one of the Andalusian images of Spain. CHAPTER III
METHODOLOGY
In this chapter sources of primary data, data
collection, and method of analysis are discussed. Primary
data were found in a wide variety of sources and are
discussed in the following order; travel accounts, works
of art, and extant costumes.
Primary Sources
Travel Accounts
Surveys on the subject of the history of travel accounts of Spain were useful for identifying the more noteworthy travel accounts (Robertson, 1975; Trevelyan,
1984). Foulché-Delbosc's bibliography (1969) lists travel accounts from the 10th century to 1895. He cites over 700 travel accounts since the mid-eighteenth century in a number of languages and provides full bibliographic citations on all translations. This work was particularly useful for this study because he identifies the towns/regions described by each traveler.
Although Pouché-Delbosc's work appears to be inclusive for the years up to 1895 an additional number of travel accounts for these years and for the period up to 1936 were
37 38
located by searching the shelf lists under "Spain--
Description and Travel" in three libraries. These libraries
were the Library of Congress (Washington, D.C.), The Ohio
State University Library (Columbus), and The State Library
of Ohio (Columbus). The shelf lists provided approximately
1,000 titles which included many works not in Fouché-
Delbosc's bibliography. These works included titles of
books published up to the present, children's books, and
some guide books.
Descriptions and illustrations of dress were essential
to this study, hence any travel account regardless of its
literary merits or the nature of the book was potentially
valuable. An effort was made to see every edition of each
title. In a few cases this proved to be a good strategy
because different editions contained different illustra
tions, or one edition was illustrated and another was not
illustrated.
Photocopies were made of the relevant pages of text and
illustrations in each travel account. These photocopies
were then indexed and arranged chronologically according to
the date of the author's trip if known, and if not known, by
publication date. Each illustration was also photographed.
Works of Art
Histories of Spanish art (Aguilera, 1946; Saavedral,
1984; Monreal and Goicoechea, 1945) for the period 1759-1936
helped to identify Spanish artists who did portraits or 39
Spanish genre scenes. Additional genre artists were identified in Popular Nineteenth Century Painting (Hook and
Poltimore, 1986).
The catalogue for the exhibit Imagen Romantica de
Espana (The Romantic Image of Spain) (1981) provided the names of Spanish and foreign artists and was a source of illustrations of specific works as well as giving a general background on the subject. Aguilera's Los Traies Popular de
Espana (The Popular or Folk Dress of Spain)(1948) was particularly useful in locating the names of painters who have featured Spanish regional dress in their paintings.
Gaya Nuno's Historia y quia de 1 os museos de Espana (History and guide to the Museums of Spain) (1968) provides a room by room account of paintings and other objects of art (but not costumes) on display in Spanish museums. Although now somewhat out-of-date it is an invaluable guide to the holdings of Spanish museums.
Auction house sale catalogues were examined for sales of worrks by these and other artists. These sale catalogues do not illustrate every work of art sold, however the catalogues' illustrations are unique in one respect. Works
"f art shown in such catalogues often pass from one private ownere to another and unless the artist is very well known no other photograph of a particular work of art may ever be published. 40
Extant Costumes
Extant costumes were used as supporting evidence,
because
For clothes, surviving artifacts offer a great deal of technical but no stylistic information about past usage;. . . . The history of art— which is generally accessible, even popular--provides the only visual knowledge about the dress of past time offered in its' own terms. (Hollander, 1975, pp. 304-5)
In an effort to locate museums in this country with
extant Andalusian costumes several major museums were
contacted. These museums were chosen because they are known
to have large costume and/or ethnic costume collections. A notice was placed in the June 1987 issue of the newsletter of The Costume Society of America regarding this research.
The letters and notice identified the subject of the research as "Spanish" with no mention made of Andalusia so that any garment catalogued more generally as "Spanish" might come to the researcher's attention. Two Andalusian women's dresses, one in the International Museum of Folklife at Santa Fe, and one in the Children's Museum in
Indianapolis were located. The Hispanic Society has a few
Andalusian men's garments, some mantillas and shawls but no dresses.
Data Collection
Historia de la Fotografia Espanola 1839-1986 (Yanez
Polo, 1986) contains an index of Spanish photographers with the dates during which they were active and their locations. 41
This was useful in establishing a timeframe for photographs
which have a named photographer. Photographs which do not
include the photographer's name were given a relative date
based on the earliest date it was known to have been
published. Intrinsic evidence such as hairstyles are not
always useful because of a strong Andalusian tradition for
hair to be parted in the center with a chiçnon at the back
and flat curls on the face.
There are several published collections of costume plates and collections of costume photographs which were
identified in a number of different ways. Costume and other bibliographies, illustrations in travel accounts, general histories of Spain, and Spanish encyclopedias were used to identify these works.
Both illustrations and costumes were photographed using the following equipment: a 35mm camera, a 90 mm flat field macro lens, a standard 55mm lens, grey card, tripod, cable release, copy stand, flash attachment with a UV filter, reflector umbrella, light stand and light. In addition an electric transformer with interchangeable plugs was necessary in Spain. Only illustrations which provide clear details of the costume were used. Costumes were photographed from the front and back, and close-up shots were taken where appropriate.
A special worksheet was devised with which to record data on both extant costume and works of art. A copy of 42
this worksheet may be found in Appendix D. This worksheet
was used to simplify notetaking on extant garments and for
works of art which could not be photographed.
A trip was made to New York City to examine works of
art, photographs, and other material (Anderson, 1972) in the
collection of the Hispanic Society of America, and to use
their library.
The trip was timed to coincide with three painting
exhibits held in the Spring of 1989. The Spanish Institute sponsored a loan exhibit "Ignacio Zuloaga in America,
1909-1925", the IBM Gallery held a loan exhibit entitled
"Joaquin Sorolla, Painter of Light", and the Hispanic
Society held a temporary exhibit of Sorolla paintings in their permanent collection.
A trip to Spain which included the cities of Madrid,
Barcelona, Seville, and Malaga was be made in order to see and photograph costumes, costume plates, and other works of art. Museums in Spain were identified through museum directories (Hudson and Nicholls, 1985; Gaya Nuno, 1968), and through personal contacts made at national meetings of
The Costume Society of America. A letter requesting a visit and the opportunity to photograph items in their collections was sent to museums in Spain. This letter was written in
Spanish and was accompanied by an international postal reply coupon. A list of museums contacted in this country and those in Spain which were visited appears in Appendix E. 43
Data Analysis
An analysis of Andalusian costume appears in the next three chapters. Chapter IV covers the years 1759-1808, encompassing the reigns of Carlos III and Carlos IV. In
Chapter V the period 1809-1868, the reigns of José I
(Bonaparte), Ferdinand VII, and Isabella II are covered.
Chapter VI covers the period 1869-1936. The second and third time periods are somewhat arbitrary, as between 1809 and 1936 there were many changes but none which affected
Spanish culture as radically as the War of Independence
(1808-1814). Within each period Andalusian costume as described in the travel literature and seen in pictures is discussed. This is followed by an examination of the use of these costumes for specific occasions. Finally the
Andalusian/Spanish visual image as expressed in dress and presented on the stage and in works of art is evaulated. CHAPTER IV
THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE IMAGE, 1759-1808
In the second half of the eighteenth century the
Andalusian image of Spain was developed by artists, writers,
and travelers. The Andalusians (Malmesbury, 1844) and
Andalusian dress (Kany, 1970) came to symbolize the
Spaniards and Spanish dress both within and outside of
Spain.
In this chapter dress in Spain between 1759 and 1808 will be examined as a context for a discussion of maja and gitana dress. This section will be followed by an exami nation of the prevalence of Andalusian dress in works of art including Spanish fête galantes, and the use of Andalusian dress for portraiture and masquerade to express
"Spanishness".
Spanish Dress
Before examining the dress of the maja and gitana it would be useful to define Spanish dress during this period.
Fischer (1802) and Bourgoanne (1789) considered the mantilla and basquiha to be the national dress, probably because they were worn throughout Spain in various forms. The mantilla and basquiha were worn over the maja costume or over
44 45
fashionable (also known as "French") dress. The national
dress (mantilla and basquiha) was worn by women to church,
the theater, public assemblies and when walking in public.
Lady Holland writing in 1802 explained that "The
intolerance of the Spaniards for those who do not conform to
their costume, makes it not only unpleasant, but positively
unsafe for a woman to appear without the basquiha and
mantilla" (Ilchester, 1910, p. 19).
Regarding the mantilla, one traveler of the late 17 90s
said that, "the poor and women of the lower orders go some
times without a basquiha, but rarely without a mantilla"
(Fischer, 1802, p. 181). Mantillas were different shapes
(May, 1939) and could be of any quality, some were even
embroidered in gold (Fischer, 1802).
The fashion aesthetic of late 18th and early 19th
centuries called for a bodice and skirt (or one-piece dress) in the same color, often white or very pale colors. The female subjects of Goya's El Militar v la Sehora (1779),
Maria Teresa de Borbon (1783), and Gumersinda Goicoechea
(Fig. 4) seem to be wearing a black basquiha over a dress of which only the bodice is exposed. Although the silhouette changes considerably during this forty-nine year time span
(see Appendix C) these paintings, mostly portraits, are evidence that the basquftia and mantilla were an enduring part of Spanish dress. (Fischer, 1802). 46
The basquiha was not worn indoors, in the country, nor in the Retiro park near the Prado (Fischer, 1802). This may explain why the basquiha is not seen in some works of art of an otherwise nationalistic intent. According to Bourgoanne,
the poor as well as rich never go from home without a basquina. . .put over their other dress, which is frequently very rich. On this account they hasten to take off their petticoat (i.e. the basquina) as soon as they enter either their own house or that of a friend. (1789, Vol.3, p . 358)
The basquiha, called a saya in Andalusia (Ilchester,
1910) was normally black, although Fischer (1802) reported seeing ones of very dark brown and colored ones at Cédiz and
Côrdoba. They were "generally silk trimmed with single, double, or triple flounces very broad and adorned with silk tassels. They are open in front, being tied with ribands, and only closed below" (Fischer, 1798, p. 180). Flounces
(of the same fabric?) and knotting (that is to say, macramé with fringes) seem to have been common from the number which appear in Goya's Album A (Sanlucar) and Album B (Madrid).
Goya's Queen Maria Luisa in a Mantilla wears a lace trimmed basquiha and his Duchess of Alb a (Fig. 5) wears a basquiha trimmed to just above the knee area with a trellis arrangement of fabric petals (flowers?) which are so sheer as to appear to be silk organza. 47
Andalusian Dsress
Goya's Duchess of Alba illustrates both the Spanish
(mantilla and basquiha) and the more specific maja dress of
the period. This painting is closely related to several
others by Goya including that of the Marguesa de Santa Cruz.
Marguesa de la Solana and Queen Maria Luisa in a Mantilla.
The pose in these four paintings is very similar as is the
costume, for each woman wears a mantilla and basquiha.
While the Duchess of Alba and the Marguesa de Santa Cruz are
dressed as majas, the presentation of the costume in the
Marguesa de la Solana and Queen Marla Luisa does not provide
clear evidence as to the nature of the costume beneath their
outer garments.
The dress of the majas and gitanas are often
indistinguishable from one another in this period. Women of
the upper classes imitated both the majas and the gitanas as part of a widespread interest in national culture and a
reaction against France and the French. Travelers throughout this time period commented upon the use of maja and gitana dress by those of other classes (Malmesbury,
1844; Bourgoanne, 1789). Remarking on the saynetes
(sainetes) and tondillas, two types of short plays which were rooted in local culture, Bourgoanne had this to say:
Manners, dress, adventures and music; all are national; besides, there are frequently presented in these little pieces (saynetes and tonadillas) two species of beings peculiar to Spain, and whose manners and expressions ought to be held in contempt; but which, on the 48
contrary, are the objects of much mirth and pleasantry, and sometimes of imitation. These are the Majos and the Majas on the one part, and the Gitanos and Gitanas on the other. (Bourgoanne, 1789, Vol. 2, pp. 220-221)
Evidence of this imitation of the majos and majas exist in numerous works of art as well as in some literary works.
In Ramôn de la Cruz's 1780s play "El dia de campo" (A Day in the Country) three country girls join a group of young people from the city and they spend the day playing music and dancing. One of the young petimetras from the city is dressed as a maja which she may have found appropriate, but it irritates her boyfriend. This play provides contemporary evidence for the practice of wearing the maja costume.
The Maias and Maia Dress
The maja was a female dandy of the lower classes, single or married, who worked as a domestic, or more frequently as a street vendor. The latter occupation seems to have been preferred since it permitted a great deal of personal freedom and required constant social interaction.
Majas are frequently depicted as vendors usually with a basket of fruit although they sold other types of food and other things as well. Naranjeras, or orange sellers, seem to have been a particular favorite of artists as Tiepolo,
Cruz Cano, José del Castillo, and Goya each portrayed one.
The maja had a reputation for colorful, even threatening language which sometimes led to fights. Goya illustrated such a fight between two majas in one of his 49
sketches (Pig. 6). This sketch could easily have served as
an illustration for a scene from the Ramôn de la Cruz
sainete "El Baile de Repente" in which two majas were
physically violent with one another. Majas were noted for
their behavior which was anything but "ladylike".
The licentiousness of their manners appears in their attitudes, actions, and expressions; and when lewdness in their person is cloathed (sic) with every wanton form, all the epithets which admiration can inspire are lavished upon them. This is the disagreeable side of the picture. But if the spectator goes with a disposi tion, not very scrupulous, to the representation in which the Majas figure; when he becomes familiarized to manners very little conformable to the virtues of the sex, and the means of inspiring ours with favourable sentiments, he sees in each of them the most seducing priestess that every presided at the altars of Venus. Their impudent affectation is no more than a poignant allurement, which introduces into the senses a delirium that the wisest can scarcely guard against, and which, if it inspire not love, at least promises much pleasure. (Bourgoanne, 1789, Vol. 2, p. 222)
It is hardly surprising that this femme fatale became
such a popular subject of artists and caught the attention
of so many foreign travelers. More virtuous women, by
imitating her dress, probably shared vicariously in the majas' sexual appeal. Although the maja did not in turn attempt to copy the dress of the upper classes, she was noted for finery, the cost of which must have exceeded the income of the average street vendor or domestic servant.
Her costume was described as consisting of:
a tight jacket, so open before as to form two hanging flaps under the breast, something in the form of wings, with sleeves close to the fift (sic), a short petticoat 50
of any colour, a black apron, a striped handkerchief carefully covering the whole neck, with the net and the montera exactly such as the man. The seams of both (majo and maja) dresses are not sowed, but kept togeth er by interlacing ribbands. (Baretti, 1770, p. 153)
While Baretti's description is the most extensive, and
probably entirely accurate in 1770, it does not allow for
the many variations in the costume which are seen in works
of art in this period. Costume plates because they are
precisely labeled, form the most incontrovertible visual
evidence of maja dress.
Cruz Cano's Coleccion de traies. . ., (1777) includes
three plates with the maja costume (Figs. 7,8,9), however
only one of these plates explicitly labels the figure as a maja (Fig. 9). Rodriguez 1801 costume plate series has
three plates with the Maja label, two (Figs. 10,11) of which
conform in various ways to the 1777 maja and to Baretti's
1770 definition. On the third plate, the Maia of Cadiz
(Fig. 12) the bodice is concealed, but happily the flounced skirt serves to link her to the two dancers (Figs. 13,14), because one of the dancers wears a characteristic maja
jacket. Together these plates show most of the variations in Andalusian dress.
The styling of the maja jacket with its decorative shoulder and wrist is what makes the maja costume distinctive. The overall proportions and cut of the maja costume seem to have reflected the fashionable dress of the period (see Appendix C), however the jacket is always tight 51
fitting. The ties which attached the sleeves to the jacket were eventually translated into decorative trim on the
shoulder, and the lacings on the forearm which helped to
create a tight fitting sleeve later became mere trim.
Various types of trim were used on these jackets such as gold braid, ribbon, embroidery, and beads. Goya's Clothed
Maja appears to wear one embellished with chenille trim arranged in a trellis pattern. This type of trim is usually associated with southern Spain. In many of Goya's tapestry cartoons, the sleeves and forearms seem to have ties. The sleeves of Tiepolo's La Naraniera (Fig. 15) appear to tie on to the jacket and the forearms have buttons and buttonholes.
The back of the jacket with its curved seams is best illustrated in Figure 6.
The Museu Textil d'Indumentaria in Barcelona owns a maja jacket (No. 88405) (Fig. 16, 17, 18) dating from the
1770s or 1780s which fits Baretti's description. This jacket is orange and blue velvet and has sleeves which are laced with ribbons to the armholes of the bodice. The lower sleeves also have ribbons which lace to provide a close fit.
Both the sleeves and the front of the jacket are lavishly trimmed with silver embroidery. The jacket is constructed with its own built-in vest which buttons up while the outer portion of the jacket hangs loose from the side seams. The outer portion of the jacket is what Baretti called "flaps". 52
The skirt is of lesser importance as it is much less
complicated and more varied although horizontal emphasis in
the form of one or two flounces or applied trim is usual.
The maja's skirt shows when not covered by the lavishly
trimmed basquiha. However Rodriguez’s (1801) Maia of Câdiz
(Fig. 12) has two very deep flounces, as does the dancer in
Figure 14, while the dancer in Figure 13 has three vandyked
flounces each of a generous size. These three plates seem to constitute the earliest evidence of the deep, multi flounced skirt which is the most distinctive characteristic of Andalusian dress.
The full apron described by Baretti (1770), while usually black, is sometimes another color but always contrasts with the dress, and is almost as long as the skirt. After the 1790s aprons seem not to have been worn except by very poor women at work or by gitanas.
The handkerchief around the neck, the panuelo (fichu in
English), was a part of fashionable dress in the eighteenth century. Baretti was not quite accurate in describing them as striped although many did have stripes. Most of them appear to be a plain white. Tiepolo painted a maja (Fig.
19) wearing one which seems to have an embroidered edge.
Although rather inconsequential in appearance during this period, the panuelo became a more decorative feature of the costume in the nineteeth century. 53
The net (redecilla) as seen in Fig. 4 and montera,
described by Baretti, were part of maja costume. Tiepolo's
majas, painted in the late 1760s and early 1770s, wear
polychrome cloth cofias tied with a simple (ribbon?) bow on
the top of the head. The gitana in Goya's El Paseo de
Andalucia (Fig. 20) and the woman in Paret's 1770 La Tienda
(Pig. 21) both wear the cofia and mantilla together. This
arrangement was described in the following passage:
Women of the middle class wear generally a cofia, which is a kind of large bag of taffeta with a number of trimmings. The cofia is fixed to the middle of the head, and embraces the tresses behind. Above it is an ivory comb upon the front hair to which is attached the pad. . .used for supporting the mantilla. They often add an aigrette. (Fischer, 1798, p. 183)
Twiss reported that the "Macaroni ladies (majas?) of
Cadiz wear yellow powder in their hair, which to me appeared nauseous and unbecoming: they use neither paint nor patches" (Twiss, 1775, p. 331). Unfortunately he does not report on powdered hair in the rest of Spain. Fischer who traveled in Spain in 1798 and 1799 speaks of women who
"adopted the french fashion of frizzing the hair" (1801, p.
183). He accurately describes the hair style of Goya's sitters in the four portraits of noble women in the mantilla and basquina (discussed above); all four were painted between 1791 and 1803. This hairstyle required either a much larger cofia than was previously worn such as that in 54
Castillo's La Naraniera. or a mantilla was worn with a large
colored bow or ribbon rosette instead.
These hairbows, which can reach an extraordinary size
(Fig. 12, 13, 22), appear to be unique to this period and to
Spain for they are not seen in the rest of Europe. It seems
possible that this hairbow is a symbolic remnant of the
cofia which declined in favor in the 1790s, or that they are
related to the "large bunch of ribbons" (Bright, 1818, p.
Ixxv) worn by the gitanas.
The Gitanas and Gitana Dress
There are only a few descriptions of gitana dress
during this period and most of these are not explicit.
