Disciplining the Heart: Love, School, and Growing up Karen in Mae Hong Son

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Disciplining the Heart: Love, School, and Growing up Karen in Mae Hong Son Disciplining the Heart: Love, School, and Growing Up Karen in Mae Hong Son Dayne Corey O’Meara A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of The Australian National University. February 2020 © Copyright by Dayne O’Meara 2020 All rights reserved Statement of Originality This thesis is the original work of the author. All sources used and assistance obtained have been acknowledged. Dayne O’Meara February 2020 ii Acknowledgements I am indebted to a number of people who have helped me over not only the four years of working on this project but also my journey to anthropology before that. The first person I would like to thank has not been directly involved in this thesis but is the person I credit with starting me down this path. She continues to be a valued friend and support. Tanya King was one of my undergraduate lecturers at Deakin University in Geelong, and she supervised my Honours thesis. I entered her introduction to anthropology class in 2009 as a relatively close-minded student. After a few weeks, my whole outlook on the world changed dramatically. My motivations for learning about other peoples shifted, and my passion for the discipline of anthropology was born. The others who taught me at Deakin also influenced me greatly to reach this point. Thanks also to Rohan Bastin, Roland Kapferer, and Richard Sutcliffe for guiding me through anthropology from 2009–2012. After relocating to the Australian National University in Canberra for postgraduate studies, I met Ajarn Chintana Sandilands, to whom I owe an enormous debt of gratitude for her patience, passion, and tenacity. Ajarn Chintana will for evermore be my Thai teacher, and I am grateful that her lessons never failed to connect language to real lived situations and matters important to Thai people from all walks of life. A number of other scholars have directly offered assistance with my writing or research since I began at ANU. I would like to especially thank Nick Cheesman, Nicholas Farrelly, Graham Fordham, Patrick Guinness, Christine Helliwell, Kirin Narayan, Yasmine Musharbash, Caroline Schuster, Philip Taylor, Matt Tomlinson, and Andrew Walker for the assistance they have provided throughout my journey. Some were more present near the beginning, some near the end, and some the whole way through. I appreciate you all, including anyone else who I have forgotten to mention. I would like to especially thank the chair of my supervisory panel, Jane Ferguson, for never failing to believe in me and my project. Your encouragement and advice have made all the difference to keeping me on track through what has been a tumultuous few years in our school. I would also like to thank Ajarn Amporn Jirattikorn at Chiang Mai University for her assistance in Thailand during the period of my fieldwork. I would like to thank the Australian government for financially supporting my research through an Australian Government Research Training Program Stipend Scholarship and Fee- Offset Scholarship. I give further thanks to The Australian National University’s School of Culture, History and Language for access to fieldwork funding and for awarding me the Marie Reay Prize in 2017 to assist with additional fieldwork expenses. My thanks also to the Kingdom of Thailand and the National Research Council of Thailand for approving my fieldwork. I need to both thank and apologise to my friends and family. Working on my PhD has taken priority over my social life for the past few years. I have valued having a close cohort of iii fellow PhD students with me at ANU, and I wish them all the best as they begin their post-PhD lives or continue to work on their own theses. I wish I had had more time to return home and visit my friends in Victoria. Please know that I have not forgotten about any of you, and I promise to visit again soon. Thank you to my parents and siblings. I have always felt like all of you are by my side. To my partner, Lookkaew, thank you for your love, patience, and support. I was already working on this project when we met, and so there has never been a single day in our relationship until now that you have not had to share me with my thesis to some extent. The most joyous part of reaching the end of this project is that we can finally get to work beginning our future together. I would also like to express my thanks to you for helping me to translate various things from Thai into English, helping me navigate Thai bureaucracy, and discussing thesis ideas with me at all hours of day and night. The final group of people to whom I express my deepest gratitude are the teachers, parents, and students who shared their lives with me while I lived at their school for a year conducting my research. I am certain I was at times a burden, but nobody ever treated me like I was. My thesis deals with some difficult issues that not everybody in my fieldsite saw eye to eye on. I can only hope that I have captured that diversity of perspectives in my writing, but I of course acknowledge that no thesis can do justice to the complexity of lived reality. I have tended to side with the kids when writing about generational tensions, but this does not diminish the immense kindness I have been shown by the adults in the community I refer to as Little Creek. Thank you all for the many meals and conversations we shared and for inviting me into your homes and classrooms. I shared close bonds with many of the students of all ages. Some were especially helpful in terms of the data they led me to, and others were simply wonderful company when I was alone and confused in a place that