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Introduction Chapter -1 Introduction The 19* Century was a period of transformation the world over. Society and polity particularly saw a great deal of change, as also did the nature of economies. However the colonial regions of the world were the most deeply affected. It was a period when indigenous systems were discarded and western techniques of administration and ideas of western polity wee introduced. The economies of all the subjugated regions underwent the effects of imperialism, India being a case in point. Under exploitative colonial rule the nature of productivity and consequently the market in India changed. As a result of these changes, which in most cases affected economy and polity from the grassroots level onwards, it is not surprising that society in India should also undergo changes corresponding to the above-mentioned ones. Society reflected these changes in ^j^the form of decline and fall of elites, the emergence of a vibrant middle class as well as the birth of the industrial proletariat. The decline of the old elite and their increasing irrelevance in the new environment was a feature of the colonial world. At times they continued their existence on the basis of maintenance or patronage extended by the , colonial power. The rise of new elites meant a change in the dynamics of power and • social and economic status. The imperialist nations had a substantial impact on cultural norms and practices as well. In the case of colonial India we find a number of administrative reforms taking place in a virtual revamping of the medievalist administrative structures that were in existence. If we take the example of Maharashtra, the single most illustrative example is the change wrought in the land tenure system. No doubt the new systems were / systematically planned after a deep study of existing conditions but at the same time it cannot be denied that western ideals and concepts, alien to the existing environment were the basis for them. The legal system had to undergo a transformation in order to support the new revenue system. Thus we see that change in land tenure systems and settlements had a deep impact on rural and to an extent urban economy and society. A more specific example would be the introduction of the concept of individual ownership of land. It was an alien concept which when introduced disturbed the existing socio- economic fabric of rural India. In urban India tlie impact of conversions and more importantly western education had a similar, deep impact. British influence was first felt in and around the three major port centres where the British set themselves up, namely Bombay, Calcutta and Madras. These three areas were the first to modernize under British influence and subsequently became the three major provinces or presidencies, as they were called, under direct rule of the East Indian Company. The process of modernization in these areas took place before the other regions primarily because of the early introduction of western administration and ■s western educatior^^ Present day Maharashtra, which at that time constituted part of the Bombay Presidency and specifically its western region, has been one of the most progressive regions in India. Apart from the early contact with westerners, social and historical factors are also to an extent responsible for providing an environment conducive to development and modernization, which will be examined subsequently. Maharashtra was one of the last bastions to fall to the East India Company’s conquest of India.Under the rule of the Peshwas the Marathas dominated the politics of the subcontinent all through the eighteenth century. It was the fall of the Maratha Empire that established and gave true significance to British rule in India. This transfer of power on the political front with the fall of the Peshwa in 1821 ushered in a new era in the history of India. It brought with it changes that were far reaching and of a permanent nature which were not limited to the political scenario alone but also included a transformation of the socio-economic texture of society. The sources of change in Maharashtra can be broadly categorized under the following heads - political, economic and social. The first and most obvious was the process of political change which separated the old aristocracy from its position of privilege. The fall of the Brahmin Peshwai and the establishment of company rule removed this class of politically dominant people from the scene of power completely. The Holkars, Shindes, Patwardhans, Rastes for example were no longer relevant to the political scenario. They were families that had guided the fortunes of the Marathas Empire after superseding the earlier Maratha aristocracy that had controlled land and politics in the seventeenth century. They have been referred to as the military beaurocratic genre or power brokers.' British policy towards these aristocratic elements was certainly not harsh but at the same time it was abundantly clear that they would be completely divorced from the \ ; corridors of power and government. The nature of government had changed, the earlier financial military system having come to an end. The British hoped recruit from the educated Sardars into the administration, which was however a hope that remained unfulfilled. The change of power also brought about a demilitarization of the indigenous aristocracy removing from their grasp another source of power. The new rulers realized that a potentially dangerous situation would have arisen if this class had been cast off without economic sustenance, they were after all used to a life of privilege under the Peshwas. The practice of granting pensions or at times continuing imams originally granted by the Peshwas was thus adopted. A distinction must be made once again between those who were beneficiaries of the Peshwa’s rule and those who were in power before it. An example pertaining to above mentioned context is the case of the Mehendale family who were military Sardars under the Peshwas. Krishnarao Appa Balwant Mehendale rose to prominence in the period following the debacle at Panipat. His son Balwant Krishna finds mention in official documents dating to 1813^ as also in documents of the 1890s.^ The family was connected by marriage to the Bhat Peshwas as well as the Bhanu Family. With the fall of the Peshwai, Sardar Balwant Krishna Mehendale was granted a pension as well as a place in the list of privileged persons. However, the government denied his request for the same privileges for his son."* There is no doubt that there were certain limitations under which the British operated, all the dependants of the Peshwa could not be accommodated in perpetuity. The main reason behind this was the British unwillingness to allow alienation of land to take place. Understandable since land revenue was to be the main source of income for the government. Thus dependencies particularly those granted to, civil and military officials of the Peshwa’s regime were resumed after one generation and very rarely was a ' Gokhale.B.G, Poona In The 18* Century, Pg 106 ^ Joshi,S.N, Karandikar,J.S, Chipavan Samajchitra, Pune 1940, Pg 17. ^ Sardesai.G.S, Historical Genealogies, Bombay 1957. “ Pol. Dept. Vo. 20, file 10, Deccan 1850, Bombay Archives. hereditary pension granted. This kind of policy was generally based upon economic or political exigencies, which are illustrated by the following examples. Descendants of Chhatrapati Shivaji’s Peshwa, Moro Trimal Pingle .were granted a pension for his lifetime only. Later on his widows and mother were given a small pension, reverting the earlier decision. The second example is of pension granted to widows of the descendants of Samarth Ramdas Swami, whose original grant dated back to time of Chatrapati Shahu and Madhavrao Peshwa.' Widely regarded as the religious preceptor of Chatrapati Shivaji, there was a certain sentimental importance given to the family by the people of Maharasthra, which was respected by the British. Thus pensions were very often the tool to win over the earlier ruling class and its dependants, therebye creating a class of collaborators. It was not till the late 19*'’ Century that a politically active class was to be found in Maharashtra. The establishment of colonial rule was also responsible for the change in the economy of the region. Under the Peshwas the nature of the state was largely responsible in shaping the economy of the region. The Maratha State since its inception was largely dependant on surplus from outside. The Maratha military system was the means by which this was achieved. Every year the Maratha armies, under the command of the Sardars, collected taxes in the form of Chauth and Sardeshmukhi from their designated areas. In some cases the area where tax was to be levied was farmed out or auctioned to officials against the payment of an advance. It was in this fashion the monies flowed into the Peshwas coffers, the army being an integral part of this system. Once the Peshwai was defeated and the Peshwas forces disbanded the whole fiscal structure collapsed along with is. Unfortunately once this political scenario changed the businesses and crafts that subsisted on the patronage of this regime also declined. The establishment of the Maratha state had certainly generated greater economic activity in Maharashta. With the collapse of the Peshwai trade and crafts that had been supported by the very existence of an independent state also declined. We have ample information about certain businesses and crafts that declined however this continues to be a largely unexplored area. The fact remains that Maharashtra people were not able to exploit the increasing volume of trade in the coastal areas from the 17*'’ Century onwards. Once ' Alienation Records, 1851, Vol II, II A, Pune Archives.
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