Introduction to the Karen
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Reform in Myanmar: One Year On
Update Briefing Asia Briefing N°136 Jakarta/Brussels, 11 April 2012 Reform in Myanmar: One Year On mar hosts the South East Asia Games in 2013 and takes I. OVERVIEW over the chairmanship of the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) in 2014. One year into the new semi-civilian government, Myanmar has implemented a wide-ranging set of reforms as it em- Reforming the economy is another major issue. While vital barks on a remarkable top-down transition from five dec- and long overdue, there is a risk that making major policy ades of authoritarian rule. In an address to the nation on 1 changes in a context of unreliable data and weak econom- March 2012 marking his first year in office, President Thein ic institutions could create unintended economic shocks. Sein made clear that the goal was to introduce “genuine Given the high levels of impoverishment and vulnerabil- democracy” and that there was still much more to be done. ity, even a relatively minor shock has the potential to have This ambitious agenda includes further democratic reform, a major impact on livelihoods. At a time when expectations healing bitter wounds of the past, rebuilding the economy are running high, and authoritarian controls on the popu- and ensuring the rule of law, as well as respecting ethnic lation have been loosened, there would be a potential for diversity and equality. The changes are real, but the chal- unrest. lenges are complex and numerous. To consolidate and build on what has been achieved and increase the likeli- A third challenge is consolidating peace in ethnic areas. -
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945- )
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945 - ) Major Events in the Life of a Revolutionary Leader All terms appearing in bold are included in the glossary. 1945 On June 19 in Rangoon (now called Yangon), the capital city of Burma (now called Myanmar), Aung San Suu Kyi was born the third child and only daughter to Aung San, national hero and leader of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), and Daw Khin Kyi, a nurse at Rangoon General Hospital. Aung San Suu Kyi was born into a country with a complex history of colonial domination that began late in the nineteenth century. After a series of wars between Burma and Great Britain, Burma was conquered by the British and annexed to British India in 1885. At first, the Burmese were afforded few rights and given no political autonomy under the British, but by 1923 Burmese nationals were permitted to hold select government offices. In 1935, the British separated Burma from India, giving the country its own constitution, an elected assembly of Burmese nationals, and some measure of self-governance. In 1941, expansionist ambitions led the Japanese to invade Burma, where they defeated the British and overthrew their colonial administration. While at first the Japanese were welcomed as liberators, under their rule more oppressive policies were instituted than under the British, precipitating resistance from Burmese nationalist groups like the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL). In 1945, Allied forces drove the Japanese out of Burma and Britain resumed control over the country. 1947 Aung San negotiated the full independence of Burma from British control. -
THAILAND Submission to the CERD Committee Coalition on Racial
Shadow Report on Eliminating Racial Discrimination: THAILAND Submission to the CERD Committee 1 Coalition on Racial Discrimination Watch Preamble: 1. “ We have a distinct way of life, settlement and cultivation practices that are intricately linked with nature, forests and wild life. Our ways of life are sustainable and nature friendly and these traditions and practices have been taught and passed on from one generation to the next. But now because of State policies and waves of modernisation we are struggling to preserve and maintain our traditional ways of life” Mr. Joni Odochao, Intellectual, Karen ethnic, Opening Speech at the Indigenous Peoples Day Festival in Chiangmai, Northern Thailand 2007 Introduction on Indigenous peoples and ethnic groups in Thailand 1 The coalition was established as a loose network at the Workshop Programme on 5th July 2012 on the Shadow Report on the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) organised by the Ethnic Studies and Development Center, Sociology Faculty, Chiangmai University in cooperation with Cross Cultural Foundation and the Highland Peoples Taskforce 1 2. The Network of Indigenous Peoples in Thailand2, in the International Working Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) yearbook on 2008, explained the background of indigenous peoples in Thailand. The indigenous people of Thailand are most commonly referred to as “hill tribes”, sometimes as “ethnic minorities”, and the ten officially recognised ethnic groups are usually called “chao khao” (meaning “hill/mountain people” or “highlanders”). These and other indigenous people live in the North and North-western parts of the country. A few other indigenous groups live in the North-east and indigenous fishing communities and a small population of hunter-gatherers inhabit the South of Thailand. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
Recognition and Rebel Authority: Elite-Grassroots Relations in Myanmar’S Ethnic Insurgencies
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Goldsmiths Research Online Manuscript submission to Contemporary Politics - Original Article Title: Recognition and Rebel Authority: Elite-Grassroots Relations in Myanmar’s Ethnic Insurgencies Author: David Brenner: [email protected] Lecturer in International Relations Department of Politics University of Surrey Guildford, GU2 7XH, United Kingdom Research Associate Global South Unit Department of International Relations The London School of Economics (LSE) Houghton Street, London, WC2A 2AE, United Kingdom Recognition and Rebel Authority: Elite-Grassroots Relations in Myanmar’s Ethnic Insurgencies ABSTRACT: This article contributes to the emerging scholarship on the internal politics of non-state armed groups and rebel governance by asking how rival rebel leaders capture and lose legitimacy within their own movement. It explores this question by drawing on critical social theory and ethnographic field research on Myanmar’s most important ethnic armed groups: the Karen and Kachin insurgencies. The article finds that authority relations between elites and grassroots in these movements are not primarily linked to the distributional outcomes of their insurgent social orders, as a contractualist understanding of rebel governance would suggest. It is argued that the authority of rebel leaders in both analysed movements rather depends on whether they address their grassroots’ claim to due and proper recognition, enabling the latter to derive self-perceived positive social identities through affiliation to the insurgent collective. This contributes to our understanding of the role that authority relations between differently situated elite and non-elite insurgents play in the factional contestation within rebel movements. -