was initially strange to me. Thank you for waking me up in the morning, for watching movies and playing video games with me, for answering my many questions, and for taking an interest in my life as I took an interest in yours. To Tanchanok, thank you, and please keep on being you. iv Abstract The heart—jai—is a powerful metaphor in Thai language. To succeed at school, students in Thailand must tangjai rian—possess the right discipline, attitude, and ability to set their hearts toward learning and studying. This thesis documents the situated nuances of this everyday Thai concept as it is deployed in the context of a government school, within an upland Sgaw Karen community. Educational success is highly valued as cultural capital at the margins of Thai society, even while the institution of the school actively subjectifies upland groups as internal others—referred to in Thai as chao khao (hill tribes). As tangjai rian is presented as a potential path out of poverty, Karen teachers and parents are highly invested in policing students’ adherence to it as a moral ideal. This ethnography of a Thai government school analyses how Karen students engage with adult expectations of childhood to renegotiate the limits of tangjai rian and the meaning attached to one’s time at school. As Karen students reach adolescence and begin to pursue romance, their status as children who can tangjai rian is threatened. Inference of sexual activity signals a failure to tangjai rian, as focusing on schoolwork is framed by adults as impossible alongside a sexual relationship. This represents a moral failure, as tangjai rian is framed as an expression of love and gratitude towards teachers and parents both. At the heart of the thesis lies the extended case study of a female student who was expelled due to her alleged sexual activity. This exceptional event is used as an entry point to the broader moral discourse about love and school that took place during the Thai school year of 2017. Drawing on social practice theory, this thesis considers how adolescent students reconcile their romantic and educational pursuits through ‘serious play’ in ‘figured worlds’— students jointly author their own moral worlds where they can playfully enact their own understandings of ideas like tangjai rian according to new rules. The dominant figured world of the school frames teenage romance as only acceptable if it serves to directly support a student’s efforts to tangjai rian. The key difference in the figured worlds of adolescent students is that romance and tangjai rian are both framed as integral features of the school experience alongside one another. Schooling in Thailand is an institutional project of ethnonational belonging in which Karen students are set up to fail. At the same time as they learn what Thainess looks like, Karen students are reminded that its embodiment is unattainable for those readily identifiable as belonging to a ‘hill tribe’. By complementing their endeavours to tangjai rian with the pursuit of love, the secondary students at this school add value to their experience of an institution that, realistically, will deliver its promised outcomes to a very small number of those who pass through it. Successfully pursuing love and education simultaneously is made possible by the cultural innovations of children’s serious play. v Notes on Transliteration and Transcription Throughout the thesis I make reference to a number of words and phrases in both Thai and Sgaw Karen languages. Where Thai authors are referenced, I maintain preferred spellings of their names wherever possible, and I follow the Thai referencing style of citing Thai authors by their first name and alphabetising their works by first name in my reference list. All names of research participants throughout the thesis are Thai pseudonyms, and I have chosen commonly used spellings for them.
Recommended publications
  • THAILAND Submission to the CERD Committee Coalition on Racial
    Shadow Report on Eliminating Racial Discrimination: THAILAND Submission to the CERD Committee 1 Coalition on Racial Discrimination Watch Preamble: 1. “ We have a distinct way of life, settlement and cultivation practices that are intricately linked with nature, forests and wild life. Our ways of life are sustainable and nature friendly and these traditions and practices have been taught and passed on from one generation to the next. But now because of State policies and waves of modernisation we are struggling to preserve and maintain our traditional ways of life” Mr. Joni Odochao, Intellectual, Karen ethnic, Opening Speech at the Indigenous Peoples Day Festival in Chiangmai, Northern Thailand 2007 Introduction on Indigenous peoples and ethnic groups in Thailand 1 The coalition was established as a loose network at the Workshop Programme on 5th July 2012 on the Shadow Report on the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) organised by the Ethnic Studies and Development Center, Sociology Faculty, Chiangmai University in cooperation with Cross Cultural Foundation and the Highland Peoples Taskforce 1 2. The Network of Indigenous Peoples in Thailand2, in the International Working Group for Indigenous Affairs (IWGIA) yearbook on 2008, explained the background of indigenous peoples in Thailand. The indigenous people of Thailand are most commonly referred to as “hill tribes”, sometimes as “ethnic minorities”, and the ten officially recognised ethnic groups are usually called “chao khao” (meaning “hill/mountain people” or “highlanders”). These and other indigenous people live in the North and North-western parts of the country. A few other indigenous groups live in the North-east and indigenous fishing communities and a small population of hunter-gatherers inhabit the South of Thailand.
