Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature II Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch Der Orientalistik

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Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature II Handbook of Oriental Studies Handbuch der Orientalistik

section four China

Edited by Stephen F. Teiser Martin Kern Timothy Brook

VOLUME 25/2 Ancient and Early Medieval Chinese Literature

A Reference Guide Part Two

Edited by David R. Knechtges and Taiping Chang

Leiden • BOSton 2014 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Ancient and early medieval Chinese literature : a reference guide / edited by David R. Knechtges and Taiping Chang. p. cm. — (Handbook of Oriental studies. Section four, China, ISSN 0169-9520 ; v. 25 = Handbuch der orientalistik) Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 978-90-04-19127-3 (v. 1 : hbk. : alk. paper) 1. Authors, Chinese—Biography— Dictionaries. 2. Authors, Chinese—Biography—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 3. Chinese literature—To 221 B.C.—Bio-bibliography—Dictionaries. 4. Chinese literature—Qin and Han dynasties, 221 B.C.–220 A.D.—Bio-bibliography—Dictionaries. 5. Chinese literature— 220–589—Bio-bibliography—Dictionaries. 6. Chinese literature—To 221 B.C.—History and criticism—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 7. Chinese literature—Qin and Han dynasties, 221 B.C.–220 A.D.—History and criticism—Handbooks, manuals, etc. 8. Chinese literature— 220–589—History and criticism—Handbooks, manuals, etc. I. Knechtges, David R. II. Chang, Taiping.

PL2265.A63 2010 895.1’090003—dc22 [B] 2010029368

ISSN 0169-9520 ISBN 978-90-04-19240-9 ISBN 978-90-04-20164-4

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This book is printed on acid-free paper. Contents

Entries ...... 793

List of Contributors ...... 1451

Bibliography ...... 1453

Entries

San Cao 三曹 (The Three Caos)

San Cao refers to Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) and his two sons Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) and Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232). All three were distinguished writers. Hu Yinglin 胡應麟 (1551–1602) seems to be one of the first to use this phrase. He wrote in his Shi sou 詩藪: “Of the Three Caos, Emperor Wu of Wei [Cao Cao] is too plain, the ten-plus yuefu and unclassified poems of Zihuan [Cao Pi] are excellent, but the remainder of his works cannot compare with Prince Si of Chen [Cao Zhi].” In some formulations Cao Rui 曹叡 (206–239) is included instead of Cao Zhi for the reason that only Cao Zhi was not a ruler. This formulation may also be a conflation with San zu 三祖 (The Three Ancestors).

Bibliography

Collections Yu Guanying 余冠英, ed. and comm. San Cao shi xuan 三曹詩選. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1956; Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1959. Qiu Yingsheng 邱英生 and Gao Shuang 高爽, comm. and trans. San Cao shi yishi 三曹詩譯釋. Ha’erbin: Heilongjiang remin chubanshe, 1982. Liu Yisheng 劉逸生, ed. Zhao Futan 趙福壇, comm. Cao Wei fuzi shixuan 曹魏夫子詩選. Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1983. Wang Wei 王巍. San Cao pingzhuan 三曹評傳. Shenyang: Liaoning guji chubanshe, 1995. Fu Yashu 傅亞庶, ed. and comm. San Cao shiwen quanji yizhu 三曹詩文全集譯注. Changchun: Jilin wen shi chubanshe, 1997. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. San Cao shi xuan ping 三曹詩選評. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Cao Cao Cao Pi Cao Zhi ji 曹操曹丕曹植集. Nanjing: Feng huang chubanshe, 2009. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Wang Li 王莉, ed. San Cao 三曹. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010.

Studies Zhang Wenzhu 張文珠. “Lun Caoshi fuzi de wenxue” 論曹氏父子的文學. Huaguo (1960: 3): 78–92. Li Baojun 李寶均. Cao shi fuzi he Jian’an wenxue 曹氏父子和建安文學. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. 794 san cao 三曹 (the three caos)

Qiu Zhenjing 邱鎮京. Caoshi fuzi shi lun 曹氏父子詩論. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1973. Hebei shiyuan Zhongwenxi guwenxue jiaoyanzu 河北師院中文系古文學教研組, ed. San Cao ziliao huibian 三曹資料彙編. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Zhang Keli 張可禮. San Cao nianpu 三曹年譜. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1983. Chang, Sung-sheng Yvonne. “Generic Transformation from ‘Yuefu’ to ‘Gushi’: Poetry of Cao Cao, Cao Pi, and Cao Zhi.” Ph.D. Diss., Stanford University, 1985. Xuan Fenghua 宣奉華. “San Cao yu ‘Qi zi’ 三曹與七子. Jian’an wenxue yanjiu lunwen ji, 121–30. Jiang Haifeng 姜海峰. “Shi yuan Cao Cao Cao Zhi gaodi lun gang” 詩苑曹操曹植高低論綱, Jian’an wenxue lunwen ji, 131–37. Zhang Junli 張鈞莉. “Cong youxian shi kan Caoshi fuzi ‘Cao Cao Cao Pi Cao Zhi’ de xingge yu fengge” 從遊仙詩看曹氏父子「曹操、曹丕、曹植」的性格與風格. Zhongwai wenxue 233 (1991): 95–121. Bi Shuchun 畢庶春 and Wang Yonghua 王永華. “ ‘Qingzhuo’ qian lun—jian lun Caoshi fuzi wenxue fengge chayi” “清濁” 淺論—兼論曹氏父子文學風格差異. Dandong shizhuan xuebao (1994: 4): 39–43. Chen Liangyun 陳良運. “San Cao san bian” 三曹三辨. Nanchang daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 25.1 (1994): 105–12. Wang Wei 王巍. San Cao pingzhuan 三曹評傳. Shenyang: Liaoning guji chubanshe, 1995. Lü Wuzhi 呂武志. “Liu Xie Wenxin diaolong yu Caoshi xiongdi wen lun” 劉勰「文心雕龍」與曹氏兄弟文論. Guowen xuebao 26 (1997): 107–36. Sun Mingjun 孫明君, San Cao yu Zhongguo shi shi 三曹與中國詩史. Taipei: Shangding wenhua chubanshe, 1997; Beijing: Qinghua daxue chubanshe, 1999. Zhang Zuoyao 張作耀. “San Cao nianbiao” 三曹年表. In Cao Cao pingzhuan 曹操評傳. 515–27. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2001. Ch’iu Chen-ching 邱鎮京. “Caoshi fuzi shi lun” 曹氏父子詩論. Guoli Taibei shang- zhuan xuebao 55 (2000): 235–64. Wang Xiumei 王秀美. “Caoshi xiongdi de wenxue lilun” 曹氏兄弟的文學理論. Wenli tongshi xueshu luntan 3 (2000): 137–53. Zongfan 踪凡. “San Cao de Han fu he gudai Han fu yanjiu de zhuanli” 三曹的漢賦和古代漢賦研究的轉捩. Tianfu xinlun 114 (2003): 101–5. Zhang Diming 張娣明. “San Cao zhanzheng shi tan xi” 三曹戰爭詩探析. Zhongguo xueshu niankan 24 (2003): 283–324, 393. Lu Bowen 盧博文. “Caoshi fuzi yu Jian’an wenxue—huicui zhongyuan renwu de wenxue jiejing” 曹氏父子與建安文學—薈萃中原人物的文學結晶 Zhongyuan wenxian 37.1 (2005): 17–26. Zhang Zhengguang 張爭光. “Quan shanggu sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen zhong “San Cao” wen kaozheng”《全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文》中 “三曹” 文考證. Pingyuan daxue xuebao 24.6 (2007): 44–46. Wang Huibin 王輝斌. “San Cao yahao yuefu de yuanyin ji qi qingjie shulun” 三曹雅好樂府的原因及其情結述論. Yuefuxue 2 (2007): 187–97. Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音. “Ge ling fengsao de Caoshi fuzi” 各領風騷的曹氏父子. Badai shi shi 八代詩史, 38–55. 1989; rpt. and rev. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007.

DRK san xie shi 三謝詩 (poems of the three xies) 795

San Cui 三崔 (Three Cui)

This phrase refers to the three Eastern Han writers Cui Yin 崔駰 (30?–92), Cui Yuan 崔瑗 (78–143), and Cui Shi 崔寔 (ca. 120–170). The most distinguished writer of the three was Cui Yin, who was an accomplished fu writer. Cui Yuan is best known for his inscriptions eulogies, and admonitions. Cui Shi is most famous for his expository prose.

DRK

San Xie 三謝 (Three Xie)

This phrase refers to the Southern Dynasties writers Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433), Xie Huilian 謝惠連 (407–433), and Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499). They are all known for their landscape poetry.

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San Xie shi 三謝詩 (Poems of the Three Xies)

Collection of poetry by Xie Lingyun, Xie Huilian and Xie Tiao

The San Xie shi is a collection of poems by the Southern Dynasties writers Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433), Xie Huilian 謝惠連 (407–433), and Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499). It was compiled by Tang Geng 唐庚 (1071–1121) of the Northern Song. Tang selected the poems by Xie Lingyun, Xie Huilian, and Xie Tiao contained in the Wen xuan. It contains forty poems by Xie Lingyun, five by Xie Huilian, and twenty-one by Xie Tiao. The earliest extant edition of this is a printing done at Jiangzhou 江州 (modern Jiu- jiang, Jiangxi) in 1204. There were three reprintings of this done in the twentieth century.

Bibliography

Editions San Xie shi 三謝詩. 1 juan. Beiping: Hashiikawa Tokio 橋川時雄, 1934. San Xie shi 三謝詩. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1982. San Xie shi 三謝詩. Bejing: Zhongguo shudian, 1993. 796 san xie shi 三謝詩 (poems of the three xies)

Studies Gu Meihua 顧美華. “Songke San Xie shi du houji” 宋刻三謝詩讀後記. Wenxian (1984: 4): 1–8. Zhang Fuchun 張富春. Songban San Xie shi Wenxuan xue jiazhi kao lun” 宋版《三謝詩》文選學價值考論. Zhongzhou xuekan 158 (2007): 201–3. Wu Yi 吳懌. “Songban San Xie shi kao” 宋版《三謝詩》考. Wenxian (2006: 3): 63–65. Yuejin 躍進. “Wen xuan zhong de ‘San Xie shi’ ”《文選》中的 “三謝詩”. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2009: 5): 93–99, (2009: 6): 97–104. Guo Baojun 郭寶軍. Songdai Wenxuan xue yanjiu 宋代文選學研究, 478–92. Bei- jing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2010.

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San Zhang 三張 (Three Zhangs)

This phrase refers to the Jin writers Zhang Xie 張協 (d. 307), Zhang Zai 張載 (ca. 250–ca. 310), and Zhang Kang 張亢 (fl. 317–325).

DRK

San zu 三祖 (Three Ancestors)

This phrase refers to Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220), Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226), and Cao Rui曹叡 (206–239). In 237 the Wei established the temples of the Three Ancestors. Cao Cao was designated Taizu 太祖 (Grand Ancestor), Cao Pi was named Gaozu 高祖 (Exalted Ancestor), and Cao Rui was titled Liezu 烈祖 (Meritorious Ancestor). Wang Sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485) in a petition discussing the three modes of Xianghe 相和 music wrote that the songs of “the Three Ancestors of the Wei house has a memorable cultivated style” (see Song shu 19.553). Zhong Rong in the Shi pin also used this designation: “The Venerable Cao [Cao Cao] is direct in the manner of the ancients, and he has many lines that are melancholy and sad. [Cao] Rui is not as good as [Cao] Pi, but he is also designated as [one of the] Three Ancestors.”

Bibliography

Collection Chen Zhu 陳柱, ed. and comm. Pingzhu Wei sanzu shi xuan 評註魏三祖詩選. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1934.

DRK sancai 三才 (three talents) 797

Sanbi liushi 三筆六詩 (Brother Three’s Prose and Brother Six’s Verse)

The phrase Brother Three’s Prose and Brother’s Six’s Verse refers to the prose writings of Liu Xiaoyi 劉孝儀 (484–550) and the poetry of Liu Xiao- wei 劉孝威 (496–549). They were the younger brothers of the famous writer Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539). Their father died when the brothers were young, and they all encouraged each other to study hard. Each of them became skilled writers. Liu Xiaochuo coined the phrase “Brother Three’s Prose and Brother Six’s Verse” to refer to Liu Xiaoyi and Liu Xiaowei respectively. See Liang shu 35.594:

Bibliography

Studies Ma Baoji 馬寶記. “Nanchao Pengcheng Liushi jiazu wenxue yanjiu” 南朝彭城劉氏家族文學研究, Part I. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 18.4 (1999): 35–38; Part II. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 19.3 (2000): 52–55. Zhou Weiyi 周唯一. “Pengcheng Liushi shiqun zai Qi Liang shitan zhi chuangzao yu yingxiang” 彭城劉氏詩群在齊梁詩壇之創作與影響. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 61.2 (2001): 20–24.

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Sancai 三才 (Three Talents)

This phrase refers to the three Northern Wei writers Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572), Xing Shao 邢邵 (b. 496), and Wen Zisheng 溫子昇 (495–547). They are also called the Beichao sancaizi 北朝三才子 (Three Talents of the Northern Dynasties) and Beidi sanzi 北地三子 (Three Northern Masters). The phrase first appears in Wei Shou’s autobiographical postface in the Wei shu (104.2324–25) where he says: “I, Wen Zisheng of Jiyin and Xing Zicai of Hejian were called by our contemporaries the Three Talents.”

Bibliography

Studies Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. Beichao wenxueshi 北朝文學史, 199–211. Beijing: Zhong- guo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1997. Liu Yinyan 劉銀艷. “Beidi Sancai shige chuangzuo ji qi dui Beichao wenren shi fazhan de yingxiang” 北地三才詩歌創作及其對北朝文人詩發展的影響.” M.A. Thesis, Hunan shifan daxue, 2010. 798 sancai 三才 (three talents)

Bai Yunjiao 白雲嬌. “Beidi sancai jiaoyou kao” 北地三才交游考. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2011: 3): 25–30.

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Sanguo zhi 三國志 (Record of the Three States)

History of the Three Kingdoms period.

The Sanguo zhi in 65 juan recounts the history of the three states of Wei, Wu, and Shu beginning in 220 and ending with the fall of Wu in 280. It was compiled by Chen Shou 陳壽 (233–297). The received version contains a commentary by Pei Songzhi 裴松之 (372–451). The work is divided as follows: Wei (30 juan), Shu (15 juan), and Wu (20 juan). Chen Shou began to compile this history in 274. The latest date mentioned in the Sanguo zhi is the death of Sun Hao 孫晧 in 284. Thus, the Sanguo zhi must have been completed after this time. For the Wei and Wu sections, Chen Shou relied on existing histories such as the Wei shu 魏書 of Wang Chen 王沈 (d. 266), the Wei lüe 魏略 by Yu Huan 魚豢 (third cent.), and the Wu shu 吳書 by Wei Zhao 韋昭 (204–273). There was no history of Shu to which Chen Shou had access, but because Chen Shou was from the Shu area, he had a special knowledge of Shu history. In the Liu-Song period, Emperor Wen 文 (r. 424–453) found the accounts in the Sanguo zhi too concise, and he ordered Pei Songzhi to write a commentary. Pei included in his commentary long citations of some 150 works, many of which are no longer extant. Pei’s commentary was submitted to the emperor in 429.

Bibliography

Editions Sanguo zhi 三國志. Guozi jian 國子監, Xianping 6 (1003) blockprint. Sanguo zhi 三國志. Southern Song Shaoxing 紹興 period (1131–1162) edition. Rpt. in Baina ben ershisi shi. Sanguo zhi 三國志. Wuying dian edition. Redaction of Ming Guozi jian edition. Sanguo zhi 三國志. Jinling 金陵 movable type edition, printed by Guozi jian. Sanguo zhi 三國志. Jiangnan shuju 江南書局. Revision of Jigu ge 汲古閣 edition of Mao Jin 毛晉 (1599–1659). Sanguo zhi 三國志. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959; rev. ed. 1982.

Commentaries Hang Shijun 杭世駿 (1696–1773), ed. Sanguo zhi buzhu 三國志補注. 6 juan. Siku quanshu; Guangya shuju, 1891. sanguo zhi 三國志 (record of the three states) 799

Zhao Yiqing 趙一清 (1709–1764), ed. Sanguo zhi zhubu 三國志注補. 65 juan. Bei- jing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1991; Xu xiu Siku quanshu 274. Qian Dazhao 錢大昭 (1744–1813), ed. Sanguo zhi bian yi 三國志辨疑. 3 juan. Xuxiu Siku quanshu 274. Pan Mei 潘眉 (1771–1841), ed. Sanguo zhi kaozheng 三國志考證. 8 juan. Xu xiu Siku quanshu 274. Liang Zhangju 梁章鉅 (1775–1849). Sanguo zhi pangzheng 三國志旁證. 30 juan. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1955; Xu xiu Siku quanshu 274. See also: Yang Yaokun 楊耀坤, punc. Sangguo zhi pangzheng 三國志旁證. Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2000. Shen Qinhan 沈欽韓 (1775–1832), ed. Draft manuscript in Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhengshi dingbu wenxian 魏晉南北朝正史訂補文獻, ed. Xu Shu 徐蜀, 1: 567–639. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004. Hou Kang 侯康 (1798–1837), ed. Sanguo zhi buzhu xu 三國志補注續. 1 juan. Guangya shuju, 1891; Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhengshi dingbu wenxian 1: 699–742. Kang Faxiang 康發祥 (n.d.), ed. Sanguo zhi bu yi 三國志補義. 13 juan. Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhengshi dingbu wenxian 1: 743–838. Zhou Shouchang 周壽昌 (1814–1884), ed. Sanguo zhi zheng yi 三國志證遺. Guangya shuju, 1891; Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhengshi dingbu wenxian 1: 839–870. Lu Bi 盧弼 (1876–1967), ed. and comm. Sanguo zhi jijie 三國志集解. 1936; rpt. Taipei: Hanjiang wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1981; Qian Jianfu 錢劍夫, coll. and punc. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2009. Shen Jiaben 沈家本 (1840–1913). Zhu shi suo yan 諸史瑣言. Xu xiu Siku quanshu 451. Miao Yue 繆鉞, ed. Sanguo zhi xuan zhu 三國志選注. 3 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984. Wu Jinhua 吳金華 ed. Sanguo zhi jiaogu 三國志校詁. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1990. Zhao Youwen 趙幼文, ed. Sanguo zhi jiao jian 三國志校箋. 2 vols. Chengdu: Ban Shu shushe, 2001.

Indexes and Reference Works Hong Yisun 洪飴孫 (1773–1816), ed. Sanguo zhiguan biao 三國職官表. Xu xiu Siku quanshu 747. Shen Jiaben 沈家本 (1840–1913), ed. Sanguo zhi zhu suo yin shu mu 三國志注所引書目. 1913. Rpt. in Gu shumu sanzhong 古書目三種. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1964. Sanguo zhi ji Pei zhu zonghe yinde 三國志及裴注綜合引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series, No. 33. 1938; rpt. Taipei: Ch’eng-wen, 1966. Frankel, Hans H. Catalogue of Translations from the Chinese Dynastic Histories for the Period 220–960. Chinese Dynastic Histories Translations Supplement No. 1. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1957. Gao Xiufang 高秀芳 and Yang Ji’an 楊濟安, eds. Sanguo zhi renming suoyin 三國志人名索引. Beijing: Zhonggua shuju, 1980. Wang Tianliang 王天良, ed. Sanguo zhi diming suoyin 三國志地名索引. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. 800 sanguo zhi 三國志 (record of the three states)

Wang Zuyi 王祖彝, ed. Sanguo zhi Pei zhu yinyong shumu 三國志裴注引用書目. Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1990. Zhang Shunhui 張舜徽, ed.-in-chief. Cui Shuting 崔曙庭 and Wang Ruiming 王瑞明, eds. Sanguo zhi cidian 三國志辭典. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1992.

Western Language Translations Fang, Achilles, trans. The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms (220–265): Chapters 69–78 from the Tzu chih t’ung chien of Ssu-ma Kuang (1019–1086). 2 vols. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952–1965. de Crespigny, Rafe, trans. The Biography of Sun Chien. Centre of Oriental Studies Occasional Paper no. 5. Canberra: Australian National University, 1966. DeWoskin, Kenneth J., trans. Doctors, Diviners, and Magicians of Ancient China: Biographies of Fang-shih. New York: Columbia University Press, 1983. Cutter, Robert Joe and William Gordon Crowell. Empresses and Consorts Selec- tions from Chen Shou’s Records of the Three States with Pei Songzhi’s Commen- tary. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1999.

Baihua Translations Wang Jingzhi 王靜芝, et al., trans. Baihua Sanguo zhi 白話三國志. Taipei: He Luo tushu chubanshe, 1970. Lu Zhixiao 路志霄 and Hai Chengrui 海呈瑞, trans. Sanguo zhi xuan yi 三國志選譯. Lanzhou: Lanzhou daxue chubanshe, 1989. Tian Yuqing 田余慶 and Wu Shuping 呉樹平, eds. Sanguo zhi jin yi 三國志今譯. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1991. Su Yuanlei 蘇淵雷, ed. Sanguo zhi jin zhu jin yi 三國志今注今譯. 3 vols. Changsha: Hunan shifan daxue chubanshe, 1992. Liu Guohui 劉國輝 et al. Sanguo zhi (xiandai wen ban) 三國志 (現代文版). 2 vols. Beijing: Hongqi chubanshe, 1992. Cao Wenzhu 曹文柱 et al., trans. Baihua Sanguo zhi 白話三國志. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhongyang minzu xueyuan chubanshe, 1994. Fang Beichen 方北辰, trans. and comm. Sanguo zhi zhu yi 三國志注譯. 3 vols. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1995. Baihua Sanguo zhi 白話三國志. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1996. Xu Jialu 許嘉璐, ed. Sanguo zhi 三國志. Ershisi shi quanyi 二十四史全譯. 2 vols. Shanghai: Hanyu dadician chubanshe, 2004.

Japanese Translations Miyakawa Hisayuko 宮川尚志, trans. Sangoku shi 三國志. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1960. Imataka Makoto 今鷹真, Inami Ristuko 井波律子, and Kominami Ichirō 小楠一郎, trans. Sangoku shi 三國志. 3 vols. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1977–1989. Maruyama Matsuyuki 丸山松幸, et al. trans. Sangoku shi 三國志. 6 vols. Tokyo: Tokyo shoten, 1979–1980. sanguo zhi 三國志 (record of the three states) 801

Studies Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Chen Shou yu Sanguo zhi” 陳壽與三國志, Lishi jiaoxue (1962); rpt. in Miao Yue, Du shi cungao 讀史存稿, 9–18. Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1978; Zhongguo shixue shi lunji 中國史學史論集, ed. Wu Ze 吳澤 and Yuan Yingguang 袁英光, 1: 313–22. Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1980. Yang Yixiang 楊翼驤. “Pei Songzhi yu Sanguo zhi zhu” 裴松之與三國志注. Lishi jiaoxue (1963: 2); rpt. in Zhongguo shixue shi lunji, 323–46. Leban, Carl. “Ts’ao Ts’ao and the Rise of Wei: The Early Years.” Ph.D. diss., Columbia, 1972. de Crespigny, Rafe. The Records of the Three Kingdoms. Centre of Oriental Stud- ies, Occasional Paper no. 9. Canberra: Australian National University Centre of Oriental Studies, 1970. Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Chen Shou yu Sanguo zhi” 陳壽與《三國志》. In Wu Ze 吳澤, ed.- in-chief. Zhongguo shixue lunwen ji 中國史學論文集, 313 Zhao Zhihan 趙志漢 and Lin Jianming 林劍鳴. “Pei Songzhi” 裴松之. In Chen Qingquan et al. eds. Zhongguo shixuejia pingzhuan, 159–83. Miao Yue 繆鉞 et al. Sanguo zhi daodu 三國志導讀. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1988. Li Chunjiao 李純蛟. “Chen Shou xingnian gouchen” 陳壽行年鉤沉. Shi xue shi yanjiu (1989: 3): 58–62. He Ziquan 何茲全. “Chen Shou” 陳壽. In He Ziquan et al. eds. Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu 中國古代史學人物, 37–42. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989. Gao Guokang 高國抗. “Pei Songzhi” 裴松之. In He Ziquan et al. eds. Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu, 57–62. de Crespigny, Rafe. Generals of the South: The Foundation and Early History of the Three Kingdoms State of Wu. Asian Studies Monographs, new series no. 16. Canberra: Faculty of Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1990. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Sanguo zhi de wenxue jiazhi”《三國志》的文學價值. Wenxue yi chan zengkan 17 (1991): 84–98. Henry, Eric. “Chu-ko Liang in the Eyes of His Contemporaries.” HJAS 52.2 (1992): 589–612. Wang Zhongyong 王仲鏞. “Chen Shou Yibu qijiu zhuan tan wei” 陳壽《益部耆舊傳》探微. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 21.3 (1994): 42–49. Li Boxun 李伯勛. “Chen Shou bian Zuge Liang ji ersan kao—jian tan zhengli Zhuge Liang zhuzuo de yixie zuofa” 陳壽編《諸葛亮集》二三考—兼談整理諸葛亮著作的一些做法. Chengdu daxue xuebao (Sheke ban) (1995: 5): 43–46. Cao Shujie 曹書杰. “Chen Shou Yibu qijiu zhuan chengshu niandai kao—jian dui chengshu Xianning sinian wunian shuo zhiyi” 陳壽《益部耆舊傳》成書年代考— 兼對成書咸寧四年、五年說質疑. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1995: 3): 7–12. Cutter, Robert Joe and William G. Crowell. “On Translating Chen Shou’s San guo zhi: Bringing Him Back Alive.” In Translating Chinese Literature, ed. Eugene Eoyang and Lin Yaofu, 114–30. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995. Li Chunjiao 李純蛟. “Sanguo zhi de lishi diwei”《三國志》的歷史地位. Lishi xue (1996: 6): 53–58. Yang Yaokun 楊耀坤. Chen Shou pingzhuan 陳壽評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998. 802 sanguo zhi 三國志 (record of the three states)

Wu Yechun 伍野春. Pei Songzhi pingzhuan 裴松之評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998. Cao Shujie 曹書杰. “Chen Shou ru Jin renguan ji qi niandai kaozheng” 陳壽入晉人官及其年代考證. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 25.4 (1999): 16–22. Wu Jinhua 吳金華. Sanguo zhi congkao 三國志叢考. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000. Farmer, J. Michael. “Qiao Zhou and the Historiography of Early Medieval Sichuan.” Early Medieval China 7 (2001): 39–77. Chittick, Andrew. “History and the Three Kingdoms: Three Recent Approaches.” Early Medieval China 7 (2001): 79–107. Li Chunjiao李純蛟. Sanguo zhi yanjiu 三國誌研究. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2002. Hu Baoguo 胡寶國. “Sanguo zhi Pei zhu”《三國志》裴注. Han Tang jian shixue de fazhan 漢唐間史學的發展, 73–99. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2003. Qiu Min 邱敏. “Pei Songzhi Sanguo zhi zhu” 裴松之《三國志》注. Liuchao shixue, 313–30. Nanjing: Nanjing chubanshe, 2003. Hao Runhua 郝潤華. “Sanguo zhi Pei Songzhi zhu de jiazhi”《三國志》裴松之注的價值. Nanchao shiji yu shixue 南朝史籍與史學, 117–40. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Su Jie 蘇杰. Sanguo zhi yiwen yanjiu《三國志》異文研究. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2006. Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Hou Han shu Sanguo zhi yanjiu 後漢書、三國志研究. Bei- jing: Zhongguo da baikequanshu chubanshe, 2009.

DRK

Sao ti 騷體 (Sao style)

Prosodic pattern and poetic style.

The Sao ti is a prosodic pattern originating in Chu 楚 during the Warring States period. Sao refers to the “Li sao” 離騷, which is traditionally attributed to Qu Yuan 屈原 (ca. 340–278 b.c.e.). In the Eastern Han period, Li sao is used by the commentator Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 130–140) as a collec- tive name of the writings of Qu Yuan. From the Southern Dynasties, Sao further designates the Qu Yuan poems and their later imitations that are included in the Chu ci 楚辭. See the “Bian sao” 辨騷 chapter of the Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 and the “Sao” section of the Wen xuan. Therefore, the Sao ti is also called Chu ci ti 楚辭體 (Songs of Chu style). The prosody of the Sao ti pieces in the Chu ci includes three basic patterns: (1) oooo, ooo xi 兮/suo 些 (eg. 露申辛夷，死林薄兮); (2) ooo xi ooo (eg. 若有人兮山之阿); (3) ooo particle oo xi, ooo particle oo (eg. 帝高陽之苗裔兮，朕皇考曰伯庸). Although these three patterns have several variations, they all contain the particle xi that marks a caesura (suo is less common than xi). Later poets often made use of these patterns to express a feeling of sengmian 僧勔 (fl. 550–570) 803 melancholy. The fu primarily written in Sao ti prosody are called Sao ti fu 騷體賦. Songs and other lyric works in this prosodic form are called Chu ge 楚歌 (Chu song) and Sao.

Bibliography

Studies Wang Hsueh-ling 王學玲. “Handai Sao ti fu yanjiu” 漢代騷體賦研究. M.A. thesis, Zhongyang daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1996. Guo Jianxun 郭建勛. Han Wei Liuchao Sao ti wenxue yanjiu 漢魏六朝騷體文學研究. Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997. Li Hsien-chu 李賢珠. “Ming muo Qing chu Sao ti fu yanjiu” 明末清初騷體賦研究. M.A. thesis, Donghai daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 2001. Zhang Jiaqi 張佳祺. “Tang dai Sao ti wenxue de shanbian” 唐代騷體文學的嬗變. M.A. thesis, Hebei daxue Zhongwen xi, 2001. Su Huishang 蘇慧霜. Sao ti de fazhan yu yanbian: cong Han dao Tang de guancha 騷體的發展與衍變：從漢到唐的觀察. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2007.

SHL

Seng Faxuan 僧法宣

Sui period Buddhist monk poet.

Little is known of Seng Faxuan’s life. He resided in the Hongye 弘業 Mon- astery in Changzhou 常州 (administrative seat in modern Changshu 常熟, Jiangsu) in the late Sui dynasty. His two extant poems, “Ai qie huan ma” 愛妾換馬 (Exchanging my favorite concubine for a horse) and “He Zhao Junwang guan ji ying jiao shi” 和趙郡王觀妓應教詩 (Poem written in reply to the command of the Prince of Zhao commandery on watching geisha [playing musical instruments]), are preserved in the Chu xue ji, Shi ji of Feng Weine, and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. These two poems likely were written before he became a Buddhist monk.

TPK

Sengmian 僧勔 (fl. 550–570)

Northern Zhou Buddhist monk.

Seng Mian, also known as Shi Sengmian 釋僧勔, was a Buddhist monk of the Northern Zhou period. He lived in the Yuanguo 願果 Monastery in Xinzhou 新州 (administrative seat Xinyang 新陽 county, modern Jingshan 804 sengmian 僧勔 (fl. 550–570)

京山, Hubei) during the reign of Emperor Wu (r. 561–578). He has one extant prose piece, “Nan dao lun” 難道論 (Disquisition on refuting Taoists), in which he compares Laozi’s Dao, Ruist doctrines, and Buddhist teachings. Yan Kejun has collected it in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han San- guo Liuchao wen.

TPK

Sengyou 僧祐 (445–518)

Buddhist monk and scholar.

Sengyou’s ancestral home was Xiapi 下邳 in Pengcheng 彭城 commandery (northwest of modern Suining 睢寧, Jiangsu). However, his father’s family had taken up residence in Jiankang, which is where he was born. Seng you’s secular surname was Yu 俞. When still a young boy, Sengyou began worshipping at the Jianchu Monastery 建初寺. He became such an ardent devotee of Buddhism, he did not wish to return home. His parents allowed him to study with the master Sengfan 僧範, who is not otherwise known. When Sengyou was fourteen, his parents secretly arranged a marriage for him. He then broke his family ties and entered the Dinglin 定林 Monastery located on Zhongshan 鍾山 in Jiankang (modern Jiangning district, Nan- jing) where he became a disciple of the Dharma Master Fada 法達. At the age of twenty, Sengyou accepted all of the rites of ordination. He then received instruction in the Vinaya from the monk Faying 法穎 (d. 480). Faying was originally from Dunhuang. He moved south to Jiankang in the Yuanjia period (424–453). Emperor Xiaowu (453–464) appointed him Buddhist chief. In the early Southern Qi when Sengyou met Faying, he had been named Buddhist master. Sengyou attained such mastery of the Vinaya, during the early Southern Qi the Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), invited him to his villa to lecture on this subject. During the Yongming period (484–493), Emperor Wu (r. 482–493) sent Sengyou to the Three Wu areas (modern Huzhou and Suzhou in Jiangsu, and Shaox- ing in Zhejiang) to examine and select monks and nuns to enter Buddhist service. He also lectured on the Shi song 十誦 or Saravāstivāda Vinaya. During the 480s, Liu Xie 劉勰 (ca. 465–ca. 521) entered the Dinglin Monastery and began studies with Sengyou. He also assisted Sengyou in organizing the monastery’s book collection. Liu Xie resided in the Dinglin Monastery for about ten years. At the beginning of the Liang dynasty, the founding ruler Emperor Wu (r. 502–549) treated Sengyou with great deference. He even allowed him sengyou 僧祐 (445–518) 805 to ride a sedan chair into the inner hall of the imperial palace where he administered the acceptance of the prohibitions (śīlasamādāna) to the palace ladies. According to Sengyou’s biography in the Gaoseng zhuan, his lay and religious followers numbered more than 11,000 persons. Sengyou was also versed in technological skills, and he oversaw the construction of numerous monasteries and creation of sculptures. Senghu 僧護 (n.d.) had originally been put in charge of constructing giant stone Bud- dhas in Shan 剡 (modern Shengzhou 嵊州, Zhejiang). He died before the project was completed. In 513 Sengyou took charge of the project, which was completed in 515. Sengyou died 26 May 581 at the age of seventy-four. Liu Xie composed his grave inscription. Sengyou was a prolific compiler of Buddhist works. His name is attached to the titles of eight works: (1) Shijia pu 釋迦譜 (Genealogy of the Śakaya clan); (2) Shijie ji 世界記 (Records of the worlds); (3) Sapuotuobu ji 薩婆多部記 (Records of the Saravāstivāda School); (4) Fayuan zayuan yuanshi ji 法苑雜緣原始集 (Collection on the origins of various events and causes in the garden of the dharma); (5) Hongming ji 弘明集 (Collection on the propagation of the light); (6) Shisong yi ji 十誦義記 (Notes on the meaning of the Saravāstivāda Vinaya); (7) Faji za jiming 法集雜記銘 (Diverse recorded inscriptions in Buddhist collections); (8) Chu sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集 (Collection of notes on the translated Tripitika). Only three of these works are extant: Shijia pu, Hongming ji, and Chu Sanzang ji ji. The Hongming ji is an important collection of Buddhist expository essays. Sengyou collected apologetic works that refuted what he considered attacks on orthodox Buddhist doctrine. One valuable feature of the work is its preservation of the Buddhist opponents’ writings as well as the pro-Buddhist essays. These include such important works as the “Mouzi Li huo lun” 牟子理惑論 (Mouzi’s disquistion on settling doubts) and the numerous debates on the question of shen mie 神滅 or the “extinction of the soul.” The Chu Sanzang ji ji in fifteen juan is the most important annotated catalogue of Buddhist writings from the early medieval period. It consists of four sections. Juan 1, titled “Zhuan yuan ji” 撰緣記 (Record of the circumstances of compilation), is the first section. This serves as the preface to the work. Mostly based on information provided from the Da zhidu lun 大智度論 or Mahaprañāpāramitā śāstra (Great treatise on the perfection of wisdom), Shi song lü 十誦律 or Prātimoksạ , and Pusa chu tai jing 菩薩處胎經 or Tathāgatagarbha sūtra, Sengyou explains how Buddha’s followers gathered material about the sūtras, śāstras, and vinaya. It also touches on the differences between the Indic and Chinese scripts, and provides examples 806 sengyou 僧祐 (445–518) of older and more recent Chinese renderings of Buddhist terms. The second section, which comprises juan 2–5, is the “Quan ming lu” 銓名錄 (Critical catalogue of titles). It is partially based on an earlier catalogue compiled by Dao’an 道安 (312–385) which covered the period from 178 to 374. The “Quan ming lu” is divided into two parts. Juan 2–3 is an annotated listing of translated sūtras and vinaya texts, and juan 4–5 contain Sengyou’s scholarly notes identifying sources of textual fragments, names of mistitled works, and the like. The third section, which comprises juan 6–12, is titled “Zong jing xu” 總經序 (Prefaces to the sūtras). It contains 110 prefaces to sūtras, śāstras, and vinaya texts. Liu Xie assisted Sengyou in compiling this material. The last section of the catalogue in juan 13–15 is the “Shu liezhuan” 述列傳 (Biographies). It contains biographies of forty-nine Bud- dhist monks.

Bibliography

Studies Link, Arthur. “Shih Seng-Yu and His Writings.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 80.1 (1960): 17–43. Naitō Tatsuo 內藤礼智. “Sōyū no chosaku katsudō” 僧祐の著作活動. Indogaku Bukkyōgaku kenkyū 20.1 (1971): 284–87. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Bunshin chō ryū to Shutsu-sanzō-kishū—sono himerareta kōsho megutte”「文心雕龍」と「出三藏記集」—その秘められた交涉おめぐって. Chūgoku chūsei no shūkyō to bunka 中國中世の宗教と文化, ed. Fukunaga Mit- suji 福永光司, 127–238. Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1982; Chinese trans. by Peng Enhua 彭恩華. Xingshan Hong Wenxin diaolong lunwen ji 興膳宏文心雕龍論文集, 5–108. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1984. Kamata Shigeo 鐮田茂雄. “Sanken ishiboteki to Sōyū ritsushi” 剡縣石仏と僧祐律師. Aichigakuin daigaku bungakubu kiyō 20 (1990): 83–93. Chan-ju 湛如. “Sengyou lüshi pingzhuan” 僧祐律師評傳. Neiming 260 (1993): 23–32. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Lun Sengyou” 論僧祐. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo xuebao 6 (1997): 405–16. Chen Litian 陳禮天. “Chu Sanzang ji ji yu Wenxin diaolong xin lun”《出三藏記集》與《文心雕龍》新論. Anhui shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 27.3 (1999): 339–46. Chen Litian 陳禮天. “Sengyou Shijia pu kaolun” 僧祐《釋迦譜》考論. Shoudu shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 127 (1999): 83–89. Li Zuixin 李最欣 and Feng Guodong 馮國棟. “Sengyou zhi xue yu Wenxin diaolong” 僧祐之學與《文心雕龍》. Xinan minzu daxue xuebao (Renwen sheke ban) 173 (2006): 177–79. Sun Shangyong 孫尚勇. “Shi Sengyou Jing bai daoshi ji kaolun” 釋僧祐《經唄導師集》考論. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 91 (2008: 3): 137–57. Zhang Tonglei 張浵磊 and Zhu Wei 朱韋. “Lun Sengyou Foxue sixiang” 論僧祐佛學思想. Qinghai shehui kexue (2011: 2): 116–20. sengyou 僧祐 (445–518) 807

Zhang Jiwen 張繼文. “Lun Fojiao mulu xuejia Shi Sengyou ji qi Chu Sanzang ji ji” 論佛教目錄學家釋僧祐及其《出三藏記集》. Jiamusi daxue shehui kexue bao 30.4 (2012): 111–14.

Works

a. Hongming ji 弘明集 (Collection on the propagation of the light)

Texts Hongming ji 弘明集. 14 juan. Sibu congkan. Photographic reproduction of a Ming printing. Hongming ji 弘明集. Sibu beiyao.

Index Kitihara Mineki 北原峰樹. Gumyōshū sakuin 弘明集索引. Kitayūshū-shi: Chūgoku shoten, 1992.

Studies Fukui Kōjun 福井康順. “Gumyōshū no kōsei o ronjite Sōyū no hensan o utagau” 弘明集の構成を論じて僧祐の編纂を疑ふ. Taishōdaigaku gakuhō 20 (1935): 59–80. Schmidt-Glintzer, Helwig. Das Hung-ming chi und die Aufnahme des Buddhismus in China. Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1976. Liu Lifu 劉立夫. Hong dao yu ming jiao: Hongming ji yanjiu 弘道與明教:《弘明集》研究. Beijing: Beijing shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004. Li Xiaorong 李小榮. Hongming ji Guang Hongming ji shulun gao《弘明集》《廣弘明集》述論稿. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2005. Wang Chih-mei 王志楣. Cong Hong ming ji kan Fojiao Zhongguo hua 從《弘明集》看佛教中國化. Taipei: Hua Mulan wenhua gongzuofang, 2008.

Translations Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠夫, trans. Gumyōshū 弘明集. Tokyo: Chūō kōronsha, 1988.

b. Chu sanzan ji ji 出三藏記集 (Collection of notes on the translated Tripitika)

Texts Chu Sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集. 15 juan. Zhaocheng Jin zang 趙城金藏; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1288. Chu Sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集. 15 juan. Taishō 2145. Su Jinren 蘇晉仁 and Xiao Lianzi 蕭鍊子. Chu Sanzang ji ji 出三藏記集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1995. 808 sengyou 僧祐 (445–518)

Translations Nakajima Ryūzō 中嶋隆藏, trans. Shutsusanzōki shū jokan yakuchū 出三藏記集序卷訳註. Kyoto: Heirauji shoten, 1997. Aramaki Noritoshi 荒牧典俊, trans. Shutsusanzōki shū 出三藏記集. Tokyo: Chūō kōronsha, 1993.

Studies Link, Arthur. “Remarks on Shih Seng-yu’s ‘Ch’u San-Tsang Chi-Chi’ as a Source for Hui-Chiao’s ‘Kao-Seng Chuan’ as Evidence in Two Versions of the Biogra- phy of Tao-an.” Oriens 10.2 (1957): 292–95. Sugiyama Ryusho 杉山龍清. “Shutsusanzōki shū Shitsuyaku zōkei roku o megutte” 出三藏記集失訳雜經錄をめぐって. Indogaku Bukkyōgaku kenkyū 42.4 (1994): 592–94. Lu Lin 路林. “Fojiao wenhua de chuanbo yu Sengyou Chu Sanzang ji ji” 佛教的傳播與僧祐《出三藏記集》. Wuhan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1998: 3): 116–20. Su Bai 宿白. Hanwen Foji mulu 漢文佛籍目錄, 42–49. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2009.

DRK

Sengzhao 僧肇 (384–414)

Later Qin Buddhist monk.

Sengzhao was a learned Buddhist monk and scholar. His lay name was Zhang 張. His natal place was Chang’an (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). He came from a poor family, and he supported himself by copying texts for other people. Thus, he obtained an opportunity to read a large number ofthe Classics and histories. After reading the Vimalikirti Sūtra he converted to Buddhism. He became a disciple of the Kuchean monk Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什 (344–413), who was then residing in Guzang 姑臧 (modern Wuwei, Gansu). Kumārajīva was the most distinguished Buddhist scholar and translator of this period. Members of the ruling Yao clan of the Later Qin were ardent Buddhists, and in 401 they invited Kumārajīva to Chang’an where they installed him in a large garden called the Xiaoyao yuan 逍遙園 (Garden of carefree roaming). Sengzhao aided his master in translating Buddhist texts. He himself wrote a number of important treatises, including the “Wu buqian lun” 物不遷論 (Disquisition on the immutability of things), “Buzhen kong lun” 不真空論 (Disquistions on the emptiness of the unreal), and “Boruo wuzhi lun” 般若無知論 (Disquistion on prajña being without knowledge). These three essays, plus a fourth, which is generally sengzhao 僧肇 (384–414) 809 regarded as a forgery, were later collected in a work known as the Zhao lun 肇論 (Disquisitions of Sengzhao). Sengzhao argued that nothing in the phenomenal world had an independent existence, and that there is no distinction between substance (ti 體) and function (yong 用), activity and tranquility. Thus, everything is “not real” 不真, and the ultimate reality is “emptiness” 空. Sengzhao’s essays are admired for the elegance and symmetry of their expression. For example, in the “Discourse on the Immutability of Things” he argues that things really do not move. His arguments often consist of a series of parallel statements such as the following: “A raging cyclone flattens a mountain but it is always tranquil, the Yangtze and Yellow River vie to pour [into the sea] but do not flow, dusk clouds drift and agitate, but do not move, the sun and moon cross the heavens but do not revolve.”

Bibliography

Works

a. Zhao lun 肇論 (Disquisitions of Sengzhao). Sengzhao 僧肇. Zhang Chunbo 張春波, ed. and comm. Zhao lun jiaoshi 肇論校釋. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005.

Studies Liebenthal, Walter. The Book of Chao. Peiping: The Catholic University of Peking, 1948; rpt. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1968. Tsukamoto Zenryū 塚本善隆, ed. Jōron kenkyū 肇論研究. Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1955. Robinson, Richard H. “Mysticism and Logic in Seng-Chao’s Thought.” Philosophy East and West 8.3/4 (October 1958–January 1959): 99–120. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 485. Xu Kang 許抗. Sengzhao pingzhuan 僧肇評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998.

Translations Nakada Genjirō 中田源次, trans. Jōron 肇論. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, between 1929 and 1940. Liebenthal, Walter. The Book of Chao. Peiping: The Catholic University of Peking, 1948. 810 sengzhao 僧肇 (384–414)

b. “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written before death)

Translation Demiéville, Paul. Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, 15–16. Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1984.

DRK

Shan ze si you 山澤四友 (Four companions of mountain and marsh)

This is a reference to Xie Lingyun謝靈運 (385–433) and his four friends Xie Huilian 謝惠連 (407–433), He Zhangyu 何長瑜 (d. ca. 446), Xun Yong 荀雍 (fl. 428), and Yang Xuanzhi 羊璿之 (d. 459). When Xie Lingyun returned to his Shi’ning estate in 428, he was joined by these four companions who joined him in treks across the mountains. They also exchanged poems.

Bibliography

Study Frodsham, The Murmuring Stream, 1: 61–62.

DRK

Shang jun shu 商君書 (Book of Lord Shang)

Pre-Qin Masters’ work.