However, an anonymous traveler, who was in Spain in 1816-17
(Bright, 1818), gives an account of both male and female
gypsy dress, which probably was not too different from that
worn in the earlier years of the nineteenth century. Of the
gitanas he wrote:
The female dress consists of a gown, very frequently of coloured silk, loaded with tinsel and embroidery, the bottom generally formed by a row of large Vandykes. Raised high in the middle of the head; the black locks of the Gitana are loaded with artificial flowers, and behind is stuck a large bunch of ribbons. Round the face hang a row of long thin curls. . . . Rings, chains, and necklaces, chiefly of gold, are strung on in profusion, and these ornaments are often of very considerable value. (Bright, 1818, p. Ixxv).
The gitanas "plaster their temples with great patches
of black silk, and hang all sorts of trumpery in their ears, besides a number of baubles about the neck" (Grellmann, 55
1807, p. 30). The earliest illustration of these "great
patches" found by this researcher is in a series painted by
Lorenzo Tiepolo circa 1770. The last example is that worn
by the Infanta Joséfa in Goya's The Family of Carlos IV
painted 1800-1801. An explanation of why these patches or parchites, were so widely worn was given by Dennis (1839, p.
131), "These being considered preservatives against head-ache, you see worn by many who are not of their race"
(Dennis, 1839, p. 131).
Figures which Goya identified in his own works as gitanas provide evidence that maja and gitana dress were similar if not identical. Goya described El Paseo de
Andalucia (Fig. 20), also known as The Maia and The Muffled
Men, as containing figures of a gitano and a gitana (Gassier and Wilson, 1971). The gitana in this cartoon wears a maja jacket with a flounced skirt not unlike that of so many other majas. She also wears an assortment of head orna mentations for in addition to a yellow flower, there is a low comb, a red and white ribbon which seems to be attached to her redecilla, and a white mantilla falling to the waist. Borrow (1914) claimed in the 1830s that gypsy women did not wear the mantilla. Either fashion had changed, or perhaps this indicates that the mantilla was too important to Spanish women to be abandoned even when dressed "a la gitana". 56
Goya himself described The Swing as portraying gypsies
(". . .unos jitanos divirtiendose, columpiando a una
jitana"). This painting done just ten years after El Paseo
de Andalucia (Fig. 20) contains three female figures. Two
are clearly dressed as majas while the third, who is almost
hidden, wears a parchite on her temple.
Further evidence of gitana dress comes from Goya's
Clothed Maja (c.1798-1805) whose somewhat unusual jacket was
described above. It is of considerable significance that
this painting and its companion The Nude Maia were
inventoried in 1808 as paintings of gitanas (Gassier and
Wilson, 1971).
The Cruz Cano (1777) series of costume plates
unfortunately does not contain a gitana and the Rodriguez
(1801) series has only one. The Gitana of Granada (Fig. 22)
wears a costume which is indistinguishable from that of the
maja. This woman wears a rosette bow in her hair, panuelo,
the maja jacket, and a skirt with two broad bands (not
flounces) of a contrasting color.
The Prevalence of Andalusian Dress in Art
There are large number of Spanish paintings, cartoons,
and tapestries in which majo and maja dress is worn. No
other regional, occupational, or social group costume of
Spain seems to have held such a comparable interest for
artists of this period. The large number of works of art with majismo themes and/or costumes is evidence of its 57
popularity. Although the Cruz Cano plates were available
after 1777, and there are a number of towns near Madrid which have interesting and picturesque costumes, artists of
the period clearly preferred the costume of the majos.
Illustrations of the costumes of Spain, particularly those of Andalusia appeared in a variety of guises. A number of the costume plates in the Rodriguez (1801) collection were used by others to illustrate books and to decorate porcelain in England and Prance. Semple(1809) used twenty four of the Rodriguez (1801) costume plates for his travel account. The seven women's costumes illustrated include the Maia de Contrabandists (Fig. 10), the Bolero
Dancer (Pig. 13), the Petimetra of Câdiz and two Petimetras of Madrid (both in basquina and mantilla). Three of these figures are Andalusian while the other two wear the basquiha and mantilla. The remaining two figures of women may have been chosen because they communicate peasant life. The
Peasant Girl of Salamanca wears an elaborately embellished costume and has a sturdy appearance while the Woman of
Aragon is burdened down with three waterpots, a reminder of the hard life of the peasant. The choice of mens' costumes to illustrate this book also shows a predominance of
Andalusian dress.
Ackermann's of London also used the Petimetra of Cadiz in a mantilla and basquiha from Rodriguez to illustrate their small book Spain and Portugal (Shoberl, 1825) nearly a 58
quarter of a century after the original illustrations were
published by Rodriguez. It was described as follows:
At Cadiz, and in some other towns at a distance from the capital, females have retained the ancient costume when they go abroad and to church. This dress, which differs but little from that worn anterior to the accession of the house of Bourbon, consists of a lace mantilla and a close satin gown adorned with velvet. Over this they commonly put a lace habit, which descends to the knees, and is bordered with a fringe of corded silk. Though this robe is almost always black, and is never put on except to go to mass, some ladies wear it of other colours. The annexed engraving represents a lady of Cadiz in this dress, over which a rich shawl is freqently worn. (Shoberl, 1825, p. 122-123)
His emphasis on the antiquity of the costume is a romantic notion which was common at the time and cannot be substantiated. The description is compatible with others of the period yet the illustration is a poor choice as it does not clearly show a regional dress as intended. This choice of costume suggests that the publisher did not have the complete set of the 1801 plates by Rodriguez.
Rodriguez's (1801) costumes plates were also used on porcelain. A pair of 1820 plates marked "G Desarnaud a
1'Escalier de Cristal à Paris" which were recently sold at auction (Christies, 1988) used the Man of Madrid-Bolero
Dancer. Man of Cadiz, and the same Petimetra of Cadiz used by Ackermann's. These plates also utilized a female dancing figure from an unknown source. It is not known what other figures from the 1801 costume plate series were used on this manufacturer's porcelain. 59
Among the earliest of these works is a series of
paintings by Lorenzo Tiepolo, usually referred to as his
"popular types", which date from the early 1770s. Lorenzo
is the least known member of a famous family, and his works
have generally been ignored by art historians. There are at
least nine of these paintings and they have such titles as
La Naraniera (Fig. 15), Soldiers and the Common People,
Cherry Vendor (Fig. 23), Fruit Vendor (Fig. 24), Lemonade
Vendor. The Maio of the Guitar, and The Wetnurse and the
Soldiers.
Tiepolo's subjects are soldiers, majos, and majas and
although very little of the costume is revealed in these
paintings they are significant for a number of reasons. The
use of this subject at this date is evidence that the majos
and majas were of sufficient contemporary interest to merit
several works. Furthermore his works seem to be the earli
est visual evidence for the costume, and finally, Tiepolo's
almost photographic realism is extremely informative as
every detail is carefully recorded.
Several of Tiepolo's majas are vendors with baskets of
fruit. Their identities are not entirely clear, for some of
them are a little too elegant to be mere street vendors.
Specifically, the pearl necklaces worn by these majas, and
the mask of La Naraniera (Fig. 15) raise questions as to
just who is being represented. Are they genuine majas or upper class women who are dressed as majas? While Tiepolo's 60
crowded groupings of figures lack a setting, they are pre
cursors to the paintings, cartoons and tapestries of Goya
and other Spanish artists who use the majismo theme. In the
1770s and 1780s Goya's contemporaries Luis Paret, José del
Castillo, José Camaron, and Ramén and Francisco Bayeu also
produced works in the fête galante genre illustrating majos
and majas.
In Fête Galantes
The fête galante was a popular eighteenth century
artistic genre which portrayed youthful figures courting,
strolling, dancing, and feasting in an artificially elegant
landscape. These works are spiritually akin to the works of
Watteau, Boucher, and other French eighteenth century fête galante artists. However, the costumes and characters portrayed and occasions depicted are for the most part distinctly Spanish.
Most of these fête galantes are, like Goya's tapestries, "theatrical, thematically indebted to popular
Spanish theatre, particularly the sainetes or sketches of the writer Ramon de la Cruz" (Symmons, 1988, p. 9). In fact both artists created a "Meadow of San Isidro" (de la Cruz in
1766 and Goya in 1788), and de la Cruz wrote "La Fingida
Arcadia ("The Imaginary Arcadia", 1758), the theme of many of Goya's works. Although Goya and de la Cruz were possibly aware of one another's work and used the same subjects. 61
there is no evidence that Goya intended to illustrate any of
these sainetes (Moore, 1972).
With few exceptions time and place depicted in these
fête galantes cannot be determined. Goya implies in a
letter of May 31, 1788 (Gassier and Wilson, 1971) that he
had made a sketch from life on the 15th of that month (San
Isidro's feast day) which was to serve as a basis for his
painting The Meadow of San Isidro. In this painting figures
dressed as majos and majas mingle with a few fashionably
dressed Madrilehas along the banks of the Manzanares river.
Near the meadow of San Isidro is the setting of his Dance on
the Banks of the Rio Manzanares. Goya's only fête galante
which has a regional setting is El Paseo de Andalucia (the
artist's own title) (Pig. 20). The majas' costumes in this
painting are almost idential to those in Dance on the Banks
of the Rio Manzanares.
Dancing and feasting are the themes of most of these
fête galantes. Dances of popular origin, mostly Andalusian,
were all the rage in late eighteenth century Spain (M.
Hamilton, 1927; Boland, 1959), and even spread to other
parts of Europe. Two of these Andalusian dances were the
Seguidilla and its descendant the Bolero. The latter was
often performed on the stage (Hamilton, 1927).
It is evident that there were some costumes considered
suitable for dance, or for specific dances, as Bourgoanne mentioned a "Spanish female dancing the Seguidilla, dressed 62
in character" (1789, Vol. 2, p. 185). Unfortunately the
costume is not described. It is probable that the dance
costume that Bourgoanne saw was one with a maja jacket and
possibly a flounce or two near the hem of the skirt. This
is the costume worn in Goya's Dance on the Banks of the Rio
Manzanares, Paret's Dancing Maios. and Camaron's Dancing the
Bolero (Fig. 25).
Majos and majas feasting in the open air is the subject
of works by Goya, Luis Paret, and Ramon Bayeu, but it does not seem to have a specifically Andalusian link. Swinging
is a frequently used motif in fête galante works where it is a part of the game of love (Posner, 1982, Coman, 1975), but
this does not seem to have an Andalusian link either. In deed the Spanish flavor of these works seems due solely to the costumes.
In Portraits
Goya's portraits provide visual evidence for the use of maja dress by members of the upper classes. According to one traveler:
There are, among both sexes, persons of distinguished rank, who seek their models among the heroes of the populace, who imitate their dress, manners, and accent and are flattered when it is said of them. . . . One would take her for a Maja. (Bourgoanne, p. 223).
The Duchess of Alba (Fig. 5) and the Marguesa de Santa
Cruz, whose pose Trapier (1964, p. 80) called "muy maja", wear maja jackets which are almost concealed by their 63
mantillas. The sparkling trim on the lower arm in the
former portrait is distinctive evidence of maja dress. It
could be argued that the red faja, or sash, in Goya's
Duchess of Alba and The Flirtation was based either on
French fashion (such sashes were worn througout Europe in
the early 1790s) or on artistic considerations.
However majismo may be the actual source since Goya
would have been well aware that the choice of color for the
faja linked the Duchess with majismo. The red faja being an
important component of majo dress. Although Cruz Cano
(1777) uses a variety of colors for the fajas in his costume
plates, this may be artistic license because travel accounts
unanimously record them as red. (Carr, 1811; Simple, 1809)
There is also a 1796-97 portrait of the Duchess of Alba
(Fig. 26) in Goya's Sanlucar Album A wearing what this
writer believes to be a maja costume with what may or may
not be a montera hat. Since it was done in an Indian ink
wash the details are not clearly discernible. In Gassier
and Wilson's (1971) authoritative catalogue raisonné of
Goya's work this piece is titled The Duchess of Alba.
Another Goya authority Eleanor A. Sayre (1964) gave it the
title The Duguesa de Alba wearing white, embroidered dress and small hat. The titles are not Goya's however, and
Sayre's title seems to be conjecture. What Sayre took for embroidery is in all probability the laces and ruchings which typically trim the maja jacket. The upper part of the 64
skirt is particularly interesting becau^a there seem to be
pockets— the only example known of this feature.
The Duchess costume corresponds to the maja costume in
Fig. 7 which depicts a pale green and white maja jacket with
a white skirt having one flounce, a white panuelo, and a
large bow worn on the head over a redecilla. The Duchess in
this drawing has her hair down around her shoulders, but not
as frizzed as in the painting of 1797, which may possibly
reflect not so much fashion or maja fashion as it does the
casualness of rural life at her Sanlucar estate in
Andalusia.
For Masquerade
Masquerade was a popular form of entertainment in
eighteenth century Europe. The Spanish, like the English
(Ribeiro, 1984), seem to have found masquerade costume
appealing for portraiture. In Madrid public masquerades
were held between 1767 and 1773 at the Canos del Peral, a
theater renovated for the purpose. Among the regulations
was one which stated that "No regional or national costumes
were allowed if made of wool; they must be of flowered
taffeta, of hoi land, or of other fabrics suitable for such
occasions (Hamilton, 1926, p. 328). According to Baretti at
Carnival masquerades the dress of the majos and majas "is one of those which the generality of. . .(the Spanish) chose to assume as well as the character" (1770, p. 152). His account refers to the use of the dress of Catalonia, 65
Valencia, Galacia, Castile, and Andalusia. This account
would seem to indicate that these were the most popular
Spanish regional costumes for carnival (Baretti, 1770, p.
154). The costumes of these regions are each quite
different from one another. However it was Andalusian dress
which is found almost exclusively in works of art of the
period.
The maja costume is worn by the women portrayed in
Figures 27, 28, and 29 who hold masks in their hands to
indicate that they are dressed for masquerade. The black
and white costume of The Marguesa del Llano (Figs. 27, 28)
conforms perfectly to Baretti's (1770) definition of maja
dress. Although Aguilera (1948) claimed that she is wearing
the dress of her native La Mancha, the region located just
north of Andalusia, this costume is the same as that worn by many of Goya's majas and that of Cruz Cano's maja of 1777
(Fig. 9). This costume is the direct ancestor of
Rodriguez's majas in the 1801 costume series (Figs. 10, 11).
Furthermore, the resemblance between the costume of the
Marguesa and that of the La Mancha costume shown in both the
1777 and the 1801 series is slight.
The unknown woman in Fig. 29 wears "an ornate costume of green satin and black trimmed with gold" (Sotheby's,
1976), and her headgear is virtually identical to that of the Marguesa del Llano. It is unfortuante that so little is known about this painting. These two portraits (Figs. 23, 66
26, 27), unlike that of Tiepolo's masked La Naraniera (Fig.
12), are of specific individuals who chose to wear the maja
costume for masquerade and for their portraits. La
Naraniera, whose pearls and elegant appearance is so
incongruous with her rustic basket, is probably intended as a type rather than a specific individual. She seems to be one of Tiepolo's models.
Summary and Discussion
Although there were changes in the overall silhouette of the maja costume reflecting changes in fashionable dress, the maja costume remained a distinctive costume during this period. There is no real development in the costume as such during this period beyond reflecting current high fashions.
The costume was characterized by a tight fitted jacket with embellishments on the shoulder and wrist, and a skirt with flounces. Like other Spanish women, the majas seem to have worn the mantilla and basquiha but the redecilla, cofia, and montera of the maja appear to be unique to Spain and to the majo and maja costume.
Little interest in the gitanas was shown by artists and travelers of the period. The evidence which does exist suggests that the gitana costume was virtually indistin guishable from that of the maja.
The maja costume was worn by those of the lower classes, and those of the upper classes who chose this costume for portraits and masquerade. Andalusian dress, the 67 dress of the majas and gitanas, is portrayed in a wide variety of arts in this period. Costume plates were a source of illustrations for foreign publishers of travel accounts and porcelain makers who showed a preference for the dress of Andalusia over that of other provinces.
The maja costume appears frequently in fête galante works of the period. Although artists may have had an opportunity to observe the costumes of the other regions of
Spain, and after 1777 a book of regional costume plates was available, it is clear that Andalusian dress was preferred to the costumes of other regions.
In this chapter Andalusian dress in art and travel literature of the period has been examined as evidence of the Andalusian image of Spain. During the period 1759-1809 there was little development in the costume itself, rather it was the Andalusian image of Spain expressed through dress which was developed. In the next chapter Andalusian dress and the image of Spain in the period 1809-1868 will be examined. CHAPTER V
THE IMAGE EXPRESSED, 1809-1868
In this chapter Spanish dress will be examined before
turning to the social types and costumes which constituted
Andalusian dress in the period 1809-1868. The majas and maja dress, which had symbolized Andalusia and Spain in the previous period, became less signifigant as a symbol during the nineteenth century when the gitanas and cigarreras
(cigarette maker) gained the notice of travelers and artists. First the majas (and manolas), the gitanas, and the cigarreras and their dress will be examined. This will be followed by a review of the occasions for which
Andalusian dress was worn. Finally the ways in which dress was used to express the Andalusian image of Spain will be discussed.
Spanish Dress
The everyday dress of Spanish women, at least in the major centers of population, was like that of other European women of the period except for the mantilla and basquiha.
This fact seems to have been fairly common knowledge outside of Spain at an early date (Pecchio, 1823). While black was certainly common for everyday wear and for church throughout this period, one author in the mid-1860s claimed that black
68 69
dresses were seldom worn except to church (Blackburn, 1866).
In Madrid fashionable dress was worn to balls, the
theater, and even to the bull fights, but, for the promenade, the mantilla and basquiha were worn over
fashionable dress until about mid-century (Poco Mas, 1845;
MacKenzie, 1847; March, 1856). Although the Andalusians were quick to adopt foreign fashions (Cook, 1834), in all the Andalusian cities women seem to have maintained the
"Spanish" style, i.e. mantilla and basquiha over fashionable dress, into the 1860s (Stuart Wortley, 1856; Roberts, 1860;
Edwards, 1868).
Nearly all foreign travelers commented on the use of the mantilla, which was perceived as attractive, and, at the same time, they criticized the use of bonnets by Spanish women. Combs were used to hold up the mantilla, and large combs, usually of pierced tortoiseshell, were a part of fashionable European dress in the 1830s. Two travelers,
Inglis and Dennis commented upon their size during this decade. "A fashionable Spanish comb is not less than a foot long, and eight or nine inches broad" according to Inglis
(Vol. 1, 1831, p. 73). Dennis, writing from Cadiz made some comparisons "The comb is not like that of the Portuguese women, raised a foot or more above the head; but is here scarcely larger than that worn in England" (Vol. 1, 1839, p. 61). 70
At Càdiz the disappearance of the basquiha was
attributed to French influence, despite the Gaditan
hostility to the French (Cook, 1834). The basquiha was
described in the 1820s as "once a petticoat of mohair, but
now a silken gown, (it) is festooned with cords and tassels
or golden bells, and loaded with lead so as to fit closely"
(MacKenzie, 1847, p. 214). By the 1850s "except. . .when
worn by the gaudy majas, it is divested of all those pecular
additions" (Stuart Wortler, Vol. 1, 1856, p. 37).
Ribelles costume plate collection Traies de Espaha
(Costumes of Spain) (1825) includes one plate Traie de
Espaha (The Spanish Costume) (Fig. 30). This fashionable
figure wears a black lace mantilla over a high comb, a dark
blue basquiha with black horizontal trim, and carries a fan.
The blue of the basquiha is probably for artistic purposes
to better display the contrasting trim. This color combination for the mantilla and basquiha was also used by
José Bécquer for two of his costume plates in The Andalusian
Album for 1837 (Fig. 31, 32). Although basquihas were occasionally blue and other colors (Dennis, 1839) black is the color mentioned as usual in the travel accounts.