Total Detention, Charge and Fatality Lists
ARRESTS No. Name Sex /Age Father's Name Position Date of Arrest Section of Law Plaintiff Current Condition Address Remark S: 8 of the Export and Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD Import Law and S: 25 leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and of the Natural Superintendent Kyi President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s Disaster Management Lin of Special Branch, 1 (Daw) Aung San Suu Kyi F General Aung San State Counsellor (Chairman of NLD) 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Naypyitaw chief ministers and ministers in the states and law, Penal Code - Dekkhina District regions were also detained. 505(B), S: 67 of the Administrator Telecommunications Law Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD S: 25 of the Natural leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Disaster Management Superintendent President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s law, Penal Code - Myint Naing, 2 (U) Win Myint M U Tun Kyin President (Vice Chairman-1 of NLD) 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Naypyitaw chief ministers and ministers in the states and 505(B), S: 67 of the Dekkhina District regions were also detained. Telecommunications Administrator Law Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and President U Win Myint were detained. The NLD’s 3 (U) Henry Van Thio M Vice President 1-Feb-21 House Arrest Naypyitaw chief ministers and ministers in the states and regions were also detained. Myanmar Military Seizes Power and Senior NLD leaders including Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and Speaker of the Union Assembly, the President U Win Myint were detained. -
Competing Forms of Sovereignty in the Karen State of Myanmar
Competing forms of sovereignty in the Karen state of Myanmar ISEAS Working Paper #1 2013 By: Su-Ann Oh1 Email: [email protected] Visiting Research Fellow Regional Economic Studies Programme Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 1 The ISEAS Working Paper Series is published electronically by the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. © Copyright is held by the author or authors of each Working Paper. Papers in this series are preliminary in nature and are intended to stimulate discussion and critical comment. The Editorial Committee accepts no responsibility for facts presented and views expressed, which rests exclusively with the individual author or authors. No part of this publication may be produced in any form without permission. Comments are welcomed and may be sent to the author(s) Citations of this electronic publication should be made in the following manner: Author(s), “Title,” ISEAS Working Paper on “…”, No. #, Date, www.iseas.edu.sg Working Paper Editorial Committee Lee Hock Guan (editor) Terence Chong Lee Poh Onn Tin Maung Maung Than Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 30, Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang Singapore 119614 Main Tel: (65) 6778 0955 Main Fax: (65) 6778 1735 Homepage: www.iseas.edu.sg Introduction The Thai-Burmese border, represented by an innocuous line on a map, is more than a marker of geographical space. It articulates the territorial limits of sovereignty2 and represents the ideology behind the doctrine of modern nation-states. Accordingly, every political state must have a definite territorial boundary which corresponds with differences of culture and language. Moreover, territorial sovereignty is absolute, indivisible and mutually exclusive, as set out by the 1648 Treaty of Westphalia. -
Disciplining the Heart: Love, School, and Growing up Karen in Mae Hong Son
Disciplining the Heart: Love, School, and Growing Up Karen in Mae Hong Son Dayne Corey O’Meara A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University. February 2020 © Copyright by Dayne O’Meara 2020 All rights reserved Statement of Originality This thesis is the original work of the author. All sources used and assistance obtained have been acknowledged. Dayne O’Meara February 2020 ii Acknowledgements I am indebted to a number of people who have helped me over not only the four years of working on this project but also my journey to anthropology before that. The first person I would like to thank has not been directly involved in this thesis but is the person I credit with starting me down this path. She continues to be a valued friend and support. Tanya King was one of my undergraduate lecturers at Deakin University in Geelong, and she supervised my Honours thesis. I entered her introduction to anthropology class in 2009 as a relatively close-minded student. After a few weeks, my whole outlook on the world changed dramatically. My motivations for learning about other peoples shifted, and my passion for the discipline of anthropology was born. The others who taught me at Deakin also influenced me greatly to reach this point. Thanks also to Rohan Bastin, Roland Kapferer, and Richard Sutcliffe for guiding me through anthropology from 2009–2012. After relocating to the Australian National University in Canberra for postgraduate studies, I met Ajarn Chintana Sandilands, to whom I owe an enormous debt of gratitude for her patience, passion, and tenacity. -
The Don Dance: an Expression of Karen Nationalism