The Shang jun shu, also known as the Shangzi 商子 (Master Shang), is one of the major works of the legalist thinkers. It includes discourses delivered at the Qin 秦 court, and the ordinances, essays, and petitions purportedly written by Shang Yang 商鞅 (fl. 359–338 b.c.e.) The “Yiwen zhi” 藝文志 of the Han shu 漢書 has a listing for the Shang jun 商君 in twenty-nine pian attributed to Shang Yang, and a listing for the Gongsun Yang 公孫鞅 with twenty-seven pian. The text was not called Shang jun shu until the Three States period when Liu Bei 劉備 (161–223) in his will asked his son to read it. The “Yiwen zhi” of the Xin Tang shu 新唐書 notes that an alternative title of it is Shang zi 商子. Born into a noble family of the Wei 衛 state, Shang Yang’s original names were Wei Yang 衛鞅 and Gongsun Yang 公孫鞅 (Prince Yang). Because he was not appreciated by King Hui 惠 of Wei (r. 370–335 b.c.e.), he went to Qin where Duke Xiao 孝公 (r. 361–338 b.c.e.) appointed him minister. He shang jun shu 商君書 (book of lord shang) 811 was later enfeoffed as Lord Shang, and for this reason he is also known as Shang Yang. The “He shi” 和氏 chapter of the Han Feizi 韓非子 relates that he organized households into units and made them responsible to each other; he burned writings and enacted ordinances, prohibited private petitions and facilitated public contributions, banned traveling persuaders and commended farmers and warriors. According to the “Shang jun liezhuan” 商君列傳 of the Shi ji 史記 ( juan 68), his reforms were effective, but since he humiliated the crown prince, who later became King Huiwen 惠文王 (r. 337–311 b.c.e.), he was arrested and executed soon after Duke Xiao died. However, the Qin did not abolish Shang Yang’s ordinances. His ideas, which are recorded in the Shang jun shu, were transmitted to later times, and even influenced the political thought of the Han and later dynasties. The editors of Siku quanshu zongmu tiyao 四庫全書總目提要 claim that early legalist thinkers, not Shang Yang, compiled this work. The first pian begins with Duke Xiao, the posthumous title of the king that Shang Yang could barely have known before he was arrested. It is now accepted that while a few pian were possibly written by Shang Yang himself, most pian were compiled, elaborated on, and even forged during the Warring States period to the Western Han. For example, the “Lai min” chapter refers to the famous battle of Changping 長平, which took place in 260 b.c.e., many decades after the death of Shang Yang in 338 b.c.e. Duyvendak has concluded based on a study of the language that the received text is a compos- ite collection of writing in different styles from different periods. He thinks much of the work dates from the third century b.c.e. The Shang jun shu is now generally regarded as a collection of the writings of late Warring States legalist thinkers. Some chapters of the Shang jun shu were lost already in Song times. Zheng Qiao 鄭樵 (1104–1162), Chao Gongwu 晁公武 (d. 1171), and Wang Yinglin 王應麟 (1223–1296) note that three pian were lost, whereas Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (ca. 1190–post 1249) notes that one pian was lost. In the Yuan dynasty, the text of nos. 16 and 21 disappeared from the 26 pian edition. The received text consists of 24 pian plus a section of the “Liu fa” 六法 preserved in the Tang compilation Qunshu zhiyao 群書治要.

Bibliography

Editions and Commentaries Shangzi 商子. 5 juan. Fan Qin 范欽 (1506–1585), Tianyi ge 天一閣 printing. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan; photoreproduction in Sibu congkan. Feng Jin 馮覲 ( jinshi 1544), ed. Shangzi 商子. 5 juan. 1559; rpt. by Feng Zhi 馮贄, 1626. 812 shang jun shu 商君書 (book of lord shang)

Shangzi 商子. 5 juan. Han Wei congshu. Feng Mengzhen 馮夢楨, ed. Shangzi 商子. 5 juan. Xian Qin zhuzi hebian 先秦諸子合編. Mianmiao ge 綿眇閣 printing, 1602. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Zhu Weiran 朱蔚然, ed. Yang Shen 楊慎 (1488–1559) and Gu Qiyuan 顧起元 (1565–1628), notes. Shangzi 商子, 2 juan. Printed between 1621 and 1627. Gui Youguang 歸有光 (1506–1571), ed. Shangzi 商子. 5 juan. Zhuzi huihan 諸子彙函. Wenda tang printing, 1625. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Wu Mianxue 吳勉學, ed. Shangzi 商子. 5 juan. Ershi zi 二十子. Wanli period (1573–1620) printing. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Shangzi 商子. 5 juan. Siku quanshu. Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843), ed. Shang jun shu jiao 商君書校. 1793. Rpt. In Ershier zi 二十二子 printed by Zhejiang shuju; rpt. in Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Sun Xingyan 孫星衍 (1753–1818) and Sun Fengyi 孫馮翼 (fl. 1800), ed. Shangzi 商子. 5 juan. In Wenjingtang congshu 問經堂叢書. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Qian Xizuo 錢熙祚 (1801–1844), ed. 5 juan. Shangzi 商子. In Zhihai 指海. Shangzi 商子. 5 juan. Zishu baijia 子書百家. Hubei, Chongwen shuju. Yu Yue 俞樾 (1821–1907). “Shangzi pingyi” 商子評議. 1 juan. Zhuzi pingyi 諸子評議. 1870. Sun Yirang 孫詒讓 (1848–1908). Zha yi 札迻. 1894. Yu Chang 于鬯 (1894–1910). Xiangcao xujiao shu 香草續校書. Rpt. with punc. and coll. by Zhang Huamin 張華民. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963. Tao Hongqing 陶鴻慶 (1859–1918). Du zhuzi zhaji 讀諸子札記, 406–20. Rpt. Bei- jing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959. Wang Shirun 王時潤. Shang jun shu jiaoquan 商君書斠詮. Hongwen tushu shi, 1915. Chen Qitian 陳啟天 (1893–1984). Shang jun shu jiaoshi 商君書校釋. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshu guan; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1974. Zhu Shiche 朱師轍. Shang jun shu jiegu dingben 商君書解詁定本. Beijing: Guji chubanshe, 1956. Rpt. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1974. Gao Heng 高亨, comm. and trans. Shang jun shu zhu yi 商君書注譯. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974. Gao Heng 高亨. Zhuzi xinjian 諸子新箋, 271–323. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1980. Jiang Lihong 蔣禮鴻. Shang jun shu zhuizhi 商君書錐指. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986. Zhang Jue 張覺, ed. and comm. Shang jun shu jiaozhu 商君書校注. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2006.

Translations Duyvendak, J.J.L. The Book of Lord Shang. London: Arthur Probsthain, 1928. Rpt. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1963, and London: Unesco’s collection of representative works, Chinese series, 1963. Peremolov, L.S., trans. Kniga parveitelja oblasti Šan (Šan czjun” šu). Perevod s kitajskogo, vstupepitel’naja I koomentarij. Pamjatniki pis’-mennosti Vostoka XX. Moscow: Nauka, 1968. Levi, Jean, trans. Le Livre du prince Shang. Paris: Flammarion, 1981. shang jun shu 商君書 (book of lord shang) 813

Shang jun shu 商君書. English trans. by J.J.L. Duyvendak, Baihua translation by Gao Heng 高亨. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006.

Japanese translation Shimizu Kiyoshi 清水潔. Shōshi 商子. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1970.

Baihua translations Gao Heng 高亨, comm. and trans. Shang jun shu zhu yi 商君書注譯. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974. Shandong daxue Shangzi yi zhu bianxie zu 山東大學商子譯注編寫組, comm. and trans. Shangzi yizhu 商子譯注. Jinan: Qilu shushe, 1982. He Lingxu 賀凌虛, comm. and trans. Shang jun shu jinzhu jinyi 商君書今注今譯. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1987. Bei Yuanchen 貝遠辰, trans. Xinyi Shang jun shu 新譯商君書. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1996. Shang jun shu 商君書. English trans. by J.J.L. Duyvendak, Baihua translation by Gao Heng 高亨. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006.

Concordance Shang jun shu zhuzi suoyin 商君書逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concor- dance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1992.

Studies Luo Genze 羅根澤. “Shang jun shu tanyuan” 商君書探源. Beiping tushuguan guankan 9 (1935): rpt. in Luo Genze. Zhuzi tanyuan 諸子探源, 501–10. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1958. Rong Zhaozu 容肇祖. “Shang jun shu kaozheng” 商君書考證. Yanjing xuebao (1937: 21). Chen Qitian 陳啟天. Shang Yang pingzhuan 商鞅評傳. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1935; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1967. Yang Kuan 楊寬. Shang Yang bianfa 商鞅變法. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1955. Yang Shuda 楊樹達. Jiweiju dushu ji 積微居讀書記, 188–90. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. Xiong Gongzhe 熊公哲. “Shang jun shu zhenwei bian” 商君書真偽辨. Guoli zhengzhi daxue xuebao 9 (1964): 27–29. Vandermeersch, Léon. Le Formation du légisme, 27–44. Paris: École française d’extrême orient, 1965. Li Yu-ning, ed. Shang Yang’s Reforms and State Control in China. White Plains, N.Y.: M.E. Sharpe, Inc., 1977. With translation of Yang Kuan’s Shang Yang bianfa and Li Yu-ning’s introduction. Liu Guoming 劉國銘. “Shang jun shu bian wei” 商君書辨偽. Mingzhi gongzhuan xuebao 9 (1977): 1–14. 814 shang jun shu 商君書 (book of lord shang)

Song Huaping 宋華萍. “Lun Shang jun shu de chengshi shidai” 論商君書的成書時代. Zhongguo shumu jikan 13.1 (1979): 59–72. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Xian-Qin wenshi ziliao kaobian 先秦文史資料考辨, 428–30. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. Yoshinami Takashi 好並隆司. Shōkunsho kenkyū 商君書研究. Hiroshima: Keisuisha, 1992. Levi, Jean. “Shang chün shu 商君書.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Zhang Jue 張覺. “Shang jun shu zakao jiumiu”《商君書》雜考糾謬. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1994: 5): 12–14. Li Cunshan 李存山. Shang Yang pingzhuan 商鞅評傳. Naning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997. Wang Shishun 王世舜, ed. Xian Qin yaoji cidian: Liezi, Shang jun shu, Chunqiu Gongyang zhuan 先秦要籍詞典：列子、商君書、春秋公羊傳. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 1997. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. Shang Yang pingzhuan 商鞅評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Xian-Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue 先秦兩漢文學史料學, 251–55. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Zhang Linxiang 張林祥. “20 shiji Shang jun shu yanjiu shuping” 20世紀《商君書》研究述評. Gansu guangbo dianshi daxue xuebao 16.3 (2006): 10–14. Zhang Linxiang 張林祥. “Shang jun shu de chengshu yu mingming kaobian”《商君書》的成書與命名考辨. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 2): 1–3. Zhang Jue 張覺 et al. Shang jun shu daodu 商君書導讀. Beijing: Zhongguo guoji guangbo chubanshe, 2009.

SHL and DRK

Shang shu 尚書 (Hallowed writings of antiquity)

Second of the Thirteen Classics.

The Shang shu is a collection of what are traditionally regarded as the earliest examples of Chinese prose. The original title probably was simply Shu 書 (Documents). Another much later title is Shu jing 書經 (Classic of documents). The word shang 尚 in the title is traditionally explained as synonymous with its homophone shang 尚, which has the double meaning of “ancient” and “hallowed. Shu literally means “official document.” Thus, the writings are texts that purport to emanate from the royal court. They include dian 典 (accounts of ancient sage rulers), mo 謨 (counsels or the king’s consultations with his ministers), xun 訓 (the minister’s instructions to the king), gao 誥 (the king’s and minister’s announcements), shi 誓 (king’s and vassal’s battle oaths), ming 命 (the king’s commands to individuals). The book also includes some historical narratives. shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity) 815

According to the Han shu 漢書 monograph on bibliography, the Shang shu was edited by Confucius, who selected one hundred chapters and composed a preface. This preface that provides information about the composition of each chapter is commonly designated as the “Shu xu” 書序 (Preface to the Documents). However, most of the chapters were reputedly destroyed during the bibliocaust in the Qin 秦 period. According to tradition, the Qin academician Fu Sheng 伏生 (or Fu Sheng 伏勝) hid a copy in a wall, and thirty (or twenty-nine) chapters survived. (The “Gu ming” 顧命 and the “Kangwang zhi gao” 康王之誥 were combined into one chapter. The “Tai shi” 泰誓, which was lost but soon ”rediscovered,” may be a forgery of the Han period.) They were transcribed in the Han clerical script, and thus this version is called the “modern script” (今文) Shang shu. A commentary, titled “Shang shu dazhuan” 尚書大傳 (Grand commentary to the Shang shu), is attributed to Fu Sheng. During the reign of Emperor Wu of Han 漢武帝 (r. 141–87 b.c.e.), it was officially recognized and taught by Ouyang Gao 歐陽高, Xiahou Sheng 夏侯勝 (fl. 70 b.c.e.) and his son Xiahou Jian 夏侯建. According to another tradition, when King Gong of Lu 魯恭王 (d. 127 b.c.e.) was about to tear down the ancestral home of Confucius to expand his palace, another version of the Shang shu was found. It was written in the Pre-Qin script and thus is called the “ancient script” (古文) Shangshu. Kong An’guo 孔安國 (d. ca. 100 b.c.e.), a descendant of Con- fucius, compared it with the modern script version and found it contained some variants, more complete lines, and sixteen additional documents.1 He transcribed and presented it to the imperial court, but it did not receive attention until Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.) and Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23 c.e.) inventoried the imperial library. Liu Xin even suggested that the ancient script version be placed in the imperial academy as one of the official texts. Although his suggestion was not adopted, famous scholars of the Eastern Han such as Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166) and Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) began to study and comment on it. Nevertheless, this version was lost at the end of the Western Jin. (The “Wu cheng” 武成 had been lost during the reign of Emperor Guangwu of Han 漢光武帝, r. 25–57.) In the Eastern Jin, Mei Ze 梅賾 (fl. 317–322) presented to the imperial court an “ancient script version of the Shangshu.”2 This version contained twenty-five titles that were not in the modern script version (the

1 Or additional commentary according to Michael Nylan in the “The Ku Wen Documents in Han Times,” T’oung Pao 81 (1995): 25–50. 2 Also written Mei Ze 枚賾, Mei Yi 梅頤, and Mei Yi 枚頤. 816 shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity)

“Shun dian” 舜典 and the “Yi ji” 益稷 are actually drawn from the “Yao dian” 堯典 and the “Gao Yao mo” 臯陶謨 of the modern script version), and each title is preceded by a relevant part of the “Shu xu.” It also contains a preface and a commentary both attributed to Kong An’guo. (This preface, relating the discovery of this version, is referred to as the “Da xu” 大序 or the “Kong xu” 孔序.) Wu Yu 吳棫 (d. 1155) first doubted its authenticity because the sections exclusive to the Mei Ze version are rather easy to read. The Qing scholars Yan Ruoqu 閻若璩 (1636–1704) and Hui Dong 惠棟 (1697–1758) undertook detailed studies to show that the added chapters, the “Kong xu,” and the commentary attributed to Kong An’guo were a pastiche pieced together from ancient materials. Scholars have debated who actually compiled this text. Candidates have included Wang Su 王肅 (193–256), Huangfu Mi 皇甫謐, (215–282), an Eastern Jin period Kong An’guo 孔安國 (d. 408), Zheng Chong 鄭沖 (d. 265), and Mei Ze himself. Despite its dubious origins, the Mei Ze text was soon accepted as the orthodox version: the Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 and the “Ai Jiangnan fu” 哀江南賦 of Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581) both cite the “forged” “Wuzi zhi ge” 五子之歌. During the Tang period, it was taken as the basis for the Shang shu zhengyi 尚書正義 that was prepared under the nominal editorship of Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648). The actual work was done by Wang Deshao 王德韶 and Li Ziyun 李子雲. From the perspective that it collects the so-called Shu fragments preserved in such works as the Zuozhuan, Mozi, Mengzi, and Xunzi the Mei Ze text can be also regarded as a reconstruction of the ancient script version. The Shang shu is divided into four sections:

(1) Documents of Yu 虞 (the period of the Yao and Shun). (2) Documents of Xia (the rule of the Great Yu 大禹). (3) Documents of Shang (writings attributed to the Shang-Yin dynasty). (4) Documents of Zhou (Zhou period writings).

The texts in the first three sections are very likely not from theseperi- ods, but are much later compositions. For example, the “Yao dian” 堯典 (Canon of Yao) and “Yu gong” 禹貢 (Tribute of Yu) are generally regarded as Warring States works. Some of the chapters in the Zhou section may be contemporary records of the events that took place in the Western Zhou. These include the five gao chapters “Da gao” 大誥 (Great announcement), “Kang gao” 康誥 (Announcement to Kang), “Jiu gao” 酒誥 (Announce- ment on ale), “Shao gao” 召誥 (Announcement of Shao), and “Luo gao” shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity) 817

洛誥 (Announcement on Luo) as well as the “Gu ming” 顧命 (Testamen- tary command). The following chapters are of some interest from a literary perspective:

1. “Yao dian” 堯典 (Canon of Yao)

In the Guwen version, this title is divided into two titles: “Yao dian” and “Shun dian” 舜典 (Canon of Shun). The “Canon of Yao” traditionally was considered one of the Xia dynasty texts. Modern scholars date it much later; it probably is not earlier than ca. 400 b.c.e., and may be as late as the Qin or Early Han. The “Canon” is a quasi-narrative account of the ancient sage rulers Yao and Shun. The portion dealing with Yao praises his virtues, his establishment of the calendar (which contains obvious influence from Zou Yan’s Wuxing theory), and ends with his attempt to find a successor. The Shun portion is almost double the length of the Yao section. It opens with a listing of Shun’s virtues, his trial in the wilderness (told in one line!), followed by his succession to Yao, his ritual observances (various sacrifices, his tours of inspection, worship in the ancestral temple), dividing the empire into twelve provinces, establishing the five punishments (probably another influence of Wuxing theory), and his banishment of the three rebels Gong Gong 共工, Huan Dou 驩兜, and the San Miao 三苗 and the execution of Gun 鯀. The “Canon” ends with the death of Yao, Shun’s search for able and virtuous ministers (nine of them named), whom he appoints to important positions. The chapter concludes with a summary of Shun’s life and his death after fifty years as emperor.

2. “Yu gong” 禹貢 (Tribute of Yu)

The “Tribute of Yu” is a chorography or geographical description of the ancient Chinese empire. In pre-modern Chinese scholarship, it was generally accepted as a genuine Xia dynasty text. The consensus of modern authorities is that it is a work of the fifth century b.c.e. or later. The chapter is neatly divided into two sections. The first (1–19 in Karlgen) is a description of the nine provinces of the empire. The description follows a fairly uniform order: the limits of the province, the deeds performed by Yu in that province, the condition of the soil, the types of tribute that it produces, the routes by which the tribute is transferred to the capital. The second part of the chapter contains a physical geography combined with a brief account of the engineering feats reputedly performed by Yu. 818 shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity)

3. “Jin teng” 金縢 (Metal bound casket)

This piece traditionally has been attributed to Zhou gong 周公 but most modern scholars consider it a work at least of Chunqiu and perhaps even Warring States vintage. It is an excellent example of early Chinese prose. The chapter tells of how the Duke of Zhou offered to die in the place of King Wu, who was seriously ill. The title refers to the casket bound in metallic thread into which he placed the Duke of Zhou’s prayer requesting the ancestors to substitute him for King Wu.

4. Harangues in the Shu

The Shu jing provides some material that may give some indication of the nature of the form of the earliest known examples of Chinese oratory. The Shu contains speeches of several kinds. The first is what is called in Chinese shi 誓, which literally means “oath.” These speeches are actually harangues in which the speaker does not plead, but rather demands and exhorts the audience to do his bidding. The earliest of these harangues is attributed to the Xia dynasty, and is reputedly a speech made by the great culture hero Yu 禹 to his troops before a battle with the state of Hu 扈 at a place called Gan 甘 (west of modern Xi’an). The Shang shu gives this piece the title “Gan shi” 甘誓 (Oath at Gan). However, the Mozi 墨子 cites it under the title “Yu shi” 禹誓 (Oath of Yu). The piece is not as old as the Xia dynasty, and in fact may be as late as the Chunqiu or even Warring States period (the reference to the Wuxing is an indication of late composition). The piece is interesting as an example of rhymed prose. Zhu Shiche has examined what appear to be rhymes in various parts of the piece. Other examples of harangues are “Tang shi” 湯誓 (Oath of Tang), “Mu shi” 牧誓 (Oath at Mu), “Bi shi” 費誓 (Oath at Bi), and “Qin shi” 秦誓 (Oath of Qin).

5. Announcements and speeches

Another type of written oratory that is found in the Shu jing is the gao 誥 or announcement. There are five gao all included in the “Zhou documents” section: “Da gao,” “Kang gao,” “Jiu gao,” “Shao gao,” and “Luo gao.” A number of the speeches in the Shu are in fact attributed to the Duke of Zhou. His name is directly mentioned in one long speech entitled “Wu yi” 無逸 (Have no comfortable ease). This piece purports to be an exhortation to his nephew, the young King Cheng, not to overindulge in sensual pursuits. The longest speech in the Shu jing is the “Pan Geng” 盤庚. This long shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity) 819 chapter contains speeches by the Shang ruler Pan Geng (1401–1374 b.c.e.) It may originally have been written in the early Zhou and later revised in the Eastern Zhou. Pan Geng reputedly made these speeches when he tried to persuade his people of the wisdom of moving the Shang capital to Yin 殷. The later section of the chapter shows Pan Geng speaking to the people after the migration, trying to convince them the move to Yin was beneficial. The speech is distinguished by the use of analogies, whichare rare in the Shu. The Shisan jing zhushu 十三經注疏 edition of the Shang shu is the Shang shu zhengyi with the commentary attributed to Kong An’guo and the subcommentary nominally compiled by Kong Yingda. The commentary that was most influential in the Yuan and Ming periods is the Shu jizhuan 書集傳 by Zhu Xi’s 朱熹 (1130–1200) disciple, Cai Chen 蔡沈 (1167–1230). Sun Xingyan’s 孫星衍 (1753–1818) Shangshu jin gu wen zhushu 尚書今古文注疏 is also important. It consists only of the twenty-eight chapters of the modern script Shangshu, the reconstructed “Tai shi” (drawn from the “Zhou benji” 周本紀 of the Shiji 史記 and other Han texts), the “Shu xu,” and some fragments collected from other sources.

Bibliography

Editions and Pre-modern Studies Kong An’guo 孔安國, comm. Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648), subcomm. Shang shu zhengyi 尚書正義. First published in 653. Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏, ed. Ruan Yuan 阮元 1764–1849), Nanchang fuxue 南昌府學, 1815. Rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Yan Ruoqu 閻若璩 (1636–1704). Shang shu guwen shu zheng 尚書古文疏證. 8 juan. Juan xi tang 眷西堂, 1745; rpt. Taipei: Xin wenfeng, 1984. Jiang Sheng 江聲 (1721–1799) . Shang shu jizhu yinshu 尚書集注音疏. In Huang Qing jing jie 皇清經解, comp. Ruan Yuan 阮元, 1829. Guangzhou: Xuehai tang, 1860. Wang Mingsheng 王鳴盛 (1722–1798) . Shang shu hou’an 尚書後案. In Huang Qing jing jie 皇清經解, comp. Ruan Yuan 阮元, 1829. Rpt. Guangzhou: Xuehai tang, 1860. Duan Yucai 段玉裁 (1735–1815). Guwen Shang shu zhuanyi 古文尚書撰異. In Huang Qing jing jie 皇清經解, comp. Ruan Yuan 阮元, 1829. Guangzhou: Xue- hai tang, 1860. Sun Xingyan 孫星衍 (1753–1818). Shang shu jin gu wen zhushu 尚書今古文注疏. 1815; rpt. in Huang Qing jing jie 皇清經解, comp. Ruan Yuan 阮元, 1829. Guangzhou: Xuehai tang, 1860; rpt. and punc. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Chen Qiaocong 陳喬樅 (1809–1869). Jinwen Shang shu jing shuo kao 今文尚書經說攷. In Huang Qing jing jie xubian 皇清經解續編, comp. Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918). Jiangyin: Nanjing shuyuan, 1886–1888. 820 shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity)

Pi Xirui 皮錫瑞 (1850–1908). Jinwen Shang shu kao zheng 今文尚書考證. 30 juan. Pishi Shifu tang 皮氏師伏堂, 1897; rpt. Taipei: Xin wenfeng, 1984; Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918). Shang shu Kong zhuan canzheng 尚書孔傳參正. 36 juan. Beijing: Xushou tang, 1904; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 and Gu Tinglong 顧廷龍, ed. Shang shu wenzi hebian 尚書文字合編. 4 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1996. Reprints seven versions of the text. Jian Zhaoliang 簡朝亮 (1851–1923). Shang shu jizhu shushu 尚書集注述疏. In Xuxiu siqu quanshu 續修四庫全書. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Gu Jiegang 顧頡綱 and Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. Shang shu jiaoshi yi lun 尚書校釋譯論. 4 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005.

Manuscripts and Quotations in Other Works Chen Tiefan 陳鐵凡. Dunhuang ben Shang shu jiaozheng 敦煌本尚書校證. Taipei: Guojia changqi fazhan weiyuanhui, 1965. Xu Chunxiong 許春雄. Wang Su zhi Shang shu xue 王肅之尚書學. Taipei: s.n., 1975. Ye Chengyi 葉程義. Wen xuan Li Shan zhu yin Shang shu kao 文選李善注引尚書考. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1975. Xu Jingyuan 許景元. “Xinchu Xiping shijing Shang shu can shi kao lüe” 新出熹平石經《尙書》殘石考略. Kaogu xuebao (1981: 2): 185–98. Shiba Rokurō 斯波六郎. Monzen Ri Zen chū Shōsho kōshō 文選李善注尚書考證. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1982. Liao Mingchun 廖名春. “Guodian Chu jian ‘Zi yi’ yin Shu kao” 郭店楚簡《緇衣》引《書》考. Xibei daxue xuebao 301 (2000): 53–59. Huang Zhenyun 黃震雲 and Huang Wei 黃偉. “Guodian Chu jian yin Shu kao” 郭店楚簡引《書》考. Nanyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 2.2 (2003): 83–85. Zang Kehe 臧克和. “Shanghai bowuguan cang Zhangguo Chu zhushu ‘Zi yi’ suoyin Shang shu wenzi kao” 上海博物館藏《戰國楚竹書‧緇衣》所引《尚書》文字考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2003: 1): 4–8. Zhou Shaohao 周少豪. Han shu yin Shang shu yanjiu《漢書》引《尚書》研究. Tai- pei xian Yonghe shi: Hua Mulan wenhua chubanshe, 2007. Cai Genxiang 蔡根祥. Songdai Shang shu xue an 宋代尚書學案. Taipei xian Yonghe shi: Hua Mulan wenhua chubanshe, 2006. Xu Jianping 許建平. “Shang shu” 尚書. Dunhuang jingji xulu 敦煌經籍敘錄, 67–127. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006.

Studies of Variants Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Shang shu Yiwen hui lu 尚書異文彙錄. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983.

Modern Commentaries and Annotations Liao Ping 廖平 (1852–1932). Shang shu hongdao pian 尚書弘道篇. 1916–1917; rpt. Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, 1984. shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity) 821

Yang Yunru 楊筠如. “Shang shu he gu” 尚書覈詁. 1928; rpt. Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongdsi, 1986; Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 2007. Zeng Yunqian 曾運乾 (1884–1943). Shang shu zheng du 尚書正讀. 1934; rpt. Bei- jing: Zhonghua shuju, 1964; Taipei: Huazheng shuju, 1982. Yu Xingwu 于省吾 (1896–1984). Shuangjian chi Shang shu xin zheng 雙劍誃尚書新證. Beiping: Zhili shuju, 1935; rpt. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1951. Karlgren, Bernhard. “Glosses on the Book of Documents.” BMFEA 20 (1948): 39–315; 21(1949): 63–206; Chinese translation by Chen Shunzheng 陳舜政. Gao Benhan Shu jing zhushi 高本漢書經注釋. 2 vols. Taipei: Zhonghua congshu bianshen weiyuanhui, 1970. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Shang shu shiyi 尚書釋義. Taipei: Zhonghua wenhua chuban shiye weiyuanhui, 1956. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Shang shu jishi 尚書集釋. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. Zhou Bingjun 周秉鈞. Shang shu yi jie 尚書易解. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1984.

For comments and corrections to Karlgren see: Ch’en Shun-cheng 陳舜政. “Ping Gao Benhan Shang shu zhushi” 評高本漢尚書注釋. Kong Meng xuebao 8 (1964): 183–95. Ch’en Shun-cheng 陳舜政. “Du Gao Benhan Shang shu zhu shi” 讀高本漢尚書注釋. Wen shi zhe xuebao 17 (1968): 275–352. Ch’en Yuan-chih 陳遠止. Shu jing Gao Benhan zhushi jiaozheng《書經》高本漢注釋斠正. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1996.

Western Language Translations Gaubil, Antoine, trans. Le Chou-king, un des livres sacrés des Chinois, qui renferme les fondements de leur ancienne histoire, les principes de leur gouvernement & de leur morale; ouvrage recueilli par Confucius. Paris: N. M. Tillard, 1770. Medhurst, W. H., trans. Ancient China, The Shooking or the Historical Classic. Shanghai: The Mission Press, 1846. Couvreur, Séraphin, trans. The Shu jing or the Chinese Historical Classic. London: The Theosophical Publishing Society, 1940. Karlgren, Bernhard, trans. “The Book of Documents.” BMFEA 22 (1950): 1–81. Legge, James, trans. The Shoo King. In The Chinese Classics, vol. 3. London: Oxford University Press, 1865. Rpt. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960. Waltham, Clae, trans. Shu ching: Book of History. A Modernized Edition of the Translation of James Legge. Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1971.

Baihua Translations Qu Wanli 屈萬里, trans and comm. Shang shu jinzhu jinyi 尚書今註今譯. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1969. Wang Shishun 王世舜, trans. and comm. Shang shu yizhu 尚書譯注. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1982. Wu Yu 吳璵, trans. and comm. Xinyi Shang shu duben 新譯尚書讀本. Taipei: San- min shuju, 1983. 822 shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity)

Chen Shanxu 陳善勗, trans. and comm. Shu jing baihua xin jie 書經白話新解. Taipei: Wenhua tushu gongsi, 1984. Gu Baotian 顧寶田, trans. and comm. Shang shu yizhu 尚書譯注. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1995. Li Min 李民 and Wang Jian 王健, trans. and comm. Shang shu yizhu 尚書譯注. 2000; rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2004. Guo Jianxun 郭建勳, trans. and comm. Xinyi Shang shu duben 新譯尚書讀本. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2005.

Japanese Translations Katō Jōken 加藤常賢, trans. and comm. Shin kobun Shōsho shūshaku 真古文尚書集釋 . Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1964. Nomura Shigeo 野村茂夫, trans. and comm. Shokyō 書經. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1974. Shimizu Shigero 清水茂, trans. and comm. Shokyō 書經. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1975. Ikeda Suitoshi 池田末利, trans. and comm. Shōsho 尚書. Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1976. Katō Jōken 加藤常賢, trans. and comm. Shōsho 尚書. 2 vols. Shinshaku Kanbun taikei 25–26. Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1983–85.

Indexes and Concordances Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛, comp. Shang shu tongjian 尚書通檢. Beijing: Harvard-Yanjing Institute, 1936; rpt. Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1982. Shangshu zhuzi suoyin 尚書逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

General Studies Pelliot, Paul. “Le Chou King en caractères anciens et le Chang Chou Che Wen.” Mémoires concernant l’Asie orientale, Inde, Asie centrale, Extrême Orient, pulié par l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres 2 (1916): 124–58. Morley, A. “Some Questions Concerning the Texts of the Shu-ching.” New China Review 3 (1921): 18–31. Maspero, Henri. “Légendes mythologiques dans le Chou King.” Journal asiatique 204 (1924): 1–100. Chen Zhu 陳柱 (1889–1944). Shang shu lun lüe 尚書論略. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1924; rpt. Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, 1986. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 (1893–1980). “Lun Jinwen Shang shu zhuzuo shidai shu” 論今文尚書著作時代書. Gu shi bian 古史辨 1: 200–6. Beiping: Pushe, 1926. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. Shang shu yanjiu jiangyi 尚書研究講議. Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1933. Chen Mengjia 陳夢家. Shang shu tonglun 尚書通論. 1935. Rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1957. Reissued. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985. Creel, H. G. Studies in Early Chinese Culture, 21–93. Baltimore: Waverly Press, 1937. shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity) 823

Jin Zhaozi 金兆梓. “Jinwen Shang shu lun” 今文尚書論. Xuelin 1 (1940): 65–81; rpt. in Jin Zhaozi. Chun’an zhixue leigao 芚厂治學類稿, 243–73. Shanghai: Zhong hua shuju, 1949. Jin Zhaozi 金兆梓. “Jinwen Shang shu xulun” 今文尚書緒論. Xuelin 5 (1941): 177– 97; rpt. Jin Zhaozi. Chun’an zhixue leigao, 274–310. Wu Kang 吳康. Shang shu dagang 尚書大綱. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1941; rpt. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1953. Chu T’ing-hsien 朱廷獻, ed. Shang shu yanjiu lunji 尚書研究論集. Taipei: Hua- zheng shuju, 1975. Zhang Xitang 張西堂. Shang shu yin lun 尚書引論. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1958; rpt. Taipei: Xin wenfeng, 1984. Kobayashi Shinmei 小林信明. Kobun Shōsho no kenkyū 古文尚書の研究. Tokyo: Taishūkan shoten, 1959. Tai Chün-jen 戴君仁. “Guwen Shang shu zuozhe yanjiu” 古文尚書作者研究. Kong Meng xuebao 1 (1961): 35–46. Matsumoto Massaki 松本雅明. Shunjū sengoku ni okeru Shōsho no tenkai 春秋戰國における尚書の展開. Tokyo: Kazama shobō, 1966. Oliver, Robert T. Communication and Culture in Ancient India and China, 100–20. Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1971. Chou Feng-wu 周鳳五. “Wei guwen Shang shu wenti chongtan” 偽古文尚書問題重探. M.A. Thesis, National Taiwan University, 1974. Liu Te-han 劉德漢 et al. Shang shu lunwen ji 尚書論文集. Taipei: Liming wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1981. Liu Chen-hsing 劉振興. Shang shu liuyan ji dayi tantao 尚書流衍及大義探討. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1982. Ma Yong 馬雍. Shang shu shihua 尚書史話. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1982. Li Min 李民. Shang shu yu gushi yanjiu 尚書與古史研究. Henan: Henan renmin chubanshe, 1981. Second edition: Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou shuhuashe, 1983. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. Xian-Qin wenshi ziliao kaobian 先秦文史資料考辨, 315–27. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1983. Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. Shang shu yuanliu ji chuanben kao 尚書源流及傳本考. Shenyang: Liaoning daxue chubanshe, 1987. Chu T’ing-hsien 朱廷獻. Shang shu yanjiu 尚書研究. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1987. Jiang Shan’guo 蔣善國. Shang shu zongshu 尚書綜述. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988. Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. Shang shu xue shi 尚書學史. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989. Shaughnessy, Edward L. “Shang shu 尚書 (Shu ching 書經).” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 376–89. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Nylan, Michael. “The Ku Wen Documents in Han Times.” TP 81 (1995): 25–50. Jin Jingfang 金景芳 and Lü Shaogang 呂紹綱. “Shang shu Yu Xia shu xin jie 尚書虞夏書新解. Shenyang: Liaoning guji chubanshe, 1996. Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. Riben de Shang shu xue yu qi wenxian 日本的尚書學與其文獻. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1997. Zang Kehe 臧克和. Shang shu wenzi jiao gu 尚書文字校詁. Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Shirakawa Shizuka 白川靜. Shōsho sakki 尚書札記. In Shirakawa Shizuka chosakushū 白川靜著作集, Vol. 5. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 2000. 824 shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity)

Nylan, Michael. “The Documents (Shu 書).” In Michael Nyland. The Five “Confu- cian” Classics, 120–67. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001. You Huanmin 游喚民. Shang shu sixiang yanjiu 尚書思想研究. Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001. Li Xueqin 李學勤. “Shang shu Kong zhuan de chuxian shijian”《尚書孔傳》的出現時間. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2002: 2): 1–3. Zhu Dekui 朱德魁. “Dui Shang shu neirong de fenlei” 對《尚書》內容的分類. Gui- zhou minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 73.3 (2002): 35–39. Tian Hanyun 田漢雲. “Wei Guwen Shang shu: wei Dong Jin zhifa” 偽《古文尚書》：為東晉制法. In Liuchao jingxue yu xuanxue 六朝經學與玄學, 146–52. Nanjing: Nanjing chubanshe, 2003. Wang Lianlong 王連龍. “Jin ershi nian lai Shang shu yanjiu zongshu” 近二十年來《尚書》研究綜述. Jilin shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (2003: 5): 89–93. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. Xian-Qin liang Han wenxue shiliao xue 先秦兩漢文學史料學, 88–102. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. Shang shu yanjiu yao lun 尚書研究要論. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2007. Qiu Xiejun 裘燮君. “Jinwen Shang shu duandai yanjiu zong shu” 今文《尚書》斷代研究綜述. Guangxi shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 28.2 (2007): 80–86. Ma Shiyuan 馬士遠. Zhou Qin Shang shu xue yanjiu 周秦《尚書》學研究. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008.

Studies of Language He Dingsheng 何定生. “Shang shu de wenfa ji qi niandai” 尚書的文法及其年代. Zhongshan daxue yuyan lishi yanjiusuo zhoukan 5.49–51 (1928): 1–189. Bodman, N. C. “The Function of Jywe in the Shangshu.” JAOS 68 (1948): 52–60. Tökei, Ferenc. “Sur Le Rythme du Chou king.” Act. Or. Hung. 7 (1957): 78–104. Qian Zongwu 錢宗武. Jinwen Shang shu yuyan yanjiu 今文尚書語言研究. Chang- sha: Yuelu shushe, 1996. Qian Zongwu 錢宗武 and Long Feng 龍峰. “Jinwen Shang shu beidong ju yanjiu” 今文《尚書》被動句研究. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1998: 4): 11–16. Qian Zongwu 錢宗武 and Liu Yanjie 劉彥杰. “Jinwen Shang shu panduan ju yanjiu” 今文《尚書》判斷句研究. Hunan shifan daxue shehui kexue xuebao (1999: 6): 111–17. Qian Zongwu 錢宗武. “Shang shu jushou ju zhong yuzhuci yanjiu de jidian renshi”《尚書》句首句中語助詞研究的幾點認識. Gudai Hanyu yanjiu 37.2 (2000): 66–69. Qian Zongwu 錢宗武. “Jinwen Shang shu shuangbinyu juxing he shuangbinyu yuci de xuanze” 今文《尚書》雙賓語句型和雙賓語詞的選擇. Yunmeng xuekan 22.6 (2001): 105–7, 115. Qian Zongwu 錢宗武. “Jinwen Shang shu yuqici de yuyong fanwei he yuyong tezheng” 今文《尚書》語氣詞的語用範圍和語用特徵. Gu Hanyu yanjiu 53.4 (2001): 41–43. shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity) 825

Studies of Shang shu as Literature Hu Nianyi 胡念貽. “Shang shu de sanwen yishu zai wenxue shi shang de diwei he yingxiang”《尚書》的散文藝術在文學史上的地位和影響. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1981: 1): 224–34; rpt. in Hu Nianyi. Zhongguo gudai wenxue lungao 中國古代文學論稿. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Chang Kang 常康. “Shi tan Shang shu de yuyan yishu” 試談《尚書》的語言藝術. Neimenggu shida xuebao (1986: 2). 85–71. Yin Diting 尹砥廷. “Shi lun Shang shu yuyan de wenxuexing” 試論《尚書》語言的文學性. Jishou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 18.1 (1987): 61–66. Hao Mingchao 郝明朝. “Lun Shang shu de wenxue jiazhi” 論《尚書》的文學價值. Qi Lu xuekan (1998: 4): 15–21. Wang Wenqing 王文清. “Lun Shang shu sanwen de yishu fengge tedian” 論《尚書》散文的藝術風格特點. Shandong shehui kexue 70.6 (1998): 77–79. Wang Hengzhan 王恆展. “Shang shu yu Zhongguo xiaoshuo”《尚書》與中國小說. Shandong shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 170.3 (2000): 21–27. Yu Xuetang 于雪棠. “Shang shu wenti fenlei ji xingwei yu wenti de guanxi”《尚書》文體分類及行為與問題的關係. Beifang luncong 196.2 (2006): 8–11. Cheng Guangli 成光麗. “Qian lun Shang shu dui Han Wei Liuchao siyan shi de yingxiang” 淺論《尚書》對漢魏六朝四言詩的影響. Pingyuan daxue xuebao 25.3 (2008): 56–58.

Studies of Individual Chapters “Yao dian” 堯典 Wei Juxian韋聚賢. “Yao dian de yanjiu” 堯典的研究. Shixue nianbao 1.2 (1930): 69–98. Liu Zhaoyang 劉朝陽. “Cong tianwen lifa tuice Yao dian zhi biancheng niandai” 從天文曆法推測堯典之編成年代. Yanjing xuebao 7 (1930): 1155–87. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Cong dili shang zheng jinben Yao dian wei Hanren zuo” 從地理上證今本堯典為漢人作. Yu gong 2.5 (1933): 2–14. Chen Mengjia 陳夢家. “Yao dian wei Qin guanben Shang shu shuo” 堯典為秦官本尚書說. Qinghua xuebao 14.1 (1947): 155–66. Dong Zuobin 董作賓. “Yao dian tianwen lifa xin zheng” 堯典天文曆法新證. Qinghua xuebao, n.s. 1.2 (1957): 17–38. Bi Changpu 畢長樸. “Yao dian chengshu zhi niandai wenti” 堯典成書之年代問題. Dalu zazhi 22.2 (1961): 9–13. Li Min 李民. “Shang shu Yao dian yu shizu shehui” 尚書堯典與氏族社會. Zheng- zhou daxue xuebao (1980: 2): 75–83; rpt. Li Min, Shang shu yu gu shi yanjiu, 25–44. Zhu Tingxian 朱廷獻. “Shang shu Yao dian pian zhucheng zhi shidai kao” 尚書堯典篇著成之時代考. Kong Meng yuekan 20.1 (1981): 10–14. Li Chen-hsing 李振興. “Shang shu Yao dian dayi tantao” 尚書堯典大義探討. Kong Meng xuebao 20.12 (1982): 101–33. Ch’en Ch’i 陳琪. “Yao dian yu Wudi benji ziju zhi bijiao yanjiu” 堯典與五帝本紀字句之比較研究. Shumu jikan 17.3 (1983): 50–72. 826 shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity)

Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Yao dian zhuzuo shidai kao” 堯典著作時代考. Wen shi 24 (1985): 23–71. Jin Dejian 金德建. “Yao dian san lun” 堯典三論. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 25 (1983): 45–60. Liu Wendi 劉文迪. “Shanhai jing ‘Dahuang jing’ yu Shang shu ‘Yao dian’ de duibi yanjiu”《山海精‧大荒經》與《尚書‧堯典》的對比研究. Minzu yishu (2002: 3): 58–75. Feng Guanghong 馮廣宏. “Shang shu ‘Yao dian’ xin yi”《尚書‧堯典》新議. Wen shi zazhi (2007: 1): 48–50. Yu Wenzhe 于文哲. “ ‘Yao dian’ keyi guan mei—shi xi ‘Yao dian de wenxue jiazhi” 《堯典》可以觀美—試析《堯典》的文學價值. Beifang luncong 203.3 (2007): 7–10.

“Yu gong” 禹貢 Hu Wei 胡渭 (1633–1714). Yu gong zhui zhi 禹貢錐指. 20 juan. 1701; rev. and rpt. 1705. Rpt. Siku quanshu. Zou Yilin 鄒逸鄰, ed. Yu gong zhui zhi 禹貢錐指. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1996. Wei Juxian 衛聚賢. “Yu gong kao” 禹貢考. Guoli Zhongshan daxue yuyan lishi yanjiusuo zhoukan 4.38 (1928): 1–17. Zhong Guolou 鍾國樓. “Du Wei Juxian ‘Yu gong kao’ 讀衛聚賢「禹貢考」. Guoli Zhongshan daxue yuyan lishi yanjiusuo zhoukan 7.77 (1928): 3095–3104. Wei Juxian 衛聚賢. “Da du Yu gong kao de Zhong xiansheng” 答讀禹貢的鍾先生. Guoli Zhongshan daxue yuyan lishi yanjiusuo zhoukan 8.91 (1929): 3619–20. Ma Peitang 馬培棠. “Liang Hui wang yu Yu gong” 梁惠王與禹貢. Yu gong banyuekan 2.5 (1934): 23–27; rpt. Yu gong yanjiu lunji, 13–17. Ma Peitang 馬培棠. “Yu gong yu Yudu” 禹貢與禹都. Yu gong banyuekan 2.8 (1934): 21–24; rpt. Yu gong yanjiu lunji, 3–6. Ma Peitang 馬培棠. “Yu gong yu Jinian” 禹貢與紀年. Yu gong banyuekan 2.10 (1935): 16–21; rpt. Yu gong yanjiu lunji, 7–12. Wei Juxian 衛聚賢. “Yu gong” 禹貢. Shuowen yuekan 1.7 (1939): 7–57. Yang Daxin 楊大鈊. Yu gong dili jin shi 禹貢地理今釋. Chongqing: Zhengzhong shuju, 1944. Yin Shiji 尹世積. Yu gong xin jie 禹貢新解. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1941; rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai yinshuguan, 1957. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Jiaodian Shang shu Yu gong bian (wenzi yi Tang Shi jing ben) 校點尚書禹貢篇(文字依唐石經本). Shuowen yuekan 4 joint issue (1944): 341–56. Xin Shuzhi 辛樹幟. et al. “Yu gong zhizuo shidai de tuice” 禹貢制作時代的推測. Xibei nongxueyuan xuebao (1957: 3): 1–40. Wang Chengzu 王成組. “Cong bijiao yanjiu chongxin guding Yu gong xingcheng de niandai” 從比較研究重新估定禹貢形成的年代. Xibei daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) (1957: 4): 21–36. Xu Zhongshu 徐中舒. “Yu gong de niandai ji qi xiangguan wenti” 禹貢的年代及其相關問題. Kaogu xuebao, 25 (1959): 53–66. Xin Shuzhi 辛樹幟. Yu gong xin jie 禹貢新解. Beijing: Nongye chubanshe, 1964. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. “Lun Yu gong zhucheng de shidai” 論禹貢著成的世代. Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 35 (1964): 53–86; rpt. in Qu Wanli. Shu yong lunxue ji 書傭論學集, 116–59. Taipei: Taiwan Kaiming shudian, 1969. shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity) 827

Yu gong yanjiu lunji 禹貢研究論集. Hong Kong: Zhongshan tushu gongsi, 1974. Shi Nianhai 史念海. “Lun Yu gong de zhuzuo niandai” 論禹貢的著作年代. Shixue shi yanjiu (1980: 4): 2–15. Li Min 李民. “Yu gong yu Xia shi” 禹貢與夏史. Shixue yuekan (1980: 2): 6–13. Li Changfu 李長傅. Chen Daiguang 陳代光, ed. Yu gong shi di 禹貢釋地. Zheng- zhou: Zhongzhou shuhua she, 1983.