Andalusian Dress
Majas and gitanas, just as in the previous period, continued to be a source of imitation. An anonymous traveler who had been in Spain during the years 1816-1817 made this observation: 71
In Andalusia particularly, it is a kind of fashion amongst the inferior nobility to Gitanise themselves to a certain extent, imitating their manners, using their phrases, and entering into all their diversions. (Bright, 1818, p. Ixxvi)
In the 1830s Borrow explained that "females of fashion" sometimes dressed as gitanas. He equated gitana and Andalusian dress, claiming that gitana dress was actu ally Andalusian and that it was characterized by a "short saya with rows of flounces" (1914, p. 163). In the context the word saya seems ambiguous and might have been used as a more poetic way to refer to a skirt. It should be noted that Borrow was not always very precise in his word choice regardless of the language. In the 1840s one writer observ ed that young girls wore the gitana costume for dancing, although they were not necessarily gitanas (Hughes, 1845).
The reason that not everyone dressed as a gitana could be counted among their numbers may have been simply that it is an attractive costume. This is the reason Poco Mas gives in the following passage in which he explains the use of the manola costume:
I have heard, however, that there are females belonging to the humbler and working classes who, although their dress is Manola-ish, are by no means to be ranked with those just spoken of; but that on the contrary, they are respectable in their sphere, and adopt this costume merely because they think it becoming, and from a little innocent coquetry. (Poco Mas, 1845, Vol. 1, pp. 257-259) 72
There is also evidence that in the 1850s the upper
classes of Madrid wore the manola costume for the festival
of San Isidor (Calderôn de Barca, 1856). These sources from
1818, the 1830s, the 1840s, and 1850s are evidence that the use of the Andalusian costumes, that is the maja (or manola) and gitana costume, by other Spanish women was an ongoing
tradition.
The Majas and Manolas and Their Dress
In this section the majas and manolas will be discussed followed by a description of their dress based on travel accounts and visual evidence. In the period 1809-1868 the term maja is gradually replaced by the term manola in both
Madrid and Andalusia.
The Majas and Manolas
In some respects there is no difference between the majas and manolas. This extensive description of the manola during the 1830s and 1840s by a Spaniard explains:
But what are the Manolas? Indeed, I hardly know how to describe these high-spirited ladies. They belong, methinks, to the grisette species, though their affections are not, as I have been informed, bestowed parti-cularly on the class called students, excepting, perhaps, those belonging to the college of Tauromaquia, founded by Fernando VII, for the instruction of young aspirants for fame in the art of bul1-fighting;. . .The Manola has a hoydenish manner: her mantilla of black silk, bordered with a broad strip of velvet, is either hitched on the top of her head by means of a towering comb, or allowed to fall loosely over her shoulders; her gown is very short, so short as to display to ad vantage her well-turned ancles. It is said (But I do not vouch for the correctness of the assertion) that 73
the genuine Manola always carries concealed in some part of her dress a navaja, or dagger. (Poco Mas, 1845, Vol. 1, pp. 257-259)
Pettigrew (1861) also reported that manolas wore a dagger concealed in their garments. But as Wolff (1851, p. 47) put it "quien sabe? who can tell?".
A few years later a North American born Spaniard, who contrasted the maja ("the original type") with the manolas, thought that the latter.
have greatly improved in morals, manners, and habits; both sexes always retaining their taste for dancing and bull-fights, their love of dress, and a certain contempt for every thing that is not Spanish. The original type in all its perfection, is now confined to the stage. (Calderon de Barca 1856, p. 267)
Maja and Manola Dress
Kippolyte Lecomte's lithograph Femme de L'Andalousie,
(Fig. 33) part of a collection of plates of European folk costumes (Cox, 1977), is the earliest costume plate known from the period 1809-1868. This plate illustrates a woman wearing a high-waisted maja jacket which laces along the lower arm, a slender skirt with two narrow flounces, and an apron. She also wears a redecilla with a bow on her head.
A cachuca dancer in a Mâlaga theatre was described in the 1820s as dressed in the following way:
The dress of the maja was of green silk, trimmed with gold, and the lower half was entirely surrounded by a loose tassel-work of glittering gold fringe. . .(it) rose high in the neck, it left the arms at liberty. . .black ribands tied about the wrist and elbow, while 74
a string of the same confined a castanet to either thumb. Over stockings of white silk she wore a light slipper, partially covering a foot. (MacKenzie, 1847, p. 199)
One of the best documented maja costumes (Fig. 34) must surely be that of Harriet Ford whose husband wrote A
Handbook for Travellers. . .(1966). The Fords lived in
Seville and Granada from 1830 to 1833. In a letter to a friend Richard Ford wrote that his wife was having "a spendid Maja riding-habit made, which will make the
Andalucas die of envy; black with innumerable lacing and tagging, and a profusion of silver filigree buttons"
(Prothero, 1905, p. 108). This maja costume has remained in the Ford family and was exhibited in London in 1974 (B.
Ford, 1974). It seems probable that this is the same costume she wears in John Frederick Lewis' portrait of her
(Fig. 35), and his book illustrations (Fig. 36). These illustrations were published in his two books of lithographs. Sketches and Drawings of the Alhambra and
Lewis's Sketches of Spain and the Spanish Character.
Also from the 1830s comes this description which expresses the notion that such a handsome costume was really only suitable to those with personal attractions. "Think of her (a lame girl) parading about in a maja's dress, with trimmings of the richest cut velvet and silk embroidery, studded with beads, and ornaments of the most expensive jet; and a mantilla" (Madrid in 1835, Vol. 1, 1836, p. 104). 75
By the 1840s the maja costume seems to have become
somewhat outmoded except for certain occasions which will be
discussed below. The costume is seldom mentioned in the
1850s and 1860s by travelers (who found the gypsies more
interesting) except in connection with some festive
occasions. This lends credibility to the statement made at
Seville that "Here and there may be seen some stray Maja
. . .who in order to attract more attention puts on this now neglected costume" (Tenison, 1843, p. 207).
During his 1855 trip to Spain Gautier saw only one maja
(inexplicably called a manola) whom he spotted in the Rastro quarter of Madrid. His description of her costume is one of
the most extensive:
(hair) plaited like the reeds of a basket, was wound around her head and fastened up by a great high comb; bunches of coral beads hung from her ears, her brown neck was adorned with a collar of the same material; a black velvet mantilla framed her head and shoulders, her dress was. . .short. . .and made of embroidered cloth, showing slender, muscular legs in well-adjusted black silk stockings; the shoe was of satin, in the ancient style, a red fan fluttered like a scarlet butterfly in her fingers loaded with silver rings. (Gautier, 1926, p. 88)
On two points his description differs from that of most travelers and the visual evidence. However the braided hair and embroidered cloth of her dress are confirmed by one of the most reliable sources, Fanny Calderôn de Barca (1856).
She differs only in her choice of words and the color of stockings which she calls pearl grey. No visual evidence 76
could be found for embroidered dresses, perhaps what is
being described is the elaborately trimmed maja costume.
In 1868 when the maja costume was known but seldom
seen, one writer explained the costume as follows:
The woman's dress, I believe, is a short skirt trimmed with rows of silk bob-fringe; a velvet waistcoat, like a man's, with silver buttons down the edge; a crimson faja; a jacket handsomely braided; and a small bull fighter's hat. But I imagine this dress has almost, if not quite, disappeared now amongst the women,--at least we never saw it. (La Gorte. 1868, p. 166-7)
Gautier, who had traveled extensively in Spain,
complained about the shift in costume among the lower class
women who during this period were transformed from majas to
manolas. This shift was to his mind for the worst as the
costume had lost its glamour. In Gautier's words.
she no longer wears her daring, picturesque costume; common calico has taken the place of the vividly coloured skirts embroidered with extravagant patterns of foliage; the hideous leather shoe has replaced the satin slipper, and, horrible to think of, the skirt has been made two good inches longer. (Gautier, 1926, p. 87)
Not only was the maja transformed into a manola during
this period but the basquiha underwent a transformation as
well. In illustrations of the 1830s and 1840s the trim
which begins to contrast with the garment (although this may
be for artistic reasons) becomes more pronounced and is seen
on indoor dress as well. The basquiha, an outdoor garment, seems to have gone out of use by the 1860s. The use of a 77
broad horizontal trim on the skirts of indoor costumes
suggest a merger of the skirt and outer skirt, or
alternatively, the placement of the trim is symbolic.
Gitanas Their Dress
After the Napoleonic wars, foreign travelers in search of local color gravitated to the gypsy quarters of La Triana in Seville and the Sacro-Monte of Granada. In La Triana and
Sacro-Monte gypsy dances were arranged, at a price, for the entertainment of travelers. (Pettigrew, 1861, p. 205), and the costumes of the dancers were frequently described in travel accounts. Gitanas were often the subject of works of art such as that of John Phillips (La Ccrte. 1868) (Pig.
35). On the whole the image of the gitana in both written sources and illustrations is one of an attractive, and usually seductive young woman.
Ribelles costume plate of a gitana (Fig. 38) shows a fairly simple costume without flounces and with a shawl similar to that worn by the majas in 1801. One of the earliest accounts of gitana dress was made by an anonymous traveler who was in Spain in 1816-17 (Bright, 1818). He described gitana dress in this way:
The female dress consist of a gown, very frequently of coloured silk, loaded with tinsel and embroidery, the bottom generally formed by a row of large Vandykes. Raised high in the middle of the head; the black locks of the Gitana are loaded with artifical flowers, and behind is stuck a large bunch of ribbons. Round the face hang a row of long thin curls. . . . Rings, 78
chains, and necklaces, chiefly of gold, are strung on in profusion, and these ornaments are often of very considerable value. (Bright, 1818, p. Ixxv)
The use of silk, tinsel (if what is meant is metallic
trim as opposed to simply decoration), and embroidery is not
used to describe dress specifically identified as gitana
again in this period. However these terms are frequently
used to describe dance dress and most dancers seem to have
been gitanas. By the 1830s the dress of the gitanas was
"very varied", according to Borrow who spent time between
the years 1830-35 among the gypsies of Spain (Borrow, 1914).
When the skirt is mentioned it is always referred to as
flounced; the variety seems to be in the bodice or jacket,
and in the quality of the costume.
Gitana dress is frequently described as colorful, gay,
or tawdry. One writer reported seeing a gitana in a parti
coloured dress (Hughes, 1845), and another reported seeing
"a large red califlowered-pattern gown" (Thornbury, 1860, p.
173) which suggest a printed fabric. Their dress was often short-sleeved, cut low to display the shoulders (Hughes,
1846), and short to display the ankles (Wallis, 1854).
The most distinctive characteristic of gitana dress was
the colorful flounced skirt. Their skirts were described as
"the saya, which is exceedingly short with many rows of
flounces" (Borrow, 1914, p. 63), "many-coloured, cotton gowns, generally dirty, but flounced and bedizened with gay ribbons" (Poco Mas, 1845, p. 29), "flounced blue dresses 79
powdered with stars" (Gautier, 1926, p. 189), "bright-
coloured cotton gowns (either of pink, jonquil, blue or
geranium) with deep flounces" (Mrs. Romer, Vol. 2, 1843,
p. 112), "short, flounced, and invariably of bright colours
such as yellow and red" (Baxter, 1852, p. 170), and "covered
all over with furbelows and flounces" (Hallis, 1854,
p. 187).
Joaquin Dominguez Bécquer's Gypsy Dance (Pig. 39)
painted in 1834 at Seville shows several women in short,
flounced skirts. One of the dancers has four flounces to
her skirt and wears the montera hat. Because all of the
travel accounts of this period which refer to gitana dress
indicates that it was flounced it can be deduced that these
women are gitanas or Andalusians in gitana dress.
Contrasting trim, so characteristic in the twentienth
century, first appears in mid-nineteenth century when a
"very full white muslin petticoat, trimed with alternate
rows of red and blue ribbon" (Quillinan, 1847, p. 105) was reported. Flounces must have been the norm as Lady Louisa
Tenison speaks of gypsy girls in their "endless flounces"
(1853, p. 82).
One writer's detailed observations of a dance dress sounds almost like dressmaking instructions.
a Gitana dress of yellow, blue, and white, with zig-zag scroll-work in black running across the bosom and along the bottom of the skirt in numerous tucks. This. . .was evidently a reminiscence of the arabesque scroll-work in the neighbouring Alcazar;. . . . From the apex of 80
each lower angle of the scroll hung a small ball, likewise black, which whirled fantastically with the motions of its mistress. (Hughes, 1845, p. 359)
One of the few travel accounts which refers directly to its own illustrations is that of Blackburn who saw gypsy dancers at Granada "The dances were chiefly sustained by four young girls, dressed exactly as in our illustration
(Fig. 40), with abundance of bright colours and trinkets"
(1866, p. 208). The author states in the preface that the illustrations have all been taken from life and are by Mr.
John Phillip, Mr. Lundgren, and Mr. Walter Severn. Webster
(1882) used the same illustration sixteen years later in his travel account.
The pa&uelos (a fichu) around the neck and covering the bosom could be white but were usually some bright color
(Borrow, 1914; March, 1856; Romer, 1843), even a Madras
(March, 1856). They also seem to have worn the "faja, or sash, of richest silk, and varied colors" (March, 1856, p.
222).
Mantôns de Manila had been worn by women of all classes, but by the 1850s they were going out of fashion and were being worn only by the common people according to Pérez
Galdôs (1986). Romer (1843, p.182) thought those being worn at Seville were "always of the gaudiest hue".
K handkerchief tied under the chin with the ends falling on the shoulder seems to have been the only headgear worn by the gitanas (Borrow, 1914; March, 1856). When not 81
covered with the handkerchief, the head was adorned with
ribbons, flowers, pearls, (Dumas, 1958; Quillinan, 1847;
Hughes, 1845), or whatever "tawdry jewelled combs or pins
that can be scraped together" (Tenison, 1853, p. 182).
Although most accounts of gitanas refer only to their
dishevelled hair (Borrow, 1914; Gautier, 1926) one writer
while in Granada elaborated on the hair and face:
Their black hair was universally worn parted on the forehead, and fastened in a knot at the back of the head with a profusion of pink or cherry-coloured ribbons, and clusters of roses and pomegranate blossoms: but I look in vain for the parchite, or round black patch upon each temple, which I had understood to have been invariably worn by the Andalusian Gitanas; and, as not one of these women exhibited that distinguishing mark, I concluded that it must be peculiar only the female Gipsies of Seville. (Mrs. Romer, Vol. 2, 1843, p. 112)
Accounts of gitanas' footwear vary and include red morocco shoes (Desbarrolles, 1851), and blue velvet slippers
(Gautier, 1853), shoes cut very low and adorned with little buckles of silver (Borrow, 1914), and "strong high-lows"
(Thornbury, 1860, p. 173). While many gitanas probably went bare-legged, from time to time they are remarked upon as wearing white stockings (Quillinan, 1847), or something more striking such as a pair of lilac silk stockings with gold wrought clocks (Hughes, 1846). Fairs were important occa sions and at the one in Granada a writer commented on gita nas who "however "wild in their attire" in other respects, had smart, open-worked stockings" (Adolphus, 1858, n. 190). 82
Gitanas always wore jewelry, particularly earrings.
These could be a
full three inches long and so heavy that the ears were drawn down to a great length; some I observed to be slit through by the wire, the ear-rings in those cases being suspended by a strong thread fixed round the ear itself. . . . Their fingers were covered with rings, both of gold and silver tinge. (Poco Mas, 1845, p. 29)
Hughes (1845) described gitana earrings as large crescents of gold, while according to Borrow (1914, p. 163) the gitanas "are fond of large ear-rings, whether of gold, silver, or metal". Other items of jewelry mentioned in travel accounts are necklaces of amber, coral, or glass beads (Gautier, 1853; Gautier, 1926), bracelets and lockets
(Quillinan, 1847; Hughes, 1845).
In addition to the costume identified above it seems probable that gitanas also wore some variation on the maja jacket as several travel accounts refer to it worn with the flounced skirt. Borrow described the dress of young gitanas and those in comfortable circumstances as "a black bodice laced up with a string, and adjusted to their figures and contrasting with the scarlet-coloured saya" (Borrow, 1914, pp. 166). Another travel account refers to a red satin tight fitting peaked bodice with short tight sleeves which was worn with a flounced skirt (Quillinan, 1847).
The most conclusive evidence however is a description of a gitana at the horse fair at Zaragoza (northern Spain).
She was described by the Spanish writer, Poco Mas, as O J
wearing a flounced skirt and having sleeves that "fastened
at the wrists by rows of gilt, open-worked buttons hanging
loosely" (1845, p. 29). These sleeves are a characteristic
of the maja costume.
Thornbury's Gipsy Dancers (Pig. 41) wear fashionably
cut evening dresses of the 1850s which are heavily trimmed
over the (dropped) shoulders (a characteristic of maja
dress), and one wears what appears to be an overskirt of
madroAes. Both of his gypsies wear characteristic gypsy
hairstyles and ornaments.
George Sorrow's description cf a Seville gitana in his
1841 non-fictional book. The Zincali. was the basis for
innumerable gitanas in nineteenth century novels and travel
accounts (Starkie, 1953) including Prosper Mérimée's novel of 1845 about a gypsy cigarrera-cum-contrabandista named
Carmen. In the following section cigarreras and their costume will be discussed.
The Cigarreras atnd Their Dress
Gautier (1926) equates the cigarrera of Seville and the manola of Madrid. Wells equated the maja and the cigarrera costumes "the black satin, low-quartered shoe is of a different material; but the snow-white stocking, and dark green skirt the same--and the black-velvet bordered mantilla is the identical one" (Wells, 1846, p. 407). Cigarreras were described as being somewhat brazen-faced and forward
(Stuart-Wortley, 1856), and has having an instinctive 84
coquetry (Wells, 1846). The cigarrera was considered only
slightly more moral than the maja by one author (Wells,
1846).
The tobacco factories at Alicante, Valencia, Madrid,
and Seville (the largest) employed several thousand women who could be observed by paying a small fee to tour the
factory. The women, particularly in the heat of summer, wore the barest minimum it seems while at work for "the extreme negligence of their dress enabled one to appreciate their charms in full liberty" (Gautier 1926, p. 291). Their state of undress at work and the costume worn in public were frequently reported in the travel literature.
Laurent (active 1860s-1880s) photographed one of these cigarreras (Pig. 42) wearing a flounced skirt over a crinoline which makes it stand out. The use of the crinoline suggest that this photograph was taken in the
1860s. She also wears a mantôn de Manila and conspicuously displays her fan. Her pose is not dissimilar to that of
Goya's majas. This photograph which was titled A Cigarrera, was sold through Laurent's catalogue and although it was probably taken during the 1860s it appeared in travel accounts published as much as forty years later (Higgin,
1902; Kennedy, 1904).
Many authors have commented on the fact that the cigarrera no matter how poorly attired wore a flower in her hair even when at work in the factory, although this is 85
hardly surprising given the climate. Several authors have
confirmed that the mantilla de tira (worn also by the manolas) was the garment of the cigarrera (Stuart-Wortley
1856; Wells, 1846). Ford described it as having "no lace, but is made of black silk with a broad band of velvet"
(Ford, 1966, p. 301).
On Sundays and bullfight days the cigarrera was seen in the streets "her full skirt flounced with huge frills, and her sleeves trimmed with jet buttons, inhaling the smoke of her puro, and passing it from time to time to her gallant"
(Gautier, 1926, p. 291). Button trimmed sleeves are characteristic of the maja jacket. One writer described their shawls as "long yellow mantles of espumilla (which is a kind of thread crape) these mantles fall in sweeping folds, covering them from the head to the foot," (Stuart-
Wortley, 1856, Vol. 1, pp. 69-70). However the "silkiness of her hose was not much to speak of" (Wallis, 1854, p. 187).
The way in which the terms maja (or manola), gitana, and cigarrera, and the elements of dress, were so easily intermingled is demonstrated in the following passage written in Seville:
A black-eyed, gipsy-looking girl, one of the cigarreras. . .in a tight boddice(sic) of black velvet, beneath which a white saya, or short skirt, depended--ful1, floating and miraculously flounced. Her hair was braided, into the mona, or top-knot, which is worn by the majas at festive times, and there were carnations and roses tastefully mingled with her 86
tresses, and festooned along her drapery. (Wallis, 1847, pp. 186-187)
Occasions for Which Andalusian Dress Was Worn
In this section occasions for which Andalusian dress
was worn will be discussed. These occasions include various
festivals, the bullfight, and Spanish dances performed in
Spain.
