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Chapter -1

Introduction

The 19* Century was a period of transformation the world over. Society and polity particularly saw a great deal of change, as also did the nature of economies. However the colonial regions of the world were the most deeply affected. It was a period when indigenous systems were discarded and western techniques of administration and ideas of western polity wee introduced. The economies of all the subjugated regions underwent the effects of imperialism, being a case in point. Under exploitative colonial rule the nature of productivity and consequently the market in India changed. As a result of these changes, which in most cases affected economy and polity from the grassroots level onwards, it is not surprising that society in India should also undergo changes corresponding to the above-mentioned ones. Society reflected these changes in ^j^the form of decline and fall of elites, the emergence of a vibrant middle class as well as the birth of the industrial proletariat. The decline of the old elite and their increasing irrelevance in the new environment was a feature of the colonial world. At times they continued their existence on the basis of maintenance or patronage extended by the , colonial power. The rise of new elites meant a change in the dynamics of power and • social and economic status. The imperialist nations had a substantial impact on cultural norms and practices as well.

In the case of colonial India we find a number of administrative reforms taking place in a virtual revamping of the medievalist administrative structures that were in existence. If we take the example of , the single most illustrative example is the change wrought in the land tenure system. No doubt the new systems were / systematically planned after a deep study of existing conditions but at the same time it cannot be denied that western ideals and concepts, alien to the existing environment were the basis for them. The legal system had to undergo a transformation in order to support the new revenue system. Thus we see that change in land tenure systems and settlements had a deep impact on rural and to an extent urban economy and society. A more specific example would be the introduction of the concept of individual ownership of land. It was an alien concept which when introduced disturbed the existing socio- economic fabric of rural India. In urban India tlie impact of conversions and more importantly western education had a similar, deep impact.

British influence was first felt in and around the three major port centres where the British set themselves up, namely Bombay, Calcutta and Madras. These three areas were the first to modernize under British influence and subsequently became the three major provinces or presidencies, as they were called, under direct rule of the East Indian Company. The process of modernization in these areas took place before the other regions primarily because of the early introduction of western administration and ■s western educatior^^

Present day Maharashtra, which at that time constituted part of the and specifically its western region, has been one of the most progressive regions in India. Apart from the early contact with westerners, social and historical factors are also to an extent responsible for providing an environment conducive to development and modernization, which will be examined subsequently.

Maharashtra was one of the last bastions to fall to the ’s conquest of India.Under the rule of the the Marathas dominated the politics of the subcontinent all through the eighteenth century. It was the fall of the that established and gave true significance to British rule in India. This transfer of power on the political front with the fall of the in 1821 ushered in a new era in the . It brought with it changes that were far reaching and of a permanent nature which were not limited to the political scenario alone but also included a transformation of the socio-economic texture of society.

The sources of change in Maharashtra can be broadly categorized under the following heads - political, economic and social. The first and most obvious was the process of political change which separated the old aristocracy from its position of privilege. The fall of the Peshwai and the establishment of company rule removed this class of politically dominant people from the scene of power completely. The , Shindes, Patwardhans, Rastes for example were no longer relevant to the political scenario. They were families that had guided the fortunes of the Marathas Empire after superseding the earlier Maratha aristocracy that had controlled land and politics in the seventeenth century. They have been referred to as the military beaurocratic genre or power brokers.'

British policy towards these aristocratic elements was certainly not harsh but at the same time it was abundantly clear that they would be completely divorced from the \ ; corridors of power and government. The nature of government had changed, the earlier financial military system having come to an end. The British hoped recruit from the educated into the administration, which was however a hope that remained unfulfilled. The change of power also brought about a demilitarization of the indigenous aristocracy removing from their grasp another source of power. The new rulers realized that a potentially dangerous situation would have arisen if this class had been cast off without economic sustenance, they were after all used to a life of privilege under the Peshwas. The practice of granting pensions or at times continuing imams originally granted by the Peshwas was thus adopted. A distinction must be made once again between those who were beneficiaries of the Peshwa’s rule and those who were in power before it. An example pertaining to above mentioned context is the case of the Mehendale family who were military Sardars under the Peshwas. Krishnarao Appa Balwant Mehendale rose to prominence in the period following the debacle at . His son Balwant Krishna finds mention in official documents dating to 1813^ as also in documents of the 1890s.^ The family was connected by marriage to the Bhat Peshwas as well as the Bhanu Family. With the fall of the Peshwai, Balwant Krishna Mehendale was granted a pension as well as a place in the list of privileged persons. However, the government denied his request for the same privileges for his son."* There is no doubt that there were certain limitations under which the British operated, all the dependants of the Peshwa could not be accommodated in perpetuity. The main reason behind this was the British unwillingness to allow alienation of land to take place. Understandable since land revenue was to be the main source of income for the government. Thus dependencies particularly those granted to, civil and military officials of the Peshwa’s regime were resumed after one generation and very rarely was a