    [Show full text]
  • The Don Dance: an Expression of Karen Nationalism
    University of Dayton eCommons Music Faculty Publications Department of Music Fall 2006 The Don Dance: An Expression of Karen Nationalism Heather MacLachlan Follow this and additional works at: https://ecommons.udayton.edu/mus_fac_pub Part of the Ethnomusicology Commons The Don Dance: An Expression of Karen Nationalism BY HEATHER MACLACHLAN How do Karen people define themselves as Karen? This question has particular dance, who is called the don koh—told me import for one community in New York State—the Karen of Utica. The two that he has managed to teach only four dances hundred members of this group affirm their distinctiveness in part by celebrating so far (2002). a day that is special to Karen people worldwide. Since their arrival in Utica in Don (which means “to be in agreement”) 1999, every January they dance the don dance, a dance created and practiced dancing originated with the Pwo Karen, who only by Karen people. This article will discuss the performance of the don developed it as a way to reinforce community dance in another context: in a refugee camp in Southeast Asia, the dance values. The don koh would compose a song functions to create and reinforce a particular ideal of Karen nationhood. criticizing the misdeeds of a community member, and all of the don dancers would n January 2002, I was invited to spend a platform, at one end of this area. My interest sing the song while dancing, thereby publicly I week in the Mae Khong Kha refugee in music drew me there repeatedly; it was in condemning the person’s actions and camp, located in Thailand approximately this area that I was able to observe rehearsals affirming the group’s moral standards.
    [Show full text]
  • Forbidden Songs of the Pgaz K'nyau
    Forbidden Songs of the Pgaz K’Nyau Suwichan Phattanaphraiwan (“Chi”) / Bodhivijjalaya College (Srinakharinwirot University), Tak, Thailand Translated by Benjamin Fairfield in consultation with Dr. Yuphaphann Hoonchamlong / University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, Honolulu, Hawai‘i Peer Reviewer: Amporn Jirattikorn / Chiang Mai University, Thailand Manuscript Editor and General Editor: Richard K. Wolf / Harvard University Editorial Assistant: Kelly Bosworth / Indiana University Bloomington Abstract The “forbidden” songs of the Pkaz K’Nyau (Karen), part of a larger oral tradition (called tha), are on the decline due to lowland Thai moderniZation campaigns, internaliZed Baptist missionary attitudes, and the taboo nature of the music itself. Traditionally only heard at funerals and deeply intertwined with the spiritual world, these 7-syllable, 2-stanza poetic couplets housing vast repositories of oral tradition and knowledge have become increasingly feared, banned, and nearly forgotten among Karen populations in Thailand. With the disappearance of the music comes a loss of cosmology, ecological sustainability, and cultural knowledge and identity. Forbidden Songs is an autoethnographic work by Chi Suwichan Phattanaphraiwan, himself an artist and composer working to revive the music’s place in Karen society, that offers an inside glimpse into the many ways in which Karen tradition is regulated, barred, enforced, reworked, interpreted, and denounced. This informative account, rich in ethnographic data, speaks to the multivalent responses to internal and external factors driving moderniZation in an indigenous and stateless community in northern Thailand. Citation: Phattanaphraiwan, Suwichan (“Chi”). Forbidden Songs of the Pgaz K’Nyau. Translated by Benjamin Fairfield. Ethnomusicology Translations, no. 8. Bloomington, IN: Society for Ethnomusicology, 2018. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14434/emt.v0i8.25921 Originally published in Thai as เพลงต้องห้ามของปกาเกอะญอ.