University of Dayton eCommons Music Faculty Publications Department of Music Fall 2006 The Don Dance: An Expression of Karen Nationalism Heather MacLachlan Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.udayton.edu/mus_fac_pub Part of the Ethnomusicology Commons The Don Dance: An Expression of Karen Nationalism BY HEATHER MACLACHLAN How do Karen people define themselves as Karen? This question has particular dance, who is called the don koh—told me import for one community in New York State—the Karen of Utica. The two that he has managed to teach only four dances hundred members of this group affirm their distinctiveness in part by celebrating so far (2002). a day that is special to Karen people worldwide. Since their arrival in Utica in Don (which means “to be in agreement”) 1999, every January they dance the don dance, a dance created and practiced dancing originated with the Pwo Karen, who only by Karen people. This article will discuss the performance of the don developed it as a way to reinforce community dance in another context: in a refugee camp in Southeast Asia, the dance values. The don koh would compose a song functions to create and reinforce a particular ideal of Karen nationhood. criticizing the misdeeds of a community member, and all of the don dancers would n January 2002, I was invited to spend a platform, at one end of this area. My interest sing the song while dancing, thereby publicly I week in the Mae Khong Kha refugee in music drew me there repeatedly; it was in condemning the person’s actions and camp, located in Thailand approximately this area that I was able to observe rehearsals affirming the group’s moral standards. -
CDC) Dataset Codebook
The Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) Dataset Codebook (Version 1.0, 2015.07) (Presented in Bartusevičius, Henrikas (2015) Introducing the Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) dataset. Forthcoming in Conflict Management and Peace Science) The Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) Dataset provides a categorization of 331 intrastate armed conflicts recorded between 1946 and 2010 into four categories: 1. Ethnic governmental; 2. Ethnic territorial; 3. Non-ethnic governmental; 4. Non-ethnic territorial. The dataset uses the UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Dataset v.4-2011, 1946 – 2010 (Themnér & Wallensteen, 2011; also Gleditsch et al., 2002) as a base (and thus is an extension of the UCDP/PRIO dataset). Therefore, the dataset employs the UCDP/PRIO’s operational definition of an aggregate armed conflict: a contested incompatibility that concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths (Themnér, 2011: 1). The dataset contains only internal and internationalized internal armed conflicts listed in the UCDP/PRIO dataset. Internal armed conflict ‘occurs between the government of a state and one or more internal opposition group(s) without intervention from other states’ (ibid.: 9). Internationalized internal armed conflict ‘occurs between the government of a state and one or more internal opposition group(s) with intervention from other states (secondary parties) on one or both sides’(ibid.). For full definitions and further details please consult the 1 codebook of the UCDP/PRIO dataset (ibid.) and the website of the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University: http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/. -
Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2005 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 8, 2006
Burma Page 1 of 24 2005 Human Rights Report Released | Daily Press Briefing | Other News... Burma Country Reports on Human Rights Practices - 2005 Released by the Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor March 8, 2006 Since 1962, Burma, with an estimated population of more than 52 million, has been ruled by a succession of highly authoritarian military regimes dominated by the majority Burman ethnic group. The current controlling military regime, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), led by Senior General Than Shwe, is the country's de facto government, with subordinate Peace and Development Councils ruling by decree at the division, state, city, township, ward, and village levels. In 1990 prodemocracy parties won more than 80 percent of the seats in a generally free and fair parliamentary election, but the junta refused to recognize the results. Twice during the year, the SPDC convened the National Convention (NC) as part of its purported "Seven-Step Road Map to Democracy." The NC, designed to produce a new constitution, excluded the largest opposition parties and did not allow free debate. The military government totally controlled the country's armed forces, excluding a few active insurgent groups. The government's human rights record worsened during the year, and the government continued to commit numerous serious abuses. The following human rights abuses were reported: abridgement of the right to change the government extrajudicial killings, including custodial deaths disappearances rape, torture, and beatings of -
Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/05k6p059 Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(2) Author Guyon, Rudy Publication Date 1992 DOI 10.5070/P8102021999 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California COMMENTS VIOLENT REPRESSION IN BURMA: HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE GLOBAL RESPONSE Rudy Guyont TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ........................................ 410 I. SLORC AND THE REPRESSION OF THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT ....................... 412 A. Burma: A Troubled History ..................... 412 B. The Pro-Democracy Rebellion and the Coup to Restore Military Control ......................... 414 C. Post Coup Elections and Political Repression ..... 417 D. Legalizing Repression ........................... 419 E. A Country Rife with Poverty, Drugs, and War ... 421 II. HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN BURMA ........... 424 A. Murder and Summary Execution ................ 424 B. Systematic Racial Discrimination ................ 425 C. Forced Dislocations ............................. 426 D. Prolonged Arbitrary Detention .................. 426 E. Torture of Prisoners ............................. 427 F . R ape ............................................ 427 G . Portering ....................................... 428 H. Environmental Devastation ...................... 428 III. VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW ....... 428 A. International Agreements of Burma .............. 429 1. The U.N.