' Gokhale.B.G, Poona In The 18* Century, Pg 106 ^ Joshi,S.N, Karandikar,J.S, Chipavan Samajchitra, 1940, Pg 17. ^ Sardesai.G.S, Historical Genealogies, Bombay 1957. “ Pol. Dept. Vo. 20, file 10, Deccan 1850, Bombay Archives. hereditary pension granted. This kind of policy was generally based upon economic or political exigencies, which are illustrated by the following examples. Descendants of ’s Peshwa, Moro Trimal Pingle .were granted a pension for his lifetime only. Later on his widows and mother were given a small pension, reverting the earlier decision. The second example is of pension granted to widows of the descendants of Samarth Ramdas Swami, whose original grant dated back to time of Chatrapati Shahu and Madhavrao Peshwa.' Widely regarded as the religious preceptor of Chatrapati Shivaji, there was a certain sentimental importance given to the family by the people of Maharasthra, which was respected by the British. Thus pensions were very often the tool to win over the earlier ruling class and its dependants, therebye creating a class of collaborators. It was not till the late 19*'’ Century that a politically active class was to be found in Maharashtra.

The establishment of colonial rule was also responsible for the change in the economy of the region. Under the Peshwas the nature of the state was largely responsible in shaping the economy of the region. The Maratha State since its inception was largely dependant on surplus from outside. The Maratha military system was the means by which this was achieved. Every year the Maratha armies, under the command of the Sardars, collected taxes in the form of Chauth and Sardeshmukhi from their designated areas. In some cases the area where tax was to be levied was farmed out or auctioned to officials against the payment of an advance. It was in this fashion the monies flowed into the Peshwas coffers, the army being an integral part of this system. Once the Peshwai was defeated and the Peshwas forces disbanded the whole fiscal structure collapsed along with is. Unfortunately once this political scenario changed the businesses and crafts that subsisted on the patronage of this regime also declined. The establishment of the Maratha state had certainly generated greater economic activity in Maharashta. With the collapse of the Peshwai trade and crafts that had been supported by the very existence of an independent state also declined. We have ample information about certain businesses and crafts that declined however this continues to be a largely unexplored area. The fact remains that Maharashtra people were not able to exploit the increasing volume of trade in the coastal areas from the 17*'’ Century onwards. Once

' Alienation Records, 1851, Vol II, II A, Pune Archives. control of the region passed to the British the economy became subjugated to imperial interests and the old trade centres like , , Junnar and Daulatabad declined, Bombay became the new economic hub of the western region.

Pune the capital of the Peshwas, the most important city in Maharashtra in the 18'*’ century, also underwent a transformation under colonial rule. This study specifically focuses on Pune City primarily because of its pre-eminent position amongst other urban centres. It was not only the capital of the Peshwas but was later on witness to a social and cultural renaissance and political transformation. Pune had ceased to be the centre of political activity with the fall of the Peshwas and although government and hence political forces shifted to Bombay it is apparent that Pune did not lose its political significance completely. In the late 19“" century it was once again one of the centres of activity of an incipient nationalist movement, however the economic impact of political change cannot be denied. Along with Pune under the Peshwas the other Sardars also had their regional capitals like Baroda, , Nagpur, , to name a few, all of these must have suffered due to the removal of Maratha power. The whole military system collapsed, which must have removed patronage from a number of arts, crafts and occupations. As far as Pune is concerned the first and immediate effect is on the population as illustrated by the table below.

Population of Pune City 1780 1,50,000 1821 11,000-150,000 1825 1,25,000 1851 73,209 1864 80,000 1872 90,434 1881 99,622

The earliest record of the population of Pune is taken in 1780 under the Peshwas where the figure arrived at was around 1,50,000. The first counting by the British in 1821 of 1,10,000 to 1,50,000 was a rough estimate. Bishop Heber in 1825 estimated the population at around 1,25,000 in keeping with the earlier figure. The earliest reliable figure according to the gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency was of the census of 1851 where the population was reduced drastically. The effect of the loss of power to the British can be seen in the dramatic fall in population to the figure of 73,209in 1851. In 1864 the railways came to Pune and the population of the city was estimated at approximately 80,000. The censuses of 1872 and 1881 placed the population of Pune at 90,436 and 99, 622 respectively where a gradual growth can be seen'

The decline in Pune’s fortunes is borne out by the fact that certain trades and crafts also declined. The silk weaving industry, which lived on the patronage of the Peshwa’s Darbar, faded away. Pune was also famous for the production of wooden toys which craft also completely died out by the turn of the century. Perhaps the most striking example is the decline of the savkars and traders in cloths, their fortunes were inextricably linked with the military beaurocratic system of the times. The collapse of the Peshwasi signaled a steady and permanent decline in their fortunes.^ The first phase imperialist exploitation was drawing to a close in Maharashtra. From the middle of the 19* Century British traders were far by the Deccan. Thus Bombay now became the centre of economic activity, as the regional administrative headquarters, as also by virtue of being the favored port city.

The changes taking place in politics and economy were bound to have an impact on society as well. The dismantling of the old power hierarchy had its repercussions on society. It was responsible for removing the old ruling class from the top of the social hierarchy. The British in the beginning were unwilling to do anything that would create anti British feelings amongst the people. This policy manifested itself in the form of continuing certain pracfices of the Peshwas like the custom of giving Dakshina to scholars. The state patronage extended to places of higher learning and continuance of pensions and Inams extended to those previously in positions of power and prestige.