“Jin teng” 金縢 Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Jin teng pian jin yi” 金縢篇今譯. Gu shi bian 2: 63–75. Wei Juxian 衛聚賢. “Jin teng bian wei” 金縢辨偽. Guoxue yuebao 2.12 (1927): 676–90. Yu Pingbo 俞平伯. “Shang shu Jin teng zhong de jige wenti” 尚書金藤中的幾個問題. Za ban er 雜伴兒, 2: 245–54. Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1933; rpt. Nan- chang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1983. Zhao Guangxian 趙光賢. “Shuo Shang shu Jin teng pian” 說尚書金縢篇. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 15 (1980): 1–12. Li Chen-hsing 李振興. Shang shu Jin teng pian dayi tantao” 尚書金縢篇大義探討. Kong Meng yuekan 21.11 (1983): 3–14. Li Min 李民. “Jin teng ji qi shiliao jiazhi” 金縢及其史料價值. Shang shu yu gushi yanjiu, 158–76. Zhu Tingxian 朱廷獻. “Shang shu Jin teng pian kao shi” 尚書金縢篇考釋. Zhong hua wenhua fuxing yuekan 18.4 (1985): 17–20. Shaughnessy, Edward L. “The Duke of Zhou’s Retirement in the East and the Beginnings of the Minister-Monarch Debate in Chinese Political Philosophy.” In Before Confucius Studies in the Creation of the Chinese Classics, 101–36. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1997).

The “gao” 誥 chapters Zeng Qinliang 曾勤良. “Shang shu dian mo xun gao shi ming yu gudai chuanbo shixi” 尙書典謨訓誥誓命與古代傳播試析. Furen xuezhi (Wenxueyuan zhi bu) 13 (1984): 625–41. Liu Zhaowei 劉兆偉. “Shang shu ‘Da gao’ ‘Kang gao’ ‘Jiu gao’ gailun: Zhou gong li guo zhi tianxia zhi sanbu dace”《尙書・大誥、康誥、酒誥》槪論: 周公立國、治天下之三部大策. Shenyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1988: 4): 16–20. Zhao Guangxian 趙光賢. “Shuo Shang shu ‘Shao gao’ ‘Luo gao’ ” 說《尚書‧召誥‧ 洛誥》. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1991: 4): 33–35, 3. Vogelsang, Kai. “Inscriptions and Proclamations: On the Authenticity of the ‘gao’ Chapters in the Book of Documents.” BMFEA 74 (2002): 138–209.

“Da gao” 酒誥 Liu Jie 劉節. “Da gao jie” 大告解. Wenxue nianbao (1936: 2): 19–22. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Shang shu Da gao jin yi (tiyao) 尚書大誥今譯 (題要). Lishi yanjiu (1962: 4): 26–51. 828 shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity)

Zhu Tingxian 朱廷獻. “Shang shu Da gao pian kao shi” 尚書大誥篇考釋. Kong Meng xuebao 45 (1983): 199–211. Li Zhenxing 李振興. “Shang shu Da gao pian dayi tantao” 尚書大誥篇大義探討. Kong Meng yuekan 22.2 (1983): 11–18. Zhou Bingjun 周秉鈞. “Da gao yi jie” 大誥易解. Gu Hanyu lunji 古漢語論集, 1: 326–36. Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1985. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Shang shu ‘Da gao” yanjiu”《尚書‧大誥》研究. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 59 (1999): 1–36.

“Jiu gao” 酒誥 Xie Xuanjun 謝選駿. “Shang shu ‘Jiu gao’ de zongjiao zhengzhi hanyi”《尙書・酒誥》的宗敎政治含義. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu jikan 5 (1987): 153–61.

“Shao gao” Zang Kehe 臧克和. “Shang shu ‘Shao gao’ sheng zi shi shi”《尚書‧召誥》生子試釋. Zhongguo shi yanjiu (2000: 3): 120–21. Zhao Yali 趙雅麗. “Shang shu Shao gong xingxiang tan wei”《尚書》召公形象探微. Chongqing shehui kexue 121.1 (2005): 60–63.

The Harangues Chu Shao-hsiung 朱少雄. “Jinwen Shang shu wu shi xijiu” 今文尚書五誓析究. Huangpu xuebao 10 (1977): 77–113. Li Chen-hsing 李振興. “Shang shu wu shi dayi tantao” 尚書五誓大義探討. Kong Meng yuekan 20.3 (1981): 28–34; 20.4 (1981): 10–18.

“Gan shi” 甘誓 (The oath at Gan) Zhu Shiche 朱師轍, “Shang shu Gan shi wei yunwen bugao zhi zu” 尚書甘誓為韻文布告之祖, Furen Daxue yuwen xuexi jiangyanji 3 (1942): 9–13. Qu Wanli 屈萬里. “Shang shu Gan shi pian zhucheng de shidai” 尚書甘誓篇著成的時代. Dalu zazhi 2 (1962): 165–70. Wei Juxian 衛聚賢. “Gan shi kao” 甘誓考. Renwen xuebao 7 (1978): 155–206. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 and Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. “Shang shu Gan shi jiaoshi yi lun” 尚書甘誓校釋譯論. Zhongguo shi yanjiu (1979: 1): 51–63. Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. “Shi Shang shu Gan shi de ‘Wuxing’ yu ‘Sanzheng’ ” 釋尚書甘誓的「五行」與「三正」. Wen shi 7 (1979): 9–21.

“Tang shi” 湯誓 Mao Zishui 毛子水. “Tang shi jiangyi” 湯誓講義. Wenshi zazhi 1.8 (1941): 21–26. Mao Zishui 毛子水. “Tang shi xin yi” 湯誓新義. Wen shi zhe xuebao (1951: 3): 1–9. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 and Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. “Shang shu Tang shi jiaoshi yi lun” 尚書湯釋校釋譯論. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (1980: 1): 1–10. shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity) 829

“Mu shi” 牧誓 (The oath of Mu) Hong Mengqi 洪孟啟. “Mu shi pian yanjiu” 牧誓篇研究. Shi hua (1970: 2): 135–47. Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. “Mu shi shi yipian zhanzheng wudao de shici” 牧誓是一篇戰爭舞蹈的誓詞. Zhongguo gudai shi luncong 3 (1982): 161–74. Lü Xixheng 呂錫生. “Guanyu Mu shi de chengshu niandai wenti” 關於牧誓的成書年代問題. Zhongguo lishi wenxian yanjiu 中國歷史文獻研究, 48–54. Wuchang: Huazhong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1982. Yang Hua 楊華. “Shang shu Mu shi’ xin kao”《尚書‧牧誓》新考. Shixue yuekan (1996: 5): 2–5. Jin Jiuhong 金九紅. “Shang shu ‘Mu shi’ yu Yin Zhou lishi”《尚書‧牧誓》與殷周歷史. Handan shizhuan xuebao 14.4 (2004): 30–34, 41. Li Jidong 李吉東. “Shang shu ‘Mu shi’ xin jie”《尚書‧牧誓》新解. Qi Lu xuekan (2008: 3): 45–48.

“Pangeng” 盤庚 Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Pangeng shangpian jin yi” 盤庚上篇今譯. Gu shi bian 2: 50–63. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Pangeng zhongpian jin yi” 盤庚中篇今譯. Gu shi bian 2: 43–50. Li Jingchi 李鏡池. “Pangeng jinyi zhi shangque” 盤庚今譯之商榷. Wenlan xuebao 3.1 (1937): 1765–55. Yan Xuxin 顏虛心. “Pangeng jin yi” 盤庚今譯. Guowen yuekan 4 (1944 combined issue): 361–76. Zhang Xitang 張西堂. “Shang shu Pangeng pian jin shi jian jie” 尚書盤庚篇今釋簡解. Renwen zazhi (1958: 6): 83–90. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 and Liu Qiyu 劉起釪. “Pangeng sanpian jiaoshi yi lun” 盤庚三篇校釋意論. Lishi xue (1979: 1–2): 44 pp. Li Chen-hsing 李振興. “Shang shu Pangeng pian dayi tantao” 尚書盤庚篇大義探討. Guoli zhengzhi daxue xuebao 47 (1983): 1–32. Jiang Tianshu 蔣天樞. “Pangeng pian jiao jian” 盤庚篇校箋. Wang Guowei xueshu yanjiu lunji 王國為學術研究論集, 268–91. Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1983. Zhu Tingxian 朱廷獻. “Shang shu Pangeng pian kao shi” 尚書盤庚篇考釋. Kong Meng xuebao 47 (1984): 69–83. Nie Yuhai 聶玉海. “Shi tan Shang shu ‘Pangeng’ zhong de ‘zhong’ 試談《尚書‧盤庚》中的 “眾”. Yindu xuekan (1986: 3): 11–14. Tang Qi 唐祈. “Shang shu ‘Pangeng’ fanyi”《尚書‧盤庚》翻譯. Xibei minzu xueyuan xuebao (1987: 3): 58–65. Jin Jingfang 金景芳. “Shang shu ‘Pangeng’ xin jie”《尚書‧盤庚》新解. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1996: 3): 266–76. Hao Mingchao 郝明朝. “Lun ‘Pangeng’ zai Zhongguo sanwen shi shang de diwei” 論《盤庚》在中國散文史上的地位. Liaocheng shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1997: 2): 89–92. Liu Yifeng 劉義峰. “Shang shu ‘Pangeng’ sanpian cixu kao”《尚書‧盤庚》三篇次序考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 1): 46–48. 830 shang shu 尚書 (hallowed writings of antiquity)

Lü Shaogang 呂紹綱 and Zhu Xianfei 朱翔飛. “Shang shu ‘Pangeng’ xin jie (xu)” 《尚書‧盤庚》新解 (續). Shehui kexue zhanxian (2007: 3): 258–67.

SHL

Shanhai jing 山海經 (Guideways to mountains and seas)

Compendium on ancient geography and mythology.

The Shanhai jing has been variously classified as a geographical treatise (see Sui shu, “Jing ji zhi,” 33.982) and as a work of xiaoshuo 小說 or “tales” (see Siku quanshu zongmu 142). It is a rich collection of myths and legends, some of which may be of early date. Many of the entries relate supernatural and fabulous occurrences. The received version of the text is in eighteen juan which are conventionally divided into five sections:

1. Shan jing 山經 (Guideways through the mountains) or Wuzang shan jing 五臧山經 (Guideways through the five mountain treasuries), juan 1–5. Covers mountains of south, west, north, east, and center. 2. Haiwai jing 海外經 (Guideways to the areas beyond the seas), juan 6–9. Covers the seas in south, west, north, and east. 3. Hainei jing 海內經 (Guideways to the areas within the seas), juan 10–13. Covers the area “within the seas” in south, west, north, and east. 4. Dahuang jing 大荒經 (Guideways to the great wastes), juan 14–17. Covers the area of the “great wastes” outside the central realm in the east, south, west, and north. 5. Hainei jing 海內經 (Guideways through lands within the seas, juan 18. Covers the area of the heartland of the Central Plain.

The Shanhai jing traditionally has been attributed to the sage emperor Yu 禹 or his assistant Boyi 伯益. The work now is considered to be a compos- ite text of materials from different periods, the earliest of which may have been put together around the fourth century b.c.e. The existence of Han time place names indicates that material was still being added to the text in the Han period. The textual history of the Shanhai jing is quite complicated. The first mention of the Shanhai jing as a text is in the Shi ji of Sima Qian. The earliest bibliography that lists it is the “Yiwen zhi” of the Han shu which records it in thirteen pian. This presumably was the text that was listed in shanhai jing 山海經 (guideways to mountains and seas) 831 the Qi lüe 七略 (Seven summaries) catalogue compiled by Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.) and Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23). Liu Xin actually prepared an edition of the Shanhai jing. In his petition that he submitted when he presented this text to the court he stated that he reduced a thirty-two-pian text edited by a court official whose personal name was Wang 望 to eighteen pian. Scholars have been troubled by the discrepancy between this version and the version listed in the Qi lüe. Complicating the matter is that later catalogues provide conflicting information on the number of sections ofthe text. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Shanhai jing in twenty-three juan with a commentary by Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324). The Qing scholar Hao Yixing 郝懿行 (1757–1825) assumes that Guo Pu based his edition on the eighteen-pian edition prepared by Liu Xin. He also notes that if one excludes the “Dahuang jing,” which probably was not part of Liu Xin’s version, and counts the number of pian in each of the five sections, the total is thirty-four pian, which is two more than the thirty-two pian of the original version that Liu Xin reduced to thirteen pian. Hao speculates that the eighteen-pian version consisted of a Wuzang shan jing in five pian, eight pian of the Haiwai and Hainei sections, plus the five pian of the Dahuang jing. He also suggests that the thirteen-pian version of Liu Xin did not contain the Dahuang jing. He claims that the Dahuang jing circulated independently, and that Guo Pu inserted it into the text, thus explaining why his version is in eighteen juan. In addition to this discrepancy, there are differences in the later versions of the text. For example, the monograph on bibliography of the Jiu Tang shu lists a Shanhai jing in eighteen juan with two juan of illustrations, and two juan of pronunciation glosses by Guo Pu. This twenty-juan version is not quite the same as the twenty-juan listing mentioned in the Sui shu. Almost all of the printed editions beginning in the Northern Song are in eighteen juan. The most important commentaries are those by Guo Pu, Hao Yixing, and Yuan Ke (see below). The Shanhai jing long has been transmitted with illustrations. Indeed, there are some passages that seem to refer to illustrations and maps. Guo Pu had access to illustrations when he prepared his edition and commentary. He also composed zan 贊 (appraisals) for 240 illustrations. The poet Tao Qian 陶潛 (365–427) mentions looking at illustrations of the Shanhai jing in a set of poems he wrote about this work. The sixth century artist Zhang Sengyou 張僧繇 is attributed with painting 247 illustrations. This work is no longer extant, but a work reputedly based on it by Shu Ya 舒雅 (d. 1009) was done in the Northern Song. The oldest extant illustrations come from the Ming and Qing period. 832 shanhai jing 山海經 (guideways to mountains and seas)

Bibliography

Editions and Commentaries

For a study of editions see: Zhang Chunsheng 張春生. “Shanhai jing banben kao”《山海經》版本考. Shanhai jing yanjiu 山海經研究, 383–404. Shanghai: Shanghai shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 2007. You Mao 尤袤 (1127–1193), ed. Shanhai jing 山海經. 18 juan. Chiyang junzhai 池陽郡齋, Chunxi 7 (1180) printing; photoreproduction Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan, 2004. Shanhai jing 山海經. 18 juan. Chen Jian 陳鑑 (jinshi 1448) Guoxue printing. 1470; photoreproduction in Sibu congkan. Wang Chongqing 王崇慶 (16th cent.), ed. and comm. Shanhai jing shiyi 山海經釋義, 18 juan. 1537; photoreproduction in Siku quanshu cunmu congshu. Yang Shen 楊慎 (1488–1559), ed. and comm. Shan hai jing buzhu 山海經補注. 1 juan. Baizi quanshu 百子全書. Wu Renchen 吳任臣 (ca. 1628–1689), ed. and comm. Shanhai jing guangzhu 山海經廣注. 18 juan. 1667. Reprint in Siku quanshu. Wang Fu 汪紱 (1692–1759), comm. Shanhai jing cun 山海經存. 9 juan. Wang Shuangchi xiangsheng congshu 汪雙池先生叢書 (1895). Bi Yuan 畢沅 (1730–1797), ed. and comm. Shanhai jing xin jiaozheng 山海經新校正. 1 juan. 1783. Jingxun tang congshu 經訓堂叢書. Hao Yixing 郝懿行 (1757–1825), ed. and comm. Shanghai jing jianshu 山海經箋疏. 18 juan. 1809. Rpt. in Sibu beiyao. Wang Xinzhan 王心湛. Shanhai jing jijie 山海經集解. Beiping: Guangyi shuju, 1936. Ou Xiefang 歐纈芳. “Shanhai jing jiaozheng” 山海經校證. Wen shi zhe xuebao 11 (1962): 203–338. Yuan Ke 袁珂, ed. and comm. Shanhai jing jiaozhu 山海經校注. 18 juan. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980.

Indexes and Concordances Shanhai jing tongjian 山海經通檢. Index No. 9, Université de Paris, Centre d’Études Sinologiques de Pekin. Peking, 1948. Rpt. Taipei: Ch’eng-wen, 1968. Sugawa Terukazu 順川照一 et al., comp. Sengai kyō sakuin 山海經索引. Tokyo: Rinsen shoten, 1968. Shanhai jing zhuzi suoyin 山海經逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994.

Translations de Rosny, Leon. Chan-hai-king: antique géographie chinoise. Vol. I. Paris: J. Maisonneuve, 1891. Manchen-Helfen, Otto. “The Later Books of the Shan-hai-king (with a Translation of Books VI–IX).” Asia Major 1 (1924): 550–86. shanhai jing 山海經 (guideways to mountains and seas) 833

Finsterbusch, Käte. “Shan-hai-ching, Buch 13: das Buch vom Osten innerhalb des Meeres.” Asiatica: Festschrift F. Weller (Leipzig, 1954): 103–18. Ianshinoi, Electra M. Katalog Gor I Morei: Shan khai tszin. Moscow: Nauka, 1977. Schiffeler, John Wm. The Legendary Creatures of the Shan Hai Ching. Taipei: Hwa Kang Press, 1978. Mathieu, Rémi, trans. Étude sur la mythologie et l’ethnologie de la Chine ancienne, Traduction annotée du Shanhai jing. 2 vols. Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoise, 1983. Cheng Hsiao-Chieh 鄭小傑, Cheng Pai Hui-Chen 鄭白慧貞, and Kenneth Lawrence Thern, trans. Shan Hai Ching. Legendary Geography and Wonders of Ancient China. Taipei: The Committee for Compilation and Examination of the Series of Chinese Classics, National Institute for Compilation and Translation, 1985. Fracasso, Riccardo. Libro dei monti e dei mari (Shanhai jing): Cosmografia e mito- logia nella Cina Antica. Venice: Marsilio, 1996. Birrell, Anne, trans. The Classic of Mountains and Seas. London: Penguin, 1999. Strassberg, Richard E. A Chinese Bestiary: Strange Creatures from the Guideways through Mountains and Seas. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002.

Japanese Translations Koma Miyoshi 高馬三良, trans. Hō Bokushi Retsusen den Sengai kyō 抱朴子、列仙傳、山海經. Toykyo: Heibonsha, 1969. Maeno Naoaki 前野直彬, trans. Sengaikyō 山海經. Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1975. Kōma Miyoshi 高馬三良, trans. Sengaikyō: Chūgoku kodai no shinwa sekai 山海経: 中国古代の神話世界. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1994.

Baihua Translations Fu Xiren 傅錫壬. Baihua Shanhai jing 白話山海經. Taipei: Heluo tushu chubanshe, 1980. Yuan Ke 袁珂, trans. and comm. Shanhai jing jiaoyi 山海經校譯. Shanghai: Shang- hai guji chubanshe, 1985. Yuan Ke 袁珂, trans. and comm. Shanhai jing quanyi 山海經全譯. Guiyang: Gui- zhou renmin chubanshe, 1991. Chen Cheng 陳成, trans. and comm. Shanhai jing yizhu 山海經譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2008.

Studies Bazin, Antoine P. L. “Notice du Chan-hai-king, cosmographie fableuse attribuée au grand Yu.” Journal asiatique, 3rd series, 8 (1839): 337–82. Eitel, E. Joseph. “Prolegomena to the Shan Hai King.” China Review 17 (1888): 330–48. Rosny, Leon de. Chan-Hai-King: Antique géographique chinoise. Paris: Maison- neuve, 1891. de Harlez, Charles. “Le Tcheou-li et le Shan-hai-king, leur origine et valeur histo- rique.” T’oung Pao 5 (1894): 11–42, 107–22. 834 shanhai jing 山海經 (guideways to mountains and seas)

Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Lun Shanhai jing de zhuzuo shidai” 論山海經的著作時代, Xinyue 1.5 (1928): 1–3. Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Shanhai jing kaozheng” 山海經考證. Zhongguo wenxue jikan (1929: 1): 1–19. He Guanzhou 何觀洲. “Shanhai jing zai kexue shang zhi pipan ji zuozhe shidai kao” 山海經在科學上之批判及作者時代考. Yanjing xuebao 7 (June 1930): 1347–75. Zheng Dekun 鄭德坤. “Shanhai jing zai kexue shang zhi pipan ji qi zuozhe shidai kao shu hou” 山海經在科學上之批判及其作者時代考書後. Yanjing xuebao 7 (June 1930): 1376–80. Wu Han 吳唅. “Shanhai jing de gudai gushi ji qi xitong” 山海經的古代故事及其系統. Shixue nianbao 1.3 (August 1931): 81–105. Zheng Dekun 鄭德坤. “Shanhai jing ji qi shenhua” 山海經及其神話. Shixue nianbao 1.4 (June 1932): 127–51. Ling Chunsheng 凌純聲. Shanhai jing xinlun 山海經新論. Guoli Beijing daxue Zhongguo minzu xuehui minsu congshu 國立北京大學中國民族學會民俗叢書, No. 42, 1933–1936; rpt. Taipei: Dongfang wenhu shuju, 1976. Gao Quxun 高去尋. “Shanhai jing de xin pingjia” 山海經的新評價. Yugong 1.1 (March 1934): 15–19. Zhang Gongliang 張公量. “Mu zhuan Shan jing hezheng” 穆傳山經合證. Yugong 1.5 (May 1934): 6–10. Zheng Muyong 鄭慕雍. “Shanhai jing gu shi kao” 山海經古史考. Lixue 2 (June 1934): 1–11. He Cijun 賀次君. “Shanhai jing zhi banben ji guanyu Shanhai jing zhi zhushu” 山海經之版本及關於山海經之著述. Yugong 1.10 (July 1934): 9–20, 311–22. Hou Renzhi 侯仁之. “ ‘Haiwai sijing’ ‘Hainei sijing’ yu ‘Dahuang sijing’ ‘Hainei jing’ zhi bijiao” 海外四經海內四經與大荒四經海內經之比較. Yugong 7.6–7 (June 1937): 319–26. Lanciotti, Lionello. “The Shanhai jing.” East and West 4.1 (April 1953): 52–54. Finsterbusch, Kate. “Das Verhaltnis des Shan-hai-djing zur bildenden Kunst.” Abhandlungen der Geistes-und Sozialwissentschaftlichen Klasse, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur . . . Mainz 46i (1952), 136 pp. Du Erwei 杜爾未. Shanhai jing shenhua xitong 山海經神話系統. Taipei: Huaming shuju, 1960. Xu Xusheng 徐旭生. Zhongguo gushi de chuanshuo shidai 中國古史的傳說時代, 291–301. Beijing: Zhongguo kexue chubanshe, 1960. Meng Wentong 蒙文通. “Lüe lun Shanhai jing de xiezuo shidai ji qi chansheng diyu” 略論山海經的寫作時代及其產生地域. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 1 (August 1962): 43–70. Shi Jingcheng 史景成. “Shanhai jing xinzheng” 山海經新證. Shumu jikan 3.1–2 (December 1968): 3–79. Gao Quxun 高去尋, ed. Shanhai jing yanjiu 山海經研究. Hong Kong: Zhongshan, 1974. Fu Xiren 傅錫壬. “Shanhai jing yanjiu” 山海經研究. Dajiang xuebao (Wenxue bu) 14 (1976): 33–61. Lin Mingde 林明德. “Tao Yuanming ‘Du Shanhai jing shisan shou’ de shenhua shijie chutan” 陶淵明「讀山海經十三首」的神話世界初探. Zhongwai wenxue 5.2 (1976): 132–49. Yuan Ke 袁珂. “Shanhai jing xiezuo de shi di ji qi pianmu kao” 山海經寫作的時地及其篇目考. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1978: 7): 147–72. shanhai jing 山海經 (guideways to mountains and seas) 835

Yuan Ke. “Lüe lun Shanhai jing de shenhua” 略論山海經的神話. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1979: 2): 59–74. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. “Shanhai jing chutan”《山海經》初探. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1979: 3): 7–35. Schiffler, John W. “Chinese Folk Medicine: A Study of the Shan‑hai ching.” Asian Folklore Studies 39 (1980): 41–83. Li Fengmao 李豐懋. “Shanhai jing lingyi dongwu zhi yanjiu” 「山海經」靈異動物之研究. Zhonghua xueyuan 24–25 (September 1981): 1–25. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Shanhai jing zhong de Kunlun qu”《山海經》中的崑崙區. Zhongguo shehui kexue (1982: 1): 3–30. Francasso, Riccardo. “Teratoscopy or Divination by Monsters, Being a Study on the Wu-tsang Shan-ching.” Hanxue yanjiu 1.2 (1983): 657–700. Weng Yintao 翁銀陶. “Shanhai jing chan yu Chudi qizheng”《山海經》產於楚地七證. Jiang Han luntan (1984: 2): 54–55. Yuan Ke 袁珂, “Shanhai jing gai ‘gu zhi wu shu’ shitan”《山海經》蓋 “古之巫術” 試探. Shehui kexue yanjiu (1985: 6): 61–67. Sun Zhizhong 孫致中. “Shanhai jing de xingzhi”《山海經》的性質. Guizhou wenshi congkan (1985: 4): 83–88. Li Renze 李仁澤. “Shanhai jing shenhua yanjiu” 山海經神話研究. M.A. thesis, Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1986. Zhongguo Shanhai jing xueshu taolunhui 中國《山海經》學術討論會, ed. Shan- hai jing xintan 山海經新探. Chengdu: Sichuan sheng shehui kexue chubanshe, 1986. Itō Seiji 伊藤清司. Chūgoku no shinjū akkitachi: Sengaikyō no sekai 中国の神獣・惡鬼たち: 山海經の世界. Tokyo: Tōhō shoten, 1986; Chinese trans. Liu Yeyuan 劉曄原. Shanhai jing zhong de guishen shijie 山海經中的鬼神世界. Beijing: Zhong- guo minjian wenyi chubanshe, 1990. Sun Zhizhong 孫致中. “Shanhai jing de zuozhe ji zhuzuo shidai”《山海經》的作者及著作時代. Guizhou wenshi congkan (1986: 1): 78–82. Jiang Runxiang 江潤祥 and Guan Peisheng 關培生. “Shanhai jing yaowu xintan” 《山海經》藥物新探 . Mingbao yuekan 22.6 (1987): 73–79. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. “Sengaikyō kenkyū no genkyō to kadai” 「山海經」研究の現況と課題. Chūgoku: Shakai to bunka (1987: 2): 220–26. Fracasso, Riccardo. “The Illustrations of the Shan hai jing (1). From Yu’s Tripods to Qing Blockprints.” Cina 21 (1988): 93–104. Xu Shenghua 徐盛華. “Cong Tao Yuanming ‘Du Shanhai jing shisan shou’ zhong xilun qi shenhua shijie de sanchong yishi” 從陶淵明「讀山海經十三首」中析論其神話世界的三重意識. Zhongwai wenxue 16.7 (1987): 40–54. Fracasso, Riccardo. “The Shanhaijing: A Bibliography by Subject.” Cina 23 (1991): 81–104. Xu Xianzhi 徐顯之. Shanhai jing tanyuan 山海經探原. Wuhan: Wuhan chubanshe, 1991. Zhang Chunsheng 張春生. “Shanhai jing pianmu kao”《山海經》篇目考. Zhong hua wenshi luncong (1992): 101–20. Kyung, Ho Suh. “A Study of Shan-hai ching: Ancient Worldviews under Transfor- mation.” Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1993. Fracasso, Riccardo. “Shan-hai ching.” In Michael Loewe, ed. Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, 357–67. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993. 836 shanhai jing 山海經 (guideways to mountains and seas)

Lu Mingyu 盧明瑜. “Tao Yuanming ‘Du Shanhai jing shisan shou’ shenhua yunyong ji wenxue neiyun zhi tantao” 陶淵明「讀山海經十三首」神話運用及文學內蘊之探討. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 8 (1994): 261–94. Meng Zhuanming 蒙傳銘. “Shanhai jing zuozhe ji qi chengshu niandian zhi chongxin kaocha” 「山海經」作者及其成書年代之重新考察. Zhongguo xueshu niankan 15 (1994): 243–86. Ōno Keisuke 大野圭介. “Ryū Kin ‘Jō Sengaikyō hyō’ o megutte” 劉歆「上山海經表」をめぐって . Chūgoku bungaku hō 51 (1995): 1–27. Matsuda Minoru 松田稔. Sengaikyō no kisoteki kenkyū 「山海經」の基礎的研究. Tokyo: Kasama shoin, 1995. Fu Yongfa 扶永發. Shenzhou de faxian: Shanhai jing dili kao 神州的發現：《山海經》地理考. Kunming: Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 1995. Wang Shancai 王善才. Shanhai jing yu Zhonghua wenhua 山海經與中華文化. Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1999. Shen Fanyu 沈凡玉. “Tao Yuanming ‘Du Shanhai jing shisan shou’ zhong de siwang chaoyue” 陶淵明「讀山海經十三首」中的死亡超越. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 13 (1999): 335–56. Ma Changyi 馬昌義. “Shanhai jing tu: xunzhao Shanhai jing de lingyiban”《山海經》圖：尋找《山海經》的另一半. Wenxue yichan (2000: 6): 21–25. Wu Shuhui 吳蜀慧. “Tao Yuanming ‘Du Shanhai jing shisan shou zhengzhi zhuti shushi” 陶淵明「讀「山海經」」十三首政治主題疏釋. Chengda Zhongwen xuebao 8 (2000): 83–97. Wei Chongwen 衛崇文. “Shanhai jing yanjiu shulun”《山海經》研究述論. Shanxi shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 28.2 (2001): 88–91. Ma Changyi 馬昌義. “Mingke Shanhai jing tu tanxi” 明刻山海經圖探析. Wenyi yanjiu (2001: 3): 114–28. Sun Yuzhen 孫玉珍. “Shanhai jing yanjiu zongshu”《山海經》研究綜述. Shandong ligong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 19.1 (2003): 109–12. Hu Yuanpeng 胡遠鵬. “Zongguan haineiwai Shanhai jing yanjiu wushi nian” 綜觀海內外《山海經》研究五十年. Fujian shifan daxue Fuqing fenxiao xuebao 62 (2003): 45–52. Hu Yuanpeng 胡遠鵬. Shanhai jing ji qi yanjiu 山海經及其研究. Hong Kong: Tian- mao youxian chuban gongsi, 2004. Jin Rongquan 金榮權. “Shanhai jing zuozhe ying wei Ba Shu ren”《山海經》作者應為巴蜀人. Guizhou shehui kexue (2004: 6): 64–67, 42. Tang Shigui 唐世貴. Shanhai jing yu Ba Shu wenhua 山海經與巴蜀文化. Beijing: Zhongguo wenshi chubanshe, 2004. Hu Yuanpeng 胡遠鵬. “Zhongguo Shanhai jing yanjiu shulüe” 中國《山海經》研究述略. Fujian shifan daxue Fuqing fenxiao xuebao 74 (2006): 1–11. Hu Yuanpeng 胡遠鵬. “Shanhai jing yanjiu de shiji huigu”《山海經》研究的世紀回顧. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 305 (2006): 10–27. Matsuda Minoru 松田稔. Sengaikyō” no hikakuteki kenkyū 「山海經」の比較的研究. Tokyo: Kasam shoin, 2006. Zhang Chunsheng 張春生. Shanhai jing yanjiu 山海經研究. Shanghai: Shanghai kexueyuan chubanshe, 2007. Liu Zongdi 劉宗迪. “Shanhai jing guben pianmu kao”《山海經》古本篇目考. Xian Qin Liang Han xueshu 8 (2007): 43–67. Hsieh Hsiu-hui 謝秀卉. “Lun Handai xuezhe dui Shanhai jing de renshi” 論漢代學者對《山海經》的認識. Tainan keji daxue xuebao 32 (2007): 27–38. shelun 設論 (hypothetical disquisition) 837

Usukura Naoki 臼倉直樹. “Sengaikyō no keisei katei oyobi sono seishitsu”『山海經』の形成過程及びその性質. Ritsumeikan bungaku 606 (2008): 22–44. Zhang Guoping 張國平. “Shanhai jing yanjiu chengguo gaishu”《山海經》研究成果概述. Sichou zhi lu 165 (2009): 43–44. Hsieh Hsiu-hui 謝秀卉. “Shanhai jing guiru ‘Dili lei’ tushu tanxi”《山海經》歸入 ﹝地理類﹞圖書探析. Shumu jikan 43.2 (2009): 35–52. An Jing 安京. Shanhai jing xinkao 山海經新考. Beijing: Zhongyang bianyi chubanshe, 2010.

DRK

Shelun 設論 (Hypothetical disquisition)

A type of fu written in dialogue form.

The shelun (hypothetical discourse) is a genre category that first appears during the Six Dynasties period. The earliest known examples of the form are found in the Wen xuan. The form employs a dialogue framework, is written in an alternation of rhymed and unrhymed passages, and thus has a strong resemblance to the fu. Most modern scholars now treat it as a type of fu. The prototype of the form is the “Da ke nan” 答客難 (Replying to a guest’s objections) of Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.). This piece is constructed as an imaginary dialogue between an anonymous guest and Dongfang Shuo. The guest tells Dongfang Shuo that despite his vast learning and skills as a debater he holds only a low position at the imperial court. Dongfang Shuo offers a long rebuttal to the critic in which argues that because the empire is so well ordered, men of talent are no longer needed at the court. The next example of the form is “Jie chao” 解謿 (Justification against ridicule) by Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 b.c.e.). Yang Xiong’s imaginary critic chides him for composing the long philosophical treatise Taixuan 太玄 (Grand mystery), which has brought him no fame or success at the court. In his reply Yang states that the creation of the Han empire was a mixed blessing for the scholar-official. He argues that in the Warring States period, a man of talent could travel from state to state until he found a court that would make use of his services. However, since the unification of the empire by the Han, which had ruled for over two hundred years, the only source of employment for the scholar-official was the imperial court. Furthermore, although the imperial system resulted in peace and order, it also brought with it authoritarianism and rule by terror. During the Eastern Han, a number of writers composed imitations of the “Da ke nan” and “Jie chao.” The earliest of these imitation pieces is the “Da bin xi” 答賓戲 (Replying to a guest’s jests) by Ban Gu 班固 (32–92). Ban Gu in the preface actually criticizes Dongfang Shuo and Yang Xiong for 838 shelun 設論 (hypothetical disquisition) glorifying the Warring States period as a golden age for the scholar-official and failing to rebut their critics based on the “proper Way.” In the piece itself, an imaginary interlocutor mocks Ban Gu for his failure to attain success and fame despite his erudition and writing skill. Ban Gu replies that success and fame are not worth pursuing if one obtains them by compris- ing his integrity and moral principles. Ban Gu’s contemporary Cui Yin 崔駰 (30?–92) wrote a piece in the same form titled “Da zhi” 達旨 (Expressing my purpose). However, in this piece the critic faults Cui Yin for his failure to pursue an official career at the court. He then enumerates the glorious accomplishments of the Emperor Ming (r. 57–75) reign in which the imperial court has promoted classical learning and honored worthy gentlemen. In his rebuttal, Cui Yin argues that the present age is so peaceful, even men of talent and great learning are not useful to the state. He concludes by saying that he is not opposed to accepting official appointment, but he does not find the time and conditions right for him to serve. A later member of the Cui family Cui Shi 崔寔 (ca. 120–170) wrote a hypothetical disquisition titled “Da ji” 答譏 (Replying to ridicule). How- ever, only a short excerpt of the piece is extant. From the same period we have the complete text of a hypothetical disquisition, the “Ying jian” 應間 (Replying to criticism), by Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139). Zhang Heng wrote this piece when he had decided to return to his old post of grand astrologer. Although Zhang Heng was a learned scholar of the Classics, he also had a strong interest in science and technology, which were not considered highly prestigious pursuits during his day. An anonymous critic faults Zhang Heng for not pursuing a career in more conventional scholarship and court service. He also mocks him for his inventions of a south- pointing chariot and a mechanical flying eagle. In his reply Zhang Heng repeats the familiar argument that the times are so peaceful and the state is so orderly, men of talent are of little use. Although he acknowledges that he was not born in a favorable time, Zhang says he has resigned himself to his fate and will not complain of his lack of recognition. He also does not apologize for his interest in practical and mechanical arts. At the end of the piece, Zhang seems to imply that he prefers occupying an obscure position in which he can engage in pursuits that are more suited to his nature. At the end of the Later Han the polymath scholar Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192) composed a long hypothetical disquisition, the “Shi hui” 釋誨 (Defense against admonition). Cai Yong constructs a dialogue between Young-Gentleman Devoted to the World and Hoary-Headed Old Man. The young man chastises the old man for living in such a peaceful age but not seeking to be of service to the state. The old man, whose views shelun 設論 (hypothetical disquisition) 839 represent Cai Yong’s position, argues that the court has a surplus of officials serving at the court, and one more courtier added to this multitude is of little or no consequence. In addition, the court is dominated by men from powerful families (i.e., the consort clans) and lords who have easy access to the emperor (i.e., eunuchs). If one offends these two groups, the result can be punishment or even execution for one’s entire family. Thus, the old man concludes that in order to preserve one’s life and integrity, it is best to dwell in obscurity. During the Wei-Jin period the shelun was very much in vogue. Frag- ments of shelun by Chen Lin 陳林 (ca. 160–217), Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232), Cao Zhi 曹植 (217–278), and Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278) are known. A shelun by Yu Ai 庾敳 (262–311) is known only by title. Complete texts of shelun by Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291), Huangfu Mi 皇甫謐 (215–282), Cao Pi 曹毗 (fl. 327–361), Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324), and Shu Xi 束皙 (263–302) survive. They all have been translated and fully analyzed in the bookby Dominik Declerq listed below.

Bibliography

Studies Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋. Fu no seiritsu to tenkai 賦の成立と展開, 418–28. Mat- suyama: Kankosei, 1963. Che Xingjian 車行健. “Lun Handai shuxu zhong de ‘shelun’ ” 論漢代書序中的「設論」 . Zhongguo gudian wenxue yanjiu 8 (2002): 167–86. Taniguchi Hiroshi 谷口洋. “ ‘Kakunan’ o megutte” 「客難」をめぐって. Chūgoku bungaku hō 43 (1991): 1–51. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Sei Shin no shussho ron—Kōsho Hitsu ni tsuzuku Kankō Ton to Soku Seki no ‘setsuron’ ” 西晉の出處論—皇甫謐に續く夏侯湛と束皙の「設論」 . Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 47 (1995): 48–92. Taniguchi Hiroshi 谷口洋. “Go Kan ni okeru ‘setsuron’ no henshitsu to kaitai” 後漢における「設論」の變質と解體. Chūgoku bungaku hō 49 (1994): 28–57. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “ ‘Kōgi no benbun’ kara ‘kyōgi no benbun’ e: ‘setsuron’ no baai” 「廣義の駢文」から「狹義の駢文」へ：「設論」の場合. Naruto kyōiku daigaku kenkyū kiyō (Jinbun shakai kagaku hen) 12 (1997): 19–29. Declerq, Dominik. Writing Against the State Political Rhetorics in Third & Fourth Century China. Leiden: Brill, 1998. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Kaku Haku ‘Kaku Gō’ yakuchū oyobi sono ichi tsuke” 郭璞「客傲」訳注およびその位置付け. Tōhoku daigaku Chūgoku gogaku bungaku ronshū 8 (2003): 13–52. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. “Fu yu sheci wendui guanxi zhi kaocha” 賦與設辭問對關係之考察. Fengjia renwen shehui xuebao 11 (2005): 17–30. Li Nailong 李乃龍. “Lun Wen xuan ‘Shelun’ lei de wenti tezheng” 論《文選》“設論” 類的文體特徵. Changjiang xueshu (2008: 4): 25–32. 840 shelun 設論 (hypothetical disquisition)

Song Hongxia 宋紅霞. “Ban Gu ‘Da bin xi’ dui shelun ti zhuti pipan jiazhi de jiegou” 班固《答賓戲》對設論體主題批判價值的解構. Qi Lu xuekan 206.5 (2008): 111–15. Zhang Desu 張德蘇. “Handai ‘shelun ti’ fu de yuantou ji sixiang bianhua qushi” 漢代 “設論體” 賦的源頭及思想變化趨勢. Jinan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 19.4 (2009): 31–34. Lien, Yeong-Chung E. “Zhang Heng, Eastern Han Polymath, His Life and Works.” Ph.D. diss., Univerity of Washington, 2011, 148–93.

DRK

Shen Bao 沈鮑 Shen [Yue] and Bao [Zhao]

This phrase refers to the poems of Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) and Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–416). The first occurrence of the phrase is in a poem by Du Fu 杜甫 (712–770) addressed to Gao Shi 高適 (d. 765) and Cen Shen 岑參 (d. 770) in which he compares the verse of Gao and Cen respectively to Shen Yue and Bao Zhao.

Bibliography

Study Tai Jun 邰俊. “ ‘Shen Bao’ bingcheng kaolun” “沈鮑” 并稱考論. Zhongguo kuangye daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2006: 3): 127–30.

DRK

Shen Bo 沈勃 (d. 477)

Liu-Song writer.

Shen Bo’s ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). His father Shen Yanzhi 沈演之 (397–449) was a celebrated court official during the Liu-Song period. Shen Bo was a skilled qin 琴-zither and weiqi 圍棋-chess player. During the early Daming 大明 period (457–464) of Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 (r. 453–464), he served as instructor in the household of Liu Zishang 劉子尚 (451–466), Prince of Xiyang 西陽. He did not get along with his elder brother Shen Mu 沈睦 (fl. 457–460) and constantly quarreled with him. He consequently was removed from his position and barred from holding office in Emperor Xiaowu’s reign. When Emperor Ming (r. 465–471) succeeded to the throne, Shen Bo was appointed right defense guard in the household of the heir designate Liu Yu 劉昱 (463–477), and he concurrently served as palace steward. shen buhai 沈不害 (518–580), zi xiaohe 孝和 841

Emperor Ming was an ardent devotee of weiqi, and he established a ranking system for weiqi players based on the regional and district nine-rank system. He named the Prince of Jian’an, Liu Xiuren 劉休仁 (443–472) senior rectifier, and appointed Shen Bo as one of the four junior rectifiers. In 468, Emperor Ming planned to launch a military expedition against the Northern Wei. Since Shen Bo came from a rich and influential family from the prosperous Wuxing area, he was sent to his home area to raise funds and recruit soldiers for the expedition. While on this mission, Shen Bo accepted bribes and extorted money from his fellow provincials. His imperious, extravagant manner greatly angered Emperor Ming, who proposed to have him executed. However, because of his father’s contribution to the state, he was punished lightly and was banished to Liangzhou 梁州 (the modern Shaanxi and Sichuan areas). In 473, Shen Bo returned to the capital Jiankang 建康 when Emperor Houfei 後廢 (r. 473–477) succeeded to the imperial throne. Shen and the court officials Ruan Dianfu 阮佃夫 (427–477) and Wang Daolong 王道隆 (d. 474) were close friends and formed a clique. At this time Shen Bo was appointed administrator on the left in the Ministry of Education. In 477, Ruan Dianfu and Shen Bo were involved in an abortive plot to depose Emperor Houfei. Shen Bo and Ruan Dianfu were executed. Shen Bo was a skilled writer. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in fifteen juan and mentions a collection in twenty juan recorded in a Liang period catalogue. Both Tang histories record a collection in fifteen juan. His only extant work is the “Qiu Ji fu” 秋羈賦 (Fu on an autumn sojourn), which is preserved in the Yiwen leiju and Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxiejia dacidian, 223. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxue shiliao congkao, 362.

TPK

Shen Buhai 沈不害 (518–580), zi Xiaohe 孝和

Southern Chen writer and scholar.

Shen Buhai’s ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). His grandfather Shen Zong 沈總 842 shen buhai 沈不害 (518–580), zi xiaohe 孝和

(n.d.) was director of section for sacrifices in the Department of State Affairs during the Southern Qi dynasty. His father Shen Yi 沈懿 (n.d.) was administrator for Xiao Lun 蕭綸 (519–551), Prince of Shaoliang 邵陵, during the Liang period. Shen Yi died when Shen Buhai was a young boy. During his youth, Shen Buhai was a diligent student. At the age of fourteen he entered the national university and was recommended as classicist. He later was appointed to a number of positions during the Liang period, including professor at the national university, penal administrator for Xiao Xu 蕭續 (504–547), Prince of Luling 廬陵, consultant for Xiao Ye 蕭業 (479–526), Prince of Changsha 長沙, and magistrate of Runan 汝南 (modern Runan, Henan). During the early Tianjia period (560–566) of Emperor Wen (r. 559– 566) of the Chen dynasty, Shen Buhai was appointed secretarial aide in the household of Chen Chang 陳昌 (537–560), Prince of Hengyang 衡陽. He concurrently served as instructor in the Jiade 嘉德 Hall. He had observed that since the fall of the Liang, the Chen had not re-established the national university. He thus submitted a petition recommending that Emperor Wen institute a new educational system to inaugurate his rule. He also submitted another petition proposing to revise the court ritual music. In 564, Shen Buhai was appointed magistrate of Gan 灨 (modern Jiangxi). Later he was assigned to a number of other positions, including director of the Ministry of Rites in the Department of State Affairs, professor of the national university, and director of palace guard. During this time he also was ordered to revise the Wu li 五禮 (Five rituals). He was also put in charge of overseeing the composition of court documents. During the Taijian 太建 (569–582) period of Emperor Xuan, Shen Buhai was appointed administrator in the household of Chen Fangtai 陳方泰 (n.d.), Prince presumptive of Nankang 南康. He concurrently served as governor of Danyang 丹陽 commandery, the administrative unit that oversaw affairs in the capital area. Soon thereafter he was transferred to a number of other positions, including supernumerary gentleman cavalier attendant, grand master for splendid happiness, senior recorder for comprehensive duty, and left aide to the imperial secretary. He died in 580 at the age of sixty-three. According to Shen Buhai’s biography in the Chen shu (33.448), he had a broad knowledge of the Classics and excelled at writing. Despite his learning, he did not own any books. He could write a piece with ease and finish it swiftly without consulting sources or references. Chief Administrator Zhou Hongzheng 周弘正 (496–574) commented on his writing and often said that “Mr. Shen perhaps can be called a sage.” Shen Buhai compiled the Wu liyi 五禮儀 (Five rituals and ceremonies) in 100 juan. This work was lost before the Tang. His biography in the Chen shu mentions his collected shen huaiwen 沈懷文 (409–462), zi siming 思明 843 works in fourteen juan. Yan Kejun has collected his only extant prose work, his petition requesting that Emperor Wen re-establish the national university in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 219.