Festivals
The feast of San Isidro, patron of Madrid, is held on
May 15th and is celebrated on the banks of the Manzanares
river. Goya's The Meadow of San Isidro (1788), taken from
life, shows the celebrants dressed as majos and majas. Men
and women were still dressing as majos and majas in the mid-nineteenth century when Calderôn de Barca criticized
upper class women at the festival of San Isidro who imitated
the "true Manola. Her wit, her repartees, her grace, her dress, are all her own; so are the bell-shaped, embroidered petticoat, the pearl-colcured stockings, the high cut shoe,
the striped mantilla. . .the plaited hair" (Calderôn de
Barca, 1856, p. 266). Although the writer, a native of
North America, might condemn the custom of wearing the manola dress, the upper classes of her day were maintaining a tradition established in the time of Goya.
Sevillian artist José Bécquer produced at least two versions of The Road to the Fair. The one in The Andalusian
Album for 1837 (Fig. 43} is accompanied with these charming 87 words, which serve as further confirmation of a tradition of wearing the maja garb on certain occasions only;
she has left her fine basquina and mantilla at home, and has put on the simple dress, in which she can more at ease enjoy the festivities of the feria. She too has laid by the natural timidity of manner— she is called to play a part--she has to support the honor of the country as a true maja. (Honan, 1837)
One of the best known paintings of a fair is Manuel
Rodriguez de Guzmdn's La Feria de Santiponce (Pig. 44) which shows numerous figures in Andalusian dress. On the left is a dancing woman in a three tiered costume, while in the ox drawn cart on the right several flirtatious young women are carefully arranged to display their costumes. This fair, or rather the end of the fair and its mood was described in
1856 in words that suggest that it had an authenticity which was lacking in the public pagentry of some other countries:
the Feria de Santi Ponce I know not if it is still the case, but formerly the rank and fashion of Seville were wont to repair to the Calle de Castilla to watch the triumphant re-entry of Majos and Gitanas and Corral- eras, into the town, after their festive doings at this popular fair. The Aficionados and Majos on horseback (with their brown enclavers seated behind them) display, then and there, their vanities and velvets to the best advantage, and the scene is all a-glow with local colouring;— natural and native colour, indeed!— no specious, factitious rouge rubbed on for the occasion, as in some sickly and forced shows of pre tended nationality in other less racy, and less rudely- romantic lands. (Stuart-Wortley, Vol. 2, 1856, p. 66)
Stuart-Wortley's description was compatible with the romantic image of Spain, and was what readers expected to 88
find in a travel account. It is perhaps entirely true. But
evidence to the contrary exists, associated with another
Andalusian fair. Davillier's expectations of the
Andalusians were disappointed by a visit in the 1860s to the
Feria de Torrijos near Seville:
as to the majas, we have never seen anything so grotesque as the fashionable Parisian attire in which they indulge on these occasions only. . .they disguise themselves as Se&oras at the fete of Torrijos. The majas achieve this triumph of toilet by borrowing nameless cast off odds and ends of faded finery--canary or apple-green bonnets of marvellous device, the relics of a bygone generation. (Davillier, 1876, pp. 280-81)
There are several explanations for these conflicting
reports. It may have been a few years difference in their
visits, of the specific fairs attended, of perspective, or
of the impression the writer wished to give the reader.
Nonetheless Davillier’s disappointment at the fair-goers
preference for fashionable cast-offs to "authentic"
Andalusian dress is evidence that the image was firmly
established by his time.
The Bullfight
Bullfights were a part of most, if not all fairs, and
were also held weekly in the major towns. It seems that by
the 1850s when attending the bullfight women of the middle
or lower classes were wearing brightly colored mantôns de
Manila (Andersen, 1864) which were declining as a high
fashion item (Worth, 1986) while it was the fashion for upper class women to dress as majas. Although March (1856) 89 claimed that French fashions prevailed at the bull-fights, his travel account may not always reflect the observations of an eye-witness as others have claimed that the Spanish mode prevailed at the bull ring. At the Plaza de Toros of
Madrid "many of the most noble families in Madrid are constant and unfailing attendants in the arena; and many of the ladies, leaders of fashion, have lately appeared in the
Maja dress" (Tenison, 1853, p. 321).
Stuart-Wortley (1856) did not know if the mantilla de tira worn by the cigarreras was the same as that worn by members of the nobility who dressed as majas for the bull-fight. But as an aside to her tirade against the ring she does give an extensive account of maja dress:
The ladies' costumes are often described very minutely in accounts of these odious assemblies, as are ladies dresses at drawing-rooms and state-balls in London. We are told that at a certain corrida at Madrid the Duquesas de M y de F wore vistosos zorongos, and those graciosas mantillas called mantillas de tira. The Duquesa de A-- wore a petticoat of delicate rose-colour, with black laces and flounces, a monillo of black velvet, with decorations of couleur de rose, rose and silver zorongo, and a mantilla con tira negra. La Sehorita de C— was gracefully attired in a black dress, with golpes of the same hue, and a botonadura (set of buttons) of silver, and a charming rose in her head. The Condesa de Teba (the present Empress of the French) appeared in a petticoat of azure silk, adorned with black and corinto, a monillo color de corinto, decorated with blue, and with gold and silver, a white mantilla, and an azure-coloured zorongo, enriched with silver ornaments. These are all, I believe, maja costumes; and the same journal informs us, the fashion of wearing maja costumes at the bull-fights increases much; and are exceedingly pretty and graceful they must look. . . (emphasis in the original text) (Stuart-Wortley, 1856, Vol. 1 pp. 281-2) 90 Dance
As noted in Chapters two and four, Andalusian culture
has dominated Spain since the eighteenth century. This
cultural domination is particularly well expressed in the
dance which combines music, dance, and costumes. Andalusian
dances such as the fandango, the bolero, the malaguefSas were
among the most popular dances both on and off the stage.
Professional dancers performed in taverns, cafes, and
theaters all over Andalusia. The setting of Joaquin
Bécquer*s Gypsv Dance (Fig. 39) is a patio of a cafe or
tavern where the performers are two gitanas in multi
flounced dresses over which are simple pafiuelos. These costumes are fairly simple, but other dance costumes are more elaborate. The costumes in the Bolero Dancers at the
Theater of Câdiz (Pig. 45) seem to have been taken directly from Ribelles 1828s costume plate of a bolero dancer (Fig.
46). The highwaisted bodice and overall silhouette of this costume suggest that it was taken directly from this earlier source and was not contemporary with the book. It is nonetheless a showy costime with its deep lace flounces.
Gustav Dore's The Fandango at the Theater San Fernando,
Seville (Fig. 47) made during his trip of 1862 was taken from life. His dancers wear flounced skirts extended by the fashionable cage crinoline and have tight fitting maja bodi ces. The jacket of the woman on the right is clear eviden ce of the development of the much shorter "bolero" jacket. 91
The Andalusian costume was clearly considered the only
suitable costume for Andalusian dances as early as the
1830s. For the fandango both male and female dancers
"dressed in the Andalusian costume, which belongs to the dance" (Roscoe, 1837, p. 244). Bolero dancers on a Madrid stage were described this way:
the man, in the dress of an Andalusian peasant--for to Andalusia the dance properly belongs. . .his partner in a gaudy dress of red, embroidered with gold. These are nothing more than the usual holiday-dresses of the Andalusian peasantry. (Inglis, 1831, Vol. 1, p. 106)
Dance costumes have traditionally been showy, parti cularly for the stage, and there are numerous references by travelers to silver and gold and spangles. Eugenio Lucas La mala de oro v plata (The Maja in Silver and Gold) illustrat es just such a costume. Poco Mas (1845, pp. 235-6) describ ed a dancer "dressed in a skirt of silver tissue with a variety of flounces and furbelows; a tight corsage of the same stuff. . .close-fitting sleeves", while Ford said that
"the sparkle of the gold lace and silver filigree adds to the lightness of their motions" (Ford, 1970). Some years later silver-embroidered bodices and spangled head-dresses were observed by Dumas (1958, p. 199). Terms like "silver tissue", "filigree", and "embroidery" should not be taken too literally however as these writers are reporting on an effect and not necessarily on a technique.
In motion these costumes must have been visually 92
In motion these costumes must have been visually
exciting. The flicker of the silver and gold, and the movement of tassels and fringes on the dresses and shawls
contributed to the excitment of the dance. At a Màlaga
theater a dancer performing the cachucha wore a dress of
green silk, trimmed with gold, and the lower half was entirely surrounded by a loose tassel-work of glittering gold fringe. When she stood still, it hung in rich and heavy folds around her; but, when turning rapidly in the windings of the dance, it would expand into a golden halo. (MacKenzie, 1847, p. 199)
A quarter of a century later professional dancers from the different theatres of Seville were described at a private dance. Their "dresses, for the most part, consisted of a tight bodice of velvet or silk, and a crimson or yellow skirt, surrounded with heavy founces of fringe, extending nearly up to the waist" (Warren, 1851, pp. 200-1).
In some dances accessories were laid aside as part of the dance. For the Malagueha the dancer appeared with a fan and mantilla which she then laid aside (Gautier, 1826). In a Fandango entitled "El torero y la Malagueha" (The
Bullfighter and the Woman of Màlaga) the dancer enters with a mantilla and fan but the former is laid aside early in the dance (Pettigrew, 1861). In other dances the fan and pahuelos were laid aside, evidently so that the castanets could be better managed (Dennis, 1839). 93
Portraits and Masquerade
The use of Andalusian dress for portraits and
masquerade dates back to the time of Goya. Not all
portraits in which Andalusian dress is worn necessarily
represent masquerade dress. It can be said however that
Andalusian dress was considered attractive and appropriate
for both portraits and masquerade.
In nineteenth century Spain masquerade balls, particularly at the time of carnival, were held in Madrid and other major Spanish towns such as Granada (Scott,1838).
Among the female costumes worn during the 1830s and 1840s at the Teatro de Oriente in Madrid during carnival were those of Andalusia (Poco Mas, 1845).
The gap between fashionable and gitana dress would have narrowed in the late 1840s to the end of the 1850s when fashionable dresses frequently featured a tiered or flounced skirt (see Appendix C). This similarity would have served to make gitana dress more acceptable as a "costume” for dance and masquerade and also helped to elevate its perceived attractiveness for artists and foreign travelers.
The painter Madrazo is known to have done a picture of the Duchess of Medina-Coeli "represented in a superb
Andalusian dress, which exactly suits her style. They say she sent a magnificent one as a present to the queen, who returned her a parure of diamonds," according to Calderôn de
Barca (1856, p. 98). This writer also reported that the 94
Duchess of Medina-Coeli went dressed as a gitana for a ball
during carnival in the 1850s, "and looked the character as
if she had been born to it" (p. 218). It would be
interesting to know if this was the same costume she had
worn in Madrazo's painting of her.
Other members of the upper classes who wore what was
variously described as Andalusian, maja, or gitana dress can
be identified. For example at the Carnival on the Prado in
Madrid "the ancient dress of Andalusia, which, without being
costly, is extremely beautiful" (Quin, 1823, p. 213) was
worn by the young Marchioness of Alcanisas.
The American born governess to the Spanish royal
family, Fanny Calderôn de Barca (1856, p. 216) described a young royal princess as "fancifully dressed in a little maja costume," during carnival. This must surely be the Infanta
Isabella who was born in December 1851 (Fig. 48).
It is unfortunate so little is known about two portraits from the 1850s of women in maja costume. One of these, formerly in the Cincinnati Museum of Art, is thought to be the Countess of Quinto (Fig. 49). The other portrait
"of a maja of Seville in full dress" (Stuart-Wortley, Vol.
2, 1856, p. 56) was in the Casa de Pilatos in Seville in the
1850s, but could not be traced by this researcher.
Maja and gitana dress for masquerade were not limited to Spain. One of the earliest examples of Andalusian dress for masquerade appeared in La Belle Assamblée (1819) an 95
English publication which featured a Spanish Fancy Costume
(Pig, 50). The Spanishness of this costume is based on the
three tiers of the dress and the ball fringe used to trim the garment. The hat is somewhat fashionable but certainly not Spanish, and the waist length braids are more characteristic of the women of northwestern Spain. It is possible that this costume was based upon one of the 1801 costume plates, the Bolero Dancer (Fig. 14).
Gustave Leonhard de Jonghe’s masquerader in Spanish costume in The Finishing Touches Before the Fancy Dress Ball of 1865 is a little girl (Fig. 51). She wears a redecilla, maja jacket and pointed bodice, and a short skirt with a broad lace flounce over a fashionable crinoline. This costume may have been based on any one of the numerous ballet prints then in circulation of Fanny Elssler or some other dancer who had performed a ballet with a Spanish theme.
The Andalusian Image of Spain
The people, their costumes, their dances, and their music were foremost among what was considered Spanish and
Andalusian. The Andalusians themselves were thought to be
"volatile, passionately fond of show, gallant with the fair sex, gay and lively, they bear no resemblance to the
Spaniards of the other provinces" (Pecchio, 1823, p. 117).
Reality did not always live up to the image of course, but few travelers were as candid as Alexander Dumas who 96
expressed his disappointment in the following comments:
Imagine blue and white striped dresses covering wrists and ankles; scarlet sashes to match the hair ribbons; stockings, once white, now a dirty grey; large, broad feet in shoes that bore no relation to the rest of their costume; and you have a fairly accurate picture of these dancing girls. We had asked for real gypsies; now we had them. (Dumas, 1958, p. 124)
Another Frenchman, Gautier, defined the Andalusian image when he wrote that "our dreams were all of orange and lemon-trees, of cachuchas, castanets, dancing skirts and picturesque costumes; for everybody (in Spain) was giving us marvelous accounts of Andalusia" (Gautier, 1926, p. 152).
This image did not change much over the years nor from country to country. In a typical equation of Andalusia with
Spain, an Englishman wrote that:
To the general mind, Spain is a matter of mountains and orange-trees, castanets, dancing veils, black-lace fans, and those filigreed lace jackets blazoned on plum-boxes, which are said to be the work of the Spanish Royal Academicians, who contribute all sorts of clever illustrations to promote the sale of plums. (Thornbury, 1860, p. 295)
Evidence of those "plum-boxes" Thornbury refers to exist in abundance. One example of a work of art used commercially is Belgrano's After the Bullfight (Fig. 52).
This painting, minus the background, and flanked by roses was used on a paper wrapper for fruit now in the Museo Artes
Populares at Malaga. This museum has two large scrapbooks of undated labels and packaging papers, most of which bear a 97
figure or figures in Andalusian dress. Commercial use of
these images served to reinforce and perpetuate the
Andalusian image of Spain.
Souvenirs and Books
In addition to exported fruit and wines bearing
Andalusian images of dress, many of the popular souvenirs
contributed to this image. Popular souvenirs were often
clothing and dance related items which were symbolically
Spanish but epitomized Andalusia. An Englishman’s souvenir
list of 1851 included "castanets, silk scarfs, fans,
filagree buttons, and lace" (Wolff, 1851, p. 276). At
Malaga, Andros (1860) bought a sombrero, and some locally
made terra-cotta figures--a peasant and a contrabandista.
Figurines such as that in Figure 51 were first produced in
the 1820s probably in response to the tourist market and
were made at Seville, Granada, and Màlaga (Winckworth,
1961). To the best of this writer's knowledge all of these
figurines reflect Andalusian fashions of the 1820s and
1830s.
One need not go to Spain to acquire figurines of
Andalusian women in costume. Rockingham, a porcelain works in England, created a series of European peasant figures
from about 1826 to 1841 which included nine Spanish figures, among which was a Femme de L ’Andalousie (Cox, 1977). This figure was a direct copy from the 1817 lithograph with the same title by Hippolyte Lecomte (Fig. 33). 98
In addition to bound volumes of costume plates other
books of the period helped to establish the Andalusian image
of Spain. John Frederick Lewis' two volumes of lithographs
discussed above were an important contributor to that image
in the 1830s. Like most travelers to Spain, Lewis spent
nearly the whole of his stay in Andalusia; this is of course
reflected in his works.
Albums (published collections of poetry, short stories,
songs, and illustrations) for young ladies enjoyed a period
of great popularity during the 1830s. Honan's The
Andalusian Album for 1837 (Figs. 31, 32, 43) published at
London was not, as the title implies, one of a series of
Andalusian albums. Rather, Andalusia was the theme of this
volume which is handsomely illustrated with color costume
plates. Although many publishers of the period created
albums this is the only one known to have a Spanish theme.
The Andalusian Album for 1837 was illustrated by José
Bécquer, a native of Seville.
In Art
Both Spanish and foreign artists utilized the
Andalusian theme in their works. Gypsy themes, often
Spanish gypsy themes were common among French artists of the
1830s and 1840s. Among the four hundred Spanish paintings in King Louis-Philippe's collection in Paris between 1838 and 1848 were Goya's Duchess of Alba (Fig. 5) and his Majas on a Balcony (The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York). 99
The most extensively copied of Goya's works during this
period were his three "majas on a balcony", in addition to
the one at the Louvre there was a Majas on a Balcony and
Maja and Celestina on a Balcony on view in Madrid. Among
the reasons Glenndinning (1976) gives for the popularity of
these particular paintings are their nationalistic theme and
the seductiveness of the majas and their dress. The number
of copies, and works loosely based on this theme meant that
it was well known, and easily recognizable as Spanish.
Although the theme of majas on a balcony has been adapted in
a variety of ways most artists have sought to maintain the
Spanishness of the original. This has been done by painting
majas or at least women with some elements of Spanish dress
such as the fan and mantilla.
Eugenio Lucas, a follower of Goya, painted at least
eighteen majas on a balcony (Arnaiz, 1981). Lucas has been described as palatable to the Romantics, but "actually a sentimental Realist, intent on portraying traditional usages and customs which were rapidly vanishing in his day"
(Lopez-Rey, 1956, pp. 40-41). For example Lucas' On the
Balcony (1850) (Fig. 55) was based on Goya's Maja and
Celestina but the costume is loosely painted with the mantilla and fan being the only clear indicators of her
"Spanishness". Lucas' other "majas on a balcony" are also full figured women with bell shape skirts reflecting the fashions of the 1840s and 1850s, but the elements of 100
dress— the mantillas, fans, the maja bodices and jackets
link them to the past. The costumes make all of his
paintings on this theme emphatically Spanish, although the
balcony in all of the paintings, and the occasionaly guitar
or majo contribute to the mood.
While the majority of these majas on a balcony were members of Mrs. Warren's profession, Thornbury's (1860)
anonymous illustrator sanitized her for popular consumption by entitling her La Campanil a (daughter of the bell tower keeper)(Fig. 53). The balcony has been elevated and Spanish architectural elements added, but it is her bodice with its heavily trimmed shoulders and the comb (her companion holds the fan) that certify her as a maja.
On The Stage
In 1834 a group of Spanish dancers from Madrid appeared in London and in Paris where Gautier, a ballet critic, lavished praise on them. When the Spanish dancers who had performed in 1834 returned to Paris in 1837 Gautier wrote a lengthy article expressing his enthusiasm and explaining their appeal which was based on the physical beauty of the dancers, and the emotional energy with which they danced.
In a telling passage he claims that.
the cachucha is a national dance of a primitive character and such barefaced simplicty that it has become chaste. It is so openly sensual, so boldly amorous, and its provocative coquetry and delirious exuberance are so full of the joys of youth that it is easy to forgive the Andalusian impetuosity of some of its mannerism. (Guest, 1986, p. 7) 101
With such enthusiastic reviews it is hardly surprising that Spanish dance troupes continued to appear with some frequency throughout Europe in the 1840s and 1850s (Guest,
1972). These Spanish dance troups had a direct influence on the ballet, and it is quite possible that Fanny Elssler and other ballerinas took lessons from these dancers.
Thematically ballets of the first half of the nineteenth century fall into two types according to ballet historian
Ivor Guest (1972). These types are those with a supernatural theme and those which are based on exotic local color, many of which had Spanish themes.