    [Show full text]
  • CDC) Dataset Codebook
    The Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) Dataset Codebook (Version 1.0, 2015.07) (Presented in Bartusevičius, Henrikas (2015) Introducing the Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) dataset. Forthcoming in Conflict Management and Peace Science) The Categorically Disaggregated Conflict (CDC) Dataset provides a categorization of 331 intrastate armed conflicts recorded between 1946 and 2010 into four categories: 1. Ethnic governmental; 2. Ethnic territorial; 3. Non-ethnic governmental; 4. Non-ethnic territorial. The dataset uses the UCDP/PRIO Armed Conflict Dataset v.4-2011, 1946 – 2010 (Themnér & Wallensteen, 2011; also Gleditsch et al., 2002) as a base (and thus is an extension of the UCDP/PRIO dataset). Therefore, the dataset employs the UCDP/PRIO’s operational definition of an aggregate armed conflict: a contested incompatibility that concerns government and/or territory where the use of armed force between two parties, of which at least one is the government of a state, results in at least 25 battle-related deaths (Themnér, 2011: 1). The dataset contains only internal and internationalized internal armed conflicts listed in the UCDP/PRIO dataset. Internal armed conflict ‘occurs between the government of a state and one or more internal opposition group(s) without intervention from other states’ (ibid.: 9). Internationalized internal armed conflict ‘occurs between the government of a state and one or more internal opposition group(s) with intervention from other states (secondary parties) on one or both sides’(ibid.). For full definitions and further details please consult the 1 codebook of the UCDP/PRIO dataset (ibid.) and the website of the Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University: http://www.pcr.uu.se/research/ucdp/definitions/.
    [Show full text]
  • THAI-YUNNAN PROJECT BULLETIN NUMBER 7 MARCH 2005 Editorial
    THAI-YUNNAN PROJECT BULLETIN NUMBER 7 MARCH 2005 Editorial In the seventh issue of this online Bulletin we carry a fascinating continuation of Wasan Panyagaew’s travels (see Bulletin no. 5, 2003) among the diasporic Lue of the upper-Mekong borderlands. Nicholas Farrelly takes us even further afi eld with a stimulating and critical account of the way in which Thai scholars have approached the Tai groups of northeastern India. This builds on his previous critique of Thai writing on the Shan, which was submitted as an Honours Thesis at the Australian National University in 2003. And Runako Samata, in an extract from her Master’s Thesis at Chiang Mai University, gives a detailed account of some aspects of cabbage production by the Karen of Thailand, pointing to close relations with neighbouring groups and complexifying the often trite identifi cations of commercial production with non-Karen peoples. For recent discussions of this important issue see, for example, Yos Santasombat’s “Karen Cultural Capital and the political ecology of symbolic power” in Asian Ethnicity 5:1, 2004 and Andrew Walker’s comment Phra Upakhut, Wat Upakhut, Chiang Mai. Andrew Walker in the subsequent issue; Pinkaew Laungaramsri’s It is a belief that Phra Uppakut walks the streets of Chiangmai important critique of Thai forest policy, Redefi ning on the full moon of the ninth month as a monk seeking alms. The fi rst one to make an offering is blessed with good fortune. Nature (Earthworm Books 2001); Claudio Delang’s There is a story in Chiangmai that the future Luang Anusarn edited collection, Living at the edge of Thai society had walked overland to Chiangmai from China and was earn- (RoutledgeCurzon, 2003) and Yoko Hayami’s ing his living as a pedlar on the streets of Chiangmai.