TPK

Shen Huaiwen 沈懷文 (409–462), zi Siming 思明

Liu Song period literatus.

Shen Huaiwen’s ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 commandery (west of modern Deqing 德清 county, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). His father Shen Xuan 沈宣 (n.d.) was an official at the end of the Eastern Jin. His younger brother was Shen Huaiyuan 沈懷遠. Shen Huaiwen began his career as an assistant in the local administration. In 439, he joined the staff of Liu Yigong 劉義恭 (413–465), Prince of Jiangxia 江夏, and remained in his service when Liu Yigong took up the imperial court posts of minister of works and minister of education (440). When Shen Huaiwen’s father died, he resigned from office to observe the mourning period. He returned to official service with an appointment as director of the section for palace affairs in the Department of State Affairs. In 449, he was appointed to the staff of Liu Dan 劉誕 (433–459), Prince of Sui 隨 commandery, who at that time was regional inspector of Yongzhou 雍州 (administrative seat Xiangyang 襄陽, modern Xiangfan, Hubei). Shen Huaiwen and Xie Zhuang 謝莊 (421–466) had charge of overseeing the wording of diplomatic correspondence. Shen Huaiwen’s younger brother took Wang Yingwu 王鸚鵡 (d. 453), the adopted daughter of Liu Ying’e 劉英娥, Princess of Dongyang 東陽, as a concubine. However, in 453, Wang Yingwu became implicated in a plot to use witchcraft against Emperor Wen (r. 424–453), and Shen Huai- wen was deprived of a promotion and appointed instead as secretarial censor. When Liu Shao 劉劭 (d. 453) seized the imperial throne in 453, he ordered Shen Huaiwen to compose dispatches and military proclamations, but Shen refused. He then fled to Xinting 新亭 in the suburbs of Jiankang. Liu Dan, who was now Prince of Jingling 竟陵, appointed him secretary on his staff. Shen Huaiwen then was named governor of Xinxing 新興 (administrative seat modern Jingzhou 荊州 city, Hubei) and Huianan 淮南 (administrative seat near modern Dangtu 當涂, Anhui). 844 shen huaiwen 沈懷文 (409–462), zi siming 思明

When Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464) deposed Liu Shao and took the throne in May 453, he appointed Shen Huaiwen retainer clerk in Yang- zhou 揚州 (administrative seat Jiankang, modern Nanjing). In 458 he was appointed vice minister of the Ministry of Personnel followed by an appointment on the staff of Liu Zishang劉子尚 (451–456), the young prince of Xiyang 西陽. During his tenure in this post, he supervised all administrative affairs. Sometime later Shen Huaiwen returned to the imperial court as palace attendant. After enjoying much favor at the court of Emperor Xiaowu, Shen Huaiwen presented unwelcome advice, and in 462 he was dismissed from office, with a stipulation that he be banned from official service for ten years. He further angered Emperor Xiaowu when he sold his house in the capital and returned home to Wukang. He ordered Shen Huaiwen to commit suicide. He was fifty-four at the time of his death. During his youth, Shen Huaiwen had an interest in arcane learning and was an accomplished writer. He composed a now lost poem on the two wives of King Zhao 昭 of Chu (r. 515–489 b.c.e.) that received wide acclaim. When the recluse scholar Lei Cizong 雷次宗 (386–448) returned to Mount Lu, a group of court scholars held a parting banquet in his honor at which they composed linked verse. Shen Huaiwen’s lines were deemed the best of the distinguished literati attending this gathering. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions Shen Huai- wen’s collected works in sixteen juan that was listed in a Liang period catalogue. However, the version that the compilers of the Sui sui saw was missing four juan. Both Tang histories record the collection in thirteen juan. This was lost in the Song. None of Shen Huaiwen’s poems is extant. Yan Kejun has collected five of his prose writings in “Quan Song wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Shen Huaiwen also compiled Sui wang ru Mian ji 隨王入沔記 (Record on Prince of Sui’s entering the Mian River area) that he must have written when Liu Dan served as regional inspector of Xiangyang. This work also was lost in the Song.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 222. Ji Fagen 嵇發根. “Liuchao shi Wuxing Shenshi wenren de jueqi yu fazhan” 六朝時吳興沈氏文人的崛起與發展. Huzhou shizhuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 20.1 (1998): 80–87. Chen Qun 陳羣. “Wuxing Shenshi yu Liu Song huangquan zhengzhi” 吳興沈氏與劉宋皇權政治. Huaiyin shifan xueyuan xuebao 24.2 (2002): 262–67. Wang Yongping, Liuchao jiazu, 422–23.

DRK shen jiong 沈炯, zi liming 禮明, variant chuming 初明 845

Shen Jiong 沈炯 (502–560, alt. 504–564), zi Liming 禮明, variant Chuming 初明

Liang and Chen period writer.

Shen Jiong’s ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 commandery (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). His grandfather Shen Yu 沈瑀 (451–509) was a prominent official during the Southern Qi and Liang period. While Shen Yu was serving as governor of Xunyang 尋陽 (south of modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi), he came into conflict with Xiao Yingda 蕭穎達 (477–510), the regional governor of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat southwest of modern Jiujiang). Shen Yu was killed by bandits whom many suspected were in the employ of Xiao Yingda. Shen Jiong’s father Shen Xu 沈續 filed numerous accusations against Xiao Yingda to no avail. After Xiao Yingda died in 510, Shen Xu became a vegetarian and lived the life of a commoner. In his youth, Shen Jiong already was widely acclaimed for his literary talent. He began his official career as attendant-in-ordinary in a princedom. In the Datong period (535–545) he served at the imperial court as vice director of the census section of the Department of State Affairs. He was a victim of accusations in an anonymous letter and was faced with the prospect of severe punishment. He was exonerated when Kong Huan 孔奐 (514–583) came to his defense. Shen Jiong then was appointed magistrate of Wu 吳 (modern Suzhou). In 548, the insurrection led by Hou Jing 侯景 (503–552) erupted, and one of Hou Jing’s generals, Song Zixian 宋子仙 (d. 551), occupied Shen Jiong’s home commandery of Wuxing. He wished to appoint Shen Jiong his secretary, but Shen declined on the grounds of illness. Song Zixian ordered him executed, and just before Shen was about to be killed, Song pardoned him. However, he still compelled him to accept the post of secretary. In August 551, Wang Sengbian 王僧辯 (d. 555) defeated Song Zixian at Baling 巴陵 (modern Yueyang 岳陽, Hunan). Wang had long admired Shen Jiong, and he put him in charge of composing military dispatches and war proclamations. Shen Jiong composed on behalf of Wang Sengbian and other officials the three petitions urging Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555) to ascend the Liang throne. He also wrote the war proclamations issued by Chen Baxian 陳霸先 (503–559) against Hou Jing. When the Hou Jing insurrection was quelled in 552, Wang Sengbian was appointed minister of education, and he named Shen Jiong attendant palace gentleman. Shen Jiong’s wife and son had been killed by Hou Jing’s soldiers. Taking pity on him, Xiao Yi granted him the noble title of Marquis of Yuanxiang county. He also appointed him to several posts at the imperial court. 846 shen jiong 沈炯, zi liming 禮明, variant chuming 初明

When Xiao Yi’s capital of Jiangling fell to the Western Wei invaders in 554, Shen Jiong was captured and taken to Chang’an. The Western Wei court treated Shen Jiong with great respect and appointed him to a sinecure post. Fearing that he would be detained in the north because of his literary talent, Shen Jiong shut himself in his house and refused to associate with other people. Although he wrote literary pieces, he immediately destroyed them after he finished composing them so they would not circulate. Upon visiting the Tongtian tai 通天臺 (Sky-piercing Terrace) that had been constructed by the Former Han Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.), he composed a petition that he addressed to the soul of Emperor Wu stating his desire to return to the south. According to Shen Jiong’s biography in the Chen shu, within a few days he was given permission to return to the south along with Wang Ke 王克 (n.d.) and other southerners. When Shen Jiong returned to the south, Shen Jiong was appointed chamberlain for the national treasury and palace aide to the censor-in-chief. When Chen Baxian assumed the throne of the Chen dynasty in 557, Shen retained his post in the Censorate and also was appointed senior recorder for comprehensive duty in which capacity he compiled the court diary. When Emperor Wen (r. 559–566) ascended the Chen throne in 559, Shen Jiong petitioned to return home to care for his aged mother. The emperor did not approve his request. In 559, the former Liang general Wang Lin 王琳 (526–573), who was now in the service of the Northern Qi, led an attack against Dalei 大雷 (modern Wangjiang 望江, Anhui). Emperor Wen appointed Shen Jiong to the rank of general and had him return to his home area of Wuxing to mobilize troops. Shen Jiong died there of illness in 560 at the age of fifty-nine. Shen Jiong’s biography in the Chen shu says that Shen Jiong’s collected writings consisted of twenty juan. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu records a “Qian ji” 前集 (Former collection) in seven juan, and a “Hou ji” 後集 in thirteen juan. Thus, the twenty-juan version recorded in Shen’s biography must have consisted of these two collections. The “Qian ji” probably contained works written before Shen Jiong was taken to the north, and the “Hou ji” consisted of pieces Shen Jiong composed when he returned to the south. It was compiled after his death by Liu Shizhi 劉師知 (d. 567). Shen Jiong’s “Qian ji” was still extant through the Southern Song. The now available collections are later reconstructions. Yan Kejun collects eighteen of his prose writings in “Quan Chen wen” 14 of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, and Lu Qinli preserves nineteen of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. shen jiong 沈炯, zi liming 禮明, variant chuming 初明 847

Shen Jiong composed an important fu, “Gui hun fu” 歸魂賦 (Fu on the returned soul), that he composed on his return from Chang’an to Jiankang in 556. This is an autobiographical account of his early official career, the fall of Jiangling, and his captivity in the north.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Shen shizhong ji 沈侍中集. 3 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1583. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Shen shizhong ji 沈侍中集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 278–79. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 224–25. Wang Lisuo 王利鎖. “Shen Jiong chulun” 沈炯初論. Zhejiang xuekan 59 (1989): 41–44. Ji Fagen 嵇發根. “Liuchao shi Wuxin Shenshi wenren de jueqi yu fazhan” 六朝時吳興沈氏文人的崛起與發展. Huzhou shizhuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 20.1 (1998): 80–87. Gotō Akimasa 後藤秋正. “Shin Kei no shōgai to sonso bungaku” 沈炯の生涯とその文学. Hokkaidō kyōiku daigaku kiyō (Jinbun kagaku shakai kagaku hen) 49.2 (1999): 17–32; 50.1 (1999): 17–32. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 644–46. Tang Xiejun 唐燮軍. “Shen Jiong shengzu nian kaobian” 沈炯生卒年考辨. Jianghai xuekan (2007: 4): 107. Tian Xiaofei, Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 381–90. Ma Haiying 馬海英. Chendai shige yanjiu 陳代詩歌研究, 168–70, 223–24. Wang Yongping, Liuchao jiazu, 425–26. Bi Yuanlong 畢元隆. “Shen Jiong yanjiu” 沈炯研究. M.A. Thesis, Hebei shifan daxue, 2009. Tang Xiejun 唐燮軍. “Nanchao wenshi Shen Jiong shengping ji qi shiwen santi” 南朝文士沈炯生平及其詩文三題. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 29.1 (2010): 60–3.

Works

a. “Gui hun fu” 歸魂賦 (Fu on the returned soul)

Translation Tian, Beacon Fire, 386–89. 848 shen jiong 沈炯, zi liming 禮明, variant chuming 初明

b. “Wang Yingzhou cheng” 望郢州城 (Gazing at the City of Yingzhou)

Translation Tian, Beacon Fire, 382–83.

c. “Chang’an huan zhi Fangshan cangran zishang” 長安還至方山愴然自傷 (Feeling sad upon arriving at Square Hill on my return from Chang’an)

Translation Tian, Beacon Fire, 384.

DRK

Shen Jundao 沈君道 (fl. 580–605)

Chen and Sui period writer.

Shen Jundao’s ancestral home was Wuxing 吳興 (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). During the Chen dynasty he served as vice- director of the Ministery of Personnel. When the Chen fell to the Sui, he took up residence in Chang’an. He and his sons supported the family copying texts for other people. Emperor Wen of Sui’s oldest son Yang Yong 楊勇 (d. 604) temporarily employed him as an academician. Shen Jundao next joined the staff of Emperor Wen’s youngest son Yang Liang 楊諒 (d. ca. 604). In 604, Yang Liang led an abortive coup against Emperor Yang (r. 604–618). As punishment, Shen Jundao had his name removed from the official register. Shen Jundao’s son Shen Guang 沈光 (591–618) was a distinguished military leader during the Sui. Only one of Shen Jundao’s poems has survived.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 222–23. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Suidai Jiangnan shiren de fuchen” 隋代江南士人的浮沉. Lishi yanjiu (1995: 1): 42–54.

DRK shen liang 沈亮 (404–450), zi daoming 道明 849

Shen Junyou 沈君游 (d. 573)

Writer from the Later Liang (555–587).

Shen Junyou’s ancestral home was Wuxing 吳興 (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). His name is also written Shen Junyou 沈君攸. Shen Junyou was one of the most learned men of his time. He also was a skilled writer of verse and prose. According to his biography in the Zhou shu Shen Junyou’s collected works consisted of ten juan. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu records a collection in thirteen juan. This was lost in Tang times. Lu Qinli has collected ten of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. He is known as one of the earliest accomplished composers of heptasyllabic verse.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 223. Ji Fagen 嵇發根. “Liuchao shi Wuxin Shenshi wenren de jueqi yu fazhan” 六朝時吳興沈氏文人的崛起與發展. Huzhou shizhuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 20.1 (1998): 80–87. Chen Qun 陳羣. “Wuxing Shenshi yu Liu Song huangquan zhengzhi” 吳興沈氏與劉宋皇權政治. Huaiyin shifan xueyuan xuebao 24.2 (2002): 262–67.

DRK

Shen Liang 沈亮 (404–450), zi Daoming 道明

Liu-Song literatus.

Shen Liang is also known as Shen Liangzhi 沈亮之. His ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 武興 (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zheji- ang). He was the uncle of Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513). He was known for his moral integrity. He was a hard-working scholar and a skilled writer. He was appointed retainer on the staff of a regional inspector before he reached the age of twenty. When Governor of Guiji 會稽 Meng Yi 孟顗 (n.d.) engaged in illegal activities, Shen Liang impeached him and had him removed from office. Shen Liang was then promoted to recorder of the western section of the Department of State Affairs. When Wu commandery (administrative headquarters Wu county 武縣, modern Suzhou 蘇州, Jiangsu) suffered severe floods, grain became very expensive and the people were starving. 850 shen liang 沈亮 (404–450), zi daoming 道明

Shen Liang proposed a remedy for disaster relief: all households could keep the grain for one year’s consumption, while the remainder had to be sold to the state at normal prices. His petition was well received. Shen also wrote several other petitions dealing with grave robbery and corvée labor. In 440, the regional inspector of Yangzhou 揚州 Liu Jun 劉濬 (429– 453), Prince of Shixing 始興, recruited Shen Liang to serve as his recorder and magistrate of Moling 秣陵 (administrative headquarters Jiangning 江寧, modern Nanjing 南京, Jiangsu). Later Emperor Wen 文 (r. 424–453) appointed him director of the Section for Justice in the Department of State Affairs. In 445, Liu Jun 劉駿 (430–464, the future Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 in 454), was appointed regional inspector of Yongzhou 雍州 (administrative headquarters Xiangyang 襄陽, modern Hubei and Henan areas), and Shen Liang was appointed governor of Nanyang 南陽 (in the modern Xiang- yang area). While serving as governor, he took special care of the people’s welfare, constructed schools and made sure children were educated. He noticed that some ancient stone tablets set up as boundary markers had fallen into disrepair. Shen Liang presented a petition to Emperor Xiaowu suggesting to preserve the border record by renovating and repairing the border markers. Four years later, he was promoted to the post of administrator of the army of the center in the Ministry of Works. When Liu Dan 劉誕 (433–459), Prince of Sui 隨, was stationed in Xiangyang 襄陽 (administrative headquarters in modern Xiangfan 襄樊, Hubei), he was appointed to the Section for Inner Troops. He also served as governor of Yicheng 義成 (administrative headquarters in modern Suizhou 隨州, Hubei). Shen Liang was an upright and incorruptible official. Emperor Xiaowu appreciated his honesty and achievements as an official, and often bestowed him with tribute from foreign lands. He also gave him some 2,000 books. He died in 450 at the age of forty-seven. According to his biography in the Song shu, Shen You had 189 pieces of writing in various literary styles. The monograph on bibliography of theSui shu lists his collected works in seven juan. This was lost in the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected five of his prose writings including “Jiu huang yi” 救荒議 (Proposal on relieving famine) in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 223–4.

TPK shen linshi 沈驎士, zi yunzhen 雲禎 851

Shen Linshi 沈驎士 (419–503, alt. ca. 416–ca. 501), zi Yunzhen 雲禎

Song and Qi period literatus and recluse.

Shen Linshi’s personal name is also written Linshi 麟士. His ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 commandery (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). His grandfather Shen Yingqi 沈應期 (n.d.) served as superior grand master of the palace during the Eastern Jin. Although Shen Linshi came from an impoverished family, he was able to pursue scholarly study at an early age. At the end of the Yuanjia period (424–453), Emperor Wen (r. 424–453) ordered He Shangzhi 何尚之 (382–460) to tran- scribe and edit the Five Classics. The authorities in Wukang recommended Shen Linshi to participate in the project. Although Shen was not eager to pursue an official career, he took advantage of the opportunity togo the capital and read books in the imperial library. After a short time, he resigned his post on grounds of illness. Shen Linshi never accepted another government position. He took up residence in the Wucha 吳差 (or Wu- qiang 吳羌) mountains southeast of Wukang teaching students and caring for his older brothers’ orphaned sons. He was repeatedly urged to take office, but he always refused. He composed “Xuan san fu” 玄散賦 (Fu on the unfolding of the mystery?) to declare his resolve to “cut himself off from the world.” Although Shen Linshi was a recluse, he was well known in his time. In 465, Zhang Yong 張永 (410–475), governor of Wuxing, invited Shen to his official residence where he stayed for several months. He left when Zhang wanted to appoint him to a post in the labor department of the commandery. In 479, upon the recommendation of the Wuxing gover- nor Wang Huan 王奐 (n.d.), Shen Linshi received an appointment in the imperial court as audience attendant. He declined the offer. In 488, Shen’s relatives Shen Yuan 沈淵 (n.d.) and Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) presented a petition to the court praising Shen’s learning and character. The emperor issued an edict appointing Shen professor in the national university. Again Shen Linshi refused the appointment. He also sent a letter to Shen Yue in which he states his aim was “to seek substance, not fame.” Shen Linshi died either at the end of the Qi or in the early Liang at the age of eighty-six. Shen Linshi was a prolific scholar. He wrote linguistic glosses for the “Commentary on the Appended Phrases” of the Classic of Changes, and the “Inner Chapters” of the Zhuangzi. He also wrote commentaries to the Yi Jing, Li ji, Shang shu, Xiao jing, Sang fu 喪服 (Mourning apparel), and Laozi. These works are all lost as well as his collected works insix juan. 852 shen linshi 沈驎士, zi yunzhen 雲禎

Yan Kejun has collected three of his prose works in “Quan Liang wen” of Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. These include a long stele inscription that recounts the history of the Shen family.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 226. Ji Fagen 嵇發根. “Liuchao shi Wuxing Shenshi wenren de jueqi yu fazhan” 六朝時吳興沈氏文人的崛起與發展. Huzhou shizhuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 20.1 (1998): 80–87. Chen Qun 陳羣. “Wuxing Shenshi yu Liu Song huangquan zhengzhi” 吳興沈氏與劉宋皇權政治. Huaiyin shifan xueyuan xuebao 24.2 (2002): 262–67. Wang Yongping, Liuchao jiazu, 415–17.

DRK

Shen Manyuan 沈滿愿 (fl. 510)

Liang poet.

Little is known about Shen Manyuan’s life. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists “Liang dynasty record keeper of the Western Expedition Office Fan Jing’s wife, Collected Works of Shen Manyuan in three juan.” Her poems are listed between the poems of Jiang Hong 江洪 (fl. 487–517?) and He Xun 何遜 (466–519) in the Yutai xinyong 玉臺新詠 (New Songs from the Jade Terrace). It was quite possible that she lived during the middle of the Tianjian 天監 period (502–519) of Emperor Wu (r. 502–549) of Liang. Perhaps she died before 520. Her extant twelve poems include the two-part “Wang Zhaojun tan” 王昭君歎 (Sorrowful sighs of Wang Zhaojun), “Xie Qin ge” 挾琴歌 (Carrying my zither), “Yingshui qu” 映水曲 (Mirrored on the water), “Deng lou qu” 登樓曲 (Ascending a sto- ried building), “Yue cheng qu” 越城曲 (Crossing the city), “Chen feng xing” 晨風行 (Morning breeze), “Cai hao yuan” 彩毫怨 (Resentment of a colored brush), “Xi Xiaoniang shi” 戲蕭娘詩 (Making fun of maiden Xiao), “Yong deng shi” 詠燈詩 (Poem on a lamp), “Yong wucai zhu huolong shi” 詠五彩竹火籠詩 (Poem on colorful fiery-dragon lanterns made of bamboo), and “Yong buyao hua shi” 詠步搖花詩 (Ode to buyao-hairpin flowers). They are included in the Yutai xinyong, Yuefu shiji, under the name “Fan Jing fu” 范靜婦 (Fan Jing’s wife). Lu Qinli preserves them under the name “Fan Jing qi Shen shi” 范靜妻沈氏 (Fan Jing’s wife née Shen) in his Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. shen pu 沈璞 (416–453), zi daozhen 道真 853

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 225. Yang Juan 楊娟. “Shilun Nanchao nüshiren Shen Manyuan de shige chuangzuo” 試論南朝女詩人沈滿愿的詩歌創作. Yibin xueyuan xuebao (2009: 1): 22–24. Li Tong 李彤. “Liangchao nüshiren shige jiedu” 梁朝女詩人詩歌解讀. Qiannan minzu shifan xueyuan xuebao (2012: 5): 7–11, 16.

Translations Birrell, New Songs from a Jade Terrace, 151, 277–78.

TPK

Shen Pu 沈璞 (416–453), zi Daozhen 道真

Liu Song period writer.

Shen Pu’s ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 commandery (west of modern Deqing 德清 county, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). He is the father of Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513). When the rebel Sun En 孫恩 (d. 402) occupied Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang) in 399, Sun Pu’s grandfather Shen Mufu 沈穆夫 (d. 399) served as Sun’s aide. Shen Mufu was killed by the Jin general Liu Laozhi 劉牢之 (d. 402). Shen Muzhi’s son Shen Linzi 沈林子 (d. 422), Shen Pu’s father, escaped and took refuge in the mountains until he joined Liu Yu 劉裕 (356–422), the eventual founder of the Song dynasty. Shen Linzi earned wide acclaim for his military achievements before and after the founding of the Song in 420. Shen Pu was Shen Linzhi’s youngest son. Although he came from a military family, Shen Pu showed literary inclinations from an early age. He even earned praise from the future Emperor Wen (r. 424–453) as an “unusual child.” In 435, when Wang Shaozhi 王韶之 (n.d.) was serving as governor of Wuxing, he repeatedly invited Shen Pu to serve on his staff, but Shen refused to take up the appointment. Sometime later he did accept a position as recorder under another Wuxing native Zhang Shao 張邵 (n.d.). In 440 Shen Pu joined the staff of Liu Jun 劉濬 (429–453), Prince of Shixing. One of Shen Pu’s colleagues was Fan Ye 范曄 (398–446). However, the emperor was uneasy about Fan Ye’s careless and casual nature, and he entrusted Shen Pu with supervising the affairs of the young prince. In 446, after Fan Ye was executed, the emperor assigned Shen Pu to take charge of the full 854 shen pu 沈璞 (416–453), zi daozhen 道真 administration of the province. At the end of the Yuanjia era (424–453) Shen Pu was appointed governor of Xuyi 盱眙 (administrative seat Xuyi, northeast of modern Xuyi, Jiangsu). Shen Pu won acclaim when he joined with Zang Zhi 臧質 (d. 454) in repelling an invasion by a Northern Wei army in 450–451. He was then summoned back to the capital, but was sent out almost immediately as governor of Huainan 淮南 (administrative seat modern Xuancheng, Anhui). When Liu Shao 劉劭 (ca. 426–453) staged a coup against Emperor Wen and installed himself as emperor in 453, Shen Pu was suspected of allying with Liu Shao. Liu Shao was overthrown by Liu Jun 劉駿 (430–464), Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464), and upon the advice of Yan Jun 顏竣 (d. 459), he ordered Shen Pu executed. When Shen Pu was on the staff of the Prince of Shixing, he began composing the “Jiu gong fu” 舊宮賦 (Fu on the old palace?). After a long period had passed and Shen had not finished the piece, the prince inquired of him why he had taken so long. He quickly finished it up and presented to the prince who was impressed with his elegant style and profound thought. Shen Pu had also written other fu, sacrificial offerings, sevens, laments, eulogies, petitions, encomia, tetrameter and pentameter verse. All of these pieces were lost during the transition between the Song and Qi. Shen Yue was able to retrieve about twenty pieces, but none of these has survived.

Studies Mather, The Poet Shen Yüeh, 10–11, Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 226.

DRK

Shen shi Ren bi 沈詩任筆 (Shen [Yue’s] verse and Ren [Fang’s] prose)

This phrase, which is also written Ren bi Shen shi 任筆沈詩, refers to the poetry of Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) and the prose of Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508). Zhong Rong 鍾嶸 (467?–519) in his Shi pin 詩品 (Gradings of poets) writes: “In his youth Ren Fang was not skilled in writing verse. Thus, people referred to ‘Shen’s verse and Ren’s prose.’ ” The phrase is clearly disparaging of Ren Fang, who was quite sensitive about his reputed lack of ability to compose high-quality poems.

DRK shen wuhua 沈婺華 (ca. 554–ca. 630) 855

Shen Wuhua 沈婺華 (ca. 554–ca. 630)

Chen dynasty writer.

Shen Wuhua was the empress of Chen Shubao 陳叔寶 (533–604), Emperor Houzhu 後主 (r. 582–589) of the Chen. Her ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 (south of modern Deqing 德清, Zhejiang). Her mother was the eldest daughter of the founder of the Chen dynasty, Chen Baxian 陳霸先 (503–559). She was married to Shen Junli 沈君里 (518–573), who was a famous scholar. In 571, Shen Wuhua became a consort of Chen Shubao, the heir designate. She was officially conferred the title of empress when Chen Shubao succeeded to the imperial throne in 583. However she was not a favorite of the emperor. She never complained but lived simply and spent her time studying texts and chanting Buddhist sutras. When the Chen dynasty ended in 589, Shen Wuhua and Chen Shu- bao submitted to the Sui regime. She wrote an elegy mourning the passing of Chen Shubao in 604. During the Sui period, Shen Wuhua often accompanied Emperor Yang (r. 604–618) on his inspection tours. After Emperor Yang was executed in 618, Shen Wuhua shaved her head and became a Buddhist nun in the Tianjing Monastery 天靜寺 of Piling 毗陵 (modern Changzhou, Jiangsu). She changed her name to Guanyin 觀音 (Avalokiteśvara). She was over seventy when she died ca. 630. According to Shen Wuhua’s biography in the Chen shu (7.130), she was intelligent and had a retentive memory. She studied history and literary works and excelled at writing letters. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Chen Houzhu Shen hou ji 陳後主沈后集 (Collected works of Empress Shen of Emperor Houzhu) in ten juan. This work was lost already in the Tang. Very few of her writings survive. Her letter “Yu Shi Zhiyi shoushu” 與釋智顗手書 (Personal letter to Shi Zhiyi), which is addressed to Zhiyi (538–597), founder of the Tiantai school of Buddhism, is included in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Her only extant poem, “Da Houzhu” 答後主 (Replying to Emperor Houzhu), is preserved in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jian Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 225. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 684–85. 856 shen wuhua 沈婺華 (ca. 554–ca. 630)

Ji Fagen 嵇發根. “Chen Shubao ji qi huangshi wenren shulun” 陳叔寶及其皇室文人述論. Huzhou zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao (2004: 4): 72–75.

TPK

“Shen xian ge” 神弦歌 (Songs for the gods accompanied by string instruments)

Eastern Jin popular religious songs.

The “Shen xian ge” are eighteen songs contained in chapter forty-seven of the Yuefu shiji. The Yuefu shiji cites the Gujin yuelu 古今樂錄 by the Bud- dhist monk Zhijiang 智匠 (mid-sixth century) who mentions the titles of eleven songs. The provenance of the pieces is the area around the capital of Jiankang. Songs 4, 5, 7, 8, and 9 have two stanzas, thus explaining the number eighteen in the set. Songs 1–8 are popular religious pieces. However, songs 9–11 seem to be erotic pieces similar to the popular “Wu Songs” that were in vogue in the Eastern Jin and Qi-Liang period.

Bibliography

Studies Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Shen xian ge kao” 神弦歌考. In Wang Yunxi. Liuchao yuefu yu minge 六朝樂府與民歌, 167–81. Shanghai: Guji wenxue chubanshe, 1955; rpt. in Wang Yunxi. Yuefu shi shulun 樂府詩述論 (Zengbu ben 增補本), 169–84. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006. Li Feng-mao 李豐楙. “Liuchao yuefu yu xiandao chuanshuo” 六朝樂府與仙道傳說. Gudian wenxue 1 (1968): 67–96; rpt. in Li Feng-mao. You yu you: Liuchao Sui Tang xiandao wenxue 憂與游：六朝隋唐仙道文學, 143–68. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010. Holzman, Donald. “Songs for the Gods: The Poetry of Popular Religion in Fifth- Century China.” Asia Major, Third Series 3.1 (1990): 1–19; rpt. in Donald Holz- man. Immortals, Festivals, and Poetry in Medieval China. Aldershot, Hampshire: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 1998. Cai Zaomin 蔡造珉. “Nanchao yuefu zhong ‘Shen xian ge’ de neirong tanxi” 南朝樂府中﹝神弦歌﹞的內容探析. Zhongguo wenhua daxue Zhongwen xuebao 7 (2002): 253–74. Guo Jianxun 郭建勛 and Yu Ao 禹翱. “ ‘Shen xian ge’ de wenhua chanshi”《神弦歌》的文化闡釋. Yunmeng xuekan 28.2 (2007): 97–100. Zeng Zhi’an 曾智安. Qingshang quci yanjiu 清商曲辭研究, 79–91. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2009.

DRK shen yanzhi 沈演之 (397–449), zi taizhen 臺真 857

Shen Xuan 沈旋 (fl. 480–515), zi Shigui 士規

Liang period literatus.

Shen Xuan’s ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). He was the son of Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513). During Shen Yue’s lifetime, Shen Xuan served as vice director of the Secretariat, governor of Yongjia 永嘉 (modern Wenzhou 溫州, Zhejiang), and right administrator in the Ministry of Education. Shen Yue passed away in 513, and Shen Xuan resigned from office to observe mourning for him. After the mourning period, he returned to office as coachman in the household of the heir designate, Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). When Shen Xuan’s mother died, he resigned from office again. During the mourning period, his diet consisted solely of vegetables. He did not consume any grain even when the mourning period was over. After the mourning period, he returned to official service as gentleman attendant at the palace gate. He was subsequently promoted to the position of administrator of Nankang 南康 (modern Ganzhou 贛州 city, Jiangxi). He earned a fine reputation for his meritorious performance in these posts. Shen Xuan died in office at an unknown age. He was posthumously awarded the title Gong hou 恭侯 (Respectful Marquis). Shen Xuan wrote a commentary to Shen Yue’s Eryan 邇言 (Simple and plain language). This was lost before the Tang. His only extant poem “Yong yinghuo shi” 詠螢火詩 (Poem on fireflies) is preserved in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 225.

TPK

Shen Yanzhi 沈演之 (397–449), zi Taizhen 臺真

Liu-Song writer.

Shen Yanzhi’s ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). His great-great grandfather Shen Chong 沈充 (d. 324) was chariot and horse general during the Jin dynasty. 858 shen yanzhi 沈演之 (397–449), zi taizhen 臺真

He also served as chamberlain of the capital during the Wu State period. His great-grandfather Shen Jing 沈勁 (d. 365) was administrator of Army Commander Chen You 陳佑 (fl. 363), and was posthumously awarded the position of governor of Dongyang 東陽 (administrative headquarters, modern Xuyi 盱眙, Jiangsu). His grandfather Shen Chiqian 沈赤黔 (n.d.) was chief minister for law enforcement. His father Shen Shuren 沈叔任 (369–418) first served during the Eastern Jin. After Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) established the Song dynasty, Shen Shuren served as administrator on his staff. When Shen Yanzhi was eleven, Liu Liu 劉柳 (n.d.), chief administrator of the Imperial Secretariat, first met him and predicted, “This child eventually will become a fine official.” Although Shen Yanzhi came from an influential military family, he pursued studies other than military affairs. He read the Laozi 老子 one hundred times a day and was known for his integrity and sincerity. He inherited his father’s title: fifth-rank Marquis of Jiyang 吉陽 county (modern Jishui 吉水, Jiangxi). Shen Yanzhi served in a number of positions, including recorder, retainer clerk, recorder in the western section of the Department of State Affairs, and magistrate of Jiaxing 嘉興 (south of modern Jiaxing, Zhejiang). He then returned to the imperial court as chancellor in the Ministry of Edu- cation. He also served on the staff of Liu Yixuan 劉義宣 (411–454), Prince of Nanqiao, and held the position of magistrate of Qiantang 錢唐 (west of modern Hangzhou). During the mourning period for his mother, Shen Yanzhi was offered the position of magistrate of Wukang. He repeatedly declined the appointment but to no avail. He served about one-hundred days and resigned from office on the pretext of an illness. When the mourning period wasover, he was appointed vice retainer clerk of Yangzhou 揚州 (the modern Nan- jing area). In 435, many east coastal commanderies suffered severe floods. Shen Yanzhi opened up local granaries to feed the flood victims, and his actions saved many lives. Later Shen Yanzhi was assigned as rectifier of his home commandery. Regional inspector of Yangzhou, Liu Yikang 劉義康 (409–451), the fourth son of Emperor Wu (r. 420–422), treated him with respect. He served on Liu Yikang’s staff for more than ten years. When the court officials Liu Zhan 劉湛 (392–440) and Liu Bin 劉斌 (d. 440) formed a clique and plotted to have Yin Jingren 殷景仁 (390–440), chief administrator of the Imperial Secretariat, removed from power, Shen Yanzhi spoke out against them. Liu Zhen detested Shen Yanzhi and spoke ill of him to Liu Yikang, who had already lost trust in Shen Yanzhi because they had had previous disagreements. Liu Yikang sided with Liu Zhan and believed that the false charges against Shen Yanzhi were true. However Shen Yanzhi and Yin Jingren continued their friendship and political shen yanzhi 沈演之 (397–449), zi taizhen 臺真 859 alliance. Emperor Wen (r. 424–453) admired them both, and he promoted Shen Yanzhi to director of personnel in the Department of State Affairs. In 440, Liu Yikang was sent to the border area. Before leaving for his new appointment, he first executed Liu Zhan and his cohorts and appointed Shen Yanzhi right guard general. Shortly after receiving the appointment, Yin Jingren died. Liu Yikang appointed Fan Ye 范曄 (398–445) left guard general. Shen and Fan were jointly in charge of the imperial armed forces, and participated in important confidential court affairs. In 443, Shen Yan- zhi was promoted to palace attendant. At this time, Emperor Wen was planning an expedition against the Linyi Kingdom 林邑 (modern Viet- nam). All court officials expressed opposition to the proposal except for the regional inspector of Guangzhou 廣州 Lu Hui 陸徽 (391–452) and Shen Yanzhi. When the military campaign was successfully concluded, Emperor Wen rewarded his officials with gold, livestock and bronzes. Shen Yanzhi received a large number as well. In 444, Shen Yanzhi was promoted to capital commandant. When Fan Ye plotted a revolt, Shen Yanzhi informed Emperor Wen. Fan Ye was executed in 445. Shen Yanzhi was promoted to a number of new positions, including chancellor of the national university, grand rectifier, minister of the Ministry of Personnel, and right defense guard in the household of the heir designate. Even though Shen Yanzhi never served as counselor-in- chief, he had the equivalent authority of a counselor-in-chief In 447, Shen Yanzhi saw some unusual fine grain growing on the arti- ficial Jingyang Hill 景陽山 in the Hualin Garden 華林園. Taking it as an auspicious omen, he wrote “Jia he song” 嘉禾頌 (Song on fine grain) and presented it to Emperor Wen. At this time, Shen Yanzhi’s health was failing. Emperor Wen ordered him stay in bed while he was taking care of court affairs. Shen Yanzhi was humble and self-disciplined. He refused the female entertainers given to him by the emperor. In 449, Emperor Wen made a tour to Jingling 京陵 (modern Zhenjiang 鎮江, Jiangsu) where the imperial tombs were located. Shen Yanzhi did not go along because of his illness. After the emperor returned to the capital, he summoned Shen Yanzhi to the palace. He forced himself to attend the meeting, but as soon as he reached the offices of the Department of State Affairs he died. He was fifty-three years old at the time. Emperor Wen was deeply grieved at the loss, and awarded him posthumously the positions of cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, and grand master of the palace with golden seal and purple ribbon. Shen Yanzhi was a skilled writer. Yan Kejun has collected four of his prose writings, including “Ja he song,” “Bai jiu song,” 白鳩頌 (Eulogy on the white turtledove) and two petitions, in his Quan shanggu sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. 860 shen yanzhi 沈演之 (397–449), zi taizhen 臺真

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 225–6. Chen Qun 陳群. “Wuxing Shenshi yu Liu Song huanguan zhengzhi” 吳興沈氏與劉宋皇權政治. Huaiyin shifan xueyuan xuebao 24.2 (2002): 262–67.

TPK

Shen yi ji 神異記 (Notes on divine marvels)

Western Jin record of anomalies.

The Shen yi ji was compiled by Wang Fu 王浮 (fl. 300), a Daoist master who is best known for the Laozi Huahua jing 老子化胡經 (Scripture of Laozi’s converting the foreigners) in which vehemently attacks Buddhism. The work has long been lost. Lu Xun collected eight entries. This work is sometimes confused with the Shen yi jing 神異經.

Text Lu Xun 魯迅, ed. Gu xiaoshuo gouchen 古小說鉤沉, 2: 399–400. Hong Kong: Xinyi chubanshe, 1970.

DRK

Shen yi jing 神異經 (Canon of divine marvels)

Early medieval collection of fabulous tales.

This work is sometimes titled Shen yi ji 神異記 (Notes on divine marvels). However, there is a work titled Shen yi ji that is attributed to Wang Fu 王浮, a Daoist master of the Western Jin. This short one-juan collection of fabulous tales is attributed to Dongfang Shuo 東方朔 (fl. 140–130 b.c.e.). However, it likely is a Later Han or even Six Dynasties work. Lu Xun claimed that the present text is a reconstruction done during the Tang and Song periods. Li Jianguo considers it a work compiled at the end of the Han. Zhou Ciji argues that it is not earlier than the late Eastern Jin. Wang Guoliang thinks it is a product of the Wei-Jin period. The text is organized by geographical area, and many of its accounts are derived from or inspired by the Shanhai jing. shen yue 沈約 (441–513), zi xiuwen 休文 861

Bibliography

Editions Shen yi jing 神異經. 1 juan. Han Wei congshu. Contains 49 entries. Shen yi jing 神異經. 1 juan. Guang Han Wei congshu. Contains 63 entries. Shen yi jing 神異經. 1 juan. Siku quanshu. Contains 49 entries.

Critical editions Tao Xianzeng 陶憲曾, ed. Shen yi jing 神異經. 1 juan. In Er Tao yigao 二陶遺稿 (1905). Zhou Ciji 周次吉. Shen yi jing yanjiu 神異經研究. Tainan: Riyue chubanshe, 1977. Wang Guoliang 王國良. Shen yi jing yanjiu 神異經研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1985. Zhou Ciji 周次吉. Shen yi jing yanjiu 神異經研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1986.

Studies Franke, Herbert. “Zur Textkritik des Shen-i ching.” Oriens Extremus 8 (1961): 131–35. Franke, Herbert. “Indogermanische Mythen parallelen zu einem chinesischen Text der Han-Zeit.” Marchen, Mythos, Dichtung: Festschrift zum 90 Geburtstag Frie- derich von der Leyens, 243–49. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1963. Li Jianguo 李劍國. Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi 唐前志怪小說史, 151–58. Tianjin: Nankai daxue chubanshe, 1984. Wang Guoliang 王國良. Shen yi jing yanjiu 神異經研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1985. Zhou Ciji 周次吉. Shen yi jing yanjiu 神異經研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1986. Jin Junhua 金軍華. “Ye tan Shen yi jing zhi chengshu niandai—jian yu Li Jiangguo xiansheng shangque” 也談《神異經》之成書年代—兼與李劍國先生商榷. Nan- yang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 8.10 (2009): 17–21. Zhang Ya’nan 張亞南. “Shen yi jing ji qi zhushi yanjiu”《神異經》及其注釋研究. Jing Chu ligong xueyuan xuebao 25.8 (2010): 32–35.

DRK

Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), zi Xiuwen 休文

Song, Qi, and Liang period writer.

Shen Yue’s ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 commandery (west of modern Deqing 德清 county, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). He came from a prominent military family that had been in the south since the first century c.e. His great-grandfather Shen Mufu 沈穆夫 (d. 399) was executed in 399 for serving the rebel leader Sun En 孫恩. Shen Yue’s 862 shen yue 沈約 (441–513), zi xiuwen 休文 father, Shen Pu 沈璞 (416–453), was put to death in 453 by Liu Jun 劉駿 (430–464), Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464), when Shen Yue was a boy of twelve. Shen Yue seems to have survived better: he served three dynasties relatively unscathed. After his father’s execution in 453, Shen probably sought refuge in Bud- dhist and Taoist temples in the south. In 461, he was able to return to the capital where he received a court appointment as audience attendant. The emperor gave him permission to compile a history of the Jin dynasty. From 467 to 479, when Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482) founded the Southern Qi dynasty, Shen served as assistant and secretary to several Song regional governors including Cai Xingzong 蔡興宗 (417–474) and Liu Xie 劉燮 (470–479). After the founding of the Qi in 479, Shen Yue was appointed secretary to Xiao Changmao 蕭長懋 (458–493). Shen also served as magistrate of Xiangyang 襄陽 (modern Xiangfan City, Hubei). When Emperor Wu (r. 482–493) took the throne in 482, he selected Xiao Changmao heir designate, and Shen Yue was assigned to his staff as infantry commandant. He was also put in charge of documents and books in the imperial library. Shen Yue was especially close to the heir designate, and he accompanied him almost everywhere. Although he was on the staff of the heir designate, Shen also was a member of the salon of Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), Prince of Jingling. He attended many of the gatherings hosted by the prince at his Western Residence west of the imperial palace in Jiankang. Shen wrote a number of yongwu poems at the poetry parties. It was also during this time that he, along with Wang Rong 王融 (467–493) and Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499), began to formulate his ideas on the four tones and prosodic rules. He also began work on the history of the Song (Song shu), which he presented to the throne in 487. During the turmoil of 494, Shen left the court to serve as governor of Dongyang 東陽 (administrative seat Changshan 常山, modern Jinhua 金華, Zhejiang). While in Dongyang, he built the Xuanchang lou 玄暢樓 (Tower of Mystic Elation) near Jinhua shan 金華山. One of his best known poems, “Deng Xuanchang lou” 登玄暢樓 (Climbing the Xuanchang Tower), is about this tower. At the Xuanchang lou, he also wrote a series of eight poems in mixed meters, the “Ba yong shi” 八詠詩 (Eight Songs). In these pieces, he tells of the delights he has found in this mountain retreat. Although often classified as shi, the “Ba yong” is actually a fu. The Yiwen leiju even puts the piece into the fu category (see 1.10). Each poem in the set is some forty lines long. What is interesting about the piece is that the title of each poem shen yue 沈約 (441–513), zi xiuwen 休文 863 is five syllables, and each of the titles can be combined to form an eight- line poem. Shen Yue returned to the imperial court in 497 where he was appointed minister of war, rector of the Directorate of Education, and General Who Supports the State. Although he held a number of official appointments including a position in the Ministry of Education, Shen was able to avoid involvement in court affairs during the violent reign of Xiao Baojuan蕭寶卷 (483–501), posthumously known as Donghun hou 東昏侯, who reigned from 498 to 501. For example, Shen spent a long period in 498–499 in the mountains of southern Zhejiang. In 501, Shen Yue allied himself with Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549) who had led an army into the capital to depose Xiao Baojuan and set up a puppet ruler on the throne. Shen urged Xiao Yan to take the throne for himself. In 502, Xiao Yan was declared Emperor of the Liang dynasty. Shen was rewarded with a fief and high positions. In 503, Shen had to resign his official post when his mother died. Although Xiao Yan summoned him back to office in 505, Shen showed less and less interest in political affairs. He did serve as an aide to Xiao Yan’s heir designate, Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531), who was still a young boy. In 507, Shen Yue set himself up in an old villa on Mount Zhong 鍾山 northeast of the capital. He appeared periodically at court until his death in 513 at the age of seventy-three. Shen Yue was bestowed the postumous title Yin hou 隱侯 (Reclusive Marquis). Shen Yue was one of the most learned scholars of his day. He compiled a number of histories including the Jin shu 晉書 (History of Jin) in 110 juan, Song shu 宋書 (History of Song) in 100 juan, Qi ji 齊紀 (Qi annals) in 20 juan, Gaozu ji 高祖紀 (Annals of Emperor Gaozu) in 14 juan. Only the Song shu has survived intact. Shen Yue also wrote a commentary to the Bamboo Annals, a treatise on posthumous names and titles, and the Song shi wenzhang zhi 宋世文章志 (Monograph on writings of the Song era). The latter probably was a bibliography and biographies for literary men of the Liu Song period. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Shen Yue’s collected writings in 100 juan. All that survived by the end of the Southern Song was a 9-juan collection. Later collections are all reconstructions. Shen Yue was a prolific prose writer. About 190 of his prose writings are extant. Many of them are compositions he wrote for the court. A goodly number are edicts, directives (zhi 制), and commands that he composed on behalf of Qi emperors and Emperor Wu of Liang. In the period from 490 to 494, while serving at the Southern Qi court, Shen Yue presented to 864 shen yue 沈約 (441–513), zi xiuwen 休文 the emperor petitions requesting the impeachment of officials for improper conduct. The only complete extant impeachment petition is “Impeaching Wang Yuan” (Zou tan Wang Yuan 奏彈王源), which is preserved in the Wen xuan. Xie probably presented this petition to the court in 490. In his petition Shen Yue impeaches Wang Yuan 王源 who is from the Wang family of Donghai 東海. His great-grandfather was Wang Ya 王雅 (334– 400) who was the great-grandson of the famous scholar Wang Su 王肅 (196–256). During the Eastern Jin he held high positions under Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 (r. 373–396). Shen Yue recommends that Wang Yuan be impeached on the grounds that he has arranged to marry his daughter to the son of Man Zhangzhi 滿璋之, a local wealthy official of questionable pedigree. Shen Yue begins his petition by citing ancient precedents that justify endogamy. Although he admits that no universal standard applies to all situations, he insists that marriage should be between families of the same social status. According to Shen, members of the shi 士 or gentry clans have ignored this rule since Song times. Shen writes: “Family relationships are muddled and confused, and no regard is given to whether someone is menial or common.” Shen attributes this violation of the social code to one motive, financial gain. He writes: “They trade and sell [the reputations] of their grandfathers and great-grandfathers, and consider it a means of commerce.” Shen Yue also is offended by the false pedigree that the Man family had given of their family to the matchmaker. What may have most outraged Shen Yue was Wang Yuan’s mercenary treatment of marriage. Not only did he obtain a large bridal present of 50,000 cash (or 50,000 strings of cash if one follows the interpretation of the Wen xuan chao commentary), he used part of it to purchase a concubine. As Shen Yue puts it, he converted these funds “into something to fill his bed and sleeping mat.” In Shen’s view, Wang Yuan’s behavior was not only mercenary but lustful. Shen Yue wrote a long fu about his life in retirement. This piece, which is clearly modeled on the “Shan ju fu” 山居賦 (Fu on dwelling in the mountains) by Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433), is “Jiao ju fu” 郊居賦 (Fu on dwelling in the suburbs). Another important work by Shen Yue is the Si sheng pu 四聲譜 (Table of the four tones). Shen also played a role in formulating the prosodic rules known as the Sisheng babing 四聲八病 (Four tones and eight defects). He advocated “three types of ease” (san yi 三易 in writing: “ease in perceiv- ing the content,” “ease in regcognizing the words,” and “ease in reciting aloud.” shen yue 沈約 (441–513), zi xiuwen 休文 865

Bibliography

Collections Xue Yingqi 薛應旂 ( jinshi 1535), ed. Liang Shen Yue ji 梁沈約集. 1 juan. Liuchao shiji 六朝詩集. Jiajing period (1522–1566) printing. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Shen Yinhou ji 沈隱侯集. 2 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Shen Xiuwen ji 沈休文集. 4 juan. Yang He 楊鶴 ( jinshi 1604) 1609 woodblock print. Ruan Yuansheng 阮元聲 ( jinshi 1628), ed. Shen Yinhou ji 沈隱侯集. 16 juan. In Liu Shen heji 劉沈合集. 1633. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元, ed. and comm. Shen Yue ji jiaojian 沈約集校箋. Hang- zhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 1995.