The most famous "Spanish" ballet costume was first worn by Pauline Duvernay as Florinda (Fig. 55), one of "at least six representations of her in the Cachuca, three being frontispieces to arrangements of the music of the dance for the piano" (Beaumont, 1938, p. 122). The Cachuca was by far the most popular dance in a popular ballet The Devil on Two
Sticks (Le Diable Boiteux) and was often performed on its own apart from the ballet. Miss Duvernay's Spanish costume was possibly derived from Ribelles "Bolero" costume plate
(Pig. 46) of 1825. In turn the 1825 costume plate seems to have been taken from the 1801 plate (Fig. 14). The extensive use of the 1801 costume plates in later works, which was discussed in Chapter 4, meant that the costume certainly was already a recoginzable image by the 1830s. 102
However the strongly contrasting black lace on a pink skirt
seems to have originated with the Florinda costume.
It was the Austrian Fanny Elssler (one of the greatest
ballet dancers of the nineteenth century) who made this role
and the costume famous. Gautier, informs us that "We have
seen Rosita Diez, Lola (Montez?), and the best dancers of
Madrid, Seville, Câdiz, and Granada; we have seen the gitanas of Albacia; but nothing approaches that Cachuca danced by Elssler" (from Les Beautés de 1*Opéra, quoted in
Beaumont's The Romantic Ballet. 1947, p. 15). Gautier
reported that.
She comes forward in a basquine(sic) skirt of pink satin trimmed with wide flounces of black lace; her skirt, weighted at the hem, fits tightly on the hips (sic). . .the diamond brooch on her bodice sparkle(s) . . .fine mesh of her silk stockings. . .high comb, the rose at her ear. (Guest, 1986)
Numerous costume plates of Fanny in her Cachuca costume were made and were the source of illustrations for the popular press. She was further immortalized by the mass production of a 'biscuit' porcelain figure of her by S.W.
Arnold which was in the 1851 Exhibition in London (Godden,
1974, p. 35). There is also a statuette of her in the costume by Jean-Auguste Barre (Guest, 1986). The original costume is now preserved in a museum in Vienna (Guest, 1970) and was used to create a reproduction for a 1972 scholarly reenactment of Fanny Elssler's Cachuca, an unusual event in the dance world due to technical difficulties (Guest, 1982). 103
Fanny Elssler was not the only dancer to perform
"Spanish dances", nor was The Devil on Two Sticks the only
"Spanish" ballet. Other dancers and other ballets enjoyed their share of popularity, and publicity. Stage productions, ballet prints of the various dancers, drawings of dancers in such publications as I'1 lustration and The
Illustrated London News, and porcelain figurines provided those outside of Spain with very specific visual images of
Spanish dress and ideas as to Spanish dance and culture.
Nearly all of the costumes for these "Spanish" dances are
Andalusian, regardless of the plot or setting.
So convincing was the Andalusian image that while in
Spain Gautier reported seeing at a ball
a woman in a full pink satin Spanish skirt, trimmed with five or six flounces of black silk lace, like the one worn by Fanny Elssler in Le Diable Boiteux; but she had been to Paris, where she had discovered the Spanish costume. (Gautier, 1926, p. 100)
Despite his sophistication it is clear that for Gautier at least, it was the stage which defined what was Spanish, and it was Andalusia which defined Spain.
The Elements of Dress as Symbols
Only when Andalusian dess was a firmly established visual convention could it be reduced to a single element of dress to symbolize the whole. Titles and posture of the figures are often significant clues to the meaning of a work of art. Many paintings of the period have as their subject 104
a woman in a mantilla and carrying a fan. This in itself is
considered sufficient, along with the title to indicate
Spanishness.
Still lifes present a different sort of test of
symbolic meaning. The choice of such symbols is partially
dependent on color, size, shape and other artistic consider
ations. It is also dependent on the strength of the symbol
as a visual convention to convey meaning. Louis Devedeaux's
Hommage à Empress Eugénie (Christies, 1988) is one such
still life. Although the title provides the viewer with a
clue (Eugénie was a Spaniard and a native of Granada) in
order for the objects to work as symbols they must have been
established conventions.
Hommage à Empress Eugénie was painted in the 1850s or
1860s and contains a hat, shawl and lute which according to
Christie's catalogue (October 26, 1988) are references to
her Spanish origins. The hat is the montera cap worn by
both majos and majas. The shawl appears to be a man's
alfombra, the striped wool saddle bag or alternatively the
broad striped manta common to both Valencia and Eugenie's native Andalusia.
The use of the man's shawl rather than the woman's mantôn de Manila suggest that the association of the latter with Ar.dalusia/Spain had yet not been established. This is hardly suprising as the mantôn de Manila was still, although in decline, a part of fashionable dress. 105
Discussion and Summary
During this period the maja was replaced by the manola who dressed in a showy but less spendid fashion. Artists, writers, and travelers began to show an increasing interest
in the gitanas and gitana dress and less interest in the majas. The cigarerras of Seville form a third and over
lapping group who wore both the manola and gitana dress.
The overall silhouette of Andalusian dress reflected changes in fashionable dress during the period 1809-1868, just as it had done in the previous period. The mantilla continued to be worn, but the basquina declined in use over time. The maja costume seems to have become outmoded during the 1840s and 1850s, while at the same time the gitana costume with its conspiciously flounced skirt came to the forefront. This may be attributed to its relative simplicity, the similarity of the skirt t') fashionable dress in the 1840s and 1850s, and to an increased interest in the gypsies on the part of travelers and artists. This interest helped to structure the Andalusian image, and because the gypsies were best known for intangibles such as music and dance, their costume provided a convenient visual image of their culture which in Spain is inseparable from that of
Andalusia.
As in the previous period the dress of the majas and gitanas were imitated by those of other classes. Evidence exists from throughout the period 1809-1868 that maja and 106 gitana dress was used by other Spanish women for Spanish dance, portraits, masquerade, and festive occasions.
Throughout Europe in the 1830s the Andalusian image of
Spain was expressed on the stage through popular ballets with Spanish themes. The publication of Lewis' lithographs and The Andalusian Album for 1837 helped to establish the
Andalusian image in England. In France the rage for gypsy themes in art and literature contributed to this image of
Spain. Souvenirs such as figurines and the packaging of
Andalusian produce also utilized this image. The extensive use of Andalusian dress in such diverse media, aimed at all levels of Western society made it highly recognizable. The absence of comparable images from other parts of Spain in any quantity meant that the image of Spain was that of
Andalusia. CHAPTER VI
SIMPLICATION OP THE IMAGE, 1869-1936
In this chapter Spanish and Andalusian dress will be examined as a context for a discussion of maja, gitana, and cigarrera dress during the period 1869-1936. This will be
followed by an examination of the use of these costumes for specific festive occasions. Dress and the Andalusian image of Spain in art and on the stage will then be explored.
Finally the reduction of the costume to one or two elements of dress to symbolize Andalusia and/or Spain and the use of the mantôn de Manila as a substitute for the costume will be addressed.
Spanish and Andalusian Dress
Many foreign travelers observed that there was nothing to distinguish the women of Spain, including those of
Andalusia, from the women of London, Paris, or Italy except the mantilla (Elwes, 1873; deAmicus, 1895). Others complained that the mantilla was not to be seen even at the bullfight (Rose,1875). During this period the mantilla and the mantôn de Manila are constantly referred to by travelers and appear frequently as part of the Andalusian dress.
These two articles of dress also appear alone and in combination to symbolize Spanishness. The basquina, so
107 108 important to Spanish dress in the past is never mentioned in travel accounts of the period.
When the first Spanish Republic floundered in 1870, an
Italian, ZWadeo of Savoy, was invited to become King of
Spain. In Madrid women of all classes showed their opposition to Amadeo "(by resuming) with pointed significance every old national custom. The women discard
French bonnets, and adopt (with much advantage to themselves) the beautiful mantilla" (Harvey, 1875, p. 72).
The old national custom included not just the mantilla but the high comb and flowers in the hair (Ramsay, 1874).
Although Amadeo reigned only two years, eight years later women were still wearing the mantilla in preference to hats according to one source (Bellingham, 1883).
Mantillas made entirely of chenille balls (madronas) were reported at the end of the last century (Harris, 1898) but most of the illustrations of this form of mantilla date from the 1920s. Hielscher calls it the Jerez Mantilla (Fig.
57). Jerez, that is Jerez de la Frontera, is a town near the port of Cadiz.
By the 1930s mantillas were not often worn in Spain except in Andalusia (Freeston, 1930). They wore more common in Seville than Granada, where they were sometimes worn minus the comb (Murdoch, 1935).
During the period 1869-1936 the mantôn de Manila became a symbol of both Andalusian and Spanish dress. In a set of 109
1880s Spanish regional costume plates these shawls are the
primary feature of the costumes of Côrdoba, Granada,
Seville, and Madrid (Pigs. 58, 59, 60, 61). Neither the
gitana nor the maja costume is used beneath the shawls in
these illustrations, although the flounced hem of the woman
of Madrid (Fig. 61) seems to imply the gitana costume. This shawl is not seen in any of the other plates in this series which would seem to indicate that it was viewed by the
Spanish as typical only of the regional dr^ss of these four cities/provinces.
Only women of the lower classes and the gitanas seem to have used the mantôn de Manila between the 1850s and the
1880s (Pérez Galdôs, 1986). In the 1880s a few observers implied that these shawls were only worn by peasant women and (cigarette?) factory girls and not by those of the upper classes (Harris, 1898; Reeves, 1892).
A change seems to have taken place, however, by the early years of this century when Mrs. Villiers-Wardel1 claimed that "these mantôna are also worn by Spanish women in varied positions of life, but in certain circumstances only. . .all Spanish women possess a mantôn de Manila; some possess very many of them, in varied designs, sizes and colours" (1909, p. 132-3). The revival of the mantôn de
Manila among a wide segment of the population was probably due to the general popularity of Andalusian dress for specific occasions. The use of these shawls as part of 110
gitana dress will be covered in the appropriate section below. The use of these shawls to cover most of the costume beneath it, or in lieu of a costume will be covered below in the discussion of The Elements of Dress as Symbols.
The Maias. Manolas. and Chulas and Their Dress
The term manola is rarely found in the travel literature of this period and the maja/manola costume when described is usually used in reference to dancers. Toward the end of the century the manola, once known as the maja, came to be called a chula (Kany, 1970; Williams, 1903). The term chula, and the chula costume, are confined to Madrid.
Innovations are seen in the maja costume of this period, particularly in the extensive use of chenille. There were a variety of bodices or jackets which were made of chenille or used it as trim. An Englishwoman (Villiers-Wardell, 1909, p. 134) reported seeing "a bolero jacket of plush with a neat frilled shirt front, which recalls those worn by the toreros. The jacket is cut in "Eton" shape, and there is a smart little waistcoat" (Figs. 60). Bodices were described as being red, blue, or yellow (Scott, 1886; Meriwether,
1392). The skirt was variously described as silk, satin, yellow, gaily colored, but always as short. Worn with the chenille ball bolero was the "madrohera, which is a sort of tunic made of chenil, in silk or a mixture of wool and cotton. The madronera is generally seen in black, and it is worn over a satin skirt short enough to display the ankles" I l l
(Villiers-Wardell, 1909). One traveler observed women in
what seems to be the maja dress at the Seville Plaza de
Toros wearing "the traditional bull-tight dress, yellow
satin trimmed with black chenille fringe and a mantilla of
the same chenille on the head" (Harris, 1898, p. 166). An
embroidered mantôn de Manila and a colored kerchief on the
head could also be worn with this costume (Scott, 1886;
Meriwether, 1892).
The Museu Textil d'Indumentaria in Barcelona owns a manola costume of the late nineteenth century (No. 88417) made of green satin with black madronera trim. The skirt
has large panels of net with chenille balls scattered
throughout, and it is edged with chenille tassels
(Figs. 63, 64).
The short skirted maja dress worn with a mantôn de
Manila, high comb and mantilla seems to have disappeared except for festive use by the 1880s (Chatfield-Taylor,
1896).
Splendor in dress had diminished through the nineteenth century. In the course of the century, the maja had evolved into the manola, and the manola (in Madrid) had evolved into the chula. The only description of the chula's visual appearance which could be found is the following:
The chula is the lower-class woman who adopts a peculiar style of dress, or rather, over-dressing, and a language which is vulgar, impudent, and vain. On festive occasions the distinguishing marks of her attire are, if we trust the well-known lines from 112
Cuadros Disolventes, a falda de percal plancha'a (well-starched and ironed print skirt), a zapato bajo de charol (low-cut patent-leather shoe), and a richly embroidered Manila shawl. (Williams, 1903, p. 220)
The mantôn de Manila is the only article of dress
common to the chula, the manola, the maja, the gitana, and
the cigarrera during this period. The maja costume during
this period steadily declined in use except for stage dress
and for certain types of art. Stage uses included
professional dancing and roles such as Carmen. Revivalist
painters, costume genre painters, and portrait artists used
this costume as well. The use of this costume in the
performing and fine arts will be discussed below. The maja
costume was largely replaced by the gitana costume as the
Andalusian costume during this period.
Gitana Dress
Although to "distinguish these no longer nomadic
Bohemians from the lower-class Andalusians around them is
not an easy task" (Calvert, 1908b, p. 84), in this section
only costumes identified as being worn by gitanas will be
included. Variations and changes over time in the costume
will be noted.
Gitana costumes of plain colored cloth were used
throughout this period but prints were also widely used at
least from the 1890s. Prior to this time few photographs were published and as artists were unlikely to have troubled themselves to create a printed pattern if a plain color 113 would suffice, evidence for the use of patterned fabrics is lacking.
Evidence from photographs indicates that in the 1890s the flounced gitana dress was being made up from printed and otherwise patterned fabrics. Among the textile patterns which were seen in the 1890s were a stripe, a coin dot print
(both in Chatfield-Taylor, 1896) (Fig. 65), and a small windowpane plaid (Reeves, 1892). Floral patterns seem to have been very popular in the period 1900 to 1920 and were still in use in the 1930s (MacBeth, 1931). The coin dot print seems to have been the preferred print during the
1920s and 1930s. Photographs show both light dots on a dark ground and dark dots on a light ground.
Gitana dress were usually very brightly colored. The color preferences seem not to have changed much by the 1930s when gitana dress was described as all the colors of the rainbow (Philips, c. 1931) and as orange and red, purple, and green, (Monica, 1937). Striking contrast in colors were common in the 1920s and 1930s such as the dress with a golden skirt and red flounces (Murdoch, 1935).
The bodices of the gitana costume are usually described as tight fitting (Murdoch, 1935; MacBeth, 1931). Macbeth
(1931) claimed that usually the bodices were plain colored
(and contrasting to the skirt). Photographs indicate that about half of the bodices are plain colored and contrasting 114 with the skirt while the other half seem to be the same
fabric as the skirt.
Two, or more frequently three flounces seem to have been the norm according to the photographic evidence.
However multiple rows of flounces are not unknown such as the costume worn by the professional dancer La Argentinita
(Hielscher, 1922). Only in the 1930s do travelers describe the costumes as having rows of frills (Phillips, c. 1931;
Murdoch, 1935). Contrasting, usually darker, edging is a feature is common but not universal from the mid-1890s. By the 1930s this dress with its tight bodice and flounced skirt and sleeves was termed the "traditional dress of the
Spanish gipsy" (Murdoch, 1935, p. 62).
The Museo Artes Populares at Mâlaga has a gitana dress
(Fig. 66) from the 1920s which is made of a plain weave printed cotton with puff sleeves and alternate flounces made of plain green cotton. The low round neckline is partially concealed by the green rayon panuelo with dark yellow fringes. The cloth is printed with green and red coin dots.
While in the previous period (1809-1868) the gitana costume was short (i.e. above the ankles), in the 1890s a new length appears— the trained skirt (Fig. 66). This form of dress is known today as the bata de cola. The addition of a train is significant for all of these costumes were worn for dancing and the presence of a train had to be reckoned with by the dancers. Two Triana gitanas in a 115
flamenco dance were described as wearing "gaudy flounced
dresses, just off the ground in front and elongated into a
train behind" (Michael, 1914, p. 146). Ortiz Echagiie
thought this costume significant enough to include in his
Tipos y Traies (Types and Costumes) of 1933 (Fig. 67), a
collection of photographs of Spanish regional dress. An
amusing account of a problem encountered by some wearers of
the bata de cola was given by Riley:
They wore differing versions of the typical Andalusian costume: high comb, tight bodice, full, long skirt with a train, the whole massed with ruffles of starched cotton. They sat with their trains turned up around their shoulders, partly because they were cold and partly to avoid mussing the ruffles. (1931, p. 37)
The most important accessory of this costume is the mantôn de Manila. Silk mantôns de Manila embroidered in polychrome patterns of birds and flowers are frequently mentioned as part of the gitana's dress throughout this period (Scott, 1886; Graham, 1898; Bates, 1900; Michael,
1914; Newell, 1922; Hawkes, 1926). Despite the sometimes vivid colors and complex patterns of the embroidery, these shawls were worn with the flounced gitana dress, even thci.e dresses made in printed fabrics (Graham 1898; MacBeth,
1931).
While gitanas are usually described as being bare headed there are accounts of various types of headgear, particularly a kerchief often tied under the chin. For example there was one in red silk (Wylie, 1870), a white one 116
(Smith, 1887), and others which were "bright" (Batesa,
1900). An alternative, probably for certain dances only,
was a man's sombrero worn with the gitana costume and a
fringed shawl (Hawkes, 1926, p. 152).
The gitanas almost invariably wore earrings which have been described as great hoops of gold (Smith, 1887), large silver earrings (Bates, 1900), scarlet and gold earrings as round as pennies (Murdoch, 1935), and as being of silver- gilt, shaped like crescents (Giles, c. 1929). Even the old gitanas wore earrings (Murdoch, 1935). Other types of
jewelry included necklaces and bracelets made of strings of blue beads (Smith, 1887), and big coral or amber necklaces
(Calvert, 1908a).
Only three descriptions of footwear could be found. A pair of black slippers with red heels in 1887 (Smith, 1887),
"boots with clothtops and highest of high heels" which were the fashion of the period (Graham, 1898), and a pair of heel less slippers (Monica, 1937).
Gitana dress during this period became the preferred form of Andalusian dress. In the following section the cigarreras, many of whom were gitanas, and their dress will be discussed.
Cigarreras and Their Dress
An estimated six thousand women, many of them gitanas, worked at the tobacco factory in Seville during the first decade of this century (Villiers-Wardell, 1909). It was 117
possible to tour the factory during the summer when de
Amicis went to Seville in 1872, although summer tours were
later discontinued (Franck, 1911). One writer expressed
quite clearly what others often implied "The cigarreras. . .
form a class by themselves, and unhappily are not noted for
their chastity" (Downes, 1883, p. 87-88).
Cigarreras were generally in a state of undress at work because of the heat (Poitou, 1873; Lathrop, 1883).
Cigarerras were described in the 1880s as being "dressed invariably in lively cotton prints, with short shawls of red, crimson, or saffron, or other hue outvying the tulip in garishness" (O'Shea, 1887, p. 306). However, the best known description of their everyday dress is that of de Amicis;
The walls, from one door to the other, in all three of the rooms are lined with skirts, shawls, kerchiefs, and scarfs. . .two predominant colors, in two continuous lines one above the other, like the stripes of a very long flag--the black of the shawls above, and the red mixed with white, purple, and yellow. . . . The girls put on these dresses when they go out, and wear old clothes to work in; but white and red predominate in those dresses also, (de Amicis, 1895, p. 128)
Laurent's photograph of a cigarrera in Fig. 42 was probably taken in the 1860s and certainly not later than
1880 yet it appears in twentienth century travel accounts
(Higgin, 1902; Kennedy, 1904). Although flounces seem to have been firmly established by the mid-nineteenth century as part of the costume, in this photograph the skirt is held out by a cage crinoline which had gone out of fashion at the 1 1 8
end of the 1860s (see Appendix C). The continued use of
photographs such as this helped to maintain the image of the
cigarerras, and indeed all A_.: .lusian women as dressing in
an antiquated, even quaint manner. While the flowers, fan
and mantôn de Manila are stable parts of this Andalusian
costume the skirt is a different matter. By 1904 when this
photograph was last known to have been published the
crinoline would have been viewed as antiquated. The
publication of such photographs, or any illustration decades
after its creation creates the impression that dress, or
some dress, in Spain or Andalusia was more related to the
past than the present.