The establishment of British rule brought about a period of comparative peace and stability. They concentrated on reorganizing the administration. Which created a great number of employment opportunities for educated Indians. The new trade with Europe and the setting up of banks and mercantile concerns was another source of employment.

' Gazetteer of the Bombay Presidency, Vol XVIII, Part I, Page 287 ^ Divekar, V.D, Emergence of an Indigenous Business Class in Maharashtra in the 18* Cengury, Modem Asian studies, Vol. 16, 1982. The 1850s and 1860s was a period of expansion of the administration, a direct result of the transfer of power from the east India Company to the crown. Access to these opportunities was no longer based on caste or proximity to the rules, a situation that had • existed under the previous rule. The primary catalyst for social change was of course the introduction of western education. It is against this background that this study proposes to locate the Chitpavan subcaste and examine the nature of its contribution to the process of modernization of Pune city. In Maharashtra a fairly clear picture of western education and its attendant benefits emerges by the 1850s. The forward castes of Maharashtra were the first to turn towards the schools set up the missionaries and the government. They were well aware of the job opportunities becoming available to them through western education and growing recruitment opportunities in the new administration. As a result sub castes like the Deshasthas, Chipavans, Karhadas, Saraswats and Prabhus were the first to enroll in the new schools and also accept government service in the 19*'’ Century. It is interesting to note that these very sub castes were closely associated with the earlier indigeneous administration as service providers. From the 17**’ Century onwards, when a regional kingdom emerged in the form of the Maratha Swarajya, we find the emergence of a class of service providers who supported the changed political environment. C.A. Bayley has called this the gentrification process and speaks of new service class that “arose around the new regional powers and invested in small towns and kasbahs” ' the sub castes mentioned earlier are seen to epitomize this ‘gentrification’ process and subsequently dominated the beaurocracy. From this it emerges that society in the pre British period or in the 1 Century, to be more precise, did have a class of literate persons who can be identified with certain sub castes. In Maharashtra these sub castes constitute the main providers as it were of beurocratic services. This situation more or less corroborates the current contention with regard to a re-interpretation of polity and economy during the 18“’ Century. It is more simplistically termed as the ‘18^^ Century debate’,^ without going into the intricacies of the argument. ‘The debate’ has generally identified the emergence of two processes during the period.

' C. A. Bayley ^ Seema Atavi, The 18* Century in India, Oxford 2002. 8

The first has already been mentioned above, the second process was as a result of the increasingly influential role played by the mercantile class in regional politics. This is primarily due to their involvement in the financial dealings of the administration, particularly in the area of revenue collection. In the case of the Peshwai it is seen that links develop between the government, the beaurocracy and the Savkars (Money Lenders) due to the farming out of revenue. This led to the appearance of professional moneylenders with various class affiliations disregarding traditional occupations. The present study was taken up out of a conviction that social history can make a useful contribution to our understanding of present day society. The Datar Kul Vruttant has in its introduction highlighted this very point. It explains the significance social history in the following terms ‘Rashtra or nation means a union of a number of communities. In order to understand the social, political and economic progress of a rashtra the study of the various communities is useful. At a time when a reinterpretation of the whole concept of caste as it was understood till today is now being undertaken, the study of a particular caste becomes even more relevant as an example. The idea of caste as an institution and its relevance in the daily lives of the people of India has perhaps been grossly misunderstood. Was it really caste considerations that dictated interaction between persons of different castes, a question difficuh to answer since social relations were to a certain degree regulated by caste considerations? But how important were social relations in the total scheme of things, were certain castes higher up in the social hierarchy purely through superior caste status or was it related to other factors. This whole issue becomes extremely relevant in the context of the 19*'’ and 20*’’ centuries, where one the one hand the British provided us with a modem secular framework but at the same time contributed much to the increased rigidity of the caste system' The Chitpavan provide us with an example of how adaptability brings its own rewards. The Chitpavan Brahmins are one of the communities or sub castes of Maharashtra whose members have played a significant role in the . As fellow caste men of the Peshwas, members of the community held high office and positions of responsibility under their government. This study will attempt to prove that it