Concordance Shen Yue ji zhuzi suoyin 沈約集逐字索引. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 2000.

Studies Suzuki Torao 鈴木虎雄. “Shin Kyūbun nenpo” 沈休文年譜. In Kano kyōju kanreki kinen Shinagaku ronsō 狩野教授還曆記念支那學論叢, 567–617. Tokyo: Kōbundō shobō, 1928; Chinese trans. Ma Daoyuan 馬導源. Shen Yue nianpu 沈約年譜. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1935. Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠雄. “Shin Yaku no denki to sono seikatsu” 沈約の傳記とその生活. Tōkai daigaku kiyō, bungakubu 11 (1968): 30–45. Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠雄. “Shin Yaku no shisō—Rikuchō-teki shokon” 沈約の思想—六朝的傷痕. In Chūgoku chūseishi kenkyū 中國中世史研究, 246–71. Tokyo, 1970. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Enshi no keisei to Shin Yaku” 豔詩の形成と沈約. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 24 (1972): 114–34. Kamitsuka Yoshiko 神冢淑子. “Shin Yaku no in’itsu shisō” 沈約の隱逸思想. Nihon Chūgoku gakkaihō 31 (1979): 111–14. Yao Zhenli 姚振黎. “Shen Yue shenglü lun fa wei” 沈約聲律論發微. Guoli Zhong- yang daxue wenxueyuan yuankan 1 (1983): 81–98. Mather, Richard B. “Shen Yüeh’s Poems of Reclusion: From Total Withdrawal to Living in the Suburbs.” CLEAR 5.1 & 2 (1983): 53–66. Shimizu Yoshio 鈴木凱夫. “Shin Yaku seiritsuron kō—heitō jōbi hōyō seichū no kentō” 沈約聲律論考—平頭‧上尾‧蜂腰‧鶴膝の檢討. Gakurin 6 (1985): 56–86; rpt. in Shimizu Yoshio. Shin Monzengaku: Monzen no xinkenkyū 新文選學:《文選》の新研究, 436–71. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1999; Chinese trans Han Jiguo 韓基國. Shimizu Yoshio. Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji 六朝文學論文集, 212–238. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1989. Shimizu Yoshio 鈴木凱夫. “Shin Yaku seiritsuron ‘hatsubei’ shingi kō” 沈約「八病」真為考. Gakurin 7 (1986): 25–42; rpt in Shimizu Yoshio. Shin Monzengaku: Monzen no xinkenkyū, 416–35; Chinese trans. Han Jiguo. Shimizu Yoshio. Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji, 194–211. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1989. 866 shen yue 沈約 (441–513), zi xiuwen 休文

Shimizu Yoshio 鈴木凱夫. “Shin Yaku in chū shipei kō—dai’in shō’in bōchū seichū” 沈約韻紐四病考—大韻‧小韻‧旁紐‧正紐考. Gakurin 8 (1986): 29–65; rpt in Shimizu Yoshio. Shin Monzengaku: Monzen no xinkenkyū, 471–514; Chi- nese trans. Han Jiguo. Shimizu Yoshio. Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji, 239–270. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1989. Mather, Richard B. The Poet Shen Yüeh (441–513). The Reticent Marquis. Prince ton: Princeton University Press, 1988. Wang Zhonglin, Zhongguo zhonggu shige shi, 642–57. Bodman, Richard. “Poetics and Prosody in Early Medieval China: A Study and Translation of Kûkai’s Bunkyô hifuron.” Ph.D. Dissertation, Cornell University, 1978, 116–50. Yao Zhenli 姚振黎. Shen Yue ji qi xueshu tanjiu 沈約及其學術探究. Taipei: Wen- shizhe chubanshe, 1989. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 168–78. Lin Jiali 林家驪. “Shen Yue cifu jianlun” 沈約辭賦簡論. Yindu xuekan (1995: 1): 58–63. Lin Jiali 林家驪. “Shen Yue shiji er kao” 沈約事蹟二考. Wen shi (1996): 17–27. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. “Yidai cizong: Qi Liang zhi ji wentan lingxiu Shen Yue” 一代辭宗：齊梁之際文壇領袖沈約. Liaoning daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 3 (1996): 92–96. Lin Jiali 林家驪. “Shen Yue jiguan guli kao” 沈約籍貫故里考. Hangzhou daxue xuebao 27.2 (1997: 59–65. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. “Lun Shen Yue yu Shen Yue ji” 論沈約與《沈約集》. In Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue lunji 魏晉南北朝文學論集, ed. Nanjing daxue Zhongguo yuyan wenxue xi 南京大學中國語言文學系, 372–92. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Chang Weiqun 常為群. “Lun Shen Yue de yongwu shi” 論沈約的詠物詩. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1998: 4): 125–28. Ding Zhimin 丁治民. “Shen Yue shiwen yongyun gaikuang” 沈約詩文用韻概況. Zhenjiang shizhuan xuebao (1998: 2): 91–94. Lin Jiali 林家驪. Shen Yue yanjiu 沈約研究. Hangzhou: Hangzhou daxue chubanshe, 1999. Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Shen Yue Ren Fang nianpu” 沈約任昉年譜. Xueshu jilin 12 (1997): 226–89; rpt. in Liu Yuejin and Fan Ziye, ed. Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao, 383–447. Kawai Yasushi 川和安. “Yakuchū Sōsho Shin Yaku jijo” 訳注『宋書』沈約自序. Hokkaidō daigaku bungakubu kiyō 46.1 (1997): 29–64; 46.2 (1998): 37–45. Kawai Yasushi 川和安. “Sōsho Shin Yaku jijo ni tsuite”『宋書』沈約自序について. Hokkaidō daigaku bungakubu kiyō 18 (1999): 15–37. Kong Yi 孔毅. “Shen Yue Song shu shi lun si ti” 沈約《宋書》史論四題. Nanjing shifan zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 16.2 (2000): 1–6. Tian Qing 田青. “Shen Yue ji qi Song shu Yue zhi” 沈約及其《宋書‧樂志》. Zhong- guo yinyue xue (2001: 1): 81–85. Zhu Shaohou 朱紹侯. “Shen Yue Song shu shu ping” 沈約《宋書》述評. Nandu xuetan (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 21.4 (2001): 17–24. Li Yan 李燕. “Jin wushi nian lai Shen Yue wenxue sixiang yanjiu pingshu” 近五十年來沈約文學思想研究評述. Beijing keji daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 18.4 (2002): 73–77. shen yue 沈約 (441–513), zi xiuwen 休文 867

Wu Zhenglan 吳正嵐. “Lun Shen Yue Lu Jue shenglü zhi zheng yu Shen shi jiazu wenhua de guanxi” 論沈約陸厥聲律之爭與沈氏家族文化的關係. Fuzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 57.3 (2002): 68–77. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Rikuchō bunjin den—Shin Yaku Ryōsho” 六朝文人伝— 沈約『梁書』. Chūgoku chūsei buangaku kenkyū 41 (2002): 65–114. Konba Masami 今場正美. In’itsu to bungaku—Tō Enmei to Shin Yaku o chūshin to shite 隱逸と文學—陶淵明と沈約を中心として. Kyoto: Chūgaku geibun kenkyūkai, 2003. Kishiro Mayako 稀代麻也子. Sōsho no naka no Shin Yaku ikiru to iu koto 『宋書』のなか沈約生きるということ. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2004. Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, Volume One. Lin Jiali 林家驪. Yidai cizong: Shen Yue zhuan 一代辭宗：沈約傳. Hangzhou: Zhe- jiang renmin chubanshe, 2006. Shi Jingjing 史晶晶. “Shen Yue he Xiao Gang yongwu shi de bijiao” 沈約和蕭綱詠物詩的比較. Zhongguo yunwen xuekan 22.2 (2008): 33–40. Bo Juncai 柏峻才. “Shen Yue Yongtai yuannian fu Tiantai Tongbo shan bian wu—yu Lin Jiali xiansheng shangque” 沈約永泰元年赴天台桐柏山辨誤. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 40.4 (2008): 80–84. Song Wenbing 宋聞兵. “Shen Yue Song shu dinggao shijian kao bian” 沈約《宋書》定稿時間考辨. Ningbo daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) 21.5 (2008): 30–32. Xiao Yuanchu 蕭元初. “Shen Yue wenxue shi yishi de kaocha” 沈約文學史意識的考察. Zhaotong shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 30.6 (2008): 16–19. Guo Changfei 郭常斐. “Shen Yue de fuxue lilun ji qi zai chuangzuo de shijian yiyi” 沈約的賦學理論及其在創作中的實踐意義. Zhangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 71 (2009): 59–64. Bo Juncai 柏俊才. “Shen Yue ‘qi jia feng chao qing’ de shijian xin kao” 沈約 “起家奉朝請” 的時間新考. Wenxue yichan (2009: 5): 125–27. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Shin Yaku Sōsho Sha Reiun den ni tsuite” 沈約『宋書』謝靈運傳について. Chūgoku chūsei buangaku kenkyū 55 (2009): 1–17. Tian Xiaofei. “Shen Yue.” Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 147–53. Detroit: Gale, 2011.

Works

a. “Xie Lingyun zhuan lun” 謝靈運傳論 (Disquisition on the Biography of Xie Lingyun)

Studies Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Sōsho Sha Reiun den ron o megutte” 宋書謝靈運傳論をめぐって. Tōhōgaku 59 (1980): 44–61. Qian Zhixi 錢志熙. “Song shu ‘Xie Lingyun zhuan lun’ yu Yongming wenxue gexin jian lun Shen Yue wenxue fazhan daolu”《宋書‧謝靈運傳論》與永明文學革新兼論沈約文學發展道路. Qiusuo (1993: 2): 82–88. 868 shen yue 沈約 (441–513), zi xiuwen 休文

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 936–39. Tökei, Ferenc. “Textes prosodiques chinois au debut du VI siècle.” Mélanges de Sinologie offerts à Monsieur Paul Demiéville, II, 298–99. Paris: Presses Universi- taires de France, 1974 (partial). Wong Siu-kit, Early Chinese Literary Criticism, 75–87. Mather, The Poet Shen Yüeh, 40–44.

b. “Jiaoju fu” 郊居賦 (Fu on dwelling in the suburbs)

Studies and Translations Okamura Shigeru 剛村繁. “Shin Yaku ‘Kōkyofu’ Rei-Chō dōsen hosei” 沈約郊居賦雷張同箋補正. Nihon Chūgoku gakkaihō 3 (1952): 64–74; Chinese trans. by Lu Xiaoguang 陸曉光. Gangxun Fan quanji 3: 534–66. Mather, The Poet Shen Yüeh, 175–213. Nakamori Kenji 中森健二. “Shin Yaku ‘Kōkyofu’ ni tsuite” 沈約「郊居賦」にっいて. Gakurin 3 (1984): 30–45. Konba Masami 今場正美. “Shin Yaku ‘Kōkyofu’ yakuchū” 沈約《郊居賦》譯注. Gakurin 27 (1997): 87–121. Xiong Qingyuan 熊清元. “Shen Yue ‘Jiao ju fu’ zuonian kao bian” 沈約《郊居賦》作年考辨. Wenxian (2008: 4)” 114–18. Ding Han 丁涵. “Chuangxin zhong de fugu: Shen Yue ‘Jiao ju fu’ yanjiu” 創新中的復古：沈約《郊居賦》研究. M.A. Thesis, National University of Singapore, 2011.

c. “Su Dongyuan” 宿東園 (Spending the night in the Eastern Garden)

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 350–51. Mather, in Sunflower Splendor, 72. Mather, Age of Eternal Brilliance, 237–38.

d. Yongwu poems

Translations Birrell, New Songs from a Jade Terrace, 139–42. Mather, Age of Eternal Brilliance, 111–42.

e. “Bayong shi” 八詠詩 (Eight songs)

Studies Xiong Wei 熊偉 and Li Yaqin 李雅琴. “Shen Yue ‘Ba yong shi’ de yishu fengge” 沈約《八詠詩》的藝術風格. Guangxi guangbo dianshixue xuebao (2008: 2): 18–20. shen zhong 沈眾 (503–558), zi zhongshi 仲師 869

Translations Birrell, New Songs from a Jade Terrace, 248–51 (Poems #1 and #2). Mather, Shen Yüeh, 94–109. Mather, Age of Eternal Brilliance, Volume One, 173–99.

f. “Qi gu Anlu Zhao wang beiwen” 齊故安陸昭王碑文 (Grave inscription for the late Prince Zhao of Anlu)

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 1011–24.

g. “Zou tan Wang Yuan” 奏彈王源 (Petition impeaching Wang Yuan)

Studies Nakamori Kenji 中森健二. “Shin Yaku no ‘Sodan Ō Gen’ ni tsuite” 沈約の《奏彈王源》について. Gakurin 7 (1986): 43–52. Cheng Zhangcan 程章粲. “Shen Yue ‘Zou tan Wang Yuan’ yu nanchao shifeng kaobian” 沈約《奏彈王源》與南朝士風考辨. Chuantong wenhua yu xiandaihua 18 (1995–96): 19–25; rpt. Cheng Zhangcan. Shizu yu Liuchao wenxue 世族與六朝文學, 179–93. Ha’erbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1998. Knechtges, David R. “Impeaching Wang Yuan by Shen Yue.” Early Medieval China: A Sourcebook, ed. Wendy Swartz, Robert Ford Campany, Yang Lu, and Jessey Choo, 166–75. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 749–52. Johnson, David. The Medieval Chinese Oligarchy, 9–10. Boulder: Westview Press, 1977 (partial). Richard B. Mather, “Intermarriage as a Gauge of Family Status in the Southern Dynasties.” In State and Society in Early Medieval China, ed. Albert E. Dien 221–27. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1990 (partial). Knechtges, “Impeaching Wang Yuan,” 169–71.

DRK

Shen Zhong 沈眾 (503–558), zi Zhongshi 仲師

Liang and Chen period literatus.

Shen Zhong’s ancestral home was Wukang 武康 in Wuxing 吳興 (modern Deqing 德清, Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). His grandfather was the celebrated 870 shen zhong 沈眾 (503–558), zi zhongshi 仲師 writer Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) of the Liang period. His father was Shen Xuan 沈旋 (fl. 480–515) who served in various official positions during the early Liang. In his youth Shen Zhong was a diligent student and skilled writer. His first official appointment was administrator in the LawS ection in the household of Xiao Wei 蕭偉 (476–533), Prince of Nanping 南平. He then served as secretary to the heir designate Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551). At that time, Emperor Wu (r. 502–549) of the Liang dynasty composed “Qianzi shi” 千字詩 (A thousand-character poem). He requested Shen Zhong to write a commentary to it. Emperor Wu also summoned him and Xie Jing 謝景 (n.d.) to the Wende 文德 Hall. He ordered Shen Zhong to compose “Zhu fu” 竹賦 (Fu on the bamboo). When the piece was completed, Emperor Wu was quite pleased. He remarked: “Your literary style is elegant, and you did not disgrace your grandfather” (Chen shu 12.243). Ca. 535, Xiao Daxin 蕭大心 (523–551), Duke of Dangyang 當陽, was serving as regional inspector of Yingzhou 郢州 (administrative headquarters Runan 汝南, modern Wuchang 武昌, Hubei). He recruited Shen Zhong to serve as his secretarial aide. In 540, he was assigned as secretarial aide to Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555), Prince of Xiangdong 湘東. He later was promoted to the position of secretary on the staff of the heir designate Xiao Gang, and concurrently served as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. After he returned from making a brief diplomatic visit to the Northern Wei court, he was transferred to the post of administrative adviser to Xiao Xu 蕭續 (504–547), Prince of Luling 盧陵. He also continued to serve as secretary to the heir designate Xiao Gang. When the Hou Jing 侯景Rebellion erupted in 549, Shen Zhong proposed to Emperor Wu to be allowed to return to his home area of Wuxing and recruit soldiers. The emperor granted his request. When Hou Jing’s army surrounded the capital area, Shen Zhong led an army of more than five thousand of his clansmen and volunteers that he recruited to defend the Liang house. Shen Zhong’s armed forces strongly held their lines, and even Hou Jing feared them. When Hou Jing captured the capital, Shen Zhong surrendered to Hou Jing. After the Hou Jing Rebellion was put down, Shen Zhong went westward to Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative headquarters Jiangling 江陵, modern Jingzhou city, Hebei) where he joined court of Xiao Yi who was installed as emperor in December 552. Shen Zhong was appointed palace cadet in the household of the heir designate and grand rectifier of Jingzhou. Within a short time, he was promoted to the post of left administrator in the Min- istry of Education. shenzi 慎子 871

Shen Zhong was captured when Jiangling fell to the Western Wei in 555. He escaped and returned to Jiankang. Xiao Fangzhi 蕭方智 (543– 558), Emperor Jing (r. 555–557) appointed him palace attendant, and later assigned him as minister in the census section of the Department of State Affairs. When the Liang fell in 557, Chen Baxian陳霸先 (503–559), Emperor Wu (r. 557–559), established the Chen dynasty. Shen Zhong joined the Chen court and was appointed secretarial director. He continued to serve as grand rectifier for his home commandery of Jingzhou. Emperor Wu treated him with more respect than his peers because of his fine reputation. In 558, he was assigned to the position of minister in the Ministry of Public Construction in which capacity he oversaw the construction of the Taiji 太極 Hall. Even though Shen Zhong was an extremely wealthy person— his wealth could be counted in the hundreds of millions of cash—he was extremely parsimonious, and he maintained an extremely frugal life style. When other court officials criticized him for his stinginess, Shen Zhong began to malign them. When Emperor Wu learned of Shen’s conduct, he was outraged. Unwilling to punish him openly, he waited until Shen Zhong went home to Wukang on leave. He then ordered Shen to commit suicide. He was fifty-six at the time. Shen Zhong’s best known literary piece is “Fu on the bamboo” mentioned above. It is no longer extant.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 219–20.

TPK

Shenzi 慎子

Pre-Qin Masters work.

The reputed author of the Shenzi is Shen Dao 慎到 (ca. 350–ca. 275 b.c.e.). Little is known about his life. Shen Dao’s natal place is most likely the state of Zhao 趙 (capital Handan, modern Hebei). Ca. 300 b.c.e. he went to Linzi 臨淄 (modern Zibo 滋博, Shandong) where he was a member of the Jixia 稷下 Academy. Shen probably left Linzi in 285 b.c.e. when it was captured by the state of Yan. He died about ten years later. 872 shenzi 慎子

According to Sima Qian, Shen Dao wrote twelve lun 論 (disquisitions) on the doctrines of Huang-Lao. However, at least until the Qing dynasty, he is usually classified as a specialist in legal thought. In the eighteenth century, the compilers of the Siku quanshu placed him in the za 雜 or “unclassified” group. Because much of his work has been lost, scholars have not been able to provide a thorough analysis of his thought system. The evidence of the extant corpus shows a strong interest in law and shi 勢 (compelling force of circumstances). He also seems to have shared Zhuangzi’s philosophy of “the equality of things.” At the end of the Former Han, Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.) lists the works of Master Shen 慎子 in forty-two pian in the Fa 法 (Law) category. Ban Gu repeats this information in the monograph on bibliography of the Han shu. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists among the Law works a Shenzi in ten juan as well as a work of the same size that likely was recorded in the Liang period catalogue Qi lu 七錄 of Ruan Xiaoxu 阮孝緒 (479–549). Both Tang histories record the Shenzi in ten juan. The complete text seems to have been lost in the Song. The received versions are reconstructions of fragments. The study by Paul Thompson listed below is the authoritative account of the textual history. The Shanghai Museum collection holds a short manuscript text from the Warring States period that has the title Shenzi yue gong jian 慎子曰恭儉 (Shenzi says “[with] respect and frugality”). This may be from a work written by a disciple of Shen Dao.

Bibliography

Texts and Commentaries Shenzi 慎子. 1 juan. Zihui ershisi zhong 子彙二十四種. Wanli 4–5 (1576–1577). Shen Maoshang 慎懋賞 (late 16th cent.), ed. Shenzi waipian 慎子外篇. 1 juan. Shenshi gengzhi guan 慎氏耕芝館, Wanli 7 (1579). Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Feng Mengzhen 馮夢禎 (1548–1605), ed. Shenzi 慎子. 1 juan. Xian Qin zhuzi hebian 先秦諸子合編. Mianmiao ge 緜眇閣, 1602. Held by Zhongguo Guojia tushuguan. Fang Yi 方疑, ed. Shenzi 慎子. 1 juan. Shier zi 十二子. Printed between 1621 and 1644. Held by C.V. Starr East Asian Library, University of California, Berkeley. Shenzi 慎子. 1 juan. Mohai jinhu 墨海金壺. 1808–1811. Shenzi 慎子. 1 juan. Siku quanshu. Based on a Ming reprint of the Shier zi. Qian Xizuo 錢熙祚 (1801–1844), ed. Shenzi 慎子. 1 juan. Shoushan ge congshu 守山閣叢書. 1844; rpt. Baibu congshu jicheng, ser. 52, vol. 12; Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 971. Shen Maoshang 慎懋賞 (late 16th cent.), ed. Shenzi nei wai pian 慎子內外篇. 2 juan. Shenzi sanzhong hezhi 慎子三種合秩. Zhonguo xuehui 中國學會, 1928. Phototo- graphic reproduction of 1578 printing. Rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1975. shenzi 慎子 873

Shenzi neipian 慎子內篇. 1 juan. Waipian 外篇 1 juan. Sibu congkan. Photographic reproduction of manuscript of Shen Maoshang version owned by Miao Quan- sun 繆荃孫 (1844–1919). Omits commentary, prefaces, and appendices. Fang Guoyu 方國瑜. “Shen Maoshang ben Shenzi shuzheng” 慎懋賞本慎子疏證. Jinling xuebao (1934: 2): 216–70. Wang Sirui 王斯睿, ed. and comm. Shenzi jiaozheng 慎子校正. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1935. Cai Rukun 蔡汝堃, ed. and comm. Shenzi ji shuo 慎子集說. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1940. Hsü Han-ch’ang 許漢昌. “Shenzi jiaozhu ji qi xueshuo yanjiu” 慎子校注及其學說研究. M.A. thesis, Furen daxue, 1973. Shenzi yue gongjian《慎子曰恭儉》. In Shanghai bowuguan cang Zhanguo Chu zhushu 上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書, 6: 273–82. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007.

Concordance Shenzi zhuzi suoyin 慎子逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2000.

Japanese Translation Arima Takuyua 有馬卓也. “Shinshi yakuchū” 『慎子』訳註. Gengo bunka kenkyū (Tokushima University) 1 (1994): 71–102.

Baihua Translation Gao Liushui 高流水 and Lin Hengsen 林恒森, trans. and comm. Shenzi Yin Wenzi Gongsun Longzi quanyi 慎子、尹文子、公孫龍子全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1996.

Studies Luo Genze 羅根澤. “Shen Maoshang Shenzi bian wei” 慎懋賞慎子辨偽. Yanjing xuebao (1929: 6): 1135–45; rpt. in Luo Genze. Zhuzi kaosuo 諸子考索, 511–21. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1958. Qian Mu 錢穆. Xian Qin zhuzi xinian 先秦諸子繫年, 425–28. 1925; rpt. and rev. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1956. Thompson, Paul Mulligan. “The Shen Tzu Fragments.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1970. Thompson, Paul M. The Shen Zi Fragments. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979. Shen Chengtian 沈成添. “Shinzi shisō kenkyū” 慎子思想研究. Tenri daigaku gakuhō 37 (1985): 1–12. Wang Shu-min 王叔岷. “Qunshu zhiyao jieben Shenzi yizheng” 羣書治要節本慎子義證. Wen shi zhe xuebao 32 (1983): 1–11. Liu Zehua 劉澤華. “Lun Shen Dao de shi fa shu sixiang” 論慎到的勢、法、術思想. Wen shi zhe (1983: 1): 10–17. Li Zhengang 李振綱. “Shen Dao pingzhuan” 慎到評傳. Hebei daxue xuebao (1985: 3): 114–20. 874 shenzi 慎子

Liu Weihua 劉蔚華 and Miao Runtian 苗潤田. Jixia xue shi 稷下學史, 155–77. Beijing: Zhongguo guangbo dianshi chubanshe, 1992. Thompson, P. M. “Shen tzu 慎子 (Shen Tao 慎到).” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 399–404. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993. Xu Diancai 許殿才. “Shenzi jianlun”《慎子》簡論. Lishi wenxian yanjiu 6 (1995): 105–10. Chen Xingwei 陳興偉. “Shen Dao Huntian shuo zhenwei kao” 慎到渾天說真偽考. Wenxian (1996: 2): 185–91. Inoue Ryō 井上了. “Genkō hon Shinshi no shiryōteki mondai” 現行本『慎子』資料的問題. Chūgoku kenkyū shūkan 24 (1999): 41–54. Li Xueqin 李學勤. “Tan Chu jian Shenzi” 談楚簡《慎子》. Zhongguo wenhua (2007: 2): 43–45. Takeda Kenji 竹田健二. “Shanhaku Sokan Shenzi yue gongjian no bunkenteki seikaku” 上博楚簡『慎子曰恭儉』文獻的性格. Chūgoku kenkyū shūkan 45 (2007): 108–20. Li Rui 李銳. “Shangbo jian Shenzi yu gongjian guankui” 上博簡《慎子曰恭儉》管窺. Zhonguo zhexue shi (2008: 4): 56–62. Pines, Yuri. Envisioning Eternal Empire: Chinese Political Thought of the Warring States Era, 46–50. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2009.

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Shenzi 申子

Pre-Qin Masters work.

The Shenzi is attributed to Shen Buhai 申不害 (ca. 400–ca. 337 b.c.e.). He was from Jing 京 (southeast of modern Xingyang 滎陽, Henan) in the state of Zheng 鄭. Zheng was conquered by Han 韓 in 375 b.c.e., and shortly thereafter Marquis Zhao of Han (r. 358–333) namedS hen Buhai counselor- in-chief, a post he held for about fifteen years until the time of his death. During his tenure in this position he reputedly improved the effiicency of the state administration, and he strengthened Han’s military might so that rival states did not dare violate Han’s borders. Sima Qian says Shen Buhai wrote a work in two pian titled Shenzi. The Han shu monograph on bibliography, which is based on a catalogue compiled by Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.), lists the Shenzi in six pian. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Shenzi in ten juan. It also mentions a Liang catalogue that records an edition in three juan. Both Tang histories record the work in three juan. This was lost in the Song. Later versions are reconstructions. According to Sima Qian, Shen Buhai based his teachings on the ideas of Huang-Lao, which is usually understood to designate what is sometimes sheng yan 盛彥 (fl. 270–285), zi wengzi 翁子 875 called “Yellow Emperor Taoism,” an eclectic blending of Taoism and Legalism. However, H. G. Creel has strongly argued that Shen Buhai was not an adherent of Huang-Lao thought. One of Shen Buhai’s central ideas was that the ruler should govern by means of wuwei 無為 or “effortless inaction.” In order to accomplish this feat, he should unobtrusively employ shu 術 or “methods” to control his courtiers.

Bibliography

Texts Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843), ed. “Shenzi” 申子. In “Quan shanggu Sandai wen” 全上古三代文. Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. “Shenzi” 申子. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山房輯佚書, 71. Wang Dongjie 王東杰, ed. Shenzi 申子. Jinan: Shandong huabao chubanshe, 2004.

Studies Creel, Herrlee G. Shen Pu-hai, A Chinese Political Philosopher of the Fourth Cen- tury B.C. Chicago: Chicago University Press, 1974. Creel, Herrlee G. “Shen tzi (Shen Puhai).” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographi- cal Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 394–98. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993. Zeng Zhenyu 曾振宇. “ ‘Shen Buhai shujia shuo’ zairenshi”《申不害術家說》再認識. Wen shi zhe (1994: 6): 12–19. Ch’en Cheng-fan 陳正凡. “Shenzi de sixiang” 申子的思想. Kong Meng xuebao 74 (1997): 179–210. Xu Xiangming 徐祥民. “Shen Buhai de fazhi sixiang ji qi juxianxing” 申不害的法治思想及其局限性. Wen shi zhe (2003: 2): 33–37. Chai Yongchang 柴永昌. “Shen Buahi sixiang xinlun” 申不害思想新論. Ningxia shehui kexue 173.3 (2013): 128–32.

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Sheng Yan 盛彥 (fl. 270–285), zi Wengzi 翁子

Late Three States Wu early Jin literatus.

Sheng Yan’s ancestral home was Guangling 廣陵 (modern Yangzhou 揚州, Jiangsu). Already in his youth he displayed unusual talent. At age eight he visited the defender-in-chief of Wu commandery Dai Chang 戴昌 (n.d.). Dai Chang wrote him a poem to observe his response. Sheng Yan not only 876 sheng yan 盛彥 (fl. 270–285), zi wengzi 翁子 could reply with another poem, he was able to express himself with in an impassioned spirit (kangkai 慷慨). Sheng Yan was a filial son. His mother had gone blind after suffering an illness. He did not accept any official appointment until his mother restored her eyesight. He served as attendant gentleman in the court of the Wu state. In 280 when Wu was conquered by the Western Jin, Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303) recommended Sheng Yan to the regional inspector Zhou Jun 周浚 (n.d.). The grand rectifier of his district Liu Song 劉訟 (d. 300) also tried to recruit him as his junior rectifier. Sheng Yan later was appointed district magistrate of Changsha 長沙 (modern Changsha, Hunan). He died during the Taikang 太康 (280–289) period of the Western Jin. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Sheng Yan’s collected works in five juan. This was lost already in the Tang. Four of his writings have survived. “Ji rang fu” 擊壤賦 (Fu on the game “hit the peg”), “Zangkou fu xu” 藏彄賦序 (Preface to the Fu on playing the game “hiding the hook”), “Tong Sang zi jing yi” 通桑梓敬議 (Opinion about [emi- gree families] paying respects to their native areas), and “Yu Liu Song shu” 與劉頌書 (Letter to Liu Song) are preserved in Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 400.

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Shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan 聖賢高士傳贊 (Accounts with encomia of sages, worthies, and high-minded gentlemen)

Biographies of recluses.

The Shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan is a collection of biographies of recluses and men of integrity compiled by Xi Kang 嵇康 (224–263). The work originally included 119 entries. The temporal coverage included remote antiquity to the late Eastern Han-Wei period recluse Guan Ning 管寧 (158–241). The work is also known by the titles Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳 (Accounts of high-minded gentlemen) and Shanggu yilai shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan 上古以來聖賢高士傳贊 (Accounts with encomia of sages, worthies, and high-minded gentlemen since high antiquity). According to Xi Kang’s elder brother Xi Xi 嵇喜 (fl. mid-third century), Xi Kang “compiled a record shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan 聖賢高士傳贊 877 of men who were sage and worthy, reclusive and detached from society, whose minds were focused on retreat, and who forsook reputation, and collected them into accounts and encomia. . . . These generally were those who could be sought within the universe, and could be discovered beyond a thousand ages. Thus, no profane persons can have their names included among them.” Several of the persons that Xi Kang selected are surpris- ing, including Yang Xiong and Dong Zhongshu, who are not generally regarded as recluses. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists this work in three juan as does the monograph on bibliography of the Jiu Tang shu. The monograph on bibliography of the Xin Tang shu records a Shengxian gao- zhi zhuan in eight juan, and a Shanggu yilai shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan by Zhou Xuzhi 周續之 (377–423) in three juan. The latter listing probably is erroneous, for Zhou Xuzhi is the scholar who wrote a commentary to Xi Kang’s collection in the Liu Song period. Yan Kejun included sixty-one persons in his reconstruction of the text in “Quan Sanguo wen.” Tang Hongxue added three more persons to Yan’s version. Ma Guohan collected accounts for fifty persons, to which Wang Renjun added one additional account. Approximately sixty entries, some fragmentary, are now extant.

Texts Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843), ed. “Quan Sanguo wen 全三國文, 52.1a–12a. Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文. Bei- jing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965. Tang Hongxue 唐鴻學, ed. Yan Kejun ji Shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan 嚴可均輯聖賢高士傳. Yilan tang congshu 怡蘭唐叢書. Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山房輯佚書. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1204, 42–49. Wang Renjun 王仁俊 (1866–1913), ed. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu bubian 玉函山房輯佚書補編. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 1206, 311. Dai Mingyang 戴明揚, ed. and comm. Xi Kang ji jiaozhu 嵇康集校注, 397–426. Beijing: Remin wenxue chubanshe, 1962.

Studies Chen Weiping 陳煒平. “Xi Kang Shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan yishu chutan” 嵇康《聖賢高士傳贊》藝術初探. Yulin shizhuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 18.4 (1997): 47–50. Berkowitz, Alan. Patterns of Disengagement: The Practice and Portrayal of Reclusion in Early Medieval China, 153–57. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2000. Xiong Ming 熊明. “Shengming linian de toushe: Xi Kang yu Shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan” 聖明理念的投射：嵇康與《聖賢高士傳贊》. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2004: 6): 4–9, 85. 878 shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan 聖賢高士傳贊

Xiong Ming 熊明. Han Wei Liuchao zazhuan gailun 漢魏六朝雜傳概論, 226–42. Shenyang: Liaohai chubanshe, 2004.

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Shi Baoyue 釋寶月 (fl. 483–493)

Southern Qi period Buddhist montk and poet.

Shi Baoyue’s family name was Kang 康 or Yu 庾. Zhong Rong includes him in the lowest grade of the Shi pin. Shi Baoyue was an expert in music. When Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), Prince of Jingling, was composing the “Yongming yue ge” 永明樂歌 (Songs of the Music of Eternal Peace) with the literary members of his court, each person wrote ten pieces. The pieces written by Shi Baoyue were especially well done. Shi Baoyue’s songs have not survived. According to the Gujin yuelu 古今樂錄 by the Buddhist monk Zhijiang 智匠 (mid-sixth century), the Qi ruler Emperor Wu (r. 482–493), Xiao Ze 蕭賾 (440–493, before becoming emperor had traveled to Fan 樊 (modern Fancheng 樊城, Hubei) and Deng 鄧 (modern Deng county, Henan). When he ascended the throne, recalling nostalgically these sites, he composed lyrics titled “Guke yue” 估客樂 (Music of traveling merchants). He ordered the director of the music bureau Liu Yao 劉瑤 to set them to music. After Liu Yao was unable to complete this assignment, someone recommended Shi Baoyue to do it. He finished writing the music within ten days. Xiao Ze was extremely pleased and ordered the imperial musicians to perform the songs in the court. Shi Baoyue composed two songs himself. There are two sets of “Gu ke yue” that are now preserved under Shi Baoyue’s name. The Yutai xinyong contains a poem titled “Xinglu nan” 行路難 (Travel- ing is hard) under Shi Baoyue’s name. However, Zhong Rong in the Shi pin claims that this piece was actually written by Chai Kuo 柴廓 of Dongyang 東陽. According to Zhong Rong, Shih Baoyue had visited Chai’s house when Chai suddenly died. Shih Baoyue then “stole” the song. Chai’s son took the manuscript of the song to the capital to complain to authorities. He desisted only after receiving a generous present, presumably from Shi Baoyue.

Bibliography

Studies Hsieh, Daniel. The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 124–25, 170, 187. New York: Peter Lang, 1996. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 438. shi cen 史岑 (ca. 50 b.c.e.–ca. 10 c.e.), zi zixiao 子孝 879

Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Liuchao senglü: Wenhua jiaoliu de teshu shizhe” 六朝僧侶：文化交流的特殊使者. Zhongguo shehui kexue (2004: 5): 179–91. Wu Xiangzhou 吳相洲. Yongming ti yu yinyue guanxi yanjiu 永明體與音樂關係研究, 50–51. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2006. Cai Ping 蔡平. “Nan Qi diwang yu Yongming wenxue” 南齊帝王與永明文學, Zhan- jiang shifan xueyuan xuebao 27.2 (2006): 20–23. Cha Qinghua 查清華. “Jiangnan seng shi de xianshi qinghuai ji qi luoji guanlian” 江南僧詩的現世情懷及其邏輯關聯. Xueshu jie (2010: 7): 35–41. Bao Deyi 包得義. “Nanchao Xiao Qi shi seng Shi Baoyue yanjiu” 南朝蕭齊詩僧釋寶月研究. Qingnian wenxuejia (2010: 2): 52–53.

Works

a. “Xinglu nan” 行路難 (Traveling is hard)

Study Zhang Huaijin 張懷瑾. “Zhong Rong Shi pin siwu bianshuo (xia)” 鍾嶸《詩品》四誤辯說 (下). Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 26.4 (2007): 46–47.

Translations Birrell, Anne. New Songs from a Jade Terrace, 247.

b. “Guke yue” 估客樂 (Music of traveling merchants)

Translations Margouliès, Georges. Anthologie, 339. Hsieh, The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 187.

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Shi Cen 史岑 (ca. 50 b.c.e.–ca. 10 c.e.), zi Zixiao 子孝

Wang Mang period writer and scholar.

Shi Cen’s ancestral home was Pei 沛 kingdom (northwest of modern Suixi 濉溪, Anhui). Around 1 c.e. he served as palace receptionist. During this time he presented to the court a petition praising Wang Hong 王閎 (n.d.) for taking the imperial seals away from Dong Xian 董賢 (23–1 b.c.e.), who had been given them by the inebriated Emperor Ai. (r. 7–1 b.c.e.). Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 (661–721) mentions Shi Cen as one of fifteen scholars who wrote supplements to the Shi ji of Sima Qian. According to Shi Cen’s biography in the Hou Han shu, he composed four pieces: a eulogy, dirge, and 880 shi cen 史岑 (ca. 50 b.c.e.–ca. 10 c.e), zi zixiao 子孝 two works titled “Fu shen” 復神 (Restoring the spirit?), and “Shuo ji” 說疾 (Explaining illness), none of which survives. Note this Shi Cen, zi Zixiao, has often been confused with Shi Cen, zi Xiaoshan, who lived during the Eastern Han period. See the notes by the Qing scholars listed in the bibliography below.

Bibliography

Studies He Zhuo 何焯 (1661–1722). Yimen dushu ji 義門讀書記, 24.403. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987. Hui Dong 惠棟 (1697–1758). Hou Han shu buzhu 後漢書補注. In Xu Shu 徐蜀, ed. Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian 兩漢書訂補文獻, 18.7b (493). Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004. Zhou Shouchang 周壽昌 (1814–1884). Hou Han shu zhu buzheng 後漢書注補正. In Xu She, Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian, 7.5b–6a (655). Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918). Hou Han shu jijie 後漢書集解. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 80A.7b (327).

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Shi Cen 史岑 (ca. 70–ca. 130), zi Xiaoshan 孝山

Eastern Han writer.

Shi Cen flourished during the reign of Emperor An (r. 106–125). Heis often confused with Shi Cen, zi Zixiao. In 107 he composed “Chu shi song” 出師頌 (Eulogy on dispatching the troops) when Deng Zhi 鄧騭 (d. 121), elder brother of the Empress Dowager Deng (81–121), led an army from the capital Luoyang to put down an insurrection by the Western Qiang in Liangzhou 涼州 (modern Gansu, Ningxia, and Qinghai). This piece was selected for inclusion in the Wen xuan. Shi Cen, zi Xiaoshan, should not be confused with Shi Cen, zi Zixiao, who lived in the Wang Mang period. See the studies by the Qing scholars listed below.

Bibliography

Studies He Zhuo 何焯 (1661–1722). Yimen dushu ji 義門讀書記, 24.403. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987. shi chong 石崇 (249–300), zi 季倫 881

Hui Dong 惠棟 (1697–1758). Hou Han shu buzhu 後漢書補注. In Xu Shu 徐蜀, ed. Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian 兩漢書訂補文獻, 18.7b (493). Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2004. Zhou Shouchang 周壽昌 (1814–1884). Hou Han shu zhu buzheng 後漢書注補正. In Xu She, Liang Han shu dingbu wenxian, 7.5b–6a (655). Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1918). Hou Han shu jijie 後漢書集解. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 80A.7b (327).

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Shi Cen 史岑 (fl. 4 c.e.)

Western Han writer.

Shi Cen’s ancestral home was Duling 杜陵 (modern southeast of modern Xi’an). He was a descendant of Shi Gao 史高 (d. 43 b.c.e.), who was a distinguished statesman in the reign of Emperor Xuan (r. 74–49 b.c.e.), and the great-grandson of Shi Gong 史恭 (fl. 115–90 b.c.e.), uncle of the father of Emperor Xuan. In 4 c.e. he succeeded to Shi Gao’s title of Marquis of Leling 樂陵. He lost this title with the accession of Wang Mang 王莽 (r. 8–23 c.e.). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in two juan. This probably was lost already in the Tang.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 79. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 473.

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Shi Chong 石崇 (249–300), zi 季倫

Western Jin writer.