    [Show full text]
  • 3 Sides to Every Story
    33 SSIIDDEESS TTOO EEVVEERRYY SSTTOORRYY A PROFILE OF MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN THE REFUGEE CAMPS ON THE THAILAND BURMA BORDER THAILAND BURMA BORDER CONSORTIUM JULY 2010 Note on the Title: The “three sides” refers to the three self-identified sectors of Muslim communities in the camps, defined by the reasons for their presence in the camps (see “Muslim Lifestyle Practices and Preferences/ Socio-Cultural/ Self-identity”). Cover design: http://library.wustl.edu/subjects/islamic/MihrabIsfahan.jpg 2 33 SSIIDDEESS TTOO EEVVEERRYY SSTTOORRYY A PROFILE OF MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN THE REFUGEE CAMPS ON THE THAILAND BURMA BORDER THAILAND BURMA BORDER CONSORTIUM JULY 2010 3 CONTENTS PAGE EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ……….......………………………………………………….……………………………. 7 SUMMARY OF STATISTICS BY RELIGION/ CAMP ……………………………………………………………....... 9 PREFACE ……….......………………………………………………….……………………………………… 13 BACKGROUND INTRODUCTION OF ISLAM TO BURMA ………………………………………………………………………...... 15 DISPLACEMENT OF BURMESE MUSLIM COMMUNITIES INTO THAILAND ……..……………………………………… 15 Border-wide Camp-Specific Other Influxes CURRENT SITUATION PREVALENCE OF MUSLIM COMMUNITIES IN AND AROUND THE REFUGEE CAMPS ……..……………………. 19 Muslim Communities in Camps Muslim Communities Around the Camps Impacts on Camp Security LIFESTYLE PRACTICES AND PREFERENCES: SOCIO-CULTURAL: ……………………………………………………………………………………………… 21 o The “Three Sides” o Religion and Faith o Gender Roles o Romance, Marriage and Divorce o Social Inclusion FOOD AND SHELTER: ………….…...………………..…………………………….…………………….. 29 o Ration Collection/ Consumption
    [Show full text]
  • The Karen People from Burma the Origin of Karen
    The Karen People From Burma The Origin of Karen • Descended from same ancestors as Mongolian People. • They travelled all the way through China and entered Burma. History From there, migrated southwards and gradually entered the land now known as Burma/Myanmar about 739 BC Believed that first settlers in this new land named this land kaw-lah, meaning the Green Land changed the name of the land to Kawthoolei, a land free of all evils, famine, misery and strife. History Con’t Mon were the next to enter this area, followed the Burmans, Mon and the Burmans brought with them feudalism The Burmese won the feudal war, and they subdued and subjugated all other nationalities in the land. The Burmese Lords, Persecuted, tortured, killed, suppressed, oppressed and exploited the Karen History Con’t many Karen had to flee for their lives to the high mountains and thick jungles 1824 British entered Burma, the conditions of the Karens gradually improved With the introduction of law and order by the Colonial Central Authority, the Karen began to earn their living without being hindered, and could go to school In 1942, the Japanese invaded Burma with the help of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) History Con’t These BIA troops took full advantage of the situation by introucing that the Karen were spies and puppets of the British With the help of the Japanese, they began to attack the Karen villages, using a scheme to wipe out the entire Karen populace The Karen sent a Goodwill Mission to England in August 1946, to make the Karen case known to the British Government and the British people, and to ask for a true Karen State.
    [Show full text]
  • Karen Refugees from Burma in the US: an Overview for Torture Treatment Programs Presentation by Eh Taw Dwe and Tonya Cook Caveat  “Karen People Are Very Diverse
    Karen Refugees from Burma in the US: an Overview for Torture Treatment Programs Presentation by Eh Taw Dwe and Tonya Cook Caveat “Karen people are very diverse. Among the Karen people there are different languages, different cultures, different religions, and different political groups. No one can claim to speak on behalf of all Karen people, or represent all Karen people.” - Venerable Ashin Moonieinda From “The Karen people: Culture, Faith and History.” (http://www.karen.org.au/docs/karen_people.pdf) Introduction to Burma - January 4th, 1948 –independence - Government type = Military Junta. A brutal military regime has been in power since 1962. - The junta allowed “elections” to be held in Burma in 1990. - The National League for Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi won over 80% of the vote. The list of party candidates became the hit list of the junta. The NLD was never allowed to claim their rightful seats. Burma or Myanmar? •The military dictatorship changed the name of Burma to Myanmar in 1989. • Parties who do not accept the authority of the unelected military regime to change the official name of the country still call it Burma (minority ethnic groups, the U.S. and the UK. •The UN, France, and Japan recognize it as Myanmar. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/7013943.stm Who Lives in Burma? There are eight main ethnic groups and 130 distinct sub-groups Total Population = ~55 Million Includes: •Burmans = 37.4 Million (68%) •Karen in Burma = 7 to 9 Million •Karen in Thailand = 400,000 •Karen in Thai refugee camps= ~150,000 Source: http://www.cal.org/co/pdffiles/refugeesfromburma.pdf Map courtesy of Free Burma Rangers Kachin Karenni Chin Mon Rakhine (Arakanese) Shan Burman Karen Map of the Karen State How to Refer to Refugees from Burma There is no single national identity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Moken People of Burmaʼs Mergui Archipelago
    The Coming Extinction: The Moken People of Burmaʼs Mergui Archipelago A Research Report by The Coming Extinction: The Moken People of Burma’s Mergui Archipelago Acknowledgement This report was co-authored by a BHRN’s researcher who lives in the region and remains anonymous for security reasons and by Regina M. Paulose, International Criminal Law Attorney, with the support of the Moken activists and people and BHRN’s Executive Director Kyaw Win. BHRN is grateful to the community members who shared their stories with us, and to the local, multi-ethnic team research assistants who worked in solidarity with Burmese Muslims to make this documentation project possible. www.bhrn.org.uk 2 The Coming Extinction: The Moken People of Burma’s Mergui Archipelago About Burma Human Rights Network ( BHRN ) The Burma Human Rights Network (BHRN) was founded in 2012 and works for human rights, minority rights, and religious freedom in Burma. BHRN has played a crucial role in advocating for these principles with politicians and world leaders. BHRN is funded by the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), Unitarian Universalist Service Committee (UUSC), American Jewish World Service (AJWS), Tide Foundation, and private individuals. We employ local researchers across Burma and neighbouring areas in Rakhine State, on the Thai-Burma border, and on the Bangladesh border investigating and documenting human rights violations. Any information we receive is carefully checked for credibility by experienced senior research officers in the organisation. BHRN publishes press releases and research reports after investigations are concluded on concerning issues. BHRN is one of the leading organisations from Burma conducting evidence-based international advocacy for human rights, including statelessness, minority rights, and freedom of religion and belief.
    [Show full text]
  • Book of Abstracts Here
    Page 1 22nd Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia Abstracts 22nd Biennial Conference of the ASAA The University of Sydney sydney.edu.au/events/asaa2018 Area Studies and Beyond – Abstracts 22nd Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia (ASAA) 3 - 5 July 2018 Contents Welcome from the ASAA President ii Welcome from the Conference Convenor iii Sub-Regional Keynote Abstracts 1 Roundtable Abstracts 3 Speaker Abstracts (alphabetical by last name) Abdullah – Asad 4 Bacon – Bytheway 12 Campbell – Curato 21 Da-Anoy – Dutta 37 Edwards – Erlina 44 Fabrizio – Fushiki 46 Galang – Gupta 53 Hack – Hyslop 62 Inwald – I-Ying 73 Jacka – Jung 74 Kam – Kwek 77 Lahiri-Dutt - Luzzu 86 Ma – Myutel 98 Abstracts Nagesh – Nur 112 O’Brien – Oshiro 120 Pak – Putra 121 Rahim – Rungmanee 132 Saito – Swinbank 139 Tadem – Twomey 155 Uabumrungjit – Utama 164 Vanderstaay – Vu 164 Wahyuningrum – Wu 167 Xiaoxuan – Xu 179 Yadav – Yusuke 179 Zabrovskaia – Zhou 186 22nd Biennial Conference of the Asian Studies Association of Australia Association of Asian Studies 22nd Biennial Conference of the i Page i2 Welcome from the ASAA President Welcome to the 22nd biennial Asian Studies Association of Australia Conference Since 1976, ASAA and its conferences have been at the centre of Asian engagement in Australia. Over these 42 years, Asian Studies and Asian engagement have moved from the periphery of the Australian academy and public discourse to the very heart. We stand on the shoulders of those who have presented before us and brought their insight to the attention of policy makers and the next generation of students.