' Bayley, Susan,Caste,Society and Politics in India from the Eighteenth Century to the Modem Age, Cambridge University Press, 1999. was not only the high caste status and kinship ties with the Peshwas that gave them special opportunities. It is a caste that has been, due to circumstances, essentially displaced from their place of origin. Forced to seek their fortunes elsewhere most of them used their skills of reading and writing to earn a living. Education to date continues to be the most widely accepted means of betterment within the caste. Once the Chitpavans began migrating to the Deccan or desh we find them spread all over Maratha country. However, the city of Pune, the capital of the Peshwas attracted them in large numbers. Pune henceforward became the focus of Chitpavan activity and continued to be so, throughout the 19* and early 20‘*’ Centuries. The Chitpavan diaspora spread out not only in Maharashtra, but also to other parts of India. To survey the caste in its entirely a comprehensive manner would have been a difficuh task since they spread out all over Bombay presidency, the and Berar and to some extent the as well. In order to make the study of manageable proportions the scope of the subject was narrowed down to a specific area, i.e. Pune City. The period of study has also been specified i.e. from 1885-1940. The period mentioned above can be termed convenient for the purpose of study from the point of view of census data. The decennial censuses conducted by the British Government provide caste-based data, which is not available before 1881 and after 1941. Secondly 1885, the year of the foundation of the is a landmark in the history of modem India and is generally accepted as the point from which India’s political journey into modernity commenced. However after completing the process of material collection it was found that certain sources like the census reports, that were presumed to contain relevant caste based data, did not do so. As such the study has been effectively limited upto 1931 as far as census data is concerned, while other sources have been utilized for the period specified. This is the period when Chitpavans began to turn to modem professions, accepted western education but understood the need to preserve cultural values and also began to actively participate in politics. Pune became extremely active in the second half of the nineteenth century, as far as a diverse range of activities were concemed. Chitpavans were in the forefront of this intellectually stimulating environment. Social and religious reforms, political activism, Swadeshi, efforts to encourage indigenous industry and the 10 study of antiquities and India’s historical past were areas of activity. What is perhaps significant is the setting up of various organizations and societies based on these areas of interest with the objective of uhimately benefiting society. Pune was also the central hub of politics under the Peshwas. Its political significance declined from the fall of the Peshwai but from the 1870s onwards Pune once again became an important centre of the political resurgence Pune City, the erstwhile capital of the Peshwas had political, economic and social significance from the early 18* century. The economic and social decline was a natural result of the fall of the Peshwas as mentioned before. However Pune always remained a politically significant city primarily since it never lost its position as the intellectual capital of the region. The British were well aware of the sentiments associated with the city as also of the political potential of its residents. Pune City was quick to respond to the new opportunities offered by western education. They the residents of Pune and its surrounding areas accepted education in its westernized form and embraced it in its new avatar, which combined it with nationalistic objectives and traditional Indian cultural values. A number of educational institutions came to be established, most noteworthy were the private institutions like the Deccan Education Society and Maharashtra Education Society which will be reviewed in the chapter related to education. Pune City was also home to a number of scholars of history. The re-awakening of national pride was closely associated with an increasing interest in history. Institutions like the Bhandarkar oriental Research Institute and the Bharat Itihas Sajihshodhak Mandal were an integral part of this trend. Social reformers were also extremely active as was the political leadership. It is no surprise that the first generation of social reformers and political leaders were largely from the Chitpavan community. The field of the arts was no exception. The IQ'*^ century renaissance of , the prolific growth of newspapers and periodicals, the field of popular drama as well as music all owe much to the Chitpavans. Much of this activity was also centred in and around Pune. Research on Chitpavans has been conducted in a perfunctory manner before and published material on the caste can be broadly divided into two trends. Researchers taken 11 up with the mystery surrounding their origins mark the first. This genre of writers landed write about the characteristics of the caste, its practices and rituals, which have certain unique practices like ‘Bodan’. They were however mainly preoccupied with the question of their origin. The foremost writer of this genre was N. G. Chaphekar, who published his book entitled ‘Chitpavan’ in 1940. A historian of some repute he put forward a comprehensive work that dealt with the geographical location, possible places of origin, their manners, customs, religious practices in considerable detail, as well as a chapter devoted to the Chitpavani dialect. Various other historians have also touched on the subject from time to time. For example V. K. Rajwade Mahadev Shastri, Divekar, N. G. Chaphekar, Dr. Bhandarkar and Rao Saheb Mandlik have all speculated on the possible origins though inconclusively one must say. The lack of any solid evidence one way or the other precludes any conclusion being drawn. The second trend is of historians whose primary focus was the Indian National Movement. It was realized that virtually a generation of leadership came from the Chitpavan community. Thus interest in the subcaste generated a few articles written mostly by scholars from the Cambridge school of thought. The significant role played by the community fit right in with their theorization regarding the national movement. The national movement in its initial stages was thought to be elitist in nature led by the educated, politically conscious middle class. In addition they surmised a sense of frustration due to loss of power. The Brahmins of Maharashtra and the Chitpavans particularly were identified in this role. Gordon Johnson in an article has examined the role of Chitpavans in politics’. The bulk of the article is devoted to identifying Chitpavan names in various professions and underling their numerical dominance over other communities in those professions. This approach seems to be a little too simplistic and there is need to make a more detailed examination of occupational trends. The most glaring assumption seems to be of ascribing a uniformity of class status within the caste. As per the theory of stratification of society it would be interesting to see whether the Chipavans fit into the theory that caste is class. The census reports from 1881 onwards