Shi Chong’s ancestral home was Nanpi 南皮 in Bohai 渤海 (northeast of modern Nanpi, Hebei). He was the youngest son of Shi Bao 石苞 (d. 273). After serving in the local administration under the Cao-Wei regime, Shi Bao joined the staff of Sima Shi 司馬師 (208–255). He next was assigned as governor of Donglai 東萊 (modern Laizhou 萊州, Shandong) and Langye 琅邪 (north of modern Linyi 臨沂, Shandong) followed by a posting as regional inspector of Xuzhou 徐州 (administrative seat, Pengcheng 彭城, 882 shi chong 石崇 (249–300), zi 季倫 modern Xuzhou). Shi Bao joined Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265), who put him in charge of military affairs in Qingzhou青州 (administrative seat Linzi 臨淄, north of modern Zibo 淄博, Shandong). This is where Shi Chong was born in 249. Because Qingzhou was in the ancient area of Qi he received the baby name of Qi nu 齊奴 or “Qi slave.” Shi Bao played a major role in the defeat of Zhuge Dan 諸葛誕 (d. 258), who staged a revolt in 255. As a reward for his service, he was given the noble title of Marquis of Dongguang 東光. In 265, when Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) became the first emperor of the Western Jin, he appointed Shi Bao to the high ministerial post of commander-in-chief and raised his title to that of Duke of Leling 樂陵 commandery. Shi Bao formed a powerful army that he used in battles south of the Huai River against the Wu state. Suspicious of Shi Bao’s growing power, in 268 Sima Yan had him removed from his positions. After a court official made a plea on Shi Bao’s behalf, Sima Yan appointed him minister of education and put him in charge of agricultural affairs. Shi Bao died four years later in 272. Shi Bao had six sons, and Shi Chong was the youngest. When Shi Bao was on his deathbed, he distributed his property to all of the sons except for Chong on the grounds that he could obtain a fortune on his own. About age twenty-five (ca. 274–275), Shi Chong obtained his first official post, that of prefect of Xiuwu 修武 (modern Xiuwu, Henan), where he earned a reputation as a capable administrator. A year or so later, he then went to the capital where he served as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Ca. 278, Shi Chong took up the post of governor of Chengyang 城陽 (equivalent to the southeastern portion of the Shandong peninsula) located in the area of Qingzhou. In 280, he led an army to victory over forces from Wu and was rewarded with the noble title of Marquis of Anyang xiang 安陽鄉. Soon thereafter, he resigned his post on grounds of illness. However, two years later (282) he took up a position at court as gentleman of the palace gate. In this capacity, he was in charge of transmitting court documents. After his elder brother Shi Tong 石統 was pardoned for having offended the Prince of Fufeng 扶風, Sima Jun 司馬駿 (232–286), some court officials wanted to have Shi Tong punished because his younger brother Chong failed to thank the emperor for his mercy. Chong addressed the throne with a petition in defense of his brother, and no more was made of the matter. In the late 280s, Shi Chong rose to the positions of cavalier attendant-in- ordinary and palace attendant. According to Shi Chong’s biography in the Jin shu, “because Chong was the son of a meritorious official, and he had a capacity as a good administrator, Emperor Wu held him in high regard.” In 290, Emperor Wu died. The grand tutor Yang Jun 楊駿 (d. 291) served as regent for the young Emperor Hui 惠 (r. 290–306). Shi Chong and He Pan 何攀 (n.d.) presented a petition to Emperor Hui protesting the exces- shi chong 石崇 (249–300), zi 季倫 883 sive rewards given to Yang Jun and his cohorts. After his advice was not accepted, Shi Chong was sent out to Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Hubei and Hunan) as inspector. He also held the military titles of Gentleman Gen- eral of the South and Colonel in Charge of the Southern Man. While in Jingzhou, Shi Chong extorted money and goods from traveling merchants and in this way amassed a large fortune. He became one of the wealthi- est men of his time. However, Shi Chong may have acquired wealth even earlier. According to the monograph on food and money in the Jin shu (26.783), when the Jin conquered Wu in 280, the invading armies “took millions of cash, depleted the resources of the Three Wu regions and took control of the resources of Shu that had been accumulated over a thousand years. . . . Thereupon, Wang Kai 王愷 (late third cent.), Wang Ji 王濟 (ca. 240–ca. 285), Shi Chong and others competed in boastful displays. The splendor of their conveyances, apparel, and eating vessels rivaled that of the imperial court.” Wang Kai, the younger brother of Empress Wen- ming 文明, wife of Emperor Wu’s father Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265), was a wealthy man who competed with Shi Chong in displays of ostentation. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng point out that Shi Chong was already competing with Wang Kai some years before he went to Jingzhou, and thus he must have acquired his riches in 280 when he participated in the expedition against Wu. While in Jingzhou, Shi Chong acquired a serpent-eagle chick, which he sent to Wang Kai. Because there was a ban on transporting the poisonous serpent-eagles north of the Yangzi, the metropolitan commandant Fu Qi 傅祇 (243–311) reported the offenses of Shi Chong and Wang Kai to the imperial court. Although the authorities recommended a severe punishment, the emperor issued an edict pardoning them. Ca. 293, Shi Chong was about to be appointed chamberlain for the National Treasury, but he was dismissed before he could take up this post. However, soon thereafter he was appointed professor at the national university. In the following year, he was named chamberlain for the imperial stud, in which capacity he had charge of horses and vehicles used by the imperial household. This was a high 2,000-bushel rank position. In 296, Shi Chong was sent out to supervise military affairs in Xuzhou and Qingzhou, and tend the garrison at Xiapi 下邳 (south of modern Pi 邳 county, Jiangsu). Here he met Cao Jia 曹嘉 (fl. 250–296), a grandson of Cao Cao, with whom he exchanged poems. On one occasion, during a drinking bout Chong insulted Gao Dan 高誕 (n.d.), the regional inspector of Xuzhou. The military authorities reported him, and he was dismissed from office. Shi Chong no sooner returned to the capital than he was appointed to the court position of chamberlain for the palace garrison, another high 884 shi chong 石崇 (249–300), zi 季倫

2,000-bushel post. He probably owed his return to office to his friendship with Jia Mi 賈密 (d. 300), the nephew of Empress Jia 賈后 (256–300), who was the real power behind the throne during the reign of Emperor Hui. Shi Chong was a member of Jia Mi’s literary coterie known as the “Twenty- four Companions of Jia Mi.” The group included many of the most prominent writers of the time, including Pan Yue, Lu Ji, Lu Yun, Zhi Yu, Du Yu, Liu Kun, and Zuo Si. Shi Chong slavishly fawned on the Jia family. Whenever Empress Jia’s mother, Guo Huai 郭槐 (fl. 282–300), left the palace, Shi Chong bowed to her carriage. His sycophantic behavior was matched by Pan Yue, who would always bow to the dust of Jia Mi’s carriage. In January-February 300, Empress Jia and Jia Mi plotted to depose Crown Prince Minhuai 愍懷, Sima Yu 司馬遹 (d. 300). In April, the empress sent an assassin to Xuchang to kill the crown prince. The following month, the Prince of Zhao, Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301), deposed Empress Jia and had Jia Mi put to death. Sima Lun then assumed the post of prime minister and commander of central and internal military affairs. Because Shi Chong was a member of Jia Mi’s entourage, he was removed from office. Accord- ing to the biography of Shi Chong in the Jin shu, Shi Chong, Pan Yue, and Shi Chong’s nephew Ouyang Jian 歐陽建 (d. 300) then conspired with Sima Yun 司馬允 (d. 300), Prince of Huainan 淮南, and Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 302), Prince of Qi, against Sima Lun. Sima Lun’s supporter, the director of the Secretariat Sun Xiu 孫秀 (d. 301), discovered the plot and had Shi Chong and his allies arrested. However, the charges of the conspiracy by Shi Chong, Pan Yue, and Ouyang Jian may have been trumped up by Sun Xiu, who had long held a grudge against these three men. They were all executed. Shi Chong’s older brother Shi Qiao 石喬, his mother, wife, and all of his children also were put to death. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the collected works of Shi Chong in six juan. Both Tang histories record a collection in five juan. There is no report of any collection of Shi Chong’s writings extant after the Song. Shi Chong’s extant poetry has been collected in Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi (1: 641–45). His extant prose writings are found in Yan Kejun’s “Quan Jin wen” (33.11a–14a).

Bibliography

Studies Wilhelm, Hellmut. “Shih Ch’ung and His Chin-ku-yüan.” Monumenta Serica 18 (1959): 315–27. Lu Jing 盧靜. “Shi Chong qianlun” 石崇詩淺論. Sheke zongheng (2000: 4): 72–73. shi chong 石崇 (249–300), zi 季倫 885

Zhang Jinyao 張金耀. “Jingu youyan renwu kao” 金谷遊宴人物考. Fudan xuebao (Shehui kexue bao) (2001: 2): 128–31. Zhang Aibo 張愛波. “Shi Chong renge lun” 石崇人格論. In Xi Jin shifeng yu shige, 248–62. Knechtges, David R. “Jin-gu and Lan Ting: Two (or Three) Jin Dynasty Gardens. In Christoph Anderl and Halvor Eifring, ed. Studies in Chinese Language and Culture. Festschrift in Honour of Cristoph Harbsmeir on the Occasion of His 60th Birthday, 395–406. Oslo: Hermes Academic Publishing, 2006. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. Fuhua rensheng: Xu Gongchi jiang Xi Jin ershisi you 浮華人生：徐公持講西晉二十四友, 122–47. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 2010. Knechtges, David R. “Estate Culture in Early Medieval China: The Case of Shi Chong.” Early Medieval China: A Sourcebook, ed. Wendy Swartz, Robert Ford Campany, Yang Lu, and Jessey Choo, 530–37. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013.

Works

a. “Wang Mingjun ci” 王明君辭 (Song of Wang Mingjun)

Translations Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 485–86. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 74–75. Birrell, New Songs from a Jade Terrace, 84–85.

b. “Si gui yin xu” 思歸引序 (Preface to “Song of Longing to Return”)

Translation Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 843. Knechtges, “Estate Culture,” 534–35.

c. “Si gui tan” 思歸歎 (Lament on longing to return)

Translation Wilhelm, “Shih Ch’ung,” 324–25. Knechtges, “Estate Culture,” 535.

d. “Jingu shi xu” 金谷詩序 (Preface to the Jingu poems)

Studies Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Seki Sū to Ō Gishi—Rantei no jo gaisetsu” 石崇と王羲之— 蘭亭序外說, 1973; rpt. in Kōzen Hiroshi, Ransei o ikiru shijintachi: Rikuchō shijin ron 亂世を生きる詩人たち：六朝詩人論, 325–41. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppansha, 886 shi chong 石崇 (249–300), zi 季倫

2001; Chinese trans. in Kōzen Hiroshi, Peng Enhua 彭恩華, trans. Liuchao wenxue lungao 六朝文學論稿, 171–82. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1988. Liu Qinghua 劉慶華. “Cong ‘Jinggu shi xu’ ‘Lanting ji xu’ kan Liang Jin wenren de shengchun xuanze yu wenxue xuanze” 從《金谷詩序》《蘭亭集序》看兩晉文人的生存選擇與文學選擇, Guangzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 5.3 (2006): 91–96.

Translations Wilhelm, “Shih Ch’ung,” 326. Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü (2002 ed.), 284. Knechtges, “Estate Culture,” 533–34.

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Shi Dan 師丹 (d. 3), zi Zhonggong 仲公

Western Han statesman.

Shi Dan’s ancestral home was Dongwu 東武 in Langye 琅邪 (modern Zhucheng 諸城, Shandong). According to his biography in the Han shu (86. 3509), as a student, he devoted himself to the study of the Shi jing. He studied under the celebrated scholar Kuang Heng 匡衡 (fl.36 b.c.e.). He was recommended as filial and incorrupt in his district, and became a court attendant during the reign of Emperor Yuan (48 b.c.e.–33 b.c.e.). Toward the end of Emperor Yuan’s reign, he was appointed professor at the national university, but was later removed from the position. During the Jianshi 建始 period (33 b.c.e.–29 b.c.e.) of Emperor Cheng (r. 33–7 b.c.e.), he was recommended as cultivated talent, and once again he was appointed professor. He was appointed grand mentor for Liu Kuang 劉匡 (d. 7), Prince of Dongping 東平. Based on his upright character and vast learning, Shi Dan was named grand master for splendid happiness, and promoted to rectifier which was the senior subordinate of the counselor-in-chief. In the next few months, he was further promoted to a number of positions, including palace steward of grand master for splendid happiness, chamberlain for the palace revenues, chamberlain for attendants, and palace attendant. Toward the end of the reign of Emperor Cheng (r. 33 b.c.e.–7 b.c.e.), Shi Dan 師丹 served as grand mentor of the heir designate, Liu Xin 劉欣 (25–1 b.c.e.), the future Emperor Ai (r. 7 b.c.e.–1 b.c.e.). When Emperor Ai assumed the imperial throne, he assigned Shi Dan to the positions of left general, commander-in-chief, and enfeoffed him as Marquis of Gaole 高樂. A month later, he promoted Shi Dan to grand shi dan 師丹 (d. 3), zi zhonggong 仲公 887 minister of works. Due to the fact that court affairs were tightly controlled by Emperor Cheng’s maternal relatives, Emperor Ai sought to change the situation. Shi Dan presented a petition to the court stating what the true meaning of “filial piety” was, and what disaster could result when court affairs were manipulated by imperial relatives. He submitted additional petitions on this and other subjects. In 6 b.c.e., the Marquis of Gaochang 高昌 Dong Hong 董宏 (d. 2 b.c.e.) proposed to honor Emperor Ai’s grandmother, Empress Dowager Fu 傅 (d. 2 b.c.e.) and his mother Empress Ding 丁 (d. 5 b.c.e.) with new titles. He submitted a petition to the court expressing his objections. Shi Dan proposed to impeach Dong Hong instead. Emperor Ai was not pleased with this recomendation. In this same year, the scholar Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23) requested that the Zuo zhuan, the Mao version of the Shi jing, the remnants of the classical ritual texts, and the old text version of the Classic of Documents be established as official texts in the national university. When his proposal met with strong criticism from important officials, Liu Xin submitted a letter to thepro- fessors of the Five Classics, berating them for their stubborn opposition. Liu Xin’s impolitic reply angered Shi Dan, who requested the emperor to impeach Liu for “altering old established patterns and destroying what had been established by former emperors.” Around this same time, someone presented a petition to the court suggesting that people were poor because the currency they were using was worthless, and cowrie shells should be used instead. When Emperor Ai asked Shi Dan’s opinion, he concurred with the proposal. However other court officials strongly opposed the suggestion because the current system had been in use for a long time, and it would be very difficult to change it. Shi Dan then agreed with the objectors. Relatives of Empress Dowager Fu and Empress Ding, who had resented Shi Dan’s criticism of their influence at court, used the opportunity to impeach him. Emperor Ai removed Shi Dan from office. Director of the Imperial Secretariat Tang Lin 唐林 (fl. 7 b.c.e.–11 c.e.) came to Shi Dan’s defense. Emperor Ai accepted Tang Lin’s recommendation and granted Shi Dan the noble title of Marquis of Guannei. While Shi Dan was out of office, Zhu Bo 朱博 (d. 5 b.c.e.) took the opportunity to recommend honoring Empress Dowager Fu and Empress Ding again. Emperor Ai accepted his recommendation. He also accepted Zhu Bo’s proposal to deprive Shi Dan of his official titles and reduce him to commoner status. Shi Dan returned to his home area where he lived for several years. After Emperor Ping 平 (r. 1 b.c.e.–5 c.e.) succeeded to the throne, he granted Shi Dan the noble title of Marquis of Yiyang 義陽. 888 shi dan 師丹 (d. 3), zi zhonggong 仲公

Shi Dan died a month after receiving the honor. He was granted the posthumous title of 節侯 (Marquis of Integrity). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Shi Dan ji 師丹集 (Collected works of Shi Dan) in one juan. It also mentions a Liang catalogue that recorded a collection in three juan. His collection was lost already in the Tang. Only four of his prose writings are extant: “Shang shu yan feng dingfu” 上書言封丁傅 (Petition on enfeoffing Ding and Fu), “Jian yan xian mintian nubi” 建言限民田奴婢 (Proposal on limiting private land and [the number of ] female and male slaves), “He zou Dong Hong” 劾奏董宏 (Impeaching Dong Hong), and “Gong huangmiao yi” 共皇廟議 (Pro- posal on sharing the imperial ancestral temple). They are preserved in Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 95–6. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 475–76.

Works

a. “Jian yan xian mintian nubi” 建言限民田奴婢 (Proposal on limiting private land and [the number of] female and male slaves)

Translations Swann, Nancy Lee, trans. Food and Money in Ancient China: The Earliest Eco- nomic History of China to A.D. 25, 200–4. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950. Hsu Cho-yun. Jack L. Dull, ed. Han Agriculture, 164–65. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1980.

TPK

Shi Dao’an 釋道安 (312–385)

Sixteen States period Former Qin Buddhist monk.

Shi Dao’an’s natal place was Fuliu 扶柳 in Changshan 常山 commandery (modern Ji 冀 county, Hebei). He came from the Wei 衛 clan that had been engaged in scholarship for many generations. Dao’an’s parents died when he was young, and he was raised by his elder maternal cousin surname Kong 孔. He learned how to read by the age of seven. At the age of twelve shi dao’an 釋道安 (312–385) 889 he became a Buddhist monk. Ca. 335 Dao’an travelled to Ye 鄴 (modern Linzhang, Hebei) where he became a disciple of the renowned Buddhist teacher from Kucha Fotudeng 佛圖澄 (d. 349). The Later Zhao ruler Shi Hu 石虎 (r. 334–349) had just made Ye his capital. Dao’an left Ye and went into seclusion at Huoze 濩澤 (near modern Yangcheng 陽城, Shanxi) where he was joined by several other monks, including Zhu Faji 竺法濟 and Zhi Tanjiang 支曇講. Soon thereafter he and his disciple Zhu Fatai 竺法汰 retired to Feilong 飛龍 Mountain (south of modern Luquan 鹿泉 city, Hebei). After the death of Shi Hu in 349, his successor Shi Zun 石遵 (d. 349) sent an envoy to invite Dao’an to take up residence in the Hualin Park 華林園 in Ye. However, because of civil war among the members of the Shi ruling family, Dao’an and his followers fled to another mountain near Huoze. It was sometime during this period that Dao’an built a monastery at Mount Heng 恆山 in the Taihang Mountains of Shanxi. One of his disciples was the young Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416). Ca. 356, Dao’an returned to Ye where he took up residence in the Shoudu Monastery 受都寺. By this time he had over a hundred disciples. In 359 or even earlier, the turmoil that beset the Ye area became unbear- able for Dao’an. He led his group of followers south first to Luhun 陸渾 south of Luoyang, and then to Xinye 新野 (modern Xinye, Henan), finally arriving in Xiangyang 襄陽 (modern Xiangfan city, Hubei). In Xiangyang, Dao’an established a large Buddhist community. He constructed the Tanxi Monastery 檀溪寺 on the Tan (Rosewood) Stream southwest of Xiangyang. The monastery was lavishly decorated thanks to generous donations from weathy patrons, including Fu Jian 苻堅 (r. 357–385), ruler of the Former Qin. Dao’an received visits from men from distinguished families. One famous visitor was Xi Zuochi 習鑿齒 (d. ca. 384), who was from one of the most prestigous Xiangyang clans. In March/April 378, an army led by Fu Pi 苻丕, the son of Fu Jian, lay siege to Xiangyang. Dao’an ordered his disciples to leave for different places, while he remained in Xiangyang. After the fall of Xiangyang in April 379, Dao’an was taken north to Fu Jian’s capital in Chang’an along with Xi Zuochi. While residing in Chang’an, Dao’an was honored for his learning, religious devotion, and literary talent. He resided in the Wuchong Monastery 五重寺 where he reputedly had several thousand monks in his charge. Dao’an died in Chang’an in 385. Although Dao’an is best known as a Buddhist leader and philosopher, he was an accomplished writer. While residing in Chang’an, young literati who composed lyric poems and fu sought to enhance their reputations by attaching themselves to him. 890 shi dao’an 釋道安 (312–385)

Bibliography

Studies Ui Hakuju 宇井伯壽. Shaku Dō-an kenkyū 釋道安研究. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1956. Link, Arthur E. “ ‘Ch’u San-Tsang Chi-chi’ as a Source for Hui-Chiao’s ‘Kao-Seng Chuan’ as Evidenced in Two Versions of the Biography of Tao-an.” Oriens 10.2 (1957): 292–95. Link, Arthur E. “Shyh Daw-an’s Preface to the Yogācārabhūmi-sūtra and the Prob- lem of Buddho-Taoist Terminology in Early Chinese Buddhism.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 77 (1957): 1–14. Link, Arthur E. “Biography of Shih Tao-an.” T’oung Pao, Second Series 46 (1958): 1–48. Tsukamoto, Zenryū. Leon Hurvitz, trans. “Tao-an and His Place in the History of Chinese Buddhism. A History of Early Chinese Buddhism: From Its Introduction to the Death of Hui-yüan, 657–756. Tokyo: Kodansha International Ltd., 1985. Liu Kuei-chieh 劉貴傑. Dong Jin Dao’an sixiang yanjiu 東晉道安思想研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1992. Kung Chün 龔雋. Zhongguo sengzhi kaichuangzhe: Dao’an dashi zhuan 中國僧制開創者：道安大師傳. Taipei: Foguang wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1996. Fang Guangchang 方廣昌. Dao’an pingzhuan 道安評傳. Beijing: Kunlun chubanshe, 2004. Zürcher, E. The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Bud- dhism in Early Medieval China, Third edition with a Foreword by Stephen F. Teiser, 184–204. Brill: Leiden, 2007. Yuan Shiping 袁世萍. “20 shiji 80 niandai yilai Shi Dao’an yanjiu zongshu” 20 世紀 80 年代以來釋道安研究綜述. Xiangfan xueyuan xuebao 30.9 (2009): 28–31. Hu Zhongcai 胡中才. “Dao’an zhuzuo kaoxi” 道安著作考析. Xiangfan xueyuan xuebao 30.9 (2009): 24–27. Hu Zhongcai 胡中才. Dao’an yanjiu 道安研究. Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2011.

Baihua Translation Hu Zhongcai 胡中才. Dao’an zhuzuo yizhu 道安著作譯注. Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 2010.

DRK

Shi Daohui 石道慧

Southern Qi poet.

Little is known of Shi Daohui’s life. His “Li he shi” 離合詩 (Anagram verse) is a pentasyllabic jueju 絕句 (quatrain), which was written on a very happy shi daoyou 釋道猷 (d. ca. 473) 891 reunion occasion in the moonlight. The poem is included in the Yiwen leiju and Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Study Cao Daohensg and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 73.

TPK

Shi Daokai 釋道愷 (518–568)

Chen period Buddhist monk.

Also known as Huikai 慧愷, Shi Daokai came from a family with the Cao 曹 surname. He first lived in the Ayuwang Monastery 阿育王寺 in Jiankang (modern Nanjing). He traveled to Nanhai 南海 (modern Guangzhou) to become a disciple of the Indian Buddhist teacher Zhendi 真諦 (Paramārtha). He studied with him the Abhidharma kośa (Jushe lun 俱舍論) and wrote extensively on it. He died while lecturing on the Abhidharma kośa. He died in 568. Before his death he composed “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written before death).

Bibliography

Studies and Translations Demiéville, Paul. Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, 17–19. Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1984. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 439. Ma Haiying 馬海英. Chendai shige yanjiu 陳代詩歌研究, 200. Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 2004.

DRK

Shi Daoyou 釋道猷 (d. ca. 473)

Liu-Song period Buddhist monk and poet.

Shi Daoyou’s natal place was Wu (southern Jiangsu). The Gaoseng zhuan records his biography. He was a disciple of Zhu Daosheng 竺道生 (d. 434). When Zhu Daosheng died, Shi Daoyou went into reclusion in 892 shi daoyou 釋道猷 (d. ca. 473)

Linchuan 臨川 (modern Jiangxi). When the Chinese translation of the Śrīmālādevīsimhanādạ sūtra (Shengman jing 勝鬘經, Lion’s roar of Queen Śrīmālā) first appeared, Shi Daoyou was so impressed with it, he wrote a commentary to it in five juan. Emperor Wen of the Song (r. 424–453) summoned him to court to explain the concept of “instantaneous enlight- enment.” Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464) sent Shi Daoyou to Xin’an 新安 to serve as dharma-lord in the local monastery. Shi Daoyou died in the Yuanhui period (473–476) at the age of seventy-one. Zhong Rong in the lower grade of the Shi pin refers to a Buddhist poet of the Qi period named Daoyou. This probably is Shi Daoyou, but Zhong Rong has placed him in the wrong period. None of his works survives.

Bibliography

Studies Huijiao 慧皎. Tang Yongtong 湯用彤, ed. and comm. Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳, 7.299–300. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 439–40.

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“Shi fu lüe” 詩賦略 (Summary of songs and fu)

Catalogue of poetry from the Western Han.

This is a section of the Qi lüe 七略 (Seven Summaries), a catalogue of the imperial library compiled by Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23 c.e.). An abridged version of this is preserved in the “Yiwen zhi” 藝文志 (Monograph on arts and letters) in the Han shu of Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) The first part of the “Shi fu lüe” is a catalogue of the fu contained in the imperial library at the end of the Western Han. It lists the names of sixty-three writers as well as the number of fu written by each, for a total of 711 pieces. In addition, there are 294 pieces for which no author is known. This listing totals 1,005 pieces. Liu Xin’s original catalogue also provided the titles of fu and in some cases the date of composition. Ban Gu omitted this information from the “Yiwen zhi” version. The listings are divided into four sections which are customarily labeled the Qu Yuan group (25 authors), the Lu Jia 陸賈 group (21 authors), the Xun Qing 荀卿 group (25 authors), and the “Za fu” 雜賦 (Unclassified) group (233 pieces). Scholars long have debated whether or not these author groupings have any signifcance, and if they do represent a classification system, what the criteria for the classification might be. “shi fu lüe” 詩賦略 (summary of songs and fu) 893

At the end of the listing there is a brief essay on the origins and development of the fu. This probably is mostly from Liu Xin’s original catalogue, but may contain some revisions inserted by Ban Gu. Liu Xin claims that the fu was a type of recitation or chant originally used by emissaries of the Chunqiu period in diplomatic ceremonies. The emissaries recited poems from the Classic of Songs to make a political or moral point. After the Chunqiu period, this practice declined and experts in the Classic of Songs hid amongst the commoners and began to compose fu to express their frustration with the political situation of their times. The scholar Xun Qing and the Chu statesman Qu Yuan, both of whom were slandered, out of concern for their states composed fu as suasions ( feng 風). Later writers such as Song Yu, Mei Sheng, Sima Xiangru, and Yang Xiong began to write in much more ornate and grandiose language, and “they lost the principle of suasion and instruction.” Liu concludes his summary by referring to his contemporary Yang Xiong, who regretted writing fu and claimed this practice had no place in the Ruist school. Yang Xiong’s influence on Liu Xin’s account of the fu is unmistakable. They both believed that the fu had deteriorated, primarily because poets, and presumably their readers and patrons, preferred style over content. Inherent in their objections to the fu is a rejection of the court fu and a tacit acceptance of the frustration fu, which to them was a proper form of expression because it was direct and written in a simpler style. Although later poets continued to compose grand epideictic fu, after Yang Xiong and Liu Xin, one sees the fu used increasingly for personal expression, not only of frustration but personal experiences and observations. The second section of the “Shi fu lüe” is called geshi 歌詩 (songs). It includes songs composed by emperors such as Gaozu 高祖 (r. 202– 195 b.c.e.), Emperor Wu’s consort Lady Li 李夫人, pieces written for various ceremonies such as sacrifices to the supreme deity Taiyi 泰一 (Grand Unity) and imperial excursions, and songs collected from various areas of the realm. Scholars have attempted to identify some of these listings with the extant corpus of Han yuefu.

Bibliography

Studies Duan Lingchen 段凌辰. “Han zhi Shi fu lüe guangshu” 漢志詩賦略廣疏. Henan daxue xuebao (1934: 1). Cheng Huichang 程會昌 (Cheng Qianfan 程千帆). “Han zhi Shi fu lüe shou sanzhong fenlei yiyi kao” 漢志詩賦略首三種分類遺意考. Mulu xue congkao 目錄學叢考, 49–64. Guangzhou: Zhonghua shuju, 1939; rpt. Cheng Qianfan. Xiantang wensou 閑唐文藪, 246–57. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1984. 894 “shi fu lüe” 詩賦略 (summary of songs and fu)

Cheng Huichang 程會昌 (Cheng Qianfan 程千帆). “Han zhi zafu yili shuo yi” 漢志雜賦義例說臆, 65–66; rpt. Cheng Qianfan. Xiantang wensou, 258–59. Wan Guangzhi 萬光治. “Ban Gu quhua fulei biaozhun shixi” 班固區劃賦類標準試析. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (1989: 4): 22–27; rpt. in Wang Guangzhi. Han fu tonglun 漢賦通論, 11–24. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1989. Zhou Zuzhuan 周祖譔. “Cong Han shu ‘Yiwen zhi Shi fu lüe’ suolu zaoqi zuojia zhi jiguan shenfen tuice futi zhi laiyuan” 從《漢書‧藝文志‧詩賦略》所錄早期作家之籍貫、身份推測賦體之來源. Xinya xueshu jikan 13 (1994): 73–78. He Xinwen 何新文. “Cong Shi fu lüe dao Wen ji lu—lun Liang Han Wei Jin Nan- beichao wenxue mulu de fazhan” 從《詩賦略》到《文集錄》—論兩漢魏晉南北朝文學目錄的發展. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1996: 2): 57–61. Wang Zuomin 汪祚民. “ ‘Han zhi Shi fu lüe’ zhong fu de jieding tankao”《漢志‧詩賦略》中賦的界定探考. Xinyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 16.3 (1996): 66–69. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. “ ‘Deng gao neng fu’ shuo de yanbian he Liu Xie chuangzao lun de xingcheng” 登高能賦說的演變和劉勰創造論的形成, Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue luncong 魏晉南北朝文學論叢, 137–49. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1999. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉 “Han shu Yiwen zhi ‘Za xingchu ji song de’ ‘Za siyi ji bing’ fu kao”《漢書‧藝文志》“雜行出及頌德”、“雜四夷及兵” 賦考. Xibei shifan daxue bao (Shehui kexue bao) 38.4 (2001): 50–54. Yu Jidong 俞紀東. “Han zhi Shi fu lüe ‘Yang Xiong fu’ yi shi”《漢志‧詩賦略》 “揚雄賦” 繹釋. Fudan xuebao (2002: 3): 115–23. Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智. Han zhi Shi fu lüe fenlei yili xinlun”《漢志‧詩賦略》分類義例新論. Zhongzhou xuekan 129 (2002): 58–64; rpt. in Xiong Liangzhi, ed. Cifu yanjiu 辭賦研究, 346–59. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉. “Han shu Yiwen zhi ‘Zafu’ yishuo”《漢書‧藝文志》 “雜賦” 臆說. Wenxue yichan (2002: 6): 10–16. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉. “Han shu Yiwen zhi ‘Chengxiang zaci’ ‘yinshu’ shuo”《漢書‧ 藝文志》“誠相雜辭” “隱書” 說. Xibei shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 39.5 (2002): 52–56. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉. “Tan Xian Qin shiqi de ‘song’ ” 談先秦時期的 “誦”. Kongzi yanjiu (2003: 3): 67–73. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉. “Han shu Yiwen zhi ‘Za zhong xian shiyi fu’ kaolüe”《漢書‧ 藝文志》 “雜中賢失意賦” 考略. Xinjiang daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 33.5 (2005): 119–22. Li Shibiao 李士彪. “Sanpin lun fu—Han shu ‘Yiwen zhi Shi fu lüe’ qian sanzhong fenlei yiyi xinshuo” 三品論賦—《漢書‧藝文志‧詩賦略》前三種分類遺意新說. Ludong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 23.3 (2006): 106–8. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉. Sufu yanjiu 俗賦研究, 7–33. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008. Sun Zhentian 孫振田. “ ‘Han zhi Shifu lüe’ wu xiaoxu wenti kaolun”《漢志‧詩賦略》無小序問題考論. Gudian wenxian yanjiu 13 (2010): 435–45. Chen Gang 陳剛. “ ‘Han zhi Yiwen zhi Shifu lü’ fu zhi fenlei yanjiu shulüe”《漢志‧藝文志‧詩賦略》賦之分類研究述略. Wenxian (2011: 2): 44–49.

DRK shi hongyan 釋洪偃 (504–564) 895

Shi Hongyan 釋洪偃 (504–564)

Chen period Buddhist monk.

Shi Hongyan came from a family surnamed Xie 謝. His natal place was Shanyin 山陰 in Guiji (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). He had a elegant demeanor and was quite intelligent. He was a skilled writer and calligrapher. Shi Hongyan spent the day reading Buddhist texts, and the evenings reciting poetry and prose. During the Liang period, he went to Jiankang where he studied with Dhrama Master Chuo 綽法師 in the Longguang Monastery 龍光寺. When Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551) was heir designate, he wished to recruit Shi Hongyan to join his court as an academician. Hongyan refused the invitation. When the Hou Jing rebellion broke out in 549, Hongyan fled to Jinyun 縉雲 (modern Jinyun, Zhejiang). After the fall of Jiangling in 554, he went to Ruoye 若耶 (southeast of modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang) where he took up residence in the Yunmen 雲門 vihara. In 560, three years after the founding of the Chen dynasty, Hongyan went to Jiankang where he entered the Xuanwu Monastery 宣武寺. He also spent his leisure time roaming Mount Zhong 鍾山 northeast of Jiankang. He also composed a number of poems during this time. Emperor Wen (r. 559–566) invited him to the court to receive the Northern Qi envoy Cui Ziwu 崔子武. Hongyan died in 564. After Shi Hongyan’s death, his works were compiled into a collection of about twenty juan. Most of these were lost. However, an eight-juan collection was still extant in the early Tang. Only three of his poems have survived. He was on good terms with Shi Tanyuan 釋曇瑗 (496–ca. 577). They both composed a poem titled “You gu yuan” 遊故苑 (Roaming the old garden) in which they describe an abandoned, untended park in Jiankang. Hongyan also wrote a poem on a visit to the Kaishan 開善 and Dinglin 定林 Monasteries in Jiankang.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 439. Ma Haiying 馬海英. Chendai shige yanjiu 陳代詩歌研究, 200. Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 2004.

DRK 896 shi huijing 釋慧凈 (578–ca. 645)

Shi Huijing 釋慧凈 (578–ca. 645)

Buddhist Monk and Sui, early Tang poet.

Shi Huijing’s secular surname was Fang 房. His ancestral home was Zhending 眞定 in Changshan 常山 (modern Zhengding 正定, Hebei). He renounced the secular life and entered a Buddhist monastery when he was fourteen. He had also read widely in the Classics and was an accomplished writer. Toward the end of Kaihuang period (581–600) of Emperor Wen (581– 604) of the Sui dynasty, he went to Chang’an and became something of a celebrity in the capital area. During the Daye era (604–618) of Emperor Yang (r. 604–618), the magistrate of Shiping 始平 (Modern Jun 均 county, Hebei), Yang Hong 楊宏 (n.d.), gathered a group of scholars at the Zhi- zang 智藏 Monastery to discuss Buddhist texts. Shi Huijing deferred to the Daoist priest Yu Yongtong 于永通 (n.d.) and let him speak first. They then engaged in a lively debate. Yu Yongtong candidly conceded that Shi Huijing had bested him. Shi Huijing was a learned Buddhist scholar. He compiled his notes into a work of thirty-plus juan, which won high praise from contemporary scholars. During the Zhenguan era (626–649) of Emperor Taizong (r. 626–649) of the Tang dynasty, he was assigned the task of translating Buddhist sutras. He annotated the Da Zhuangyan lun 大莊嚴論 (Sūtrālankārā-śāstrȧ ), a work in thirty juan. He also compiled the Fahua jing zuanshu 法華經纘述 (Compilation of exegesis on the Lotus Sutra) in ten juan. Shi Huijing also wrote poems, many of which were written as replies to laymen or Buddhist monks. He died at the age of sixty-eight. Shi Hui- jing has five extant poems, including “Zayan shi” 雜言詩 (Mixed meter verse), on Buddhist subjects. The poems are preserved in his biography in the Xu Gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳 and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Chen Guansheng 陳觀勝 and Li Peizhu 李培茱 comp. A Chinese-English Dictionary of Buddhist Terms. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 2005. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 440.

TPK shi ji 史記 897

Shi ji 史記 (Records of the Historian, variant translation The Grand Scribe’s records)

The first of the Standard Histories.

Originally titled Taishi gong 太史公 (The grand historian), the Shi ji was compiled by Sima Tan 司馬談 (180–ca. 110 b.c.e.) and his son Sima Qian 司馬遷 (145–ca. 86 b.c.e.). It contains 130 chapters and has five basic divisions:

1. “Ben ji” 本紀 (Basic annals): 12 chapters 2. “Biao” 表 (Tables): 10 chapters 3. “Shu” 書 (Monographs): 8 chapters 4. “Shijia” 世家 (Hereditary houses): 30 chapters 5. “Liezhuan” 列傳 (Traditions): 70 chapters

Sima Qian completed the Shi ji before his death. He made two versions. The original was stored in what he called the mingshan 名山 (famous mountain), and a copy was to be held in the jingshi 京師 (the capital). Scholars have debated what is meant by both of these locations. Athough it is not impossible that Sima Qian did hide the original of his history in a mountain cave, it is more likely that mingshan is a metaphor for his own home, and the jingshi version was a copy that was held in the palace library. Indeed, we know from later references that Sima Qian’s grandson Yang Yun 楊惲 (d. 54 b.c.e., alt. 56 b.c.e.) had a copy in his house, and that there was also a copy that was available for reading in the palace library. Already in the Later Han ten of the original 130 chapters were lost. Some scholars have speculated that certain Shi ji chapters were reconstructed later, perhaps on the basis of the Han shu text. The Shi ji does have obvious interpolations, notably those by Chu Shaosun 褚少孫 (fl. 32–7 b.c.e.), who also is suspected of being the author of the “Wudi benji” 武帝本紀, the “San wang shijia” 三王世家, the “Gui ce liezhuan” 龜策列傳, and the “Rihzhe liezhuan” 日者列傳.

Textual History

During the Northern and Southern Dynasties and the Tang, various scholars edited and wrote commentaries to the Shi ji. Among the most extensive early commentary was the Shi ji yinyi 史記音義 of Xu Guang 徐廣 (353– 425). Three commentaries, known as the Sanjia zhu 三家注 (Three scholars 898 shi ji 史記 commentary), have survived almost intact: Pei Yin 裴駰 (5th century), Shi ji jijie 史記集解; Sima Zhen 司馬貞 (8th century), Shi ji suoyin 史記索隱; and Zhang Shoujie 張守節 (8th century), Shi ji zhengyi 史記正義. Most printed editions include these three commentaries. Two short fragments of the Shi ji date from the pre-Tang period. They are preserved at the Ishiyama-dera 石山寺 in Ōtsu, Japan. There are also at least nine Tang era manuscripts of portions of the text. Three are Dunhuang manuscripts held in the Bib- liothèque nationale in Paris, and six are manuscripts preserved in various places in Japan including the Tōyō bunko and the Kōzan-ji 高山寺 in Kyoto. The first printed editions come from the Song.

Printed Editions Jingyou ben Shi ji jijie 景祐本史記集解. In Renshou ben ershiwu shi 仁壽本二十五史. Taipei: Ershiwu shi biankan guan, 1956.

This is a reprint based on a printing first done in Jingyou 2 (1035). The original is held in the Taiwan Guojia tushuguan. Juan 113–116 are missing. Shi ji 史記. Southern Song Huang Shanfu 黃善夫 woodblock, Qingyuan 2 (1196) printing. Rpt. in Bona ben ershisi shi 百納本二十四史, Sibu congkan series. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1930–1937.

This is the earliest printing that contains all three commentaries mentioned above. Shi ji 史記. Southern Song Hangzhou woodblock. Rpt. Shanghai: Wenxue guji kanxingshe, 1955. Shi ji 史記. Peng Yinweng 彭寅翁, Yuan Zhiyuan 25 (1288) printing.

Portions of this are held in the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan, Beijing daxue tushuguan, Taiwan Guojia tushuguan, and the Archives and Mausolea Department, Imperial Household Agency (宮内庁 Kunaichō), Japan.

On this edition see: Zhang Xingji 張興吉. Yuanke Shi ji Peng Yinweng ben yanjiu 元刻《史記》彭寅翁本研究. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2006. Shi ji 史記. Wuying dian 武英殿 woodblock, in Ershi si shi. 1739. Rpt. Shanghai: Tongwen shuju 同文書局, 1894; Shanghai: Kaiming shudian 開明書店, 1935; Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan 藝文印書館, 1956. Shi ji 史記. Nanjing: Jingling shuju, 1866–1870.

Also titled Shi ji jijie suoyin zhengyi hekan ben 史記集解索隱正義合刊本. This served as the base text for the Zhonghua shuju edition listed below. The shi ji 史記 899 editors were Tang Renshou 唐仁壽 and Zhang Wenhu 張文虎 (1808–1885). The most important work on this edition was done by Zhang Wenhu. On his contribution see: Nienhauser, William H., Jr. “Chang Wen-hu and His Text of the Shih chi 史記.” In Wang Ch’eng-mien 王成勉, ed. Ming Qing wenhua xinlun 明清文化新論, 275–309. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2000. Nienhauser, William H., Jr. “The Textus Receptus and Chang Wen-hu.” In The Grand Scribe’s Records, Volume II, The Basic Annals of Han China, xxxiii–xlvii. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002. Shi ji 史記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959; second ed. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962.

Based on an edition prepared by an editorial team led by Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛 (1893–1990).

Studies of Textual History He Cijun 賀次君. Shi ji shulu 史記書錄. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1958; rpt. Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1990. An Pingqiu 安平秋. “Shi ji banben shuyao” 史記版本述要. Guji zhengli yu yanjiu 1 (1987): 16–40. Zhang Yuchun 張玉春. Shi ji banben yanjiu《史記》版本研究. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2001. Zhang Xingji 張興吉. “Ershi shiji Shi ji banben yanjiu de huigu” 二十世紀《史記》版本研究的回顧. Wenxian (2004: 3): 52–69, 174.

Commentaries

Later important commentaries include: Liang Yusheng 梁玉繩 (1744–1819), comm. Shi ji zhiyi 史記志疑. 36 juan. First printed 1787; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981. Wang Niansun 王念孫 (1744–1817), comm. “Shi ji zazhi” 史記雜志. In Wang Niansun. Dushu zazhi 讀書雜志, 71–173. Taipei: Letian chubanshe, 1974. Zhang Wenhu 張文虎 (1808–1885), comm. Jiaokan Shi ji jijie suoyin zhengyi zhaji 校刊史記集解索隱正義札記. Nanjing: Jinling shuju, 1872; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977. Takigawa Kametarō 瀧川龜太郎 (1865–1946), ed. and comm. Shiki kaichū kōshō 史記會注考證. 1932–34. Rpt. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1959; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986. Mizusawa Toshitada 水澤利忠. Shiki kaichū kōshō kōho 史記會注考證校補. 9 vols. Tokyo: Shiki kaichū kōshō kōho kankō kai, 1957–1970. Ch’ü Wan-li 屈萬里 and Lao Kan 勞幹. Shi ji jinzhu 史記今注. Taipei: Zhonghua congshu weiyuanhui, 1963. Shih Chih-mien 施之勉. Shi ji huizhu kaozheng dingbu 史記會注考證訂補. Taipei: Huagang chuban youxian gongsi, 1976. 900 shi ji 史記

Chen Zhi 陳直. Shi ji xinzheng 史記新證. Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 1979. Wang Shu-min 王叔岷. Shi ji jiaozheng 史記斠證. 10 vols. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo, 1982; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Han Zhaoqi 韓兆琦, ed. Shi ji jianzheng 史記箋證. 9 vols. Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 2005.

Translations Chavannes, Edouard, trans. Les Mémoires historiques de Se-ma Ts’ien. 6 vols. 1895– 1905; rpt. Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve, 1969. Watson, Burton, trans. Records of the Grand Historian of China. 2 vols. New York: Columbia University Press, 1961. Haenisch, Erich. Der Herr von Sin-ling, Reden aus dem Chan-kuo ts’e und Biograp- ien aus dem Shi-ki. Stuttgart: Reclam, 1965. Watson, Burton. Records of the Historian: Chapters from the Shih‑chi of Ssu-ma Ch’ien. New York: Columbia University Press, 1969. Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, trans. Records of the Historian. Hong Kong: The Commercial Press, 1974. Dolby, William and John Scott. Sima Qian, War Lords, Translated with Twelve Other Stories from His Historical Records. Edinburgh: Southside, 1974. Hervouet, Yves, trans. Le Chapitre 117 du Che ki (Biographie de Sseu-ma Siang- jou). Bibliothèque de l’Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, vol. 23. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1972. Watson, Burton, trans. Records of the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty and Qin Dynasty. Revised ed. 3 vols. New York: Columbia University Press, 1993. Dawson, Raymond. Historical Records. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994. Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The Grand Scribe’s Records. Volume I. The Basic Annals of Pre-Han China. Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994. Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The Grand Scribe’s Records. Volume VII. The Memoirs of Pre-Han China. Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1994. Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The Grand Scribe’s Records. Volume II. The Basic Annals of the Han Dynasty. Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2002. Nienhauser, William H., ed. The Grand Scribe’s Records. Volume V.1. The Heredi- tary Houses of Pre-Han China, Part I. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2006. Gunnar O. Svane, trans. Historiske optegnelser : kapitlerne 61–130, biografier 1–70. Århus : Aarhus Universitetsforlag, 2007. Nienhauser, William H. and Reinhard Emerich, ed. The Grand Scribe’s Records. Volume VIII. The Memoirs of Han China, Part I. Bloomington: Indiana Uni- versity Press, 2008. Nienhauser, William H., Jr., ed. The Grand Scribe’s Records. Volume VIII. The Memoirs of Han China, Part II. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2011. shi ji 史記 901

Japanese Translations Yoshida Kenko 吉田賢抗 and Mizusawa Toshitada 水澤利忠, trans. Shiki 史記. Shinshaku Kanbun taikei 新釈漢文大系. 9 vols. Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1973–1993. Tōdō Akiyasu 藤堂明寶, ed. Fukushima Chūrō福島中郎 and Kurosu Shigehiko 黒須重彦, trans. Shiki 史記. 11 vols. Tokyo: Gakushū Kenkyūsha, 1981–1991.

Baihua Translations Wang Liqi 王利器, ed. Shi ji zhuyi 史記注譯. 4 vols. Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 1988. Yang Yanqi 楊燕起, trans. and comm. Shi ji quanyi 史記全譯. 9 vols. Guizhou: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 2001.

Dictionaries, bibliographies, collections of studies, and research guides Qian Mu 錢穆. Shi ji diming kao 史記地名考. Hongkong: Taiping shuju, 1962. Wang Minxin 王民信, ed. Shi ji yanjiu ziliao yu lunwen suoyin 史記研究資料與論文索引. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1976. Ikeda Shirōjirō 池田四郎次郎 and Ikeda Hideo 池田英雄, ed. Shiki kenkyū shomoku kaidai (kōhon) 史記研究書目解題 (稿本). Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1978. Cang Xiuliang 倉修良, ed. Shi ji cidian 史記辭典. Ji’nan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1991. Zhang Ke 張克 et al. eds. Shi ji renwu cidian 史記人物辭典. Nanning: Guangxi renmin chubanshe, 1991. Xu Xinghai 徐興海, ed. Sima Qian yu Shi ji yanjiu: Lunzhu zhuanti suoyin 司馬遷與史記研究：論著專題索引. Xi’an: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1995. Ikeda Hideo 池田英雄, ed. Shikigaku 50 nen—Ni-Chū Shiki kenkyū no dōkō (1945–1995 nen) 史記學50年—日中史記研究の動向. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1996. Li Xiaodong 李啸東. Shi ji chengyu diangu 史記成語典故. Nanning: Guangxi minzu chubanshe, 2000. Huang Qifang 黃啟方 and Hong Guoliang 洪國樑, ed. Shi ji ditu hui bian 史記地圖彙編. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 2001. Chi Changhai 池昌海. Shi ji tongyici yanjiu 史記同義詞研究. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Zhang Dake 張大可, An Pingqiu 安平秋, and Yu Zhanghua 俞樟華, ed. Shi ji yanjiu jicheng 史記研究集成. 14 vols. Beijing: Huawen chubanshe, 2005.

