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Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident 36 | 2013 Mobilité humaine et circulation des savoirs techniques (XVIIe-XIXe siècles) Human mobility and the circulation of technical knowledge (17th-19th centuries) Catherine Jami (dir.) Édition électronique URL : http://journals.openedition.org/extremeorient/296 DOI : 10.4000/extremeorient.296 ISSN : 2108-7105 Éditeur Presses universitaires de Vincennes Édition imprimée Date de publication : 31 décembre 2013 ISBN : 978-2-84292-404-1 ISSN : 0754-5010 Référence électronique Catherine Jami (dir.), Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 36 | 2013, « Mobilité humaine et circulation des savoirs techniques (XVIIe-XIXe siècles) » [En ligne], mis en ligne le 01 juin 2016, consulté le 16 octobre 2020. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/extremeorient/296 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/ extremeorient.296 Ce document a été généré automatiquement le 16 octobre 2020. © PUV 1 Les études rassemblées ici analysent le rôle de la mobilité humaine dans la dynamique spatiale des savoirs en Asie orientale entre le XVIIe et le XIXe siècles. Que ce soit à l’échelle de l’individu ou celle des groupes professionnels, l’étude de l’itinéraire de savants versés dans des domaines techniques, pris dans sa dimension géographique, apporte un éclairage nouveau sur la circulation des savoirs à l’intérieur de l’espace impérial chinois, à l’échelle régionale et à l’échelle mondiale. NOTE DE LA RÉDACTION Ce numéro 36/2013, paru en juin 2014, a été publié initialement comme le numéro 36/2014 Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 36 | 2013 2 SOMMAIRE Introduction Catherine Jami I. Itinéraires dans l’espace chinois La carrière de Mei Wending (1633-1721) et le statut des sciences mathématiques dans le savoir lettré Catherine Jami Les traductions de François-Xavier Dentrecolles (1664-1741), missionnaire en Chine : localisation et circulation des savoirs Huiyi Wu II. Relations diplomatiques et circulation des livres Journeys of the Modest Astronomers : Korean Astronomers’ Missions to Beijing in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries Jongtae Lim Commerce des livres et diplomatie : la transmission de Chine et de Corée vers le Japon des savoirs médicaux liés à la pratique de l’acuponcture et de la moxibustion (1603-1868) Mathias Vigouroux III. Industrialisation et innovation Shimomura Kôtarô (1863-1937) and the Circulation of Technical Knowledge between the United States, Japan, and Belgium Aleksandra Kobiljski IV. Regards extérieurs Revisiting Social Theory and History of Science in Early Modern South Asia and Colonial India Dhruv Raina La loupe et le miroir Christian Jacob Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 36 | 2013 3 Introduction Catherine Jami NOTE DE L'AUTEUR Ce numéro d’Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident a été préparé dans le cadre du projet « Itinéraires individuels et circulation des savoirs scientifiques et techniques en Chine moderne (XVIe-XXe siècles) » (ICCM ; voir http://www.sphere.univ-paris-diderot.fr/ spip.php?rubrique98), qui a reçu le soutien de l’Agence nationale de la recherche (contrat ANR-09-SSOC-004). Je tiens à remercier Florence Bretelle-Establet pour l’aide qu’elle m’a généreusement apportée dans le travail d’édition, et John Finlay pour sa relecture minutieuse des textes en anglais. 1 L’étude de l’histoire des sciences, des techniques et de la médecine en Asie orientale reste marquée par l’œuvre fondatrice de Joseph Needham (1900-1995) consacrée à la Chine2. Empruntant une métaphore à la chimie, Needham s’est proposé de travailler à un « titrage » des civilisations, autrement dit une évaluation des contributions de chacune d’entre elles au patrimoine des savoirs scientifiques et techniques de l’humanité3. Non seulement il a ainsi montré la richesse de l’histoire chinoise dans ce domaine, mais il a réfuté l’idée, dominante au milieu du XXe siècle, que la science ait jamais été une caractéristique ou un monopole de la seule Europe. Les conclusions de Needham sur ce dernier point sont aujourd’hui considérées comme un acquis sur la base duquel la recherche continue à avancer. Quant à l’évaluation de « la contribution chinoise » aux sciences, qui prend souvent la forme d’un inventaire de priorités dans la découverte, elle entre dans le cadre d’une historiographie « nationale », voire nationaliste. À cet égard il faut rappeler une évidence : c’est en Chine que travaillent la très grande majorité des historiens des sciences chinoises. Ces dernières années pourtant, le domaine a suivi l’évolution de l’histoire des sciences en général : visant à se situer en dehors de toute querelle de priorité et d’évaluation comparée des nations ou des civilisations, certains historiens ont choisi de concentrer leur attention sur la circulation des savoirs plutôt que sur les découvertes et les inventions. C’est l’un des choix qui président à l’élaboration du présent numéro d’Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident. Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 36 | 2013 4 2 Needham a utilisé une autre métaphore, empruntée cette fois à l’embryologie, raisonnant en termes de facteurs qui ont favorisé ou inhibé le développement des sciences en Chine4 ; il lui semblait en effet nécessaire d’expliquer pourquoi la science moderne ne s’était pas développée de manière endogène en Chine, alors que, selon lui, les connaissances scientifiques et techniques y avaient connu un essor sans parallèle pendant plus d’un millénaire. Cette dernière question a fait couler beaucoup d’encre, surtout en Chine même5 ; aujourd’hui on pourrait la considérer plus comme un « catalyseur » de l’œuvre de Needham – pour emprunter un autre terme à la chimie – que comme un problème auquel il existe une solution pouvant faire l’objet d’un consensus. Cependant, la manière dont la société et la culture chinoises ont, à divers moments de leur histoire, influencé la formation et la circulation des savoirs reste un objet d’étude pertinent. Needham avait notamment suggéré que la structure de la société chinoise, qu’il a caractérisée comme « bureaucratico-féodale », et l’idéologie confucéenne qui aurait dominé celle-ci auraient « favorisé dans un premier temps le développement de la connaissance de la nature », mais par la suite « empêché l’apparition du capitalisme et de la science moderne »6. Sans reprendre ni les termes ni le jugement négatif contenus dans cet énoncé, il reste pertinent de s’interroger sur le rôle qu’a joué la fonction publique dans l’histoire des savoirs scientifiques et techniques, sinon tout au long de la période impériale (221 AEC-1911 EC), du moins dans la forme sous laquelle cette fonction publique s’est constituée à partir de la dynastie Song (960-1279)7. Il est en effet aujourd’hui admis que c’est sous cette dynastie que la bureaucratie a acquis un rôle prépondérant dans l’État chinois. Cette restriction temporelle – qui nous laisse tout de même face à une période d’un millénaire – illustre le fait que l’on hésite aujourd’hui davantage qu’à l’époque de Needham à raisonner en des termes si généraux qu’ils amèneraient à traiter la période impériale chinoise comme un tout homogène. 3 Au cours des deux dernières décennies, l’échelle spatiale de l’analyse historique a elle aussi changé : les études « locales » se multiplient, et les comparaisons se font entre des entités plus petites que des continents ou des empires. Par exemple, lorsque Kenneth Pomeranz cherche à expliquer la « grande divergence » entre diverses parties de l’Eurasie que représente à ses yeux le développement industriel que connaît l’Europe du Nord-ouest au XIXe siècle, il compare notamment l’Angleterre et le bassin inférieur du Yangzi8. Son projet d’une histoire mondiale construite à partir d’entités régionales s’appuie sur un grand nombre de travaux d’histoire locale économique portant sur telle ou telle région de Chine. L’échelle locale, qui occupe une importance croissante pour les historiens, a été encore peu explorée par les historiens des sciences travaillant sur l’Asie orientale, en dehors de certaines études portant sur la médecine9. Pour les autres domaines, notamment celui des sciences mathématiques, les comparaisons entre diverses régions du monde s’appuient encore rarement sur une localisation géographique fine des sources. Pour la période ancienne, la langue dans laquelle sont écrites les sources issues de la tradition textuelle (chinois classique, sanskrit, arabe classique, grec ancien, latin…) est souvent prise comme caractérisation de leur provenance ; et dans bien des cas, c’est en effet le meilleur, voire le seul indice disponible en la matière10. Pour les quatre derniers siècles, en revanche, l’abondance des sources se rapportant à des localités particulières permet de situer de manière beaucoup plus précise la production et la circulation des savoirs. L’enjeu de cette localisation n’est pas seulement affaire de coordonnées cartographiques : la structuration de l’espace est politique, culturelle et sociale. Extrême-Orient Extrême-Occident, 36 | 2013 5 4 Prenant acte de ces évolutions historiographiques, et s’inspirant de la réflexion sur la géographie des savoirs menée dans le premier volume des Lieux de savoir11, le projet « Itinéraires individuels et circulation des savoirs scientifiques et techniques en Chine moderne (XVIe-XXe siècles)12 » s’est donné pour objectif d’étudier le lien entre les parcours de divers acteurs et la circulation des savoirs. En effet, à partir d’une réflexion sur le rôle de la bureaucratie dans la circulation des savoirs techniques s’est imposé le constat d’une mobilité spécifique des élites, liée au système de recrutement et de nomination des fonctionnaires impériaux : ceux-ci se rendaient d’abord au chef-lieu de leur district natal, puis à la capitale de leur province, et enfin à Pékin pour les examens successifs ; il étaient ensuite nommés à des postes dans d’autres provinces que celle dont ils étaient originaires, et changeaient en principe d’affectation tous les trois ans. Le rôle de ces fonctionnaires dans la diffusion de certaines connaissances, notamment dans le domaine de l’agriculture, est bien connu13.
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  • Teachers' Guide for Painting

    Teachers' Guide for Painting

    Painting TO THE TEACHER OBJECTIVES OF THIS UNIT: To introduce students to one of the major Chinese arts. To raise questions about what we can infer from paintings about social and material life. To introduce the distinction between court and scholar painting and allow discussion of the emergence of landscape as a major art form. TEACHING STRATEGIES: This unit can be taught as a general introduction to Chinese painting or the two main subsections can be taught independently, depending on whether the teacher is more interested in using painting to teach about other things or wants to discuss painting itself as an art. WHEN TO TEACH: In a chronologically-organized course, Painting should not be used before the Song period, as most of the examples in this unit are from the Song and Yuan dynasties. If both Calligraphy and Painting are used, Calligraphy should precede Painting, as it provides valuable information on social and aesthetic values which informed the study, evaluation, and collecting of both types of works of art. This unit would also be appropriate in a course on Chinese art. http://depts.washington.edu/chinaciv/painting/tptgintr.htm (1 of 3) [11/26/2001 10:59:00 AM] Painting We know from textual and archaeological sources that painting was practiced in China from very early times and in a variety of media. Wall paintings were produced in great numbers in the early period of China's history, but because so little early architecture in China remained intact over the centuries, few of these large-scale paintings have survived.