' Johnson, Gordon,Provincial Politics and ,BOmbay and the Indian National Congress,London, 1973 12 show a fair amount of variety in occupations, the spectrum ranges from Native Princes to beggars, although the bulk seem to be middle class persons. Chitpavans have also been the subject of study by Maureen Patterson a researcher who has published two articles on the Chitpavans. The first deah with the family histories or Kulvruttants and their usefulness as source material for a study of the caste.' The second was an article on the series of migrations out of the based on information from the Kulvruttants as also occupational trends within the community.^ Apart from this individual studies of almost all notable Chitpavans have been carried oiit. However a complete study of the caste has not been attempted from the academic point of view as yet. Given the size of the community it is indeed a difficult proposition. The community is also settled in far flung areas. The other problem is with regard to source material, since the Chitpavans did not have any institution like a math or a caste association which would document the fortunes of the caste. Frank Conlon in the introduction to his study of the Chitrapur Saraswats has indicated how his study of this cluster within a sub caste was made easy by these very factors.^ Thus we are forced to depend on the information provided indirectly from Kul Vruttants and certain government documents. The contribution of the sub caste to in particular needs to be highlighted. Their political role has been sufficiently highlighted but has tended to focus on individuals rather than the community at large. Similarly other areas of activity also need to be highlighted. The Chitpavans provide us with an example of the ability and potential of a community to adapt to changing surroundings what were the characteristics of the community that promoted this kind of adaptability. This could perhaps give us an insight into why or how other communities find a changing economic and political environment difficult to adjust to. The transition from a medieval form of polity and society to a more modem one under colonial rule was achieved more or less without losing its basic socio­ economic characteristics. This would need to be substantiated by charting the fortunes of

' Patterson, Maureen,Chitpavan Brahmin Family Histories,inSinger,m,Cohn,B.Structure and Change in Society .Chicago, 1978. ^Patterson, Maureen,Changing Patterns of Occupation among Chitpavan Brahmins,IESHR,1970. ^Conlon, Frank,Caste in a Changing World, 13 some families since as said before a complete survey should not be possible. There are a large number of surnames amongst Chitpavans that would be impossible to deal with in terms of sheer volume. The study must necessarily then be more representative in character and limit itself to a few families. It would be pertinent to point out that the community is geographically dispersed due to which keeping to the geographical limitations of our study may not always be possible. A brief survey of the survey of the community would be appropriate at this juncture. The Chitpavans are one of the thirteen sub castes of Brahmins in Maharashtra. The name Chitpavan is said to be derived from the word Chitpolan that is the original version of the place name, which is the original version of the place name Chiplun, a town in Ratnagiri District of the west coast of India. The sub caste is said originally belong to the region lying between the Siva and Vasisthi rivers. The total population of Chitpavans in 1881 was 79,183 while the strength in Pune was 11,600. The following table provides us with census figure from 1881 to 1940.

Population of Chitpavan Brahmins Presidency Pune District 1881 79,183 11,600 14.64% 1891 *46,432 13,907 1901 113,605 13,742 12.096 1911 110712 15,242 13.76% 1921 109,107 16,070 14.72% 1931 94,377 21,395 22.66% * Kokanastha are listed separately at 70,414 in this census.

An analysis of the above figures reveals that the community constituted under 15% of the population on an average basis, with the exception of the 1931 census where the number of Chitpavans in Poona constituted 22% of the total strength of the community. As compared to the population of Poona district the numerical strength of the community in Poona district is as follows: 14

Total Population in Chitpavans in Poona District Poona District 1881 900,621 11,600 1891 10,67,800 13,907 1901 9,95,330 13,742 1911 10,71,512 15,242 1921 10,09,033 16,070 1931 11,69,798 21,395

The Chitpavans constitute 1.28% of the population in Poona District in 1818; this figure goes to 1.30% in 1981. The census of 1901 places the Chitpavan community at 1.30% of the Districts population, this increases to 1.42% in the census of 1911. According to the census of 1921 Chitpavans constitute 1.59% of the population of Poona district and 1.82% by the census of 1931. These figures would probably be higher for Poona city since it is a logical assumption to make that the Chitpavans would be concentrated in the urban areas of the district, in particular rather than the rural areas. The above-mentioned statistics give us exact status of how the Chitpavans are placed vis a vis their concentration in Pune District and a general indicator of their numerical concentration in Poona city As regards the early history of the community we find the Chitpavans to be mostly confined to the Konkan region upto the 17**^ Century. The earliest textual references to the community come from three medieval texts. The first is a section of the Bhagwat Puran called the Sahyadri Khand, which describes some of the communities south of the Sahyadri Range. This source ascribes a fisherman origin to the sub caste. The second reference is found in the Shataprashna Kalpata while the third is in a text called the Vadeshwaroday Mahakavya dated to about 1653. The earliest historical references are as early as 100 A.D. An inscription belonging to the Rashtrakuta Shilahara dynasty records the establishment of the village Hame Murud in the Ratnagiri District. Of the tour Brahmin families mentioned in the inscription i.e. Gokhale, Limaye, Bhat and Joshi the first two surnames definitely belong to the 15