Studies Zheng Hesheng 鄭鶴聲. Shi Han yanjiu 史漢研究. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1930. Zheng Hesheng 鄭鶴聲. Sima Qian nianpu 司馬遷年譜. 1931; rpt. and rev. Shang- hai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1956. Li Zhangzhi 李長之. Sima Qian zhi renge yu fengge 司馬遷之人格與風格. 1949; rpt. Taipei: Kaiming shudian, 1961. Kierman, Frank A., Jr. Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s Historiographical Attitude as Reflected in Four Late Warring States Biographies. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1962. 902 shi ji 史記

Shi ji yanjiu de ziliao he lunwen suoyin 史記研究的資料和論文索引. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1957. Ji Zhenhuai 季鎮淮. Sima Qian. Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1955. Watson, Burton. Ssu-ma Ch’ien: Grand Historian of China. New York and Lon- don: Columbia University Press, 1958. Jin Dejian 金德建. Sima Qian suojian shu kao 司馬遷所見書考. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1963. Shi Zhimian 施之勉. Han shi bian yi 漢史辨疑. Taipei: Zhongyang wenwu gong yingshe, 1965. Wu Fuzhu 吳福助. Shi Han guanxi 史漢關係. Taipei: Zengwen chubanshe, 1975. Hu Peiwei 胡佩韋. Sima Qian yu Shi ji 司馬遷與史記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962; rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1979. Ryckmans, Pierre. “A New Interpretation of the Term Lieh-chuan as Used in the Shih-chi.” Papers on Far Eastern History 5 (1972): 135–47. Xu Wenshan 徐文珊. Shi ji pingjie 史記評介. Taipei: Wenxin, 1974. Zhu Dongrun 朱東潤. Shi ji kaosuo 史記考索. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1974. Dzo Ching-chuan. Se-ma Ts’ien et l’historiographique chinoise. Paris: Publications Orientalistes de France, 1978. Kroll, Jurii L. “Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s Literary Theory and Literary Practice.” Altoriental- ische Forschungen 4 (1976): 313–25. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Shi Han bijiao” 史漢比較. Liang Han sixiang shi 兩漢思想史, Vol. 3, 459–552. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1979. Allen, Joseph Roe III. “An Introductory Study of Narrative Structure in the Shi ji.” CLEAR 3 (1981): 31–66. Pokora, Timoteus. “Ch’u Shao-sun, the Narrator of Stories in the Shih-chi.” Annali dell’ Istituto orientale di Napoli 41 (1981): 403–30. Shi Ding 施丁. Sima Qian yanjiu xinlun 司馬遷研究新論. Zhengzhou: Henan remin chubanshe, 1982. Xu Shuofang 徐朔方. Shi Han lun gao 史漢論稿. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1984. Guo Shuangcheng 郭雙成. Shi ji renwu zhuanji lungao 史記人物傳記論稿. Zheng- zhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1985. Zhang Dake 張大可. Shi ji yanjiu 史記研究. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1985. Durrant, Stephen W. “Self as the Intersection of Traditions: The Autobiographi- cal Writings of Ssu-ma Ch’ien.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 106.1 (1986): 33–40. Xiao Li 蕭黎. Sima Qian pingzhuan 司馬遷評傳. Changchun: Jilin wen shi chubanshe, 1986. Zhou Jing 周經. Shi ji yu dang’an《史記》與檔案. Beijing: Dang’an chubanshe, 1986. Nie Shiqiao 聶石樵. Sima Qian lun gao 司馬遷論稿. Beijing: Beijing shifan daxue chubanshe, 1987. Pokora, Timoteus. “The Chronological Tables in the Shih-chi and Their Interpola- tions.” Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 82 (May–June 1987): 229–39. Zhang Xinke 張新科 and Yu Zhanghua 俞章華. Shi ji yanjiu shi lüe 史記研究史略. Xi’an: San Qin chubanshe, 1990. shi ji 史記 903

Li Wai-yee. “The Idea of Authority in the Shih chi (Records of the Historian).” Havard Jounral of Asiatic Studies 54.2 (1994): 345–405. Hardy, Grant Ricardo. “Form and Narrative in Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s Shih chi.” CLEAR 14 (1992): 1–23. Hardy, Grant Ricardo. “The Interpretive Function of Shih chi 14, ‘The Table by Years of the Twelve Feudal Lords.’ ” Journal of the American Oriental Society 113 (1993): 14–24. Chen Tongsheng 陳桐生. Zhongguo shiguan wenhua yu Shi ji 中國史官文化與史記. Shantou: Shantou daxue chubanshe, 1993. Zhang Dake 張大可. Sima Qian pingzhuan 司馬遷評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1994. Peterson, Willard J. “Ssu-ma Ch’ien as Cultural Historian.” In The Power of Cul- ture: Studies in Chinese Cultural History, ed. Willard J. Peterson, Andrew H. Plaks, and Ying-shih Yü, 70–79. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1994. Durrant, Stephen W. The Cloudy Mirror. Tensions and Conflict in the Writings of Sima Qian. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995. Shi Ding 施丁. Sima Qian xingnian xin kao 司馬遷行年新考. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Zhang Xinke 張新科. Shi ji yu Zhongguo wenxue 史記與中國文學. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995; rpt. and rev. Bejing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2010. Xu Xinghai 徐興海, ed. Sima Qian yu Shi ji lunji 司馬遷與史記論集. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Han Zhaoqi 韓兆琦. Shi ji tonglun 史記通論. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 1996. Satō Taketoshi 佐藤武敏. Shiba Sen no kenkyū 司馬遷の研究. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1997. Fujita Katsuhisa 藤田勝久. Shiki sengoku shiryō no kenkyū 史記戰國史料の研究. Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppansha, 1997; Chinese trans. by Cao Feng 曹峰 and Hirose kunio 廣瀨薰雄. Shi ji zhanguo shiliao yanjiu 史記戰國史料研究. Shang- hai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2008. Hardy, Grant, Worlds of Bronze and Bamboo: Sima Qian’s Conquest of History. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. Zhang Yuchun 張玉春. Shi ji banben yanjiu《史記》版本研究. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2001. Fujita Katsuhisa 藤田勝久. Shiba Sen to sono jidai 司馬遷とその時代. Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppansha, 2001. Yu Zhanghua 俞章華. Shi ji yishu lun 史記藝術論. Beijing: Huawen chubanshe, 2002. Boltz, Willam G. “Myth and the Structure of the Shyy Jih.” Asiatische Studien/ Études asiatiques 56 (2002): 573–85. Nienhauser, Willam H., Jr. “A Note on a Textual Problem in the Shih chi and Some Speculations Concerning the Compilation of the Hereditary Houses.” T’oung Pao 89 (2003): 39–58. Yang Haizheng 楊海崢. Han Tang Shi ji yanjiu lungao 漢唐《史記》研究論稿. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2003. Zhang Xinke 張新科 Shi ji xue gailun 史記學概論. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2003. 904 shi ji 史記

An Pingqiu 安平秋 et al. Shi ji tonglun 史記通論. Beijing: Huawen chubanshe, 2005. Zhang Dake 張大可, An Pingqiu 安平秋, and Yu Zhanghua 俞樟華, eds. Shi ji yanjiu jicheng 史記研究集成. 14 vols. Beijing: Huawen chubanshe, 2005. Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Shi ji yanjiu 史記研究. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhongguo dabaike quanshu chubanshe, 2009.

DRK

Shi jing 詩經 (Classic of songs)

The earliest collection of Chinese poetry.

The Shi jing is a collection of 305 songs from the early Western Zhou to the middle of the Chunqiu period (eleventh to sixth centuries b.c.e.). It is divided into four sections: the “Guo feng” 國風 (Airs of the States), “Xiao ya” 小雅 (Lesser Elegantiae), “Da ya” 大雅 (Greater Elegantiae), and “Song” 頌 (Eulogia). The topics range from daily life (courtship, marriage, agriculture, and the like) to royal activities (battles, feasts, sacrifices). The prosodic pattern is basically a four-syllable line. A few of the songs include the names of the composers such as Jiafu 家父, Mengzi 孟子, and Jifu 吉甫 about whom almost nothing is known. Some pieces are attributed to historical figures, but most of the songs are anonymous. Based on the content of the pieces, composers must have included both men and women, commoners and nobles, farmers and soldiers. The “Yiwen zhi” 藝文志 and “Shihuo zhi” 食貨志 of the Hanshu 漢書 claim that the Zhou court had an office known as the Caishi zhi guan 采詩之官 (Song collecting office), which was charged with collecting songs from various parts of the Zhou empire. The “Zhouyu” 周語 and “Jinyu” 晉語 of the Guoyu 國語 and the “Wangzhi” 王制 of the Li ji 禮記 state that the officials and musicians presented songs (composed by themselves or collected from various places) to the court. According to the “Kongzi shijia” 孔子世家 of the Shiji 史記 there were some 3,000 songs that Con- fucius reduced to 305. Many modern scholars have doubted the existence of the Caishi zhi guan and Confucius’ editing of the songs. Given that the prosodic pattern of the songs is relatively consistent and that the Zuozhuan 左傳 relates they were all sung in the Lu 魯 court for the Wu 吳 prince Ji Zha 季札, it is possible that the songs were collected and edited by court musicians. Later, Confucius may have made the Shi an important part of his school curriculum. During the early Han there were three official schools of Shi study: the Lu 魯, Qi 齊, and Han 韓 schools. However, their versions of the Shi jing, shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs) 905 known as the Sanjia shi 三家詩, have not survived except in fragments. Instead, the Mao shi 毛詩 became the orthodox interpretation and version of the text after Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) wrote the Mao shi zhuan jian 毛詩傳箋, a commentary on the Mao shi, which Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648) took as the basis for his Mao shi zhengyi 毛詩正義. The Mao version includes the “Da xu” 大序 (Greater preface), a general introduction to the Shi jing, the “Xiao xu” 小序 (Lesser preface), which is an introduction to each song, and commentary, all of which contain moral and political interpretations. In the Song dynasty, scholars began to question the interpretations of the Mao prefaces and commentary. For example, Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) rejected the “Xiao xu” and recognized some songs as folk pieces. Qing dynasty scholars such as Gu Yanwu 顧炎武 (1613–1692), Yao Jiheng 姚際恆 (b. 1647), Cui Shu 崔述 (1740–1826), Ma Ruichen 馬瑞辰 (1782–1853) and Chen Huan 陳奐 (1786–1863) made philological studies of the work which contain new and original interpretations. Some variant readings of the Shi jing are found in early manuscripts. First, the Xiping Stone Classics 熹平石經 carved in the Later Han include the Lu version of the Shi jing. For the extant fragments see Ma Heng’s 馬衡 Han shijing jicun 漢石經集存 (Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1957). Second, in 1977 portions of the Shi jing written on 170 wooden strips were discovered in a Han dynasty tomb at Shuanggudui 雙古堆, Fuyang 阜陽 in Anhui. The fragments contain many variants from the Sanjia shi and Mao shi versions. See Hu Pingsheng 胡平生 and Han Ziqiang 韓自強, eds. Fuyang Han jian Shi jing yanjiu 阜陽漢簡詩經研究 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1988). Third, in 1994 the Shanghai Museum acquired a large collection of Warring States period texts written on bamboo strips. One work, titled “Kongzi Shi lun” 孔子詩論 by the editors from the museum, contains what purport to be Confucius’ interpretation of certain Shi jing pieces. See Ma Chengyuan 馬承源, ed., Shanghai bowuguan cang Zhanguo Chu zhushu 上海博物館藏戰國楚竹書 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2001). For a review of this material see: Kern, Martin. “The Odes in Excavated Manuscripts.” In Martin Kern, ed. Text and Ritual in Early China, 149–93. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005.

History of the Text

The Shi was one of the few Ruist classics that survived the Qin burning of the books with relatively little damage, mainly because it was a text scholars had committed to memory. During the early Han there were three official schools of Shi study. They were known as the Sanjia shi 三家詩 (Songs of the Three “Schools”). 906 shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs)

1. Lu shi 魯詩

The Lu School was founded by Shen Pei 申培, who had studied the Shi before the Qin proscription with Fuqiu Bo 浮丘伯, a student of Xunzi. Shen became a Shi erudite under Emperor Wen (r. 179–158 b.c.e.) of the Former Han. Shen had many disciples. The Lu school continued into the Western Jin period. It seems to have died out after 317.

2. Qi shi 齊詩

The origins of the Qi School are obscure. One academician named Yuan Gu 轅固 was associated with it during the reign of Emperor Jing (r. 156– 140 b.c.e.) of the Former Han. Many of the Qi School scholars were interested in the so-called Shi wei 詩緯 or Shi Weft Texts, which usually involved far-fetched political and moral interpretations of Shi passages. The school disappeared sometime during the Han period.

3. Han shi 韓詩

This school was named after the founder Han Ying 韓嬰. It was dominant in the Han and Zhao areas. Han Ying became a professor of the Shi under Emperor Wen (r. 180–157 b.c.e.). The Han School thrived until the Later Han. One work associated with this school still survives, the Han shi wai chuan 韓詩外傳. This is a handbook or collection of stories and anecdotes in which lines from the Shi are cited to summarize an argument. See James Robert Hightower, “The Han-shih wai-chuan and the San Chia Shih,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 11 (1948): 241–310. For studies of the Sanjia shi, see: Chen Qiaocong 陳喬樅 (1809–1869), ed., Sanjia shi yishuo kao 三家詩遺說考, 50 juan, 1840–1842, in Huang Qing jingjie xubian, vol. 245–54; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu (1995). Wang Xianqian 王先謙 (1842–1917). Shi sanjia yi ji shu 詩三家義集疏. 28 juan. Changsha: Wangshi Xushou tang 王氏虛受堂 woodblock, 1915. Rpt. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1957; typeset edition with punctuation by Wu Ge 吳格. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987; Taipei: Mingwen shuju, 1988. Ye Guoliang 葉國良. “Shi sanjia shuo zhi jiyi yu bianbie” 詩三家說之輯佚與辨別. Guoli bianyiguan guankan 9.1 (1980): 97–108. Lin Yaolin 林耀潾. Xi Han Sanjia Shi xue yanjiu 西漢三家詩學研究. Taipei: Wenji chubanshe, 1996. Chen Tongsheng 陳桐生. Shi ji yu Shi jing 史記與詩經. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2000. Zhao Maolin 趙茂林. Xi Han sanjia Shi yanjiu 西漢三家《詩》研究. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2006. shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs) 907

The Mao School

The text of theShi that eventually became the officially accepted version was the Mao shi. This text was favored by the late Western Han scholar Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23 c.e.), and during the Emperor Ping 平 period (r. 1–5 c.e.) of the Former Han the Mao shi was stipulated as the orthodox interpretation and version of the text. Later editions were based on it, and include:

1. Mao shi Zheng jian 毛詩鄭箋

This edition includes the Mao Commentary and annotations by Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200). Zheng Xuan probably was the first to combine the Mao prefaces with the Mao Commentary. He also adopted in some places readings and interpretations of the Sanjia shi. This edition was more or less orthodox until the Song. Editions: Sibu beiyao, Sibu congkan. See also Huang Zhuo 黃焯, Mao shi Zheng jian pingyi 毛詩鄭箋平議 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985). On Zheng Xuan’s commentary, see: Wen Xingfu 文幸福. Shi jing Mao zhuan Zheng jian bian yi 詩經毛傳鄭箋辨異. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1989. Liang Xifeng 梁錫鋒. Zheng Xuan yi li jian Shi yanjiu 鄭玄以禮箋《詩》研究. Bei- jing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005.

2. Mao shi zhengyi 毛詩正義

This is the standard version of the Mao shi Zheng jian. In addition to the Mao Commentary and Zheng Xuan’s notes, it contains a long subcommentary done by a committee of scholars working under the direction of Kong Yingda 孔穎達 (574–648). See Van Zoeren, Poetry and Personality, 116–50.

3. Shijing zhushu 詩經注疏. In Shisan jing zhushu.

This is the most critical variorum edition of the Mao, Zheng, andKong Yingda 孔穎達 commentaries.

C. Pre-modern Scholarship and Commmentaries

1. Han Dynasty

See above. 908 shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs)

2. Song Dynasty

During the Song period, a number of scholars began to question many of the interpretations of the Mao and Zheng commentaries. There were several important studies and commentaries on the Shi during both the Northern and Southern Song periods. On Song dynasty Shi jing scholarship: Xia Chuancai 夏傳才. “Lun Song xue Shi jing yanjiu de jige wenti” 論宋學詩經研究的幾個問題, Wenxue yichan 2 (1982): 97–104. Mittag, Achim. “Change in Shijing Exegesis: Some Notes on the Rediscovery of the Musical Aspects of the ‘Odes’ in the Song Period,” T’oung Pao 79 (1993): 197–224. Van Zoeren, Poetry and Personality, 151–217.

a. Ouyang Xiu

The first scholar of the Song to criticize the Mao-Zheng interpretations was Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072). Ouyang’s Shi benyi 詩本義 in 15 juan presents interpretations of 114 poems, in which he occasionally takes issue with the Mao-Zheng reading. Edition: Sibu congkan, Third Series.

b. su Che

Su Che 蘇轍 (1039–1112) also offers some criticism of the Mao Commentary in his Shi ji zhuan 詩集傳.

c. Zheng Qiao

Zheng Qiao 鄭樵 (1036–1162) strongly attacked the Mao interpretation in his no longer extant work, Shi zhuan bian wang 詩傳辨妄. Zheng argued for the complete repudiation of the “Lesser Preface.” This work exerted a great influence on Zhu Xi. See: Huang Chung-shen 黃忠慎. Nan Song sanjia Shi jing xue 南宋三家詩經學, 1–97. Taipei: Taiwan Shangwu yinshuguan, 1988.

d. Zhu Xi

Zhu Xi 朱熹 wrote the most influential commentary on the Shi jing since Zheng Xuan. His Shi ji zhuan 詩集傳 in 20 juan was completed around 1177. Zhu Xi followed Zheng Qiao in rejecting the “Lesser Preface.” He also disputed the Han interpretation of many poems as “praising” or “criticizing.” He was one of the first scholars to recognize that some of the songs were shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs) 909 folk pieces that should not be interpreted politically or didactically. He also acknowledged that the Shi jing contained erotic poems. Edition: Beijing: Wenxue guji kanxingshe, 1955.

On Zhu Xi’s views of the Shi jing, see: Wong Siu-kit and Lee Kar-shui, “Poems of Depravity: A Twelfth Century Dispute on the Moral Character of the Book of Songs,” TP 75 (1989): 209–25. Van Zoeren, Poetry and Personality, 218–49. Huang Zhongshe. Nan Song sanjia Shi jing xue, 98–297.

4. Ming dynasty

For a study of Ming dynasty Shi jing scholarship see: Liu Yuqing 劉毓慶. Cong jingxue dao wenxue—Ming dai Shi jing xue shi lun 從經學到文學—明代《詩經》學史論. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2001.

5. Qing Dynasty

Qing dynasty scholarship on the Shi jing is extremely important. Some scholars began to do philological studies of language and rhymes. Other scholars, who disagreed with Zhu Xi’s approach, attempted to restore the Han interpretations of the Mao Commentary and Zheng Xuan.

a. Gu Yanwu

Gu Yanwu 顧炎武 (1613–1692) in his Shi ben yin 詩本音 (Huang Qing jingjie vols. 2–3) was one of the first to attempt to identify the rhyme system of the Shi.

b. Yao Jiheng

Yao Jiheng 姚際恆 (b. 1647) was a scholar with exceptional critical acuity. In his Shi jing tonglun 詩經通論 (18 juan, completed in 1705, first printed in 1837), he rejected both the “Lesser Preface” and Zhu Xi, and put forth his own original interpretations. Edition: Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1958.

c. Ma Ruichen

Ma Ruichen 馬瑞辰 (1782–1853) was an ardent follower of the Mao Commentary. His Mao shi zhuan jian tongshi 毛詩傳箋通釋 in 32 juan is 910 shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs) a detailed subcommentary on the Mao version of the Shi. It is extremely useful for philological elucidation of ambiguities and errors in the Mao Commentary text. Edition: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. On this work see: Hong Wenting 洪文婷. Mao shi zhuan jian tongshi xi lun 毛詩傳箋通釋析論. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1993.

d. Cui Shu

Cui Shu 崔述 (1740–1826) was one of the great scholars of the Qing dynasty. He is best known for his Kao xin lu 考信錄, a detailed study of Chinese history in which he questions many traditional beliefs. Cui’s Du feng oushi 讀風偶識 in 4 juan consists of notes, many of which contain original interpretations, on selected poems. Edition: Jifu congshu, vol. 42.

e. Chen Huan

Chen Huan 陳奐 (1786–1863) was an ardent devotee of the Mao Commentary and a severe critic of Zheng Xuan. He also rejected many of Zhu Xi’s interpretations. His subcommentary on the Shi jing, Shi Mao shi zhuan shu 詩毛氏傳疏 in 30 juan, is useful for corrections and clarifications of the Mao Commentary. Edition: Huang Qing jingjie, vols. 182–89. For a history of Shi jing scholarship see: Xia Chuancai 夏傳才. Shi jing yanjiu shi gaiyao 詩經研究史概要. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou shuhua she, 1982; rpt. Taipei: Wanjuan lou tushu youxian gongsi, 1993. Zhao Zhiyang 趙制陽, Shi jing mingzhu pingjie 詩經名著評介. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1983. Li Jiashu 李家樹. Shi jing de lishi gongan 詩經的歷史公案. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 1990. Zhao Zhiyang 趙制陽, Shi jing mingzhu pingjie, dier ji. 詩經名著評介第二集. Taipei: Wunan tushu chuban youxian gongsi, 1993. Liu Yuqing 劉毓慶. Lidai Shi jing zhushu kao (Xian Qin—Yuandai) 歷代詩經著述考 (先秦—元代). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2002. Xia Chuancai 夏傳才 and Dong Zhian 董治安. Shi jing yaoji tiyao 詩經要籍提要. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2003. Xia Chuancai 夏傳才. Ershi shiji Shi jing xue 二十世紀詩經學. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Liu Lizhi 劉立志. Handai Shi jing xue shi lun 漢代《詩經》學史論. Beijing: Zhong hua shuju, 2007. Xie Jianzhong 謝建忠. Mao shi ji qi jingxue chanshi dui Tang shi de yingxiang yanjiu《毛詩》及其經學闡釋對唐詩的影響研究. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2007. shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs) 911

Bibliography

Editions Mao Heng 毛亨 (attributed), comm., Zheng Xuan 鄭玄, notes, Kong Yingda 孔穎達, subcomm. Mao shi zhengyi 毛詩正義. Shisanjing zhushu 十三經注疏, ed. Ruan Yuan 阮元, 1815. In Sibu beiyao 四部備要. Zhu Xi 朱熹, ed. and comm. Shi ji zhuan 詩集傳. Completed 1186. Rpt. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1961. Chen Huan 陳奐, ed. and comm. Shi Mao shi zhuan shu 詩毛詩傳疏. In Huang Qing jingjie 皇清經解.

Translations Legge, James, trans. Classic of Songs. The Chinese Classics 4. 1871. Rpt. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1960. Jennings, William, trans. The Shih King: The Old “Poetry Classic” of the Chinese. 1891. Rpt. New York: Paragon, 1969. Couvreur, Séraphin, trans. Cheu-king; Texte chinois avec une double traduction en Français et en Latin. Ho Kien Fou, Mission catholique,1892. Waley, Arthur, trans. The Book of Songs. 1937. Rpt. New York: Grove, 1960. Edited with additional translations by Joseph R. Allen. New York: Grove Press, 1999. Karlgren, Bernhard, trans. The Book of Odes. Stockholm: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 1950. Pound, Ezra, trans. The Confucian Odes: The Classic Anthology Defined by Confucius. New York: New Directions, 1954.

Japanese Translations Yoshikawa Kōjirō, ed. and trans. Shikyō 詩經. Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1966. Shirakawa Shizuka 白川靜, trans. Shikyō kokufū 詩經國風. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1990. Mekada Makoto 目加田誠, trans. Shikyō 詩經. Tokyo: Kōbansha, 1991.

Baihua translations Chen Zizhan 陳子展, trans. Guo feng xuan yi 國風選譯. Shanghai: Chunming, 1956. Chen Zizhan 陳子展, trans. Ya song xuan yi 雅頌選譯. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1957. Ma Chiying 馬持盈, comm. and trans. Shi jing jinzhu jinyi 詩經今註今譯. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1971. Jin Qihua 金啟華, ed. and trans. Shi jing quanyi 詩經全譯. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1984. Cheng Junying 程俊英, comm. and trans. Shi jing yizhu 詩經譯注. Shanghai: Shang- hai guji chubanshe, 1985 Yuan Mei 袁梅, comm. and trans. Shi jing yizhu 詩經譯注. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1985. 912 shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs)

Tang Moyao 唐莫堯, comm. and trans. Shi jing xinzhu xinyi 詩經新注新譯. Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 1998.

Concordances and Indexes Maoshi yinde 毛詩引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series. 1934. Rpt. Tokyo: Tōyō Bunko, 1962. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1974. Maoshi zhuzi suoyin 毛詩逐字索引. ICS Ancient Chinese Texts Concordance Series. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Modern Commentaries Takezoe Kōkō 竹添光鴻 (d. 1917), ed. and comm. Mōshi kaisen 毛詩會箋. Tokyo: Takezoe Rishin, 1920; rpt. Taipei: Datong shuju, 1975; Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2012. Qu Wanli 屈萬里, comm. Shi jing shiyi 詩經釋義. Taipei: Zhonghua wenhua chuban shiye weiyuanhui, 1953. Kalrgren, Bernarld. Glosses on the Book of Odes. Stockholm: Museum of Far East- ern Antiquities, 1964. Chinese translated by Dong Tonghe 董同龢, Gao Benhan shi jing zhushi 高本漢詩經注釋. Taipei: Zhonghua congshu bianshen weiyuanhui, 1960. Gao Heng 高亨, comm. Shi jing jinzhu 詩經今注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980. Chen Zizhan 陳子展, trans. and comm. Shi jing zhijie 詩經直解. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 1983. Qu Wanli 屈萬里, comm. Shi jing quanshi 詩經詮釋. 1983. Rpt. Qu Wanli xiansheng quanji 屈萬里先生全集, vol. 5. Taipei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1991. Cheng Junying 程俊英 and Jiang Jianyuan 蔣見元, eds. and comm. Shi jing zhu xi 詩經注析. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991. Ji Xusheng 季旭昇. Shi jing guyi xinzheng 詩經古義新證. 1994. Rev. ed. Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1995. Nie Shiqiao 聶石樵, ed. Shi jing xinzhu 詩經新注. Ji’nan: Qilu shushe, 2000.

Studies Granet, Marcel. Fêtes et chansons anciennes de la Chine. Paris: E. Leroux, 1919. English translation by E. D. Edwards. Festivals and Songs of Ancient China. Lon- don: Routledge and New York: Dutton, 1932. Hu Pu’an 胡樸安. Shi jing xue 詩經學. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1928. Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛, ed. Gushi bian 古史辨, vol. 3. 1931. Rpt. Hong Kong: Taiping shuju, 1963. Karlgren, Bernhard. “Shiking Researches.” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 4 (1932): 117–85. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. Gudian xinyi 古典新義. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1954. Shijing yanjiu lunwen ji 詩經研究論文集. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1957. Matsumoto Masaaki 松本雅雄. Shikyō shohen no seiritsu ni kansuru kenkyū 詩經諸篇の成立に關する研究. Tokyo: Tōyō bunko, 1958. shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs) 913

Dobson, W.A.C.H. “Linguistic Evidence and the Dating of the Book of Songs.” T’oung Pao 51 (1964): 322–34. McNaughton, William. “Shih ching Rhetoric: Schemes of Words.” Ph.D Diss, Yale 1965. Dobson, W.A.C.H. The Language of the Book of Songs. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1968. Serruys, Paul L-M. “The Function and Meaning of Yun 云 in Shih Ching—Its Cog- nates and Variants.” Monumenta Serica S 29 (1970–71): 264–337. McNaughton, William. The Book of Songs. New York: Twayne, 1971. Wang, C. H. The Bell and the Drum: Shih Ching as Formulaic Poetry in an Oral Tradition. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974. Shirakawa Shizuka 白川靜. Shikyō kenkyū: tsuronhen 詩經研究：通論篇. Kyoto: Hōyū shoten, 1980. Zhou Manjiang 周滿江. Shi jing 詩經. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980. Shijing yanjiu lunwen ji 詩經研究論文集. Taipei: Liming wenhua shiye gongsi, 1981. Huang Zhenmin 黃振民. Shi jing yanjiu 詩經研究. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1982. Lin Qingzhang 林慶彰, ed. Shijing yanjiu lun ji 詩經研究論集. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1983. Cheng Junying 程俊英. Shi jing manhua 詩經漫話. Shanghai: Wenyi chubanshe, 1983. Yu, Pauline R. “Allegory, Allegoresis, and the Claasic of Poetry.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 43.2 (1983): 377–412. Xia Chuancai 夏傳才. Shi jing yuyan yishu 詩經語言藝術. Beijing: Yuwen chubanshe, 1985. Luo Binji 駱賓基. Shi jing xinjie yu gushi xinlun 詩經新解與古史新論. Taiyuan: Shanxi renmin chubanshe, 1985. Gong Yuhai 宮玉海. Shi jing xinlun 詩經新論. Changchun: Jilin remin chubanshe, 1985. Zhang Zhenze 張震澤. Shi jing xinlun 詩經新論. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1985. Riegel, Jeffrey K. “Poetry and the Legend of Confucius’ Exile.” JAOS 106 (1986): 13–22. Lin Qingzhang 林慶彰, ed. Shijing yanjiu lun ji 詩經研究論集. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1987. Yu, Pauline R. “Imagery in the Classic of Poetry.” In The Reading of Imagery in the Chinese Poetic Tradition, 44–83. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987. Xiang Xi 向熹. Shi jing yuyan yanjiu 詩經語言研究. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 1987. Wang, C. H. From Ritual to Allegory: seven essays in early Chinese poetry. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1988. Kang Zhengguo 康正果. Fengsao yu yanqing 風騷與豔情, 11–60. Zhengzhou: Henan renmin chubanshe, 1988. Zhao Peilin 趙沛霖. Shi jing yanjiu fansi 詩經研究反思. Tianjin: Tianjin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1989. Yang Zhonghua 楊中華. Shi jing zhuti bianxi 詩經主題辨析. Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1989. 914 shi jing 詩經 (classic of songs)

Allen, Joseph R. “The End and the Beginning of Narrative Poetry in China.” Asia Major, Third Series, 2.1 (1989): 1–24. Zhang Shubo 張樹波, ed. Guo feng jishuo 國風集說. Shijiazhuang: Hebei renmin chubanshe, 1993. Loewe, Michael. “Shih ching 詩經.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, ed. Michael Loewe. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and the Institute of East Asian Studies, 1993. Riegel, Jeffrey. “Eros, Introversion, and the Beginnings of Shijing commentary.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic STudies 57.1 (1997): 143–77. Asselin, Mark Laurent. “The Lu-School Reading of ‘Guanju’ as Preserved in an Eastern Han fu.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 117 (1997): 427–43. Saussy, Haun. “Repetition, Rhyme, and Exchange in the Book of Odes.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 57.2 (1997): 519–42. Chi Wenjun 遲文浚, ed.-in-chief. Shi jing baike cidian 詩經百科辭典. Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe, 1998. Chen Zhi. “A New Reading of ‘Yen-Yen’ ” T’oung Pao 85 (1999): 1–28. Svensson, Martin. “A Second Look at the Great Preface on the Way to a New Understanding of Han Dynasty Poetics.” CLEAR 21 (1999): 1–34. Goldin, Paul Rakita. “Imagery of Copulation in Early Chinese Poetry.” CLEAR 21 (1999): 35–66. Yang Zhishui 揚之水. Shi jing mingwu xinzheng 詩經名物新證. Beijing: Beijing guji chubanshe, 1999. Kern, Martin. “Shi jing Songs as Performance Texts: A Case Study of ‘Chu Ci’ (Thorny Caltrop).” Early China 25 (2000): 49–111. Yang Ruquan 楊儒泉. Shi jing mingwu xinjie 詩經名物新解. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2000. Owen, Stephen. “Reproduction in the Shijing.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 61 (2001): 287–315. Liu Long-hsun 劉龍勳, ed. Xinchu yi ming yu Shi jing xiangguan cihui bianjian (1) 新出彞銘與詩經相關詞彙便檢（一）. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 2001. Yang Heming 楊合鳴. Shi jing yinan ciyu bianxi《詩經》疑難詞語辨析. Wuhan: Chongwen shuju, 2002. Hong Zhanhou 洪湛侯. Shi jing xue shi 詩經學史. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2002. Kern, Martin. “Early Chinese Poetics in the Light of Recently Excavated Manus- ripts.” In Recarving the Dragon: Understanding Chinese Poetics, ed. Olga Lomová, 27–72. Prague: Charles University-Karolinum Press, 2003. Yu Fu 于茀. Jinshi jianbo Shi jing yanjiu 金石簡帛詩經研究. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2004. Kern, Martin. “The Odes in Excavated Manuscripts.” In Text and Ritual in Early China, ed. Martin Kern, 149–93. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005. Ma Yinqin 馬銀琴. Liang Zhou shi shi 兩周詩史. Beijing: Shehui kexue chubanshe, 2006. Chen Zhi 陳致. The Shaping of the Book of Songs: From Ritualization toSecu- larization. Monumenta Serica Monograph Series LII. Sank Augustin: Institute Monumenta Serica, 2007; Chinese translation by Wu Yangxiang 吳仰湘, Huang Ziyong 黃梓勇, and Xu Jingzhao 許景昭. Cong liyihua dao shisuhua: Shi jing de xingcheng 從禮儀化到世俗化:《詩經》的形成. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2009. shi lingyu 釋靈裕 (518–605) 915

Xie Jianzhong 謝建忠. Mao shi ji qi jingxue chanshi dui Tang shi de yingxiang yanjiu《毛詩》及其經學闡釋對唐詩的影響研究. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2007. Kern, Martin. “Beyond the Mao Odes: Shijing Reception in Early Medieval China.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 127.2 (2007): 131–42. Chen Zhi. “A Reading of ‘Nuo’ (Mao 301): Some English Translations of the Book of Songs Revisited.” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 30 (2008): 1–7. Ma Yinqin 馬銀琴. Zhou Qin shidai Shi de chuanbo shi 周秦時代《詩》的傳播史. Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2011. Rusk, Bruce. Critics and Commentators: The Book of Poems as Classic and Litera- ture. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2012. Hu Qiulei. “Reading the Conflicting Voices: An Examination of the Interpretative Traditions about ‘Han Guang.’ ” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 34 (2012): 1–13. Hao Guijin 郝桂敏. Zhonggu Shi jing wenxian yanjiu 中古《詩經》文獻研究. Bei- jing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2012.

SHL and DRK

Shi Lingyu 釋靈裕 (518–605)

Northern Qi, Northern Zhou, and Sui period Buddhist monk.

Shi Lingyu’s natal place was Quyang 曲陽 in Julu 巨鹿 commandery (west of modern Jin 晉 county, Hebei). His family name was Zhao 趙. He wished to take Buddhist vows at the age of six, but his parents would not allow it. They had him read Ruist writings, which he quickly mastered. When Lingyu was fifteen, his father died. After completing the mourning period, he went to the Yingjue Monastery 應覺寺 in Zhao commandery (administrative center modern Handan, Hebei) where he became a Buddhist monk. He was a disciple of the masters Touming 投明 and Bao’er 寶二. Lingyu later went to Dingzhou (modern Ding 定 county, Hebei) where he accepted all of the Buddhist commandments. He soon became known as the Bodhisatt- va Yu. After the fall of the Northern Qi in 577, the Northern Zhou rulers began to eradicate Buddhism. Lingyu donned mourning apparel, and he and some two dozen colleagues discussed Buddhism at night while reading Ruist teachings during the day. When the Sui dynasty was established in 581, Lingyu received cordial treatment from Sui officials and the imperial court. Emperor Wen (r. 581–604) offered him a post as Buddhist officer, but he refused the appointment. Lingyu then traveled in the areas of Yan and Zhao (modern Hebei). Emperor Wen summoned him to the court in Chang’an where he died in 605. Lingyu composed a large number of Buddhist writings, all of which are lost. His only extant pieces are two quatrains that he wrote before he died. 916 shi lingyu 釋靈裕 (518–605)

Bibliography

Studies Demiéville, Paul. Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, 23–24. Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1984. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 437–38. Gao Yuchun 高玉春. “Shi Lingyu shengping sixiang yanjiu” 釋靈裕生平思想研究. Gaoxiao sheke xinxi 高校社科信息 (2004: 6): 34–43.

DRK

Shi pin 詩品 (Gradings of poetry)

Qi-Liang period treatise on poetry.

The Shi pin was compiled by Zhong Rong 鍾嶸 (467?–519; alt. 468–518). The original title was Shi ping 詩評 (Evaluations of poets). Shi ping was the more common title until the Song dynasty when Shi pin began to be used exclusively. All printed editions use the title Shi pin. In the Shi pin, following the model of the Han shu “Gujin ren biao 古今人表” (Table of ancient and contemporary persons), Zhong Rong classifies 122 poets into one of three grades,shang 上 (high), zhong 中 (middle), and xia 下 (low). Zhong Rong confines his treatise to pentasyllabic verse. He also wrote three prefaces in which he explains that the best verse is the product of intense emotion. He also gives a detailed history of pentasyllabic verse beginning with Li Ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.) and ending with his contemporary Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513). According to the biography of Shen Yue in the Nan shi Zhong Rong had sought an endorsement of the Shi pin from Shen Yue who refused to do so. For this reason, Zhong Rong placed Shen Yue in the middle grade. However, a number of scholars dispute this account. Other controversial rankings include his placement of Liu Zhen 劉楨 (d. 217), Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300), and Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303) in the upper grade, while relegating such distinguished poets as Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427), Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466), and Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499) to the middle grade. Some scholars also have objected to the assignment of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) to the lower grade.

General Bibliography Cao Xu 曹旭. “Zhong Rong Shi pin zai Riben de liuchuan yu yingxiang” 鍾嶸《詩品》在日本的流傳與影響. Zhongzhou xuekan (1986: 2): 69–73. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Zhong Rong Shi pin de liuchuan ji yanjiu shi—cong Suichu dao Qingmo” 鍾嶸《詩品》的流傳及研究史—從隋初到清末. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (1993: 1): 10–16, 4. shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry) 917

Zhang Aiping 張愛萍. “Zhong Rong Shi pin yanjiu lunwen suoyin—1920 nian 1 yue—1983 nian12 yue” 鍾嶸《詩品》研究論文索引—1920 年1月—1983 年 12 月. Zhoukou shizhuan xuebao 12.2 (1995): 32–34. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Riben de Shi pin xue” 日本的「詩品」學. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo xuebao 5 (1996): 203–13. Cheng Guofu 程國賦. “Zhong Rong Shi pin yanjiu qishi nian” 鍾嶸「詩品」研究七十年. Kong Meng yuekan 38.2 (1999): 11–18; rpt. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 19.6 (2000): 26–30. Zhang Aiping 張愛萍. “Zhong Rong Shi pin yanjiu luzhu suoyin—1926 nian—1996 nian” 鍾嶸《詩品》研究論著索引 (1926 年—1996年) Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 19.6 (2000): 37–42. Huang Nianran 黃念然. “20 shiji Zhong Rong Shi pin yanjiu shuping” 20 世紀鍾嶸《詩品》研究述評. Zhongzhou xuekan 138 (2003): 94–98.

Editions Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Zhang Ruyu 章如愚 (jinshi 1196), ed. Shantang xiansheng qunshu kaosuo 山堂先生羣書考索, Yuansha shuyuan 圓沙書院, 1320. Held in Zhongguo Guojia tushuguan. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Chen Yingxing 陳應行, ed. Yin chuang zalu 吟窗雜錄. 1548; rpt. Yinchuang zalu 吟窗雜錄, 149–72. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1997. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Guang Han Wei congshu 廣漢魏叢書. He Yun 何允中, ed. 1592. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Gezhi congshu 格致叢書. Hu Wenhuan. 胡文煥, ed. 1603. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Tian du ge cangshu 天都閣藏書. Cheng Yinzhao 程胤兆 (fl. 1627), 1627. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Jindai mishu 津逮秘書. Mao Jin 毛晉 (1599–1659), ed. Chong- zhen 崇禎 (1628–1644), printing. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Wuchao xiaoshuo 五朝小說. Early Qing printing. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Xu Baichuan xuehai 續百川學海. Wu Yong 吳永, ed. Chong- zhen 崇禎 (1628–1644), printing. He Wenhuan 何文煥 (1732–1809), ed. Shi pin 詩品. In Lidai shihua 歷代詩話. 1770; rpt. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2003. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Siku quanshu. 1781. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Zengding Han Wei congshu 增訂漢魏叢書. Wang Mo 王謨 (jinshi 1778), ed. 1791. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Longwei mishu 龍威秘書. Ma Junliang 馬俊良, ed. 1794. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Xuejin taoyuan 學津討原. Zhang Haipeng 張海鵬, ed. 1805. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Mishu nianba zhong 秘書廿八種. Wang Shihan 汪士漢, ed. 1846. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Ziteng shuwu congke 紫藤書屋叢刻. Chen 陳X, ed. 1792. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Keisetsuken sōsho 螢雪軒叢書. Ed. Kondō Gensui 近藤元粹 (1850–1922). Osaka: Aoki Sūzandō 青木嵩山堂, 1894. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Duiyu lou congshu 對雨樓叢書. Miao Quansun 繆荃孫 (1844– 1919), ed. 1905. Shi pin 詩品. 3 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset printing based on Xuejin taoyuan ed. 1936. 918 shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry)

Concordance Shi pin zhuzi suoyin 詩品逐字索引. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 2003.

Commentaries Chen Yanjie 陳延傑, comm. Shi pin zhu 詩品注. Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1927; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1958. Gu Zhi 古直, comm. Zhong jishi Shi pin jian 鍾記室詩品箋. Shanghai typeset printing, 1927; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1968, 1990. Xu Wenyu 許文雨, ed. and comm. Shi pin jiangshu 詩品講疏. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanbu, 1929; rpt. and rev. in Xu Wenyu. Wenlun jiangshu 文論講疏. Nan- jing: Zhengzhong shuju, 1937; rpt. Chengdu: Chengdu guji chubanshe, 1983. Ye Changqing 葉長青, ed. and comm. Shi pin jishi 詩品集釋. Shanghai: Huatong shuju, 1933. Du Tianmi 杜天縻, comm. Guangzhu Shi pin 廣注詩品. Shanghai: Shijie shuju, 1935. Takamatsu Tōmei 高松亨明, comm. Shihin shōkai 詩品詳解. Hirosaki: Chūgoku bungakukai, 1959. Ch’a Chu-hwan 車柱環, comm. “Zhong Rong Shi pin jiaozheng” 鍾嶸詩品校證. Asea yŏn’gu 3 (1960): 117–58; 4 (1961): 203–237; rpt. Zhong Rong Shi pin jiaozheng 鍾嶸詩品校證. Seoul: Sŏul taehakkyo munkwa taehak, 1967. Wang Chung 汪中, comm. Shi pin zhu 詩品注. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1969. Yi Hwi-gyo 李輝教 (1932–82), ed. and comm. “Shi pin hui zhu” 詩品彙注.” M.A. Thesis, Guoli Taiwan daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1970. Chen Qinghao 陳慶浩. Zhong Rong Shi pin ji jiao 鍾嶸詩品集校. Hong Kong: Dongya chuban zhongxin, 1978. Yang Zuyu 楊祖聿, ed. and comm. Shi pin jiaozhu 詩品校注. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1981. Yi Hwi-gyo 李輝教 (1932–82), ed. and comm. Sip’um hwiju 詩品彙注. Kyŏnbuk Kyŏngsan-gun: Yōngnam Taehakkyo ch’ulp’anbu, 1983. Xiang Changqing 向長青, ed. and comm. Shi pin zhushi 詩品注釋. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1986. Lü Deshen 呂德申, ed. and comm. Zhong Rong Shi pin jiaoshi 鍾嶸詩品校釋. Bei- jing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1986. Yue Zhongyi 越仲邑, ed. and comm. Zhong Rong Shi pin jiaoshi 鍾嶸詩品校釋. Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1990. Wang Shu-min 王叔岷 (1914–2008), ed. and comm. Zhong Rong Shi pin jianzheng gao 鍾嶸詩品箋證稿. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Zhongguo Wenzhe yanjiusuo, 1992; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Zhang Huaijin 張懷瑾, comm. Zhong Rong Shi pin pingzhu 鍾嶸詩品評注. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1997. Cao Xu 曹旭, ed. and comm. Shi pin ji zhu 詩品集注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1994. Chen Yuansheng 陳元勝, comm. Shi pin bian du 詩品辨讀. Hefei: Anhui jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994. Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡, ed. and comm. Shi pin jianzheng 詩品箋證. Zhengzhou: Zhong- zhou guji chubanshe, 1995. Zhang Liandi 張連第, ed. and comm. Shi pin 詩品. Harbin: Beifang wenyi chubanshe, 2000. shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry) 919

Western language translations Tökei, Ferenc. Müfajelmélet Kinában a III–VI. Században. Liu Xie Elmélete a Költöi Müfajokról. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó, 1967. Wixted, John Timothy. “The Literary Criticism of Yüan Hao-wen.” D. Phil. diss., Oxford, 1976, 462–91. Wixted, John Timothy. Poems on Poetry: Literary Criticism by Yuan Hao-wen (1190–1257); rpt. Taipei: Southern Materials Center, 1985 (passim). Wong Siu-kit. Early Chinese Literary Criticism, 89–114. Hong Kong: Joint Publish- ing Co., 1983 (preface). Führer, Bernhard. Chinas erste Poetik. Das Shipin (Kriterion Poetikon) des Zhong Hong. (467?–518). Dortmund: project verlag, 1995. Wixted, John Timothy. “Zhong Rong” (469–518).” In Women Writers of Tradi- tional China: An Anthology of Poetry and Criticism, ed. Kang-i Sun Chang and Haun Saussy, 719–20. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1999.

Japanese translations Takamatsu Kōmei 高松亨明. Shihin shōkai 詩品詳解. Hirosaki: Chūgoku bungakukai, 1959. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Shihin” 『詩品』. In Bungaku ronshū 文學論集, ed. Arai Ken 荒井健 and Kōzen Hiroshi, 1–260. Tokyo: Asahi shibunsha, 1972. Takagi Masakazu 高木正一, trans. Shō Kō Shihin 鍾嶸詩品. Tokyo: Tokyo daigaku shuppankai, 1978.