The image of the cigarrera "smoking cigarettes in public is an operatic fiction: no such practice is common
in Spain" (Lathrop, 1883, p. 121). This statement is
confirmed by Newell (1922). This image was probably due in measure to their work, and was most certainly promoted by
Carmen, the fictional cigarrera. Carmen will be discussed below under The Andalusian Image of Spain.
Occasions for Which Andalusian Dress was Worn
In this section occasions for which Andalusian dress was worn will be discussed. These occasions include various festivals, the bullfight, and dancing. 119
Festivals
Festivals for which Andalusian dress was worn included
the April fair in Seville (held the week following Easter week), the Cruz de Mayo also called the Fiesta de Santa Cruz
(Sundays in May), and the Romeria del Rocio (pilgrimage to the shrine of Our Lady of the Dews) held in June.
In Seville Holy Week (Semana Santa) is followed two weeks later by the Feria de Abril (April Fair). Collect ively Semana Santa and the Feria de Abril are known as the
Fiestas de Primavera (Spring Festivals). The April Fair began in 1847 and is the most important fair in Andalusia.
The spring fairs in other Andalusian towns are similar to that of Seville. Andalusian costumes are worn for these festivals; over time the gitana costume has become the preferred costumes for these occasions.
A group of thirty posters advertising one or both events in Seville provide an interesting and consistant iconography source of data over several decades. No costumes are shown in the earliest poster in this series, dated 1886. Posters for 1894, 1895, and 1896 incorporate various Sevillian symbols but no women in festive costume.
The poster for 1890 includes two women in gitana costume but they are partially obscured by another figure.
Between 1897 and 1936 these posters are consistent in featuring women in Andalusian dress. The posters for 1897 and 1899 prominently feature a woman in maja costume but do 120
not include the mantôn de Manila. From 1900 to 1936 only
one poster does not feature this shawl.
The poster which best summerizes Andalusian dress is
one from 1913 (Fig. 68). In this poster Semana Santa is
represented by a black clad woman spectator wearing a black mantilla over a comb who peers around thf; curtain at the
scene of the April fair. This scene is very imaginative because the artist has used the costumes to indicate the times of the day and activities of the fair. In the background is the city of Seville indicating that the fair
is held on the outskirts. In the middle ground a male and female rider mounted on horseback represent the morning activities of the fair when young men clad in majo costume parade through the fairgrounds in majo dress. Riding pillion behind them are their wives or girlfriends in
Andalusian festive costume. Only the flowers in her hair and the yellow shawl of this woman are shown.
In the foreground of the fair scene one woman wears a yellow maja dress with two tiers of black madronas, and a mantilla over a comb. She is dressed for the afternoon bullfight as that is one of the few occasions when the white lace mantilla is worn.
The other woman in the foreground wears a red and white mantôn draped diagonally over her body which conceals the white skirt. She wears a comb and flowers in her hair, and she has a guitar. This figure is a direct reference to the 121
nightly dances and represents the first night of the fair.
On that night young women are dressed in "short ruffled
skirts, and a peculiar arrangement of the Manila shawls
forming the main part of the dress, the high combs and
brilliant "clavilles" giving just the right touch to this
fantastic and artistic costume. . .the mantillas were not
worn. . .(combs were worn) in front of which were placed
many flowers of varied color and hue" (Batcheller, 1913,
p. 268-269). On the second night "it is the custom for the
Spanish beauties to carry their shawls, and wear the
mantilla" (Batcheller, 1913, p. 270).
The observations of another traveler just a few years
earlier included a description of young women who were
"White-robed, white-sandalled, white mantillas, with shawls,
embroidered in glowing hues, folded over the arm, and
delicate white fans in hand, they look the very poetry of maidenhood" (Bates, 1900, p. 144). Whether perceived as
"gaudy" or "glowing in color", the polychrome mantôn de
Manila had become accepted fashion for the April fair at
Seville.
While only a few posters for fairs at Cordoba and
Mâlaga were seen these provide similar evidence. Cordoba
fair poster designs for the years 1912, 1913, and 1916 are dominated by statuesque young women wearing either the mantilla or the mantôn de Manila with contemporary fashionable dress (Julio Romero de Torres, 1983). Posters 122
of the Mâlaga fairs utilize the Andalusian dress as well.
These posters are evidence that these two garments were also
symbolic of traditional dress of these two cities, despite
their own local costumes.
The Cruz de Mayo
One of the occasions for which Andalusian dress was
worn was that of the Cruz de Mayo (Cross of May), which was
the only important May festival in Andalusia. This
festival, or some aspects of it, seems to date back at least
to the seventeenth century (Anderson, 1957). At the Cruz
de Mayo (held Sundays in May) girls of a street or;
neighborhood would set up a cross and decorate the patio and
entrance of private homes with flowers, drape mantôns de
Manila above the patio, and so forth. Passersby would make
a small contribution at the entrance to join in admiration
of the decorations and the dancing.
In S.M. del Rincon's A May Festival (Sotheby's, 1989) dated Malaga 1874, the women wear mantillas, maja jackets and short skirts with a broad band of madronas near the hem.
The high waisted dresses and the men's costumes indicate that the setting is late eighteenth or early nineteenth century. Due to Rincon's revivalism, this painting is not a reliable indicator of the costume worn for the Cruz de Mayo in the 1870s. However, it does provide evidence that this festival was considered both ancient and typically
Andalusian. 123
Most young women, and even small little girls, wore the
the gitana costume for the Cruz de Mayo. In the 1930s one
writer described the children and their costume:
little girls come out dressed brilliantly in the fashion of old Andalusia. Such a pretty sight it is to see a wee creature of three clinging to some one's hand and trotting along in a full, frilled skirt of the crinoline type, a coloured shawl tight about her shoulders, and, stuck in her absurd little coiffure, one of the high, round, coloured combs of Andalusia. (Murdoch, 1935, p. 84)
The gitana costume of a flounced dress and shawl was
worn for the Cruz de Mayo at least from the 1910s through
the 1950s (Anderson, 1957). In Sorolla's series of
paintings of the regions of Spain the aim was to capture the
spirit of the region depicted through the choice of scene
and the ethnographically correct costumes. One of the
Andalusian paintings The Dance depicts the Cruz de Mayo
(Fig. 69), set in a Sevillian patio. In this painting the
dancers have almost covered their dresses with the
embroidered shawls, while the seated girls drape them around
their shoulders. Mantillas, which are for the street and
church, are not worn.
The Romeria del Rocio
On Whitsunday the village of El Rocio in the province
of Huelva (western Andalusia) is the site of the most famous
romeria (pilgrimage) in Andalusia which attracts devotees to
Our Lady of the Dews from all over Spain, A painting of the
Romeria del Rocio in the Folk Museum of Seville and a 124 photograph from the 1920s (Pig. 70) show the mode of transportation, a covered cart, and the costume of the young women who were "dressed as the girls had been dressed for the Fiesta of Santa Cruz at Granada, in the full, flounced gown of old Spain" (Murdoch, 1935 p. 142).
Bui1 fights
At the bullfight the suitable costume during this period was the Andalusian dress, or fashionable dress with
Spanish/Andalusian accessories. These Spanish/Andalusian accessories are the mantilla and comb, the mantôn de Manila, and the fan. Both the white mantilla (Bates, 1900) and the chenille mantilla (Harris, 1898) were worn to the bullfight.
When attending the bullfight the traditional dress for women according to one traveler was "yellow satin trimmed with black chenille fringe and a mantilla of the same chenille on the head" (Harris, 1898, p. 166) but this was not the only costume worn at the turn of the century.
White mantillas, pinned with jewels, bent from the boxes, while the daughters of the people dazzled the eye with their festive display of Manila shawls, some pure white, some with colored figures on a white ground or a black, and some rainbow maze of capricious needle-work (Bates, 1900, p. 120).
The Hispanic Society of America has a collection of photographs taken in Seville in the 1920s which includes one taken at the bullring. There are five women in this photograph and four of them wear fashionable dress and have 125 their mantôns de Manilla draped over the wall in front of them. One of these women wears a fashionable hat while two wear lace mantillas and one wears the chenille mantilla.
The fifth woman wears an Andalusian man's hat, a severely tailored majo jacket with a vest and a white shirt.
Dance
The most important dancer in Seville at the turn of the century seems to have been José Otero. His dance studio, the Salon Oriente in the Calle Trajano, was frequently mentioned in the travel accounts (Batcheller, 1913;
Villiers-Wardell, 1909). A photograph of him with his students show a variety of stylish costumes (Fig. 71).
Otero's partner in Fig. 62 was described as wearing.
the bolero jacket of plush and the neat frilled shirt front, which recalls those worn by the toreros. The jacket is cut in "Eton" shape, and there is a smart little waistcoat. In this particular photograph you can judge how decorative the Spanish castanets can be. The bunch of ribbons is very important-1ooking, and in this case chenil tassels are mingling with the lengths of brilliant silk. (Villiers-Wardell, 1909, p. 134)
The second dance costume Villiers-Wardell describes has an identical skirt,
Another picturesque dress worn by Spanish dancers is the madronera, which is a sort of tunic made of chenil, in silk or a mixture of wool and cotton. The madronera is generally seen in black, and it is worn over a satin skirt short enough to display the ankles. It is accom panied by a small bolero, also made of chenil balls, and, as a rule, with this costume, the hair is dressed low, with a quantity of flowers at the back, behind the ears, and a big tortoise-shell comb. (Villiers-Wardell, 1909, p. 133) 126
Mrs. Villiers-Wardell also describes the mantôn de
Manila worn for the dance and provides an illustration (Fig.
72) but unfortunately does not tell us what was worn under the shawl. The mantôn de Manila, worn as a costume, was accompanied by flowers "in the hair, which was held in place by the typical Spanish comb, and now and again one of the girls danced with a "torero's" street hat placed coquettishly on her head" (Batcheller, 1913, pp. 324). The use of the shawl as a costume will be discussed at length below under The Elements of Dress as Symbols.
Some dancers dresses were more showy as for example those seen in Seville at an unnamed "School of Dancing" where "lady performers (were) in low dresses, short skirts, lace and spangles, with bows of every colour, stuck promiscuously at all available points" (Elliot, 1884).
The shorted skirted, brightly colored dress with spangles was considered the "traditional Spanish costume" by another writer (Patch, 1884).
Not all dancers were so ostentiously dressed however and there are numerous photographs of the period which illustrate calico dresses (Figs. 73). A traveler in Malaga thought that a calico skirt was the appropriate costume for
Spanish dancing as he records a star flamenco dancer
"habited in the voluminous calico skirt which Peninsular propriety prescribes for this particular exhibiton" 127
(Lathrop, 1883, p. 153). h few years later a dancer named
La Tenta was "attired in a long yellow calico gown hanging
loosely about her, much the worse for wear and not
overclean" (Smith, 1887, p. 20). The contrast between these
rather humble dresses and those with spangles, silk
embroidered mantôns de Manila and so forth may be attributed
to locale, and level of professionalism. Those who worked
with or took lessons Sehcr Otero in Seville would have
been relatively well off and able to afford more costly
costumes. Those in simple calico flounced dresses were probably less successful gitanas who lived and worked in the gypsy quarters.
Not many dances happen to have been identified in the
travel literature of the period. The gitana costume seems tc have been used for the Bolero (Elliot, 1884). The maja
costume seems to have been the dress for a dance called the panaderos which "is native to Cadiz, a city of traditionally sensuous dancing. . .the woman's costume consists of a satin
jacket and vest, and a pointed skirt of chenille net over a straight petticoat" (Wood, 1913, p. 61).
The Andalusian Image of Spain
Throughout the period 1869-1936 the people, costumes, dances, and music of Andalusia were what epitomized Spain to travelers and artists. As in the previous period
(1809-1868) the image of Andalusia was expressed through the 128
use of images of the costume being worn by women who often
are portrayed dancing or playing the guitar.
To the disappointment of many travelers, Andalusian
dress disappeared from daily use by the end of the nine
teenth century. Chatfield-Taylor (1896) claimed that ten or
fifteen years before "national" costume, also termed manola
dress, had been universal in Andalusia. He identified
Andalusian dress as consisting of a short skirted dress with
mantôn de Manila, high comb, and lace mantilla.
As in the age of Goya, members of the Spanish upper
classes expressed their enthusiam for Andalusian culture by
using the costumes for festive occasions and portraits.
These pseudo-gypsies of the late nineteenth century were
called "Flamencos" and they revelled
in copying the garb, the manners, and the jargon of the once loathed gypsy. Flamencos are found in every grade--well known among the gilded youth of Madrid or Seville. . .the bright gala-dress of the gitana has be come fashionable among high-placed senoras who appear at dance or salon sporting the gaudy Manila shawl with its flowing fringe, short frock, and with hair coiffeured a la Flamenca. (Chapman, 1893, p. 289)
Although the costumes were not to be seen except at
festivals in southern Spain by the 1930s, the disappointed tourist could console himself at places like Granada. There
(at the Alhambra?) the costume could be photographed "at a price, for they are donned for the purpose. Most of the mannequins are gypsy girls" (Newman, 1938, p. 179). This 129
practice seems to have begun at least as early as the 1890s
(Thomas, 1892).
Not only the costume but popular souvenirs perpetuated
the Andalusian image of Spain. Many of these souvenirs were
costume related or bore images of the costume being worn.
In the 1880s a fictional Spaniard, about to return to
England, complained that "If you don’t bring tambourines
with bulls or some other junk painted on them, they eat you
alive" (Perez-Galdos, 1986, p. 681). His gift list included
fans, tambourines, granada blankets, badges from bullfights,
a bullfighter's outfit, and watercolors of Spanish scenes.
He explains some of his choices this way:
This tambourine showing a chula playing the guitar, for Miss Newton. If she ever saw the originals, what a disappointment she'd have! This Andalusian couple--him on horseback and her twined in the grilled window talking tr him--for the sentimental, novel-reading Mistress Mitchell, who got starry-eyed just hearing the word "Spain," the country of love, orange trees, and incredible adventures. (Perez-Galdos, 1986, p. 681)
As in the previous period (1809-1868) Spanish agri
cultural products such as fruit and wine were appealingly
packaged with images of attractive women in regional
costumes and other symbols of Andalusia. The collection of
labels in the Museo Artes Poulares at Malaga includes a
large number of these artifacts from the 1869-1936 period.
These labels which are usually in full color consistently
use the Andalusian costumes but reflect current art trends.
Labels of the 1920s and 1930s for example usually feature 130
fashionably slender women with short, fashionable hairstyles
but draped with the mantôn de Manila (Pig. 74). Other
labels show women in Andalusian dress and men in eighteenth
century garb. Although no specific examples were discovered
it is probable that the source of many of these images were
taken directly from genre paintings as was the case in the
previous period (1809-1868).
In Art
Costume genre paintings which relied on the past had
been created earlier in Spain but this genre flourished in
the last three decades of the nineteenth century. Three
types of genre paintings, the "Eighteenth Century Genre",
the "Peasants and Country Life", and the "Beauties Genre"
which were identified by Hook and Poltimore (1986) are
relative to the present study.
Paintings of the "Eighteenth Century Genre" utilized period dress and furnishings in an attempt to portray the past. Spanish paintings of this genre are usually set in
the reigns of Carlos III and Carlos IV. The male figures are either outfitted as majos or in fashionable eighteenth
century dress of the second half of the century or early years of the nineteenth century. The women typically are dressed in high waisted gowns of the 1790s and 1800s plus mantillas, mantôns de Manila, and maja jackets. Invariably they have either a flounce or two, or a band of mandroftos, near the hem. The costumes are an eclectic mixture of 131
Andalusian elements of dress and fashionable dress chosen
more for dramatic effect than for historical harmony.
Mariano Fortuny's The Vicarage (1870) was one of the
earliest of these fictional eighteenth century costume genre
paintings. His style and subject were imitated by several
other painters including S.M.Del Rincon (Fig. 75) and Luis
Alvarez Catalâ. Their paintings were inspired by eighteenth
century fete galantes and have courtship as the theme.
In paintings of the "Peasants and Country Life" genre
the setting is usually identifiably Spanish, through the use
of Moorish architectural features, guitars, tambourines, and
so forth. The setting is often of a tavern or a patio.
The titles of these paintings are replete with Spanish
dancers and bullfights. Costumes in paintings of this genre
are overtly Andalusian. The men are generally dressed as
majos or bullfighters, and the women invariably have mantôns
de Manila, mantillas and combs, or some other indication of
Andalusian dress. Because these paintings represent the
present the influence of fashion is more obvious. The
Spanish Dancer (Sotheby's, 1975) by G. Vilagas for example
shows a woman in a fashionable bustle or the 1880s over
which is a large mantôn de Manila.
However not all artists who created costume pieces were revivalistr. Portraiture by definition includes both paintings of a general type, such as a young woman of
Seville, and those of specific individuals. The works of 132
two of Spain's leading portraitist, Ignacio Zuloaga and
Herman Anglada-Camarasa, demonstrate the use of Andalusian
costume in twentieth century Spanish female portraiture.
Zuloaga preferred to paint women in Andalusian dress
and while his work is full of references to the poses and
themes of earlier artists, particularly Velasquez and Goya,
he is not a revivalist. What he portrays are contemporary women wearing contemporary Spanish festive dress, that is to say Andalusian dress. Although he was a Basque, he never seems to have painted anyone in Basque dress. In addition
to his paintings with very specific Spanish subjects such as his portraits of Mile. Lucienne Bréval as Carmen, many of his works use the costumes to express Spanishness.
In the works of Zuloaga the same shawl which has a chinoisere motif and the same dress which is worn in Women on a Balcony (Fig. 76) appear over and over, indicating that these are studio props and not the property of the sitter.
In most of his paintings of women, combs and lace mantillas, fresh flowers, fans, flounced dresses, and mantôns de Manila abound. His favorite models seem to have been the three daughters of his uncle Daniel Zuloaga. In Mv Uncle Daniel and His Family, Les Cousines, and both full length portraits titled Mv Cousin Candida, the women wear flounced skirts, mantillas and combs, mantôns de Manila and carry fans. The intention of these paintings is not ethnographic accuracy 133
but rather to stress the beauty of the woman portrayed
and/or Spanishness.
Perhaps the two paintings which most clearly
demonstrate Zuloaga's use of Andalusian/Spanish dress for
its own sake are those or a wealth American patron. In both
Mrs. John Work Garrett in White and Mrs. John Work Garret
with a Fur Muff Andalusian dress is worn. The sitter was
neither Spanish nor a Hispanophile. She had made his
acquaintance during his visit to the United States, and he
choose the costumes (Prances T. Lloyd, personal
correspondence, August 11, 1989).
Zuloaga's women on a balcony paintings show
contemporary festive dress and are often overtly Andalusian.
Women on the Balcony (Fig. 76) is the most emphatic of his
eight paintings on this theme. The modestly covered yet
seductive and feminine young women wear an extensive
inventory of Andalusian costume elements: mantilla and comb,
flowers, mantôn de Manila, flounces, black lace, and a fan.
A copy of Goya's Nude Maia painted on the fan is a subtle
reminder of the majas' alleged sexual freedom. The bullring and the strong contrast of sun and shade create a dramatic, and suitably, Andalusian background. Zuloaga puts as much
"Spanishness" into this painting as possible.
While Zuloaga painted women as Andalusian Spaniards,
Anglada-Camarasa painted the sartorial symbols of Andalusian
Spanishness draped on the female form (Fig. 77). Only a few 134
of his portraits are of specific individuals, but they have
the same vacant stare, the same lack of personality as his
anonymous subjects. Although he painted a few Valencians,
the majority of his paintings are Andalusian such as his
numerous gitanas, Malagueha (woman of Mâlaga), Sevilliana
(woman of Seville), and Granadina (woman of Granada). The
Andalusian woman theme was the perfect vehicle for Anglada-
Camarasa's sense of the dramatic and vivid use of color.
Nearly all of Anglada-Camarasa's works feature brightly
colored, boldly patterned mantôns de Manila, often accompan ied by a fan, and worn by a dark-haired beauty who is
frequently surrounded by flowers. His Granadina for example is not a woman of Granada but a composite of Andalusian images with a recognizable label. The costume of La Maia for example bears no resemblance to the maja costume, but the word has a historic and regional meaning.