Chitpavan sub caste while the later two are also possibly Chitpavan Surnames.' Another inscription at Nagav north of Chaul in what is known as the Ashtagar area dated to 1367 was found while conducting repairs on the Bhimeshwar temple situated there. This inscription mentions the Chitpavan surname Datar.^One of the earliest documents mentioning a Chitpavan Surname is a letter written by a Portugese official called Madrigal in 1488 it mentions the surname Gokhale.^ N. G. Chaphekar who also compiled the Chaphekar Kul Vruttant speaks of a document dated to the year 1600 that details the revenue settlement at Karle, Karyat Nevre. The Chitpavan surnames mentioned in this document are Paranjpe, Datar, Limaye, Modak, Gokhala, Karandikar and Bodas. Two other Brahmin surnames mentioned are Joshi and Pujara, which may or may not be Chitpavan.'* As may be noticed all the above evidence point to the Chitpavan community as inhabitants of the Konkan. There is no mention of their presence in the plateau region east of the Sahyadri Range till the Peshwa period. It is only from the mid 17*'’ Century onwards that more frequent mention of the Chitpavans occurs in letters and documents. These references become commonplace by the time of the Peshwas who were themselves Chitpavans. There is a great deal of speculation regarding the question of the origin of the Chitpavans. Most leading historians of Maharashtra in the late nineteenth century have at one time or the other expressed an opinion on the issue as mentioned before. The reasons for this interest are primarily related to the appearance of the Chitpavans. In general terms they were lighter skinned and light eyed as compared to the rest of the population, hence the suspicion that the Chitpavans possibly belong to different racial stock from the rest of the local populace. The caste itself has an oral tradition that claims descent from foreigners, however most legends are inextricably linked to the mythical hero Parasurama and the reclamation of land on the Konkan strip. The legend describes the bringing to life of fourteen ship wrecked dead bodies on the sea coast by Parasuram. As the legend goes Parashuram needed Brahmins to perform rituals to absolve him of the sin of killing Kshatriyas. However he was unable to find Brahmins to do so. He is said to have revived

' Joshi, R.M, Joshi Kulvruttant, Pune, 1974, Pg 4. ^ Vartaic, G. V., Kunte Kul Vruttant, Pune, 1981, Pg 10 (introduction) ^ Gokhale M. V., Gokhale Kul Vmttant, Pune, 1978, Pg 8. '' Chaphekar, N.G. Chaphekar Kul Vruttant, Pune, 1942 16 to life the fourteen ship wrecked foreigners through the Sanjivani Vidya or the ritual prescribed for revitalizing the dead. The name Chitpavan according to one theory is based on this legend. And means purified by fire. Parasuram is later said to have settled these fourteen persons on land reclaimed from the sea and given them Brahmin status. Chitpavan Brahmins are to date divided into fourteen Gotras named after Rishis of yore. They are further divided into go Pravaras and Chitpavans today have a large number of surnames prevalent. The legend mentioned above is mentioned in the medieval texts mentioned before. They are however almost impossible to substantiate various scholars have from time to time put forward their own theories in this respect. Prof speaks of an Aryan origin. According to her after the battle of Ten Kings or the Dasrajna Yudha during the Vedic Age Parasuram fled to the south along with fourteen Brahmins, due to his massacre of Kshatriyas. Prof Karve also conducted an anthropological survey of Maharashtra. A. Ph D thesis was completed by Kailashchandra Mehrotra under her guidance on this subject in 1966. In his findings the Chitpavans have certain Characteristics that are different from the rest of the population, including other Brahmin sub castes. They were generally fairer, 12% had light eyes, 82% had rayed irises, 70% had low wave hair with a brownish tint and 59% had separated earlobes. All this pointed to the Chitpavans not being of pure local stock and had a strong component of migrant population. Irawati Karve went to the extent of drawing similarities with the Semitic race.' Mahadev Shastri Divekar supported the theory of foreign origin. He bases his theory on the legend quoted in the Shataprashtha Kalpata, which tells of fourteen Brahmins captured by Berbers who came from the East Coast of Africa near Egypt. They intermarried with the Berbers but were subsequently restored to caste status. Mahadev Shastri also says that the Berbers were light skinned and light eyed. This is to explain their difference in appearance. The historian Raosaheb Mandlik derives the word Chitpavan from the word Egyptian again derived from and Egyptian origin. Dr. D. R. Bhandarkar speaks of the similarity between Palestinian place names and Chitpavan

Irawati Karve, Chitpavans an Ethnic Study, Bombay University, 1928 17

surnames and hence speculates a possibility of Palestinian origin. R. B. Bhambardekar speaks of Turkish origin and cites the example of the Turki Brahmins of Gujerat. How and when did the Chitpavans move out of the Konkan? Maureen Patterson in an article has dealt exlusively with this issue' Her analysis is based on information gathered from the Kul Vruttants. In the article she has described four successive migrations of the Chitpavans out of the Konkan. To Desh. The first migration is dated to the post Shivaji period, the second to the Peshwai, the third at the end of the Peshwai and the fourth in the late 19**’ Century under colonial rule. At the time she published her article a number of family histories had been published. However, in the intervening years the number of Kul Vruttants has increased as also a number of them have been revised. The amount of data now available is much more than before. Placing the first migration at the end of the 17**’ Century is a debatable issue. Very few families are actually able to give a detailed and substantial amount of information about persons of that period. The lack of documentation makes it difficuh to give precise data regarding this migration. Conclusions there bye are necessarily based on conjecture the 17* Century saw the Mughals evincing an interest in the Konkan although this was no doubt only a part of the larger scheme of political domination over the Deccan. This was also a century of famines, as corroborated by the writings of contemporary saints like Ramdas and . Thus two very strong reasons for migration out of the Konkan already existed. Migrations due to invasion or famine are an entirely believable scenario. From the 1640s the Marathas began to move towards regional independence the establishment of an independent state must have invigorated the economy providing the opportunity for employment not only to artisans, handicrafts men and soldiers but also to the literate classes. Thus the army administration and trade opened up as avenues of employment thus two points emerge from the above information. Firstly in all likelihood the first migration Chitpavans to Desh probably predates or is contemporary with Chatrapati Shivaji and secondly a diversification of occupation has probably occurred