    [Show full text]
  • Birma: Centrum Kontra Peryferie
    Michał Lubina Birma: centrum kontra peryferie Kwestia etniczna we współczesnej Birmie (1948 – 2013) Kraków 2014 © Copyright by Michał Lubina Publikacja dofinansowana przez Towarzystwo Doktorantów Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego Recenzja: dr hab. Hubert Królikowski, prof. UJ Konsultacje naukowe: dr hab. Bogdan Góralczyk, prof. UW dr Grażyna Szymańska-Matusiewicz Magdalena Kozłowska Redakcja techniczna: Wojciech Marcinek ISBN 978-83-937321-9-7 Wydawca: Krakowska Oficyna Naukowa TEKST 31-216 Kraków, Bobrzeckiej 9, www.kon-tekst.pl Druk: Eikon Plus, Kraków Nakład: do 200 egz. Rodzicom, którzy nauczyli mnie ciekawości i szacunku do świata w podzięce za nieustanne wsparcie Spis treści Wstęp 9 Rozdział I. Birma w ujęciu teoretyczno-metodologicznym i historiografii 13 Periodyzacja i struktura pracy 13 Krytyka źródeł 28 Uwagi odnośnie pisowni i nazw własnych 32 Birma czy Mjanma (Myanmar)? 33 Rozdział II. Charakterystyka etniczna Birmy 37 Najważniejsze grupy etniczne Birmy 41 Rozdział III. Birma do 1948 roku. Przyczyny konfliktu centrum – peryferie 57 Od centrum ku peryferiom. Charakter prekolonialnej monarchii birmańskiej 57 „Dwie Birmy”. Kolonializm a kwestia etniczna 60 Birmański ruch narodowy a kwestia etniczna 69 Okupacja japońska (1942-1945) 77 W przededniu niepodległości (1945-1948) 85 Podsumowanie 99 Rozdział IV. Kwestia etniczna w parlamentarnej Birmie (1948-1962) 101 Sytuacja wewnętrzna w kraju w latach 1948-1962 102 Początek wojny domowej 106 Komuniści 107 Karenowie. Konflikt „lewicowców” i „prawicowców” w armii 109 Walki birmańsko-kareńskie. Oblężenie Rangunu (1949) 114 Sytuacja wewnętrzna w latach 50-tych. Wzrost znaczenia armii 119 Inwazja Kuomintangu (1950) 123 Sytuacja wewnętrzna w Birmie w połowie lat 50-tych 127 5 Pierwszy zamach stanu armii (1958) i rząd przejściowy generała Ne Wina (1958-1960) 135 Cywilne Interregnum (1960-1962) 138 Drugi zamach stanu Ne Wina (1962) 145 Podsumowanie 147 Rozdział V.
    [Show full text]
  • Journal of the West China Borah Research Society, Vol
    The Miao are the most numerous of thr ha tribes of Northern Thailand. A remote an 1 colourful people, they have in recent times appeared unwillingly on the political stage: because of their migratory habits which do not respect political boundaries and their involvement with opium growing, they have been branded as 'insurgents' by the govern- ments of Thailand and Laos. On the basis of his field-work among the Miao and his official dealings with the Government of Thailand, Professor Geddes has written an authoritative and wide-ranging study which will be welcomed by anthropologists generally and by all students of South-East Asia in particular. MIGRANTS OF THE MOUNTAINS Migrants of the Mountains THE CULTURAL ECOLOGY OF THE BLUE MIA0 - (HMONG NJUA) OF THAILAND BY WILLIAM ROBERT GEDDES CLARENDON PRESS . OXFORD 1976 Oxford Uniocrsi& Press, Ely House, London W.z G-w NBWYORK mrtom ME~~OURNBWELLINGTON CAPE TOWN IBADAN NAIROBI DAR SALAAM LUSAXSA ADDIS AEABA DBW BOMBAY CAJXUlTA MADBAS KARACHI LAHORE DACCA KUALA LUMPUR SINGAPORE HONG KONG TOKYO All rights resemed. No part of this publication rng be reproduced, stored in a re&d system, or transmitted, in any fonn or& any means, electronic, mhanical, photocopying, .ruording or otherwise, without the prior pennissian of Oxfwd Universib Press PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY WILLIAM CLOWES & SONS, LIMITED LONDON, BECCLES AND COLMESTER PREFACE MY interest in the Miao was aroused by meeting a number of them at the Chinese National Institute of Minorities in Peking which I visited in May 1956. It was enlivened by talking with Dr. Fei Hsiao Tung, the Vice-Director of the Institute, whom I had known previously in London, about the studies of Miao culture which he was supervising.
    [Show full text]