As can be seen from the works of these two artists the
Andalusian costume was used in different ways. It could be used to express the Andalusian/Spanish nationality and culture of the sitter or it could be used decoratively as a symbol as in the works of Anglada-Camarasa-who depersonal ized the sitter and used the elements of dress as a sort of still life. Alternatively they could be used merely for their own attractiveness minus Spanish cultural implica tions, as in Zuloaga's portraits of Mrs. John Work Garrett. 135
Mascfuerade
As in previous periods Andalusian dress was used for masquerade. Innumerable examples exist in the pages of
Vogue and other women's journals of the Andalusian costumes
suggested for use as "Spanish dress", but the most important source was Ardern Holt's Fancy Dress Described. This book went through several editions. In the fifth edition (1887) the entry entitled "Spanish Lady" is followed by the words
"(See Carmen)", while the sixth edition (1896) illustrates the maja costume which is defined as a "Spanish Costume".
Both editions give extensive descriptions of the costume and also list a Malaga costume which has "flounced skirts, China crape shawls, and large pearl necklaces". The costumes of other provinces are also included but it is the Andalusian costume labeled as Spanish which is given the most extensive coverage.
On the Stage
Prosper Mérimée's novel Carmen was almost thirty years old when Bizet's opera opened at the Opéra-Comique in Paris on March 3, 1875. Although not well received at first it soon become one of the most popular of all operas.
In the first act the gypsy Carmen works at the Seville tobacco factory as a cigarrera. Later she joins a band of contrabandistas, and throughout the story she dances and sings. Carmen's identity and activities were ones which were already a part of the Andalusian image. 136
The tobacco factory in Seville was already on the agenda of many tourists when the opera was first produced. Hence
forth travelers often expressed their hope of seeing a
Carmen, or their disappointment at not seeing one. Many who hoped to see her found that "the beauty of these Carmens has certainly been exaggerated" (Lathrop, 1883, p. 121). The conviction that this was a true story and represented the true spirit of Andalusia was no doubt confirmed in many minds by the fact that "on coming out of the factory (we) were pleased to discover that the infantry barracks occupied the opposide side of the square, thus verifying the first scene of Bizet's work" (Downes, 1883, p. 88).
By the time Carmen was first staged in 1875 the
Andalusian costumes were well known. Traveling Spanish dance troups, ballets with Spanish themes, illustrated travel accounts, and the increasing number of tourists and artists who had visited the region insured that Andalusian costume was synonymous with Spain.
The costumes of the first Carmen, Marie Galli-Marié, were designed by Georges Clairin who had accompanied the painter Regnault on a trip to Spain in 1868 (Curtiss, 1958).
Gal 1i-Marié's costumes for this production included a maja jacket worn with a white lace mantilla and white lace draped over the hip. No full length photograph of this costume could be located. Both the maja and gitana costumes were used by stage Carmens from an early date. (Knaust, 1978) 137
Some early stage Carmens must have smoked because by
1883 it was recorded that "smoking cigarettes in public is
an operatic fiction: no such practice is common in Spain"
(Lathrop, 1883, p. 121). Carmen was so significant to the
popular image of Andalusia that by the 1920s her costume
(probably the gitana dress) was occasionally termed a
"Carmen costume" (Chappie, 1926).
The Elements of Dress As Symbols
In the twentieth century the reduction of the costume
to one or two elements of Spanish dress occurs frequently in portraits. Portraits of the "Beauties" genre which show
only the head and shoulders of a beautiful woman (Hook and
Poltimore, 1986) limit the costume items to headdresses and shoulder coverings. In order to express Spanishness in such a restricted format it was essential to use elements of dress which could be "clearly read". The mantilla and comb, the montera hat, flowers in the hair, fans, and the manton de Manila were the Andalusian elements of dress which most distinctly expressed "Spanishness" in this genre.
In three-quarter and full length portraits the costume is sometimes reduced to the shawl alone. The shawl is at times draped around the shoulders and arms but is more frequently shown draped across the body with the arms, and often the shoulders bare. The woman in Figure 72 wears her shawl in the following way: 138
This garment is carefully folded across, from corner to corner, and placed over the bust, the double point coming directly in front. The ends are crossed at the back, discreetly tightened, so that the bust and hips may be outlined, and then thrown over the shoulders and fastened with a single pin at either side. Arranged in this manner the shawl gives the most exquisite effects, for in dancing its wearer makes the long fringe, which is displayed as much as concealed, seem alive with poetic and subtle charm. {Villiers-Wardell, 1909, p. 133)
Worn in this way, with or without a garment beneath it, the mantôn de Manila covered most of the figure while still revealing it. This manner of wearing the shawl served as a means of maintaining the Spanishness of the subject and conveying eroticism.
An early example of the shawl used in this manner is
Robert Henri's Spanish Dancer, Sevilliana of 1904 who covers just one shoulder, as does the dancer in The White Shawl
(Fig. 78) who also has a rose in her teeth. This improbable use of a rose can be traced to Mackenzie (1847) who traveled in Spain in 1826-27. But it was not until the twentieth century that artists used this image with seme frequency.
Many of Zuloaga's sitters are shown with the mantôn de
Manila draped around the figure diagonally. Among these paintings are Ma cousine Esperanza. Candida riant, and
Candida serieuse which express Spanishness while reducing the costume to the mantôn de Manila. His most erotic portrait with this costume is the Lolita (Fig. 79), who peers seductive from behind a fan while reclining in a pose typical of the nude yet only her shoulders and arms are 139
bare. At the same time the flounces and the undulating
fringes of her shawl suggest the movement of the dance.
Many Spanish dancers were photographed wearing their shawls in this manner. The shawl not only defined them as
Spanish dancers, but the figure hugging bias drape is the
closest they could come to being both fully clothed in an appropriate costume and reveal the curves of the body. When dancing the shawl could not be worn so tightly nor could it have been the only garment and because dancers must use their legs they are usually shown full length.
An opera singer's legs are not vital, nor are their figures usually so lithe. Hence their portraits can be any length. Head and shoulder portraits with a mantilla or manton de Manila and a few flowers stuck in stragetic places or a fan would be sufficient to indicate Spanishness. Yet interestingly enough, many portraits of singers as Carmen are three-quarters length. This length portrayed most of the figure, draped with the manton, without explaining the presence, or absence, of another garment. With the mantôn de Manila as the only visible garment the suggestion is clear that this is the only garment. This sexual inuendo was fully in keeping with the character of Carmen herself.
The enormous popularity of Carmen and the frequency with which singers dressed in only a manton de Manila for their portraits as Carmen must have had a part in establishing the manton de Manila as a symbol of Andalusia and of Spain. 140
The mantôn de Manila came not only to symbolize both
the region and the country but became a substitute for the
entire Andalusian costume. When used as a substitute the
mantôn de Manila indicates not only Andalusia/Spain but
also, usually, eroticism. The symbolism was so strong that
by the 1920s when these shawls were revived as a fashion
item they were termed "Spanish shawls," yet in the 1860s
when they had last been in fashion the term for them had
been "embroidered China crepe shawls" or "Chinese shawls"
indicating their place of manufacture.
The mantôn de Manila was not the only element of dress
used to symbolize the whole, but it is probably the most
powerful. The mantilla, usually with a high comb, also has
a powerful enough symbolic manning to he used alo^e. Other
elements of dress used to symbolize Spanishness or Andalusia such as the fan and flowers in the hair never developed sufficient strength alone but together contribute to the formation of Spanish/Andalusian imagery.
Discussion and Summary
During the period 1869-1936, as in previous periods, the overall silhouette of Andalusian dress reflected changes in fashionable dress. The basquifia, once a part of every
Spanish woman's dress, seems to have disappeared completely by the beginning of this period. The mantilla and the mantôn de Manila become the most significant elements of 141
dress and are often used alone to symbolize Andalusian or
Spanish nationality and culture. The mantôn de Manila was
used both with the Andalusian costumes and in lieu of a
costume. Tightly draped to reveal the figure, when worn
alone these shawls are often used in art to express
Spanishness and to convey eroticism. However they are also
used by artists for purely aesthetic reasons.
The maja costume which had declined in the previous
period (1809-1868) is confined to the stage, festive events,
and in art to express Spanishness. The gitana costume which
had developed in the previous period became the dominant
form of Andalusian dress during this period. The gitana
costume was used by other Spaniards to express Spanishness
at festive occasions and for portraiture.
The Andalusian image of Spain on the stage was best
expressed in the opera Carmen which utilizes many of the
attributes of the Andalusian image. The frequent use of the mantôn de Manila alone by stage Carmens, Spanish dancers, and artists helped to reduce to image of Andalusian dress to
this single element of dress. CHAPTER VII
SUMMARY, IMPLICATIONS, AND RECOMMENDATIONS
This chapter is divided into three parts. The summary addresses the research questions formulated in chapter one, the objectives of this research and the findings. This is followed by a discussion of the implications, and finally recommendations for future research will be proposed.
Summary
Since the eighteenth century, the image of Spain has been that of Andalusia (Ortega y Gassett, 1937; Josephs,
1983). It was the purpose of this study to investigate
Andalusian dress and its role in that image. It was found that the two Andalusian costumes, that of the maja and the gitana, served to symbolize both Andalusia and Spain. This image was communicated by works of art and photographs and was facilitated by stage costumes which were based on earlier visual representations and serve to reinforce an already recognizable image.
The two objectives of this study were met. The first objective was to determine changes over time in maja and gitana costume betwen 1759 and 1936. During the period
1759-1809, the mantilla and basquifia were worn out of doors throughout Spain by women of all classes, and, for this
142 143
reason, was considered the Spanish national dress by foreign
travelers. These two outer garments were worn over both
fashionable dress and the maja costume.
Maja and gitana dress in the period 1759-1809 seems to have been indistinguishable from one another. This dress is referred to by travelers as the maja costume, over which was often worn the national dress of mantilla and basquiha. The most significant feature of this costume was a short, tight fitting jacket (worn open), with a built-in vest worn closed. The most distinguishing characteristic of this jacket was the sleeves which laced on at the armholes and were tight fitting on the forearms where they were laced or buttoned. A pahuelo, or handkerchief, was tucked into the low neckline of the jacket. The skirt often had a narrow flounce near the hem. An apron of a contrasting color was worn over the skirt. A cloth or net cofia, a montera cap, and often, flowers in the hair were worn with this costume.
During the period 1809-1868 the basquiha disappeared from use while the mantilla was retained, and was worn throughout Spain. However the use of the mantilla was strongest in Andalusia where only the gitanas did not wear it. The costume of the maja (now called a manola) developed a broad band of chenille tassel work or a band of contrasting lace during this period. This development suggests a transference of the basquiha's decoration to the skirt of the costume, or alternatively it may be viewed as a 144
merger of the skirt with the basquifia; however the evidence
is not clear. Early in this period the gitana costume
began to develop a separate identity with the flounced skirt
being the most characteristic feature of this costume. The
works of Sevillian artists José and Joaquin Dominguez
Becquer from the 1830s confirm this statement. In the mid-nineteenth century an occupation class, the cigarreras
of Seville, became a part of the Andalusian image. The
cigarreras, who were often gitanas, dressed either in maja
or gitana fashion.
The period 1869-1936 saw the demise of the maja costume except on the stage and in works of art. The majas as a class had been replaced by the manolas who in Madrid (but not in Andalusia) were often called chulas. The gitana costume was the predominant form of Andalusian dress in this period. The costume was made from striped, plaid, and printed cloth in bright colors. Coin dots seem to have been the preferred print in the twentieth century. The costume had a tight fitting bodice with a multiple flounced skirt.
Essential accessories for this costume were the manton de
Manila, flowers in the hair and jewelry, particularly earrings. The cigarreras are often treated as a separate class but their costume seems to be identical to that of the gitanas.
The overall proportions and silhouette of these two costumes reflect current fashionable ideals of the period 145
throughout the time frame investigated. Specific elements
of dress became set characteristics of these two costumes
but have undergone some changes through time. These
elements of dress, which emphasize the shoulder and forearms
of the maja costume, ceased to be functional in the early nineteenth century; instead they endured as a design
feature. The gitana costume developed an emphasis on the
flounced skirt and the shawl early in the nineteenth century which has remained constant into the twentieth century.
The second objective of this study was to identify the ways in which maja and gitana costume were used to express the Andalusian image of Spain. Andalusia has dominated
Spain culturally since the late eighteenth century (Kany,
1970) when Andalusian dress, dance, music, bullfights and so forth spread to Madrid and from there to the rest of Spain.
Throughout the time frame examined in this study Andalusian women's dress was used for festivals, the bullfight,
Andalusian regional dances, masquerade, and portraits. The two costumes have served to express Spanish nationality and identity for all classes. At the same time the costume was also used because of its own innate attractiveness, apart from any national or ethnic meaning.
Foreign travelers and artists have always preferred
Andalusia to the rest of Spain because of the pleasant climate, unique history, and culture. Their writings and works of art reflect their exposure to this region. Both 146 foreign travelers and the Spanish have used Andalusian culture and its costumes to represent the whole of the country.
It was hypothesized that even though there were changes over time in the maja and gitana dress, the image would remain a stable symbol of Andalusia and of Spain and could be reduced to a few specific elements of dress. By mid-nineteenth century, after the Andalusian image had been well established, the image, which incorporated a number of elements of dress, began a gradual reduction to just two elements. The mantilla and mantôn de Manila were the two elements of dress which most clearly symbolized Andalusia and Spain and were frequently used alone to convey that image.
What Hollander (1975) calls costume "conventions" can only work on the stage and in art when they are well established visual conventions which communicate a specific message. In the final period studied, the manton de Manila became the most significant part of the costume and of the
Andalusian image of Spain. The one element of dress common to the majas (and manolas and chulas), gitanas, and cigararras was the mantôn de Manila. Spanish women of other classes adopted the manton de Manila as a symbol of Spanish nationality and culture in the late nineteenth century. It was only when Andalusian dress was a well established symbol of Spain that it could be reduced to a single element. 147
This study explored the visual image of the majas and
gitanas between 1759 and 1936 as an Andalusian image of
Spain. The image was created by the maja and gitana dress,
credited to Andalusia which are the symbolic Spanish
national dress.
Implications
The Spanish created a national dress, based on the
dress of Andalusia, just as the Scots had created a national
dress based on the dress of one part of Scotland, the
Highlands (Trevor-Roper, 1983). This image originated as
part of Andalusian cultural dominance of Spain which began
in the eighteenth century. The Andalusian emphasis of most
travel accounts of Spain, the export of dance troups,
figurines, and other forms of visual images which portrayed
the costume established Andalusian costume as the Spanish national dress. The costumes once established as the visual image of Spain were endlessly used in works of art and on the stage, thereby reinforcing the image.
This could not have happened without the cooperation of the Andalusians themselves. As Trevelyan (1984), Thomas
(1892), and others have indicated the value of this image was appreciated by the Andalusians. The use of the maja costume in eighteenth century Spain and the mantilla during the brief reign of King Amadeo as a quiet form of protest against foreign influence, were conscious uses of Spanish forms of dress in a symbolic manner. 148
The stage, probably because live people are seen
wearing the costume, was a major contributor to the
Andalusian image of Spain. Travelers to Spain expected to
see the costume worn by Fanny Elssler or a singer in the
role of Carmen, they did not express interest in seeing
costumes like ones seen in books or in paintings. Travelers
went to Spain expecting to see what they had seen on the
stage and when reality did not conform to the theatrical
image they were disappointed because the image was stronger
than the reality.
Andalusian dress as a means of communication conveyed
both Andalusian and/or Spanish national identity. The
manton de Manila, the single most significant element of
Andalusian dress could alone convey this message.
Recommendations
The most obvious recommendation for future research is
that Andalusian men's costume be studied to complement the
present work and to explore the relationship between men's
and women's costume in one region in regard to form, changes
over time, use, and imagery. Huelva, Jaén, and Côrdoba each
have their own distinctive women's costumes which deserve
study, and the dress of other regions of Spain, a country with a rich and varied costume tradition (Foster, 1960), also merit scholarly exploration. Together with the present study, such research would contribute to a stronger 149 understanding of both Hispanic and European "traditional” dress.
Further research on the history of European traditional dress in both Spain and the rest of the continent could expand our understanding of dress in several ways. This study focused on the traditional dress of
Andalusia, the region which symbolizes the whole of Spain.
Further research on the history of European regional dress would contribute to scholarly understanding dress as a symbol of nationality and ethnic identity. It may also help to identify the reasons specific regional costumes become national costumes while others remain largely unknown.
The evolution of traditional dress reflects both the cultural history of a specific locale and its relationship with the rest of Europe. LIST OF REFERENCES
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Personal Correspondence: Frances Lloyd, Director, The Evergreen House Foundation, Baltimore, Maryland, August 11, 1989. APPENDIX A
HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY
165 166
HISTORICAL CHRONOLOGY
1700 Death of Carlos II, last Hapsburg ruler of Spain 1701 Philip of Anjou (Bourbon) proclaimed Felipe V of Spain 1701-14 War of Spanish Succession 1704 British take Gibraltar 1713 Peace of Utrecht, Spain loses most European possessions 1759 Carlos III begins reign, initiates reforms, war with Britain 1783 Second war with Britain 1788 The incompetent Carlos IV begins reign 1793 War with France over execution of Louis XVI 1805 Britain defeats naval forces of Spain and France in the battle of Trafalgar 1807 French armies invade Spain 1808 Joseph Bonaparte takes the throne
1808-14 Spanish War of Independence against the French 1814-33 Ferdinand VII on throne; persecution of liberals. South American colonies fight for independence 1833 Ferdinand VII dies, his widow Maria Cristina of Naples becomes regent, three year old Isabel II proclaimed Queen of Spain, first Carlist war begins 1839 Carlist war ends 1846-49 Second Carlist war 1860 Spanish victory at Tetuàn (Morocco) 1868 Isabel II dethroned
1870 Amadeo of Savoy elected King of Spain 1873 Amadeo renounces throne, first republic proclaimed 1874 Army pronouncement makes Alfonso XII King of Spain 1885 Alfonso XII dies, his widow Marla Christina of Austria becomes regent 1886 Birth of Alfonso XIII 1895 Rebellion in Cuba 1898 Spanish American war, Spain loses Cuba and Puerto Rico 1902 Alfonso XIII becomes king 1931 Municipal elections held, Alfonsc XIII leaves Spain, second republic proclaimed 1936-39 Spanish Civil War APPENDIX B
GLOSSARY
167 168
GLOSSARY
Andalusian - A person from the Spanish province of Andalusia. (Spanish - Andaluz)
Basqui&a (see also saya) - "a black petticoat, commonly of silk, which covers their gowns from the waist down" (Baretti, 1770, p. 315).
"black or very dark brown. . .generally silk trimmed with single, double, or triple flounces very broad and adorned with silk tassels. They are open in front, being tied with ribands, and are only closed below" (Fischer, 1802, p. 180)
"There are even basquihas of net work, very transparent, under which are light petticoats that show the shape" (Fischer, 1802, p. 182).
"colored basquiRas" at Càdiz and at Côrdoba (Fischer, 1802, p.317-318).
"The universal walking dress of the Spanish women is the basquifia, or black silk petticoat, which is put on upon leaving the house, and tak?n off upon returning to it. The gayer ones are generally Vandyked or scalloped at the bottom, and sometimes are ornamented by a row or two of long black fringe. The basquifiia(sic) being very short, it is confined to its intended length by small pieces of lead sown (sic) into the silk" (Dallas, Vol. 1, 1818, pp. 249-50).
"covered with gold bells" in 1826-27 (MacKenzie, 1847, Vol. 3, 120)
Bata - "French dress" (Kany, 1932, p. 189)
Bata de cola (see also traje de cola) - "the costume with the ruffled train" (Gutierrez, 1987, p. 188)
Bontondura - "(set of buttons) of silver" (Stuart-Wortley, 1856, pp. 281-2).
Calô - the Spanish gypsy dialect
Chulo/chula - 19th century term for majo/maja (Kany, 1932, p. 220)
Cigarrera - a woman who works in the tobacco factory (the main one was at Seville). Some were gypsies, or had gypsy blood.
Clavilies - a brooch 169
Cofia - a coif. "Women of the middle class wear generally a cofia, which is a kind of large bag of taffeta with a number of trimmings. The cofia is fixed to the middle of the head, and embraces the tresses behind. Above it is an ivory comb upon the front hair to which is attached the pad. . .used for supporting the mantilla. They often add an aigrette" (Fischer, 1802, p. 183).
Costumbrismo - the cult of local customs and manners
Cuandro de costumbres (costumbrista) - "a short sketch or essay in prose or verse describing some contemporary type, institution, incident or fashion, such as a dandy, the lottery, a bull-fight, a country fair, etc." (Montgomery, 1931, p. 7)
Dress - "the total arrangement of all the outwardly detectible modifications of a person's body and all material objects added to it" (Roach and Musa, 1980, p.68).
Element of dress - a component, unit, or detail of dress e.g. a sleeve, a flounce, a shawl (Roach and Richer, 1980)
Espumilla - "long yellow mantles of Espumilla (which is a kind of thread crape" worn by cigarreras (Stuart-Wortley, 1856, pp. 69-70)
Exaguas - "the under-petticoats. They are furnished with a very light white cloth and adorned with fringe" (Fischer, 1802, p. 183).
Paja, Faxa - (1830s) "A thick waist-hand, usually of silk, often red, and a characteristic portion of the dress of a great majority of Spaniards. The Indian Kamarband. From the Latin fascia, a girth, or band" (Borrow, 1914).
Flamenco/flamenca - Flemish; Andalusian gypsy, their music and dance. Also non-gypsies, usually upper class Madrilefiiens, who copied the dress, manners, and jargon of the gypsies (Chapman, 1893, p. 289).
Gaditano/gaditana - a native of Càdiz (the ancient Gades)
Gitano/gitana - male/female gypsy
Golpes - passementarie trimming, pocket flap (of a garment) (Stuart-Wortley, 1856, p. 282)
Guardapies - "white or colored petticoats worn under the basguihas" (Fischer, 1802, p. 183). 170
Madamita - "the woman of fashion. . .or petimetra," (Fischer, 1802, p.329).
Madro&era - "A sort of tunic made of chenil, in silk or a mixture of wool and cotton. Generally in black, worn over a satin skirt short enough to display the ankles. Worn with a small bolero made of chenil balls. Worn by dancers. . . " (Villiers-Wardell, 1909, p. 133).
Madrofios - Ball fringe or berry shaped tassels, interlaced and used as a flounce on a skirt or as a mantilla.
Majo/maja - "the madrid Msjo is a low fellow who dresses sprucely, affects the walk of a gentleman, looks blunt and menacing,. . .these qualities run through both the sexes" (Baretti, 1770, p. 152). A dandy of the lower class, or anyone of any class who imitates their dress and manner.
Maja costume - "tight jacket, so open before as to form two hanging flaps under the breast, something in the form of wings, with sleeves close to the sift, a short petticoat of any colour, a black apron, a striped handkerchief carefully covering the whole neck, with the net and the montera (hat) exactly such as the man. The seams of both dresses are not sowed, but kept together by interlacing ribbands (Baretti, 1770, p. 153).
Majismo ~ Andalusian popular culture (Josephs, 1983, p. 145)
Manolo/manoia - a somewhat later term for majo/maja (Kany 1932, p.220). "The manola retained some of the characteristics of the maja, being like her prototype, haughty, impudent, and quarrelsome. But something of the old splendor— or what had passed for splendor" (of the maja)— began to lack (Williams, 1903, p. 205).
Mantilla - "A muslin or cambrick veil that hides their heads and the upper part of the bodies" (Baretti, 1770, p. 315).
"Black or white, and in small towns sometimes red or green . . .made of casimir from Silesia, Saxony, or England, are generally adorned with embroidery or vandyked trimmings, especially the black, which are used in winter. They are attached to a pad, which is kept in its place by a comb, or to the riband that encircles the head and binds the hair" (Fischer, 1802, pp. 180-181).
"veils embroidered with gold" (Fischer, 1802, p. 137).
"This is a species of scarf of cloth, silk, or stuff, generally trimmed with black velvet, and which is worn on 171
the head, so as to hang down on each side" (Pecchio, 1823, p. 118).
Mantilla de Tira - Used for fancy or ordinary occasions. "It has no lace, but is made of black silk with a broad band of velvet. "This is the veil of the Maja, the Gitana, and the Cigarrera de Sevilla. . .suspended on a high comb, is then crossed over the bosom" (Ford, 19G6, p. 301).
Mantdn - shawl
Mantôn de Manila - "the gala ornament of the popular classes in Madrid and Andalusia" (Kany, 1929, p. 199). A silk crepe shawl with macramé and fringes, usually embroidered. Also known as the China crepe shawl, Spanish shawl, and piano shawl. A part of fashionable dress in the nineteenth century, they were popular from the 1810s to about 1860 (Worth, 1986).
Montera - a black cloth hat worn by both men and women
Pafiuelo - a neck scarf, handkerchief worn around the neck, or fichu.
Panolillo de Manila - a small mantôn de Manila (Hughes, 1967, p. 153)
Peineta ~ comb
Petimetre/petimetra - "from the French "petit-maitre" "young elegant (male or female)" has the meaning of "lady (or gentleman) of fashion"— sometimes of one who aped the doings and ideas of fashionable people" (Hamilton, 1926, p. 17). Specifically those who favored French fashions. Hamilton and Kany give extensive accounts of the dress of the petimetre and petimetra and cite the primary sources.
Petticoat - "Trimmed or ornamented skirt worn over or beneath the gown" (Maeder, 1983, p. 232).
Redecilla - another word for the cofia (Kany, 1970, p. 222). From the word red (net). Specifically a net cofia. "Silk hair-net" (1803) (Ilchester, 1910, p. 63).
Revival dress - "any search, manifest in dress, for a paradise lost by time or place" (Baines, 1981, p. 9)
Sainete - "A short one act sketch on contemporary manners and customs" (Hamilton, 1926, p.7). 172
Saya (see also basquifia) -
"petticoat (the Andalusian word for basquifia)" (Lady Holland, May 1803, p. 51)"
"the transparent, form designing saya of the lady" (Ford, 1970, p. 349)
"the saya, which is exceedingly short with many rows of flounces" (borrow, 1914, p. 63)
Tapada - "When women have occasion to walk the streets in Spain, they are covered with a black silk veil, and are then styled tapadas, i.e. shut up; in this disguise they much resemble one another, which is very convenient for intriguing" (Twiss, 1775, p. 331).
Tondilla - a type of short play.
Toreo - all that pertains to the bullfight.
Traje de amazonas - a bifurcated riding costume for women (Fester, 1960, p. 217).
Traje de eola - (see also bata de cola) - "trailed (trained) dress" (Hughes, 1867, p. 155)
Vandyke - "Saw-toothed lace or fabric borders" (Calasibetta, 1988, p. 595). Basquifias were "adorned with fringe or Vandykes" (Link, 1801, p. 97).
Zorongo - a flamenco dance (Hughes, 1967). APPENDIX C
FASHION IN THE 18th, 19th, and 20th CENTURIES
173 174
1760 1770
! mSJ
1800 175
1830
1840 1850 1860 176
1870 1880 1890
1900 1910 1920 1930 APPENDIX D
HORKSHEET 178
WORKSHEET
Location & Number(Library/Museum)______
Medium. Artist/Maker______Title______Date_ Subject______Portrait______Genre______Identity of Principal Figure.
Other figures.
Publication
Photos B&W______Slide______
BODICE SKIRT 1)Fibe r____ 2)Fabri c___ 3)Color/ s__ 4)Flounce/s. 5)Trim_ Enclosures 7)Pit_ 8)Wais t_____ 9) Silhouette. 10)Necklin e_ 11)Sleev e___ 12 )Darts______13) Length______MANTILLA MANTÔN BASQUIRA FAJA 14)Pibe r_ 15)Fabri c____ 16)Color/ s___ 17)Flounce/ s_ 18)0ther Trim 19)Ha t______20)Footwear. 21)Jewellry 22)Fa n_____ 23)Hai r____ Other______Comments (indicate number). APPENDIX E
MUSEUMS
179 180
MUSEUMS
Museums Visited in Spaiu
Barcelona Museu Teatil i d*Indumentària Carrer de Montcada, 12-14 08003-Barcelona, Spain
Madrid Museo Lâzaro Galdiano Calle Serrano, 122
Museo Municipal Calle Puencarral, 78
Museo del Pueblo EspaAol Avenida Juan de Herrera, 2
Museo Romântico Calle San Mateo, 13
Museo Sorolla Paseo General Martinez Campos, 37
Milas: Museo Artes Populares Meson de la Victoria Pasillo Santa Isabel, 7
Seville Museo de Bellas Artes Plaza de Museo, 9
Museo de Artes y Costumbres Populares de Sevilla Maria Luisa Park
North American Museums Contacted
American Museum of Natural History New York, New York
The Children's Museum Indianapolis, Indiana
Detroit Institute of Art Detroit, Michigan
Field Museum of Natural History Chicago, Illinois 181
The Los Angeles County Museum of Art Los Angeles, California
The Museum of International Folk Art Santa Fe, New Mexico
The Hispanic Society of America New York, New York
The Costume Institute New York, New York
The Peabody Museum of Archaelogy and Ethnography Cambridge, Massachusetts
The National Museum of Natural History The Smithsonian Washington, D.C.
Royal Ontario Museum Toronto, Ontario, Canada
Helen Allen Textile Collection University of Wisconsin Madison, Wisconsin
Henry Art Gallery University of Washington Seattle. Washington FIGURES
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Cartagena GRANADA CADIZ Almeria Malaga
Gibraltar Ceuta Arzeu Mazalqu
Alhucemas ^^ M e lilla
Fig. 2. Map of Spanish provinces in the eighteenth century, (from Hargreaves-Mawdsley's Eighteenth Century Spain 1700-1788) Almod«n Aii^iflO » Infantes Valdepenas # t.'astu era Puertoilono Alcarac # Los S antos
Jerez Ô 9 (os a Hellln C aballeros ---- ^,.,Virg«ndf]laCobf2Q # La Carolina
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# Colmanor 11 Jerez de la A reas da Frontera a la F rontara .AQA Altnunicnr .M o t r il Torreniolinos , •Puerto da Santa Maria son Padro C é d ii -Alcala da * Alc&rlara ^ l» llo los Cazuifs ^ mil...... Océano Vejer de (a S an , / * * * Atlanlico Roque J ifMar Mtditerréneo: Alaeciros 'Golsrailtr : Tarifa
llauta ...... Kilomalrao' io « M W too IW ,40 160 «80 ZOO I ' * 1 I I I I I I 11 3 ■ |l I ( ; V T a n g e r .19....?P. sp 40 90 60 70 ao 901Ô 0 rso ijo Mile# Fig. 3. Map of Andalusia (from Alice's Andalusia, Two Steps from Paradise)
00 U1 186
Fig. 4. Goya. Gumersinda Goicoechea. 1805-06. (Collection Roailles, Paris'! ' 187
Fig. 5. Goya. Duchess of Alba. 1797 (Hispanic Society of America .88
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Fig. 6. Goya. Ma.jo stretched on the ground, laughing as two Ma.jas fight each other. 17^6-97. Album B, page 15 (Hispanic Society ofAmerica) 189
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Fig. 7 Woman in maja dress, (detail of title page Cruz Cano's Coleccidn de traies de Espafta. . .. 1777) 190
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Fig. 8 La Naranjera. (Cruz Cano's Coleccién de traies de Espafia. . . . 1777) 191
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Pig. 9 Maja. (In Cruz Cano's Coleccién de traies de Espafta. . .. 1777) 192
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Pig. 10. Maia del Contrabandista. (In Rodriguez's Coleccién. . . . 1801) 193
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Fig. 11. Maia de Sevilla. {In Rodriguez's Coleccion. . 1801) 194
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Fig. 12. Ma i a de C â d i z . (In Rodriguez's Coleccién. . ., 1801) 195
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Bolera del Ttatro.
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Fig. 13. Theater Dancer of Madrid. (In Rodriguez's Coleccién. . ., 1801) 196
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Fig. 14. Bolero Dancer of Madrid. (In Rodriguez's Coleccién. ■ ., 1801) 197
Fig. 15. Lorenzo Tiepolo. La Narajera. (Royal Palace, Madrid) 198
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Fig. 16. Eighteenth century maja jacket. (Museu Textil d'ldumentaria. No. 88405) 199
I
Fig, 17, Detail of Figure 16. 200
Fig. 18. Detail of Figure 16. Fig. 19. Lorenzo Tiepolo. People of Madrid. (Royal Palace, Madrid?)
hO o 202
Fig. 20. Goya. Detail of El Paseo de Andalucia. 1777 (The Prado, Madrid) 203
Fig. 21, Luis Paret. Detail of La Tienda. 1772 (Museo Lâzaro Oaldiano, Madrid) 204
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Pig. 21= La Gitana. (In Rodriguez's Coleccién.... 1801) 205
Fig. 23. Loreiizo Tiepolo. Cherry Vendor. (Royal Palace. Madrid) 206
Madkd?’ Tiepolo. Fruit Vendor. (Royal Palace, 207
Fig. 25. José Camarôn. Dancing the Bolero, c. 1790, 208
Fig. 26. Goya. The Duchess of Alba. 1796-97. Album A, page a (Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid) 209
Fig. 27. Anton Mengs. Marauesa del Llano, c. 1773 (Royal Academy of San Fernando, Madrid!) 210
xig. Detail of Figure 2/ 211
Fig. 29. Spanish School, late ëighteenth century. A Young Woman Dressed for Masquerade. (Sotheby, Parke, Bernat, Inc., New York, Important Old Master Paintings, Sale 3928, December 2, 1976) 212
Fig. 30. Traie de Espafia. (In Ribelles' Colecciôn de Traies de Espafia.... 1825) 213
Fig. 31. José Bécquer. Do5a Maria Quintana. (In Honan’s The Andalusian Annual for 1837> 214
>
Pig. 32. José Bécquer. La Rosa. (In Honan's The Andalusian Annual for 1837) maaesK
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" t '^ i'»î ' f & t > ~ ^ * f -^î'» isam» . -' ■' t* Fig. 33. Hippolyte Lecomte ' s Femme de L'Andalousie. ,■ (In Costumes de Differences Nations, c. 1817-19) 216 34. Harriet Ford's maja dress. 217 Fig. 35. John Frederick Lewis. Harriet Ford 218 a t - Fig. 36. John Frederick Lewis, Detail of Window of the Hall of Ambassadors. 1835. 219 f Fig. 37. John Phillip, R.A. Fiesta in the Gypsy Quarter, Seville. 1865. (Sotheby and Co., Belgravia, March 27, 1973) 220 f y Fig. 38. G.^tana. (In Ribelles' Colecciôn de Traies de Espafia. 221 # Fig. 39- Joaquin Bécquer. Gypsv Dance, 1834. (Royal Palace, Madrid) 222 Fig. 40. Gipsies At Granada. (In Webster's Spain, 1882; and Blackburn's Travelling in Spain in the Present Day, 1866) Fig. 41. Gipsy Dancers. (In Thornbury's Life in Spain, 1859) N3 LOro 224 Fig. 42. J. Laurent photo. A Cigarrera. (In Kennedy's : Tramp in Spain, 1904; and Higgin s Spanish Life in Town and and Country, 1902) 225 Fig. 43. José Bécquer. The Road to the Fair. (In Honan's The Andalusian Annual for 1837) 226 Fig. 44. Manuel Rodriguez Guzmàn. La Feria de Santiponce. (Cason del Bueon Retiro, Madrid) 227 Pig. 45. Bolero Dancers at the Theatre of Cadiz. (In Romer's The Rhone. The Dario, and The Guadalquivir. 1843) 228 i-rii-i: g a r n i Fig. 46. Bolero D a n c e r . (In Ribelles' Colecciôn de traies de Espafia. 1825) 229 : V W r Fig. 47. Gustave Doré. The Fandango At the Theater San Fernando. Seville. (In Davillier's Spain. 1876) 230 Fig. 48. Bernardo Lôpez. La infanta Isabel, ni fia. 1857. (Patrimonio Nacional) 231 m g e Fig. 49. The Countess of Quinto, 19th century. (Formerly in the Cincinnati Art Museum) 232 m m Fig. 50. Spanish Fancy Costume. La Belle Assemble?., Vol. 20, August 1819. r Fig. 51. Leonhard de Jonghe. The Finishing Touches Before the Fancy Dress Ball. (Photograph courtesy Sotheby and Co., London. Sold at auction, October 16, 1974) hO LO LO 234 Pig. 52. José Denis Belgrade. Detail of After the Bullfight, (Malaga Museum of Fine Arts) 235 % Fig. 53. Màlaga Figurine. (Musto Artes Populaces, Museo Meson de la Victoria, Màlaga) 236 Fig. 54, Eugenio Lucas. Ma.jas on a Balcony, 1864. (The Prado, Madrid) 237 ms . ■i'Si Fig- 55. La Campaaila, the Daughter of the Gjralda. ( In Thornbury’s Life in Spain. 1859) 237 Fig. 56. Pauline Duvernay in Cachuca costume. Lithograph from painting by John Frederick Lewis. 238 Fig. 57. The Jerez Mantilla. (In Hielscher's Picturesque Spain. 1922) 239 Fig. 58. Côrdoba - Tipo de muier del pueblo. (In Espafia, sus m o n u m e n t o s . . .) 240 Fig. 59. Granada - Muier del pueblo. (In EspaAa, sus monumentos. . .) 241 Fig. 60. Sevilla - Tipo de muier del pueblo. (Tn Espafia, sus monumentos. . .) 242 Fig. 61. Madrid - Muier del pueblo, ( In Espafia, sus monumentos. . . ) 243 1 Fig. 62. José Otero and pupil. (In Villiers-Wardel11's Spain and the Spanish, 1909; photo by Beauchy) 244 fig. 63. Manola costume. Late nineteenth century (Museu Textil d 'Idumentaria, No. 88417) 245 Fig. 64. Detail of figure 63. 246 Fig- 65. A Dancer. (In Chatfield-Taylor's The Land of the Castenet, 1896) 246 I Fig. 66, Gitaua dress. 1920s, (Museo Artes Populares, Museo Meson de la Victoria, Malaga) 247 MW* Fig. 67. Andalusian Dancer in Bata Costume. (In Ortiz- Echagiie's Espafia Tipos v Traies. 1933) 248 r - F .ÏESTEJOS J>îlîKaYERaiES. Fig. ÔS. Gonzalo Bilbao Martinez. Poster for the Seville Spring Fairs, 1913. 249 t Pig. 69. Joaquin Sorolla. The Dance. (Sorolla Museum, Madrid) 250 m#C 4 .'..vC ' % Fig. 70. Laughing Senoritas. (In Murdoch's She 'riavelled ALone in Spain. 1935; photo by E.N.A.) , * * - Fig» 71. OtGfo s school of Spanish dancing. (In Batcheller’; Royal Spain of Today, 1913) ha L n 252 Fig. 72. Manton de Manila. (In Villiars-Wardell*s Spain and the Spanish, 1909; photo by Mendiboure) 253 % Fig. 73. Playing the Guitar. (In Hielscher’s Picturesque Spain. 1922) 254 fis* 74. Fruit box label. (Museo Meson de la Victoria, Malaga) 255 a s T T -•wSfe;..,. I* ^ A- jk'^ ^Sa&i ' ' ' f \ j k k * k "S jJ.k #5» ' . t'v'u;'» . .. •• i. . -« A O l ' Fig. 75. S.M. del Rincôn. Detail of The Royal Proposal. 1877 (Sotheby and Co., London, November 6, 1975) 256 m il Fig. 76. Ignacio Zuloaga. Women on the Balcony. 1915, (Willard Straight Collection) 257 Fig. 77. Anglada Camarasa. Sevillana. c. 1913 258 % Fig. 78. Anon. The iVhite Shawl, (Author's collection) 259 t. 23 Fig. 79. Ignacio Zuloaga. Lolita, 1913. (Collection Serîor Don José Santamarina, Paris)