' Patterson, Maureen,Changing Patterns of Occupation among Chitpavan Brahmins,IESHR,1970. 18 alongside this migration. For example the Peshwa Bhat family rose to political prominence in the early 18*^ Century. Before that the family were of in the Konkan probably from as early as around the late 14*'’ and early 15* centuries. In their capacity as Deshmukhs, traditionally a position occupied by a Kshatriya, they fulfilled administrative, military and judicial duties for the area under their jurisdiction at least two ancestors of the Peshwas served under Chatrapati Shivaji of which one was a military caption commanding a force of 2000 men' The next migration is associated with the rise of the Peshwas to power. Family networks, abilities as literate persons, reliability as fellow caste men and the widening scope of operations were probably factors that promoted migration to the Desh and in particular to Pune. A number of families rose to prominence during this period as military commanders, diplomats, beaurocrats, traders, moneylenders these families were predominantly at trough not exclusively Chitpavan. Chitpavans were also successful in breaking the Deshastha stranglehold over ecclesiastical matters and a number of Shastris or scholars established themselves. No doubt they owned much to the patronage extended by the Peshwas. The establishment of the Peshwa saw an upsurge in the fortunes of the Chitpavans. The numbers joining the administration was fairly large, similarly with the military. There is evidence of the Peshwas extending a helping hand to fellow caste members. Balaji Vishwanath is said to have sponsored 200 Chitpavan boys for their education and employment^ Balaji Vishwanath who emerged as Chatrapati Shahus foremost advisor end minister after his release by the Mughals established the fortunes of the Peshwa family. He was appointed Peshwa and came to dominate the council of ministers. The post also became hereditary and Balaji Vishwanath’s successors Bajirao and Balaji Baji Rao became politically powerful enough to reduce the Chatrapati to a figurehead. They became the defacto rulers of the Maratha Empire.

' Oak, P.G, Peshwe Gharanyacha Itihas, Pune 1985, Pg 51. ^ Ibid, Pg 54. 19

The Chitpavans now came to the forefront of society in Maharashtra. They were able to context the dominance of the Deshasthas effectively although they could never break their ritual superiority. Religion and its major centres of worship as also the Brahma Sabhas continued to be strongholds of the Deshasthas. One exception was the Vedic Pathshala established at Wai by the Peshwas, which saw a preponderance of Chitpavans. The Deshastha domination over administrative posts that is apparent during Chatrapati Shivaji’s time and subsequent reigns was greatly reduced due to the Peshwai. The Peshwas were generous patrons of religions. Land Grants, yearly Dakshina, exemption of customs duties and lower assessment rates were some of the privileges extended to Brahmins. Not exclusively to Chitpavans but to all Brahmin sub castes. The Chitpavans accrued maximum benefit mainly because of their larger presence, numerically speaking, in the administration. Although the Chipavans had gained political and social precedence over the Deshasthas they were unable to shake their traditional ritual position at the head of the brahminical order. The Deshasthas continued to hold their own for tone since they were a numerically larger community. Secondly they were rarely dislodged from their positions as Inam landholders. Pandits, Pujaris and Shastris. They also continued to enjoy their place in rural Maratha society as Joshi, Vaidya, Kulkami and Deshpande, etc. the Chitpavans who came from the Konkan came mainly in search of employment and hence gravitated towards the urban areas. They were absorbed into the administration and military by the Peshwas. Thus families like the Gokhale, Raste’s, Patwardhans, Phadkes, Bhanus and Kolhatkars rose in the service of the Peshwas. An interesting sidelight is the fact that the service class at the regional courts of the Sardars comprised largely of the other forward castes i.e the Deshasthas, and Saraswats. Another profession that saw the rise of Chitpavans to prominence was that of money lending. As Khots and landlords the Chitpavans had practiced this profession in the Konkan, albeit on a small scale. However, the scale and nature of operations in the 18*'’ century was vastly different. The nature of the Maratha state which had become dependant on annual military campaigns provided the best-environment for the growth of this profession. There developed a close relationship between fmancers and beaurocrats and military commanders. The Peshwas military beurocratic system 20

required inputs of capital for revenue administration as well as military campaigns. Thus a galaxy of Savkars and cloth traders arose to power and influence during the Peshwai. The Vaidyas, Joshis, Thattes, Bhides, Gadgils, Datars, Bivalkars and Oaks were some of the leading Chitpavan money lending families of the time’ Chitpavan migration to the Desh predates the Peshwai and it would not be completely fair to attribute the rise of the sub castes to prominence solely to the patronage of the Peshwas. The economic and political conditions in the Konkan due to famine and political repression, lands changing hands due to Muslim rule must have also caused the Chitpavans to migrate to a place where greater opportunities lay. At a time when the political boundaries of the Swarajya were expanding there were naturally greater opportunities for intelligent, hardworking, educated persons, who were willing to shed caste restrictions with regard to choice of work. Since they were migrants there was a willingness to follow opportunities. However the role played by the patronage extended by the Peshwas, in bringing this subcaste to the forefront, cannot be disregarded. There is no doubt that the Peshwas did create a coterie of Chitpavan Sardars and Sahukars around themselves, who exercised an inordinate amount of influence at the Pune Court. The third migration of Chitpavans took place during early colonial rule. Although not extensively documented by official reports or data, the Kul Vruttants bear testimony to these migrations. Chipavans at this point in time were in no way a homogenous lot. There were the privileged families who made the transition from being politically powerful 10 becoming dependants of the British. In accordance with their previous status the British under Lord Elphinstone created native rulers, Sardars Class I, II and III as well as a class of beaurocrats who were granted pensions. The British actually feared insurrection in the Konkan but no such thing occurred. Since the Peshwas belonged to the Konkan the new government felt members of the Chitpavan community could perhaps rise up in revolt. Thus Chitpavan grandees were well taken care by the British government. “The rural masses apart from paying taxes to a new master did not