Baihua translations Zhou Weimin 周偉民 and Xiao Huarong 蕭華榮, comm. and trans. Wen fu Shi pin zhu yi 文賦詩品注譯. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1985. Zhao Zhongyi 趙仲邑, trans. and comm. Zhong Rong Shi pin yizhu 鍾嶸詩品譯注. Nanning: Guangxi renmin chubanshe, 1987. Xu Da 許達, trans. and comm. Shi pin quan yi 詩品全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1990. Guo Lingyuan 郭令原, trans. and comm. Baihua Shi pin 白話詩品. Changsha: Yuelu shushu, 1997. Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫, trans. and comm. Shi pin yi zhu 詩品譯注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Yang Ming, trans. and comm. Wen fu Shi pin yizhu 文賦詩品譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1999. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦, trans. and comm. Xin yi Shi pin duben 新譯詩品讀本. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 2003.

Studies Chen Yanjie 陳延傑. “Du Shi pin” 讀《詩品》. Dongfang zazhi 23 (1926): 105–8. Chen Yan 陳衍. “Zhong Rong Shi pin pingyi” 鍾嶸詩品平議. Guoxue zhuankan 1.4 (1926); rpt. Zhongguo wenxue pipingjia yu wenxue piping, 1: 71–90. 920 shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry)

Zhang Chenqing 張陳卿. Zhong Rong Shi pin zhi yanjiu 鍾嶸詩品之研究. Beijing: Wenhua xueshe, 1926. Huang Kan 黃侃. “Shi pin jiang shu” 詩品講疏. In Wenxin diaolong zhaji 文心雕龍札記. Beijing: Wenhua xueshe, 1927; rpt. Wenxin diaolong zhaji. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. Lizhou 盠舟 (Xu Wenyu 許文雨). “Ping Chen Yanjie Shi pin zhu” 評陳延傑《詩品注》. Dagong bao “Wenxue fukan” 27 (July 9, 1928); rpt. in Xu Wenyu. Wenlun jiangshu, 301–8. Xu Wenyu 許文雨. “Ping Gu Zhi Zhong jishi Shi pin jian” 評古直《鍾記室詩品箋》. In Xu Wenyu. Wenlun jiangshu, 308–13. Guo Shaoyu 郭紹虞. “Shihua conghua (1) Zhong Rong Shi pin” 詩話叢話 (一) 鍾嶸詩品. Wenxue 1.2 (1933). Yu Xueman 余雪曼. “Du Shi pin” 讀《詩品》. Zhilin 6 (1944): 1127–34. Wang Shumin 王叔岷. “Du Zhong Rong Shi pin zhaji” 讀鍾嶸《詩品》札記. Shuo- wen yuekan 5.1–2 (1944): 103–11. Wang Shumin 王叔岷. “Zhong Rong Shi pin xu shuzheng” 鍾嶸《詩品》序疏證. Zhongyang ribao (December 15, 1947). Wang Zhong 王中. “Zhong Rong pin shi de biaozhun chidu” 鍾嶸品詩的標準尺度. Guowen yuekan 66 (1948): 25–28; rpt. in Zhongguo wenxue pipingjia yu wenxue piping 1: 1–13. Lu Qinli 逯欽立. “Shi pin congkao”《詩品》叢考. Xiandai xuebao 1.9–10 (1947): 49–65; rpt. Lu Qinli. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji, 461–88. Xiang Changqing 向長青. “Guanyu Shi pin de jiege wenti” 關於《詩品》的幾個問題. Shenbao 11 (February 21, 1948). Wang Shu-min 王叔岷. “Lun Zhong Rong ping Tao Yuanming shi” 論鍾嶸評陶淵明詩. Xueyuan 2 (1949); rpt. and rev. in Wang Shumin. Tao Yuanming shi jianzheng gao 陶淵明詩箋證稿, 527–38. Taipei: Yiwen yishuguan, 1975. Wang Shu-min 王叔岷. “Zhong Rong Shi pin shuzheng” 鍾嶸《詩品》疏證. Xueyuan 3–4 (April 1951): 136–43; rpt. in Wang Shumin. Zhong Rong Shi pin jianzheng gao, 647–80. Fu Gengsheng 傅庚生. “Shi pin tan suo”《詩品》探索. Guowen yuekan 82 (1949): 7–19. Luo Genze 羅根澤. “Du Shi pin” 讀《詩品》. Guangming ribao “Wenxu yichan” 147 (March 10, 1957); rpt. in Luo Genze. Luo Genze gudian wenxue lunwen ji, 333–40. Wang Guiling 王貴苓. “Tao Yuanming chu yu Ying Qu shuo tantao” 陶淵明出於應璩說探討. Wenxue zazhi 2.6 (1957): 39–47. Gao Haifu 高海夫. “Du Shi pin zhaji” 讀《詩品》札記. Renwen zazhi (1958: 3): 50–55. Zheng Qian 鄭騫. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Xie Lingyun tiao ding wu” 鍾嶸《詩品》謝靈運條訂誤. Taiwan xinsheng bao “Dushu zhoukan” (October 16, 1959); rpt. Zheng Qian. Jingwu congbian 景舞叢編. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1972. Shu Zhongzheng 舒中正. “Shen Yue Liu Xie Zhong Rong sanjia shilun zhi bijiao yanjiu” 沈約、劉勰、鍾嶸三家詩論之比較研究. Guoli zhengzhi daxue xuebao 3 (1961): 299–313. Li Boxun 李伯勳. “Lun Zhong Rong Shi pin” 論鍾嶸《詩品》. Guangming ribao “Wenxue yichan” 348 (January 22, 1961). shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry) 921

Mou Shijin 牟世金. “Zhong Rong de shige pinglun” 鍾嶸的詩歌評論. Wenxue ping lun (1962: 2): 1–16; rpt. Mou Shijin. Diaolong ji 雕龍集. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1983. Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎, Suzuki Shūji 鈴木修次, et al. “Shōshi Shihin so” 鍾氏詩品疏. Ritsumeikan bungaku 232 (1965): 39–51; 241 (1965): 41–55; 268 (1967): 62–81; 272 (1968): 71–90; 282 (1968): 105–26; 300 (1970); 63–83; 308 (1971): 38–56; 309 (1971): 91–110; 314 (1971): 42–66. Huang Zhaoxian 黃兆顯. “Shi pin ‘Zuo Si qi yuan chu yu Gonggan’ kao shi” 《詩品》 “左思其源出於公幹” 考釋. Xianggang daxue Zhongwen xuehui niankan (1965–1966): 48–61. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Bunshin chōryō to Shihin no bungakukan no tairitsu” 文心雕竜と詩品の文學観の対立. Yoshikawa hakushi taikyū kinen Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 吉川博士退休記念中國文學論集, ed. Yoshikawa kyōju taikan kinen jigyōkai 吉川教授退官記念事業會, ed. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1968; rpt. in Kōzen Hiroshi. Chūgoku no bungaku riron, 305–20; Chinese trans. by Peng Enhua 彭恩華. “Wenxin diaolong yu Shi pin zai wenxueguan shang de duili” 《文心雕龍》與《詩品》在文學觀上的對立 . Wenyi lilun yanjiu (1982: 2): 76–83; Chinese trans. in Chen Hongsen 陳鴻森. 「文心雕龍」與「詩品」文學觀之對立. Youshi xuezhi 18 (1985): 70–82. Li Daoxian 李道顯. Shi pin yanjiu 詩品研究. Taipei: Huagang, 1968. Wilhelm, Hellmut. “A Note on Chung Hung and His Shih-p’in. In Chow Tse- tsung, ed. Wen-lin, 111–20. Brooks, E. Bruce. “A Geometry of the Shr Pin.” In Chow Tse-tsung, ed. Wen-lin, 121–50. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. “Shi pin zong lun”《詩品》總論. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue shixue jikan (1969: 5): 165–211. He Shize 何士澤. “Shi pin lun shu” 詩品論疏. M.A. Thesis, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1969. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Shihin ni tsuite”『詩品』について. In Bungaku ronshū 文學論集, ed. Arai Ken 荒井健 and Kōzen Hiroshi, 1–260. Tokyo: Asahi shibunsha, 1972; rpt. in Kōzen Hiroshi. Chūgoku no bungaku riron, 265–80. Chinese trans. in Kōzen Hiroshi. Liuchao wenxue lungao, 156–70. He Jipeng 何寄澎. “Zhong Rong pin shi de jiben lilun—zhong qi guan de poxi” 鍾嶸品詩的基本理論—重氣的剖析. Youshi yuekan 38.3 (1973): 40–46; rpt. Zhong- guo gudian wenxue piping lunji, 175–200. Liao Weiqing 廖蔚卿. “Shi pin xi lun”《詩品》析論. Wenxue pinglun (Taipei) 1 (1975): 1–68; rpt. Liao Weiqing. Liuchao wenlun, 211–369. Chai Feifan 柴非凡. “Zhong Rong Shi pin yu Shen Yue” 鍾嶸《詩品》與沈約. Zhongwai wenxue 10 (1975): 58–65. Cha Chu Whan. “On Enquiries for Ideal Poetry: An Instance of Chung Hung.” Tamkang Review 6 (1975) and 7 (1976): 43–54. Wang Meng-ou 王夢鷗. “Zhong Rong Shi pin ji qi shiguan” 鍾嶸《詩品》及其詩觀. Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yuekan 10.4 (1977): 2–5. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Shō Kō Shihin no senpyō ni naizai suru bungakuteki dachi kijun” 鍾嶸「詩品」の選評に內在する文學的価值基準. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 40 (1978): 41–55. Yeh Chia-ying and Jan W. Walls. “Theory, Standards and Practice in the Shih-p’in of Criticizing Poetry in Chung Hung’s Shih-p’in.” In Studies in Chinese Poetry 922 shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry)

and Poetics, vol. 1, ed. Ronald Miao, 43–79. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1978. Hayashida Shinnosuke 林田慎之助. “Shō Kō no bungaku riron” 鍾嶸の文學理論. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 7 (1978): 1–16. Hayashida Shinnosuke 林田慎之助. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku hyōronshi, 337–64. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Shihin to shogaron” 『詩品』と書画論. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 31 (1979): 119–33; rpt. in Kōzen Hiroshi. Chūgoku no bungaku riron, 281–304; Chinese trans. in Kōzen Hiroshi. Liuchao wenxue lungao, 248–71. Wang Meng-ou 王夢鷗. “Mantan Zhong Rong pin shi de taidu yu fangfa” 漫談鍾嶸品詩的態度與方法. Zhonghua wenhua fuxing yuekan 13.2 (1980): 63–75; 13.5 (1980): 5–23; rpt. Wang Meng-ou. Gudian wenxue lun tansuo, 219–38. Li Wenchu 李文初. “Du Shi pin ‘Song zhengshi Tao Qian’ zhaji” 讀《詩品‧宋徵士逃潛》札記. Wenyi lilun yanjiu (1980: 2): 123–28. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠. “Zhong Rong dui Liuchao shifeng de pipan” 鍾嶸對六朝詩風的批判. Jiang Huai luntan (1980: 1); rpt. Liu Wenzhong. Zhonggu wenxue yu wenlun yanjiu, 284–95. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Tao shi yuan chu Ying Qu jie” 鍾嶸《詩品》陶詩源出應璩解. Wenxue pinglun (1980: 5): 135–38; rpt. Wang Yunxi. Han Wei Liuchao Tangdai wenxue luncong, 39–46. Feng Jiquan 馮吉權. Wenxin diaolong yu Shi pin zhi shilun bijiao 文心雕龍與詩品之詩論比較. Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1981. Wang Yunxi 王運熙 and Yang Ming 楊明. “Zhong Rong Shi pin yu shidai fengqi” 鍾嶸《詩品》與時代風氣. Wenxue pinglun congkan (1981: 5): 51–68; rpt. in Wang Yunxi. Zhongguo gudai wenlun guankui. Mei Yunsheng 梅運生. Zhong Rong he Shi pin 鍾嶸和詩品. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1982. Wixted, John Timothy. “The Nature of Evaluation in the Shih-p’in (Gradings of Poets) by Chung Hong (A.D. 469–518).” In Bush and Murck, Theories of the Arts in China, 225–64. Wixted, John Timothy. “The Koinshū Prefaces. Another Perspective.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 43.1 (1983): 215–38; rpt. in Classical and Medieval Literature Criticism: Excerpts from Criticism of the World Authors from Classical Antiquity through the Fourteenth Century, from the First Appraisals to Current Evaluations, vol. 29, ed. Jelena O. Krtović, 245–58. Detroit: Gale Research, 1999; abridge version in Kokinshū: A Collection of Poems Ancient and Modern, trans. Laurel Rasplica Rodd with the collaboration of Mary Catherin Henkenius, 387– 400. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984; rpt. Boston: Cheng and Tsui Company, 1996; Spanish language translation of the abridged version: “Influ- encias Chinas en los Prefacios de Kokunshū,” trans. Amalia Sato. Tokonoma: Traducción y literatura (Buenos Aires) 2 (Spring 1994): 23–35. Zhang Bowei 張伯偉. “Zhong Rong Shi pin de piping fangfa lun” 鍾嶸詩品的批評方法論. Zhongguo shehui kexue (1986: 3): 159–70. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Zhong Rong Shi pin jiao kao” 鍾嶸《詩品》校考. Zhongzhou xuekan (1986: 1): 80–88. Luo Liqian 羅立乾. Zhong Rong shige meixue 鍾嶸詩歌美學. Wuhan: Wuhan daxue chubanshe, 1987; rpt. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1990. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Shihin Sha Reiun jō itsuwa kō”『詩品』謝靈運条逸話考. Gakurin 11 (1988): 1–26; Chinese trans. in Shimizu Yoshio. Qingshui Kaifu Shi ping Wen xuan lunwenji, 1–26. shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry) 923

Chen Zhi 陳直 (1901–1980). “Chen Yanjie Shi pin zhu zhong cunzai de wenti” 陳延傑《詩品注》中存在的問題. In Chen Zhi. Wenshi kaogu luncong 文史考古論叢. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1988. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Shi pin ping Tao shi fa wei”《詩品》評陶詩發微. Fudan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1988: 5): 60–64, 75. Wang Yunxi 王運熙 and Yang Ming 楊明. “Zhong Rong Shi pin” 鍾嶸《詩品》. In Wang and Yang. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue piping shi, 493–570. Yu Kekun 禹克坤. Wenxin diaolong yu Shi pin 文心雕龍與詩品. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1989. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Shi pin de Chengming ji xuyan de weizhi”《詩品》的稱名及序言的位置. Zhongzhou xuekan (1989: 5): 74–78. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Shihin jo kō” 詩品序考. Ritsumeikan bungaku 511 (1989); 340–75; Chinese trans. in Shimizu Yoshio. Qingshui Kaifu Shi ping Wen xuan lunwenji, 104–38. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Shihin kenkyūhō no kentō to ‘gogen shi keisaku’ mondai no kyūmei” 『詩品』研究法の検討と「五言之警策」問題の究明. Gakurin 14–15 (1990): 40–77; 16 (1991): 1–39; Chinese trans. in Shimizu Yoshio. Qing- shui Kaifu Shi ping Wen xuan lunwenji, 27–103. Wang Shu-min 王叔珉. “Zhong Rong Shi pin gailun” 鍾嶸《詩品》概論. Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiu jikan 1 (1991): 11–14; rpt. in Wang Shumin. Zhong Rong Shi pin jianzheng gao. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Shi pin dongjian dui Riben hege de yingxiang”《詩品》東漸對日本和歌的影響. Wenxue pinglun (1991: 6): 86–96, 85. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Zhong Rong Shi pin jiaozheng juyu” 鍾嶸《詩品》校正舉隅. Shang- hai shifan daxue xuebao (1991: 4): 74–80, 91. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Chūgoku ni okeru 1980 nen ikō no Chō Kō Shihin kenkyū gaikan—2—Bunshin chōryō no bungakukan no idō ronsō o chūshin toshite” 中國における1980年以降の鍾嶸〈詩品〉研究概観—1—「文心雕竜」の文學観の異同論爭お中心として. Chūgoku bungaku hō 44 (1992): 137–63; Chi- nese trans. in Shimizu Yoshio. Qingshui Kaifu Shi ping Wen xuan lunwenji, 155–79. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Chūgoku ni okeru 1980 nen ikō no Chō Kō Shihin kenkyū gaikan—1—jimisetsu o chūshin toshite” 中國における1980年以降の鍾嶸〈詩品〉研究概觀—1—滋味說お中心として. Chūgoku bungaku hō 44 (1992): 137–63; Chinese trans. in Shimizu Yoshio. Qingshui Kaifu Shi ping Wen xuan lunwenji, 139–54. Führer, Bernhard. “Apotheosis of Poets: Two modi operandi of the Reasoned Exer- cise of Literary Taste.” Tamkang Review 24 (1993): 59–81. Zhang Bowei 張伯偉. “Lun Zhong Rong Shi pin de sixiang jichu” 論鍾嶸《詩品》的思想基礎. Chūgoku bungaku hō 46 (1993): 50–67. Zhang Bowei 張伯偉. Zhong Rong Shi pin yanjiu 鍾嶸詩品研究. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1993. Wang Faguo 王發國. Shi pin kao suo 詩品考索. Chengdu: Keji daxue chubanshe, 1993. Xie Wenxue 謝文學. “Zhong Rong Shi pin yu Shen Yue kao lun” 鍾嶸《詩品》與沈約考論. Huanghai xuekan (Shehui kexue ban) 11.3 (1995): 89–93, 78. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. Zhou Wenhai 周文海, trans. Qingshui Kaifu Shi pin Wen xuan lunwen ji 清水凱夫《詩品》《文選》論文集. Beijing: Shoudu shifan daxue chubanshe, 1995. 924 shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry)

Fuehrer, Bernhard. “High Wind and True Bone, Defying Ice and Frost: Illustrative Remarks on the Shipin of Zhong Hong.” Bochumer Jahrbuch zur Ostasienfor- schung 19 (1995): 51–70. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Zhai ju piping, benshi piping, xingxiang piping ji qi ta—Shi pin piping fangfa zhi er” 摘句批評‧本事批評‧形象批評及其他—《詩品》批評方法論之二. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (1997: 4): 94–98. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Shi pin suocun yinan wenti yanjiu”《詩品》所存疑難問題研究. Wenxue pinglun (1997: 6): 88–98. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Tao shi yuan chu Ying Qu shuo bian xi” 鍾嶸《詩品》陶詩源出應璩說辨析. Tao Yuanming yanjiu 陶淵明研究, 136–61. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Wang Chunhong 汪春泓. “Zhong Rong Shi pin guanyu Guo Pu tiao shuzheng— jian lun Zhong Rong shige shenmei lixiang zhi xingcheng” 鍾嶸《詩品》關於郭璞條疏證—兼論鍾嶸詩歌審美理想之形成. Wenxue yichan (1998: 6): 13–20. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Shi pin zhong shiren de pailie cixu wenti”《詩品》中詩人的排列次序問題. Fudan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1998: 6): 80–82, 90. Cao Xu 曹旭. “Bijiao piping yu lishi piping—Shi pin piping fangfa lun juyu” 比較批評與歷史批評—《詩品》批評方法論舉隅. Xueshu yuekan (1998: 3): 86–91. Li Wenchu 李文初. “Jiang Yan yu Wang Wei Xie Tiao—du Shi pin ‘Qi guanglu Jiang Yan’ zhaji” 江淹與王微、謝朓—讀《詩品‧齊光祿江淹》札記. Jiaying daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1998: 2): 43–45. Xie Wenxue 謝文學. “Lun Zhong Rong Shi pin dui Jiang Yan shige de pingjia” 論鍾嶸《詩品》對江淹詩歌的評價. Zhongzhou xuekan (1998: 1): 104–7. Cao Xu 曹旭. Shi pin yanjiu 詩品研究. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1998. Yang Ming 楊明. Zhong Rong pingzhuan 鍾嶸評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2001. Li Yan 李雁. “Lun Shi pin zhi ping Xie Lingyun” 論《詩品》之評謝靈運. Shandong shida xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 176 (2001): 36–41. Xie Wenxue 謝文學. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Xie Lingyun tiao Du Mingshi kao” 鍾嶸《詩品》謝靈運條杜明師考. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 20.4 (2001): 39–43. Chen Yuansheng 陳元勝. “Shi pin shang ‘xu’ yinan wenti bianshuo”《詩品上‧序》疑難問題辨說. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 20.6 (2001): 28–35. Huo Youming 霍有明. “Zhong Rong Shi pin lun Xie shi yuan chu Cao Zhi xun yi” 鍾嶸《詩品》論謝詩源出曹植尋繹. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 65 (2002): 36–39. Xie Wenxue 謝文學. “Shi pin Xie Lingyun tiao ‘Xie Xuan wang’ kao bian”《詩品》謝靈運條 “謝玄亡” 考辨. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 21.1 (2002): 29–31. Chen Daogui 陳道貴. “Shi pin ‘Yongjia shi, gui Huang-Lao, shao shang xutan’ shuo bianzheng—jian yu Wang Chunhong xiansheng shangque”《詩品》“永嘉時，貴黃老，稍尚虛談” 說辨證—兼與汪春泓先生商榷. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 21.3 (2002): 32–35. Xie Wenxue 謝文學. “Shen Yue yu Zhong Rong Shi pin kao suo” 沈約與鍾嶸《詩品》考索. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 21.4 (2002): 31–33. Li Hui 李慧. “Gu Zhi Zhong jishi Shi pin jian shu ping” 古直《鍾記室詩品箋》述評. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 21.4 (2002): 38–41. Chen Yuansheng 陳元勝. “Shi pin shiren jiguan bian shuo”《詩品》詩人籍貫辨說. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 21.6 (2002): 35–39. Wang Jinhui 王今暉. “Zhong Rong Shi pin (Jin Hongnong taishou Guo Pu) bian xi”─ 鍾嶸《詩品》(晉弘農太守郭璞) 辨析. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 69 (2003): 40–42. shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry) 925

Wan Dekai 萬德凱. “Zhong Rong Shi pin ‘Jin Ruan bubing shi’ tiao shuzheng” 鍾嶸《詩品‧晉阮步兵詩》條疏證. Xinan minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 24.3 (2003): 156–61. Wang Shu 王澍. “Zai lun Zhong Rong Shi pin zhong de Tao shi ‘yuan chu yu Ying Qu’ shuo—jian yu Yuan Xingpei xiansheng shangque” 再論鍾嶸《詩品》中的陶詩 “源出於應璩” 說. Shehui kexue 101 (2003): 130–33. Chen Changyi 陳長義. “Guanyu Shi pin xu de yichu jiedu” 關於《詩品序》的一處解讀. Sichuan jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 19.1 (2003): 48–49. Guo Peng 郭鵬. “Shi pin Cao Zhi tiao shuzheng”《詩品》曹植條疏證. Tangshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 25.3 (2003): 1–5. Wang Faguo 王發國 and Wang Yunyan 王芸艷. “Xu Wenyu Zhong Rong Shi pin jiangshu shi bi lüe shu” 許文雨《鍾嶸詩品講疏》十弊略述. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 22.1 (2003): 30–35; 22.4 (2003): 38–42. Wu Guoping 鄔國平. “Zhong Rong Shi pin zhushi bianzheng” 鍾嶸《詩品》注釋辨證. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 22.3 (2003): 30–34. Sun Lan 孫蘭. “Shi pin Xie Tiao tiao san yi”《詩品》謝朓條三議. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 22.4 (2003): 29–33. Gao Xiaohui 高小慧. “Shi pin Jin jishi Zuo Si tiao shu”《詩品》晉記室左思條疏. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 22.4 (2003): 34–37. Chen Yuansheng 陳元勝. “Shi pin zhong ‘Xu’ yinan wenti bian shuo”《詩品中‧ 序》疑難問題辨說. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 22.6 (2003): 31–34. Wu Guoping 鄔國平. “Zhong Rong Shi pin yizhong xin de banben” 鍾嶸《詩品》一種新的版本. Wenxian jikan (2003: 2): 182–90. Zhang Junfeng 張俊峰. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Jiang Yan tiao xin jie” 鍾嶸《詩品》江淹條新解. Henan jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 88 (2004): 32–34. Ji Xiaojian 紀曉建. “Jiang Yan de wenxue piping guan ji dui Shi pin de yingxiang” 江淹的文學批評觀及對《詩品》的影響. Nantong shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 20.3 (2004): 71–75. Chen Yuansheng 陳元勝. “Shi pin xia ‘Xu’ yinan wenti bian shuo”《詩品下‧序》疑難問題辨說. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 23.6 (2004): 35–39; 24.3 (2005): 20–25. Wang Fengxian 王豐先. “Jiang Yan ‘Zati shi sanshi shou’ yu Zhong Rong Shi pin guanxi kao bian” 江淹《雜體詩三十首》與鍾嶸《詩品》關係考辨. Gansu gaoshi xuebao 10.3 (2005): 5–7. Jin Anhui 金安輝. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Lu Shiheng tiao shuzheng” 鍾嶸《詩品》陸士衡條疏證. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 24.4 (2005): 23–27. Wu Guoping 鄔國平. “Liang Wudi yu Zhong Rong Shi pin” 梁武帝與鍾嶸《詩品》. Wenyi yanjiu (2006: 10): 76–81. Ma Meng 馬萌. “Shi pin ‘fengren’ bian zheng”《詩品》“風人” 辨正. Wenxue yichan (2006: 6): 123–26. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “Zhong Rong cheng Tao Yuanming ‘gujin yinyi shiren zhi zong’ bian—jian shu Tao Yuanming shi jieshou shi shang de yige wenti” 鍾嶸稱陶淵明 “古今隱逸詩人之宗” 辨—兼述陶淵明詩接受史上的一個問題. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 25.4 (2006): 37–41. Guo Peng 郭鵬. “Zhong Rong Shi pin guanyu tong pin shiren de youlie quanci” 鍾嶸《詩品》關於同品詩人的優劣詮次. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 26.1 (2007): 43–46. Ma Meng 馬萌. “Shi pin ‘fengren’ fei ‘fengren ti’ ”《詩品》“風人” 非 “風人體”. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 26.1 (2007): 47–49. 926 shi pin 詩品 (gradings of poetry)

Wang Faguo 王發國. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Lu Shiheng tiao qian er ju shuzheng shangdui” 鍾嶸《詩品》陸士衡條前二句疏證商兌. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 26.6 (2007): 45–49. Chen Yuansheng 陳元勝. “Shi pin yinan wenti bianshuo—Yu ji shiren ping xilie bian shuo”《詩品》疑難問題辨說—豫籍詩人評系列辨說. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao 26.3 (2007): 38–45; 27.1 (2008): 43–47; 27.3 (2008): 41–49. Cai Yanfeng 蔡彥峰. “Shi pin Lu Ji shi ‘qi shao yu Gonggan’ shuzheng”《詩品》陸機詩 “氣少於公幹” 疏證. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 26.6 (2007): 50–54. Li Li 李黎. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Jin huangmen lang Pan Yue tiao shuzheng” 鍾嶸《詩品》晉黃門郎潘岳條疏證. Lanzhou xuekan 172 (2008): 196–98. Zheng Lin 鄭琳. “Shi pin yu Hua pin de wentixue bijiao”《詩品》與《畫品》的文體學比較. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 27.1 (2008): 35–37. Wang Faguo 王發國. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Lu Shiheng tiao zhi ‘zhi li bing’ si yu shuzheng shangdui” 鍾嶸詩品陸士衡條之 “摭利病” 四語疏證商兌. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 27.1 (2008): 38–42. Lü Xianping 呂賢平. “Xuchang xueyuan xuebao ‘Zhong Rong yu Shi pin yanjiu’ xueshu chengguo shu ping”《許昌學院學報》“鍾嶸與《詩品》研究” 學術成果述評. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 27.1 (2008): 48–52. Wang Faguo 王發國. “Zhong Rong Shi pin Lu Shiheng tiao hou shu ju shuzheng wulou shangdui” 鍾嶸《詩品》陸士衡條後數句疏證誤漏商兌. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 27.4 (2008): 30–34. Rusk, Bruce. “An Interpolation in Zhong Hong’s Shipin.” JAOS 128.3 (2008): 553–57. Cai Jinfang 蔡錦芳. “Zhong Rong Shi pin ping Lu Ji ‘bugui qicuo’ wenxian kao bian” 鍾嶸《詩品》評陸機 “不貴綺錯” 文獻考辨. Wenxian jikan (2008: 2): 110–13. Wang Faguo 王發國. “Cong bihui xue jiaodu jiaokan Zhong Rong Shi pin” 從避諱學角度校勘鍾嶸《詩品》. Xuchang shiyuan xuebao 28.1 (2009): 44–48. Wixted, John Timothy. “One Westerner’s Research on Chinese and Japanese Lan- guages and Literatures.” Asian Research Trends, New Series 4 (2009): 77–113, esp. 104–6. Wixted, John Timothy. “Shipin (Poetry gradings) by Zhong Rong 鍾嶸 (469?– 518).” In Six Dynasties Sources, ed. Albert E. Dien. Forthcoming.

DRK

Shishuo xinyu 世說新語 (New account of tales of the world)

Liu-Song period anecdote collection.

The Shishuo xinyu was compiled under the sponsorship of Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444), prince of the Liu-Song period. The received version of the Shishuo xinyu is divided into thirty-six sections, each of which contains anecdotes and tales illustrative of certain moral qualities, intellectual abilities, character types, and even character flaws. Liu Yiqing probably is not the sole compiler of the book. More likely it was compiled by members of his staff in his name. Kawakatsu Yoshio (see below) has suggested that the main responsibility for compilation rests with He Zhangyu 何長瑜 shishuo xinyu 世說新語 (new account of tales of the world) 927

(d. ca. 445), who was a prominent scholar at Liu Yiqing’s court. Another scholar who may have participated in the compilation is Yuan Shu 袁淑 (408–453). The received version of the text contains a commentary by Liu Jun 劉峻 (462–521), zi Xiaobiao 孝標. The earliest catalogues to list this work, including the monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu, Jiu Tang shu, and Xin Tang shu, all record the title as Shishuo. According to the Song scholar Huang Bosi 黃伯思 (1079– 1118), the title was inspired by the Shishuo by the Western Han scholar Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.). He also notes that another title for the work is Shishuo xinshu 世說新書, which may mean “Newly Written Shishuo,” i.e., a new version of Liu Xiang’s Shishuo. See Dongguan yulun 東觀餘論, Siku quanshu, B.12a. Liu Jun’s commentary several times actually refers to the work by the title Shishuo xinshu. Although Wang Zao 汪藻 (1079–1154) claimed that the title Xinshuo xinyu was first used during the Northern Song, this title actually appears as early as the Shi tong 史通 of Liu Zhiji 劉知幾 (661–721). Thus, some scholars insist that Shishuo xinyu is the original title, and that Shishuo is an abbreviated way of referring to the work. As was mentioned above, the received version of the work has thirty-six categories. According to Wang Zao, during the Song period there were editions that had thirty-seven, thirty-eight, and thirty-nine categories. The earliest listings of the Shishuo xinyu in monographs on bibliography of the Sui, and two Tang histories do not specify the number of categories. They do have two separate listings for the Shishuo, one in eight juan, and a ten-juan version with Liu Jun’s commentary. The reasons for the difference in the two versions is not known. Some scholars speculate that Liu Jun added to the text to accommodate his commentary, or even to add new material. The number of juan has varied. There were editions of three, six, eight, and ten juan. From Song times on, the most commonly printed editions were in three juan. The Shishuo xinyu is based on a variety of sources, including earlier anecedote collections such as the Yulin 語林 of Pei Qi 裴啟 (2nd half fourth century), and the Guozi 郭子 of Guo Chengzhi 郭澄之 (fourth century).

Bibliography

Texts and Commentaries Tang xieben Shishuo xinyu 唐寫本世說新語. Eighth century. Fragment of a ten juan version brought to Japan in the ninth century. Contains most of juan 6 (sections 10–13). Printed version: Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1964. See also the Wang Liqi edition below. 928 shishuo xinyu 世說新語 (new account of tales of the world)

Shishuo xinyu 世說新語. 3 juan. Liu Jun 劉峻 (462–521, comm. Wang Zao 王藻 (13th century), ed. Rpt. Tokyo: Kanazawa bunko, 1929; Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1964. Shishuo xinyu 世說新語. 6 juan. Liu Jun, comm. Yuan Jiong 袁褧 (Ming), ed. 1535. Rpt. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1974. Wang Liqi 王利器, ed. and comm. Shishuo xinyu 世說新語. 2 vols. Beijing: Wenxue guji kanxingshe, 1956. Yang Yong 楊勇, ed. and comm. Shishuo xinyu jiaojian 世說新語校箋. Hong Kong: Tazhong, 1969; rpt. Taipei: Minglun chubanshe, 1973; rpt. and rev. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 2006. Xu Zhen’e 徐震堮, ed. and comm. Shishuo xinyu jiaojian 世說新語校箋. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1984. Yu Jiaxi 余嘉錫, comp. Zhou Zumo 周祖謨 and Yu Shuxuan 余淑宣, eds. Shishuo xinyu jianshu 世說新語箋疏. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985; rpt. and rev. Shang- hai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1993. Zhu Zhuyu 朱鑄禹, ed. and comm. Shishuo xinyu huijiao jizhu 世說新語彙校集注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Liu Tianhua 劉天華, ed. and comm. Shishuo xinyu xinjiao 世說新語新校. Chang- sha: Yuelu shushe, 2004. Zhao Xilu 趙西陸, ed. and comm. Shishuo xinyu jiaoshi 世說新語校釋. Beijing: Bei- jing tushuguan chubanshe, 2006. Liu Qiang 劉強, ed. Shishuo xinyu huiping 世說新語會評. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2007.

Concordance Takahashi Kiyoshi 高橋清. Sesetsu shingo sakuin 世說新語索引. Hiroshima: Hiro- shima daigaku Chūgoku bungaku kinkyū shitsu, 1959.

Translations Richard Mather, trans. Shih-shuo hsin-yü: A New Account of Tales of the World. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1976; rpt. and rev. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, Center for Chinese Studies, 2002. Richard Mather, trans. A New Account of Tales of the World. Chinese trans. by Zhang Wanqi 張萬起 and Liu Shangci 劉尚慈. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007.

Japanese Translations Kawakatsu Yoshio 川勝義雄, Fukunaga Mitsuji 福永光司, Murakami Yoshimi 村上嘉實, and Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠夫, trans. Sesetsu shingo 世說新語. Chūgoku koshōsetsu shū 中國古小說集. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1964. Mori Mikisaburō 森三樹三郎, trans. Sesetsu shingo 世說新語. Chūgoku koten bungaku taikei 中國古典文學大系 Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1969. Yagisawa Hajime 八木澤元, trans. Sesetsu shingo 世說新語. Chūgoku koten shinsho 中國古典新書. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1970. Mekada Makoto 目加田誠. Sesetsu shingo 世說新語. 3 vols. Shinyaku Kanbun taikei 新譯漢文大系. Tokyo: Meijin shoin, 1975–78. shishuo xinyu 世說新語 (new account of tales of the world) 929

Takeda Akira 竹田晃, trans. Sesetsu shingo 世說新語. Chūgoku no koten 中國の古典. 2 vols. Tokyo: Gakushu kenkyūsha, 1983–1984.

Baihua Translations Bai Weiliang 白惟良, comm. and trans. Shishuo xinyu xin shi 世說新語新釋. Gao xiong: Dazhong shuju, 1978. Mao Defu 毛德富, ed.-in-chief. Wen bai duizhao Shishuo xinyu 文白對照世說新語 Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1994. Yan Xianjue 鄢先覺, comm. and trans. Shishuo xinyu 世說新語. Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Liu Changgui 劉長桂 and Qian Zhenmin 錢振民, comm. and trans. Shishuo xinyu 世說新語. Shanghai: Dongfang chuban zhongxin, 1996. Zhang Huizhi 張撝之, comm. and trans. Shishuo xinyu yizhu 世說新語譯注. 1996: rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007. Qu Jianwen 曲建文 and Chen Hua 陳樺, comm. and trans. Shishuo xinyu yizhu 世說新語譯注. Shanghai: Beijing Yanshan chubanshe, 1996. Liu Zhenghao 劉正浩, Qiu Xieyou 邱燮友, and Chen Manming 陳滿銘, comm. and trans. Xinyi Shishuo xinyu 新譯世說新語. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1996. Yue Xiren 岳希仁, Zhao Yunshi 趙運仕, and Huang Lintao 黃林濤, comm. and trans. Shishuo xinyu yizhu 世說新語譯注. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 1998. Zhang Wanqi 劉萬起 and Liu Shangci 劉尚慈, comm. and trans. Shishuo xinyu yizhu 世說新語譯注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Xiao Ai 蕭艾, trans. Baihua Shishuo xinyu 白話世說新語. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1999. Chen Yinchi 陳引馳 and Sheng Yun 盛韻, comm. and trans. Shishuo xinyu zhuyi 世說新語注譯. Guangzhou: Huacheng chubanshe, 2006.

Studies Eichhorn, Werner. “Zur chinesichen Kulturgeschichte des 3. und 4. Jahrhunderts.” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 19 (1937): 451–83. Yoshikawa Kojiro 吉川幸次郎. “Sesetsu shingo no bunshō 世說新語の文章. Tōhōgaku hō 10.2 (1939): 256–79. Trans. by Glenn W. Baxter, HJAS 18 (1955): 124–41; rpt. in Studies in Chinese Literature, 166–83. Utsonomiya Kiyoyoshi 宇都宮清吉. “Sesetsu shingo no jidai 世說新語の時代,” Tōhōgaku hō 10 (1959): 199–235. Yang, V. T. “About Shih-shuo hsin-yü.” Journal of Oriental Studies 2.2 (1955): 309–15. Mather, Richard B. “Chinese Letters and Scholarship in the Third and Fourth Centuries: The Wen-hsüeh P’ien of the Shih- shuo‑Hsin-Yü.” JAOS 84.4 (1964): 384–91. Mather, Richard B. “Some Examples of ‘Pure Conversation’ in the Shih-shuo Hsin-yü.” Transactions of the International Conference of Orientalists in Japan 9 (1964): 58–70. Yang Yong 楊勇. “Shishuo xinyu shuming juanzhi banben kao”《世說新語》書名‧卷帙‧版本考. Dongfang wenhua 8.2 (1970). 930 shishuo xinyu 世說新語 (new account of tales of the world)

Kawakatsu Yoshio 川勝義雄. “Sesetsu shingo no hensen o megutte” 世說新語の編纂をめぐって. Tōhōgaku hō 41 (1970): 217–34. Mather, Richard B. “The Fine Art of Conversation: The Yen-yü P’ien of the Shih- shuo hsin-yü.” JAOS 91.2 (1971): 222–75. Yagisawa Hajime 八木澤元. “Seisetsu kara Shinsho, Shingo e no hatten: Seisetsu shingo denpon kō” 世說から新書、新語への發展：世說新語傳本考. In Torii Hisayasu sensei kakō kinen ronshū (Chūgoku no gengo to bungaku) 鳥居久靖先生華甲紀念論集 (中國の語言と文學), 99–116. Nara-ken Tenri-shi : Torii Hisayasu kyōju kakō kinenkai, 1972. Zhou Benchun 周本淳. “Shishuo xinyu yuanming kaolüe”《世說新語》原名考略. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1980: 3). Hsiao Hung 蕭虹. “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque” 世說新語作者問題商榷. Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan 14 (1981): 8–24. Zhou Yiliang 周一良. “Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha” 《世說新語》和作者劉義慶身世的考察 . Zhongguo zhexueshi yanjiu (1981:1); rpt. in Zhou Yiliang. Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi lunji 魏晉南北朝史論集, 331–37. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Lee, Lily Hsiao Hung 蕭虹. “A Study of Shih-shuo hsin-yü.” Ph.D. diss., University of Sydney, 1982. Ōyane Bunjirō 大矢根文次郎. Setsu shingo to Rikuchō bungaku 世說新語と六朝文學. Tokyo: Waseda daigaku shuppanbu, 1983. Lee, Lily Hsiao Hung 蕭虹. “The History Value of Shih-shuo hsin-yü.” Papers on Far Eastern History 34 (1986): 121–48. Zhou Yiliang 周一良. “Liu Yiqing” 劉義慶. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 451–57. Yabuchi Takayoshi 矢淵孝良. “Sesetsu no senzha ni tsuite—Gorin to no sōi ni miru sesetsu senzha no tachiba” 世説の撰者について—語林との相違に見る世説撰者の立場. In Chūgoku kizokai shakai no kenkyū 中国貴族制社会の研究, ed. Kawakatsu Yoshio 川勝義雄 and Tonami Mamoru 礪波護. Kyoto: Kyōto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1987. Matsuoka Eiji 松岡榮志. Shen Xiaonan 沈小南, trans. “Shishuo xinyu yuanming chongkao”《世說新語》原名重考. Sixiang zhanxian (1998: 5): 35–41. Ma Xingguo 馬興國. “Shishuo xinyu zai Riben de liuchuan ji yingxiang”《世說新語》在日本的流傳及影響. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexueban) (1989: 3): 79–83. Pu Meiling 朴美齡. Shishuo xinyu zhong suo fanying de sixiang 世說新語中所反映的思想. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1990. Mei Chia-ling 枚家玲. “Shishuo xinyu de yuyan yishu” 世說新語的語言藝術. Ph.D. Diss., National Taiwan University, 1991. Wang Nengxian 王能憲. Shishuo xinyu yanjiu 世說新語研究. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992. Diény, Jean-Pierre. Portrait anecdotique d’un gentilhomme chinois Xie An (320– 385) d’après le Shihshuo xinyu. Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, 1993. Wu Jinhua 吳金華. Shishuo xinyu kaoshi 世說新語考釋. Hefei: Anhui jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994. Diény, Jean-Pierre. “Portraits des femmes. Le chapitre XIX du Shishuo xinyu.” In Hommage à Kwong Hing Foon, Études d’histoire culturelle de la Chine. Ed. Jean-Pierre Diény. Bibliothèque de l’Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, shishuo xinyu 世說新語 (new account of tales of the world) 931

Vol. 30, 77–113. Paris: Collège de France, Institut des Hautes Études Chinoises, 1995. Lévy, André. “Du Pareil au même: A propos des ‘trois mots’ du Shishuo xinyu IV, 18.” T’oung Pao 81 (1995): 315–19. Zhang Zhende 張振德 et al. Shishuo xinyu yuyan yanjiu 世說新語語言研究. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1995. Yabuchi Takayoshi 矢淵孝良. “Enshaku to Sesetsu: ‘Sesetsu no senja’ horon” 論考‧ 研究ノ：袁淑と『世說』：「世說の撰者」について補論. Gengo bunka ronsō 3 (1999): 343–370. Jiang Fan 蔣凡. Shishuo xinyu yanjiu 世說新語研究. Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1998. Fan Ziye 范子野. Shishuo xinyu yanjiu 世說新語研究. Harbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1998. Liu Qiang 劉強. “Ershi shiji Shishuo xinyu yanjiu zongshu” 二十世紀《世說新語》研究綜述. Wenshi zhishi (2000: 4): 119–22. Yu Jiayu 宇稼雨. “Liu Yiqing de shenshi jingyu yu Shishuo xinyu de bianzuan dongyin” 劉義慶的身世境遇與《世說新語》的編纂動因. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 27.1 (2000): 57–60. Lu Tongyan 魯統彥. “Shilun Shishuo xinyu de shiliao jiazhi” 試論《世說新語》的史料價值. Dong Yue luncong 22.1 (2001): 125–32. Qian, Nanxiu. Spirit and Self in Medieval China. The Shih-shuo hsin-yü and Its Legacy. Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2001. Wei Shimin 魏世民. “Shishuo xinyu ji zhu chengshu niandai”《世說新語》及《注》成書年代 . Changzhou shizhuan xuebao (2002: 3): 19–20. You Yazi 尤雅姿. “Shishuo xinyu shuming yicheng bian yi”《世說新語》書名異稱辨疑. Xingda renwen xuebao 32 (2002): 39–54. Qian, Nanxiu. “Women’s Roles in Wei-Chin Character Appraisal as Reflected in Shih-shuo hsin-yü. In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History in Honor of Richard B. Mather & Donald Holzman, 259–302. Mei Chia-ling 枚家玲. Shishuo xinyu de yuyan yu xushi 世說新語的語言與敘事. Taipei: Liren, 2004. Fan Ziye 范子燁. Shishuo xinyu 世說新語. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2004. Chen Yu 陳瑜. “Shishuo xinyu de chengshu yu xushi”《世說新語》的成書與敘事. Luoyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2005: 3): 81–84. Liu Sai 劉賽. “Fan Ziye Linchuan wang Liu Yiqing nianpu buzheng er ze” 范子燁《臨川王劉義慶年譜》補正二則. Huanggang shifan xueyuan xuebao 25.4 (2005): 29–30. Kim Jang-hwan and Lily Xiao Hong Lee. “The Circulation and Study of the Shi- shuo Xinyu in Korea.” Early Medieval China 12 (2006): 31–68. Zhou Yiliang 周一良. “Guanyu Shishuo xinyu de zuozhe wenti” 關於《世說新語》的作者問題. Qinghua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 21 (2006): 5–11. Spiro, Audrey. “Seeing Through Words: Shishuo xinyu and the Visual Arts.” Early Medieval China 13–14, Part 1 (2007): 143–84. Luo Yuming 駱玉明. Shishuo xinyu jingdu 世說新語精讀. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2008. Wang Lixin 王立新. “Lun Liu Yiqing Shishuo xinyu de bianzhe” 論劉義慶《世說新語》的編者. Chengdu fangzhi gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 25.2 (2008): 38–39. 932 shishuo xinyu 世說新語 (new account of tales of the world)

Cutter, Robert Joe. “Shishuo xinyu and the Death of Cao Zhang.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 129.3 (2009): 403–11.

Liu Jun’s Commentary Matsuoka Eiji 松岡榮志. “Tenkan nenkan no Ryū Shun—Seisetsu chū no seiritsu to chūsha no tachiba” 天鑒年間の劉峻—「世說」注の成立と注者の立場. Chūtetsu bungaku hō 3 (1978): 46–66. Xiao Ai 蕭艾. “Liu Xiaobiao ji qi Shishuo zhu” 劉孝標及其《世說注》. Xiangtan daxue xuebao (yuyan yu wenxue) zengkan (1985): 17–30. Ma Xingguo 馬興國. “Shishuo xinyu zai Riben de liuchuan ji yingxiang”《世說新語》在日本的流傳及影響. Dongbei shida xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 3): 79–83. Zeng Wenliang 曾文樑. “Liu Xiaobiao zhu Shishuo xinyu fangfa shi tan” 劉孝標注《世說新語》方法試探. Furen guowen xuebao 11 (1995): 59–77. Aqitu 阿其圖. “Tan Shishuo xinyu zhu de wenxian jiazhi tedian” 談《世