' Divekar, V.D, Emergence of an Indigenous Business Class in Maharashtra in the 18* Cengury, Modem Asian studies, vol. 16, 1982. 21

really suffer much change at this point”.' It was the literate service class that was the most affected. These sections of the Chitpavan community had been employed in the Peshwas administration or were dependant on yearly grants from the Peshwa now employment and privilege both ceased to exist. However the new governor of Bombay Presidency Lord Elphinstone was sympathetic in his approach. The British felt the Chitpavans had the potential create problems for the newly established Government. ) In an effort to gain the acceptance of thus class the government ensured that religious sentiments were not hurt and more importantly accepted them into government service. These Chitpavans played an important role as interlocutors between the landowners and peasantry and the British. By the 1830s western education came to in the form of mission schools as well as schools set up by the government. Education had been the preserve of the Brahmin community and it was therebye natural that at least a section of the Brahmin community, particularly the orthodoxy, be alienated by this measure. By the 1830s and 1840s the British administration was ruling over a vast territory in the Bombay presidency. There was a need for western educated persons to serve in it. The higher castes were quick to avail of this opportunity and we find a number of Chitpavan youth educated in the western mode accepting government service. Those who had lost employment above to the fall of the Peshwai and their sons, as well as those who were left without a means of livelihood in the Konkan were quick to take up this opportunity. The fourth migration at the end of the 19*^ Century falls under the period of this study and will be dealt with in detail subsequently. Coming to an overview of the community, they have been described as hardworking, proud, intelligent, calculating, political, farseeing, worldly wise, quarrelsome, selfish and well ahead of all other castes in all fields of knowledge.^ Historians and scholars look upon them as a subcaste that rose to prominence due to their caste affiliation with the Peshwas, the general view is that this elitist status continued under British rule. The transition from the pre-colonial to the colonial period

' Ratnagiri Diaries 1817-1819, diaries of the Collector of Ratnagiri, J. M. Pelley ^ Divekar, Mahadevshastri, in Chitpavan Brahmins, ‘Brahman’, Vol 5, 1927, Pg 17. 22 was supposed to have been a smooth one this was primarily because the British needed literate and moreover western educated persons in the lower echelons of the administration. Thus a very simplistic explanation of the community’s position in the forefront of life in colonial Maharashtra is put forward. It is further pointed out the Chitpavans maintained dominance over politics in India only till mass based politics became the norm. The community being elitist and separate from mass consciousness was automatically rendered irrelevant. This point of view needs to be subjected to further study. The first possible objection is the tendency to make sweeping generalizations about the caste especially with regard to its position in the 19'*’ Century. There is a tendency to treat the sub caste as a homogenous entity where there is a commonality of occupations, economic status, religious leanings as well as political behaviour. This contention is further extended to say that the community has developed a peculiar psyche of its own. The British administrators who spoke of‘Conspiracies of Deccani Brahmins’ patronized this idea in the 1870s and 1880s. The finger was actually being pointed at the Chitpavans of Pune who had come to be regarded as a seditions community due to the fact that they lost power and prestige after the fall of the Peshwai. The question that needs to be asked is that whether the aristocracy of the Peshwai can be identified with the politically active class of the British period. Secondly the British had adopted the policy of maintaining through pension those who held high office and positions of privilege under the Peshwa’s administration. Did those who pioneered the national movement and opposed colonial rule on the basis of a definite ideology belong to these families. Thirdly if the Peshwas offered opportunity and privilege to the Chitpavans, did they patronize their caste men in general or was it more a case of the family network being made use of to maintain a trust worthy coterie around themselves. An examination of the subcastes activities during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries will possibly provide answers to these questions. As already mentioned before the family histories of the Chitpavans, the Kul Vruttants will be extensively utilized. These are basically genealogies, which provide names, dates of birth and death and occupations. After the first Kul Vruttant was 23 published by the Apte family in 1915 till date more than a hundred have been published. Records of the British Government pertaining to the Political, Education and General Departments at the Bombay State Archives have also been utilized. In Pune, the Pune Archives was utilized for its alienation records and the yearly Civil Lists of the government and records of the Department of Public instruction available at the Maharashtra Educational Research and Training Institute, Pune were also of immense help. Records available at various public institutions have provided a lot of information. Apart form the above-mentioned sources a number of published books and articles have been referred to and a Bibliography has been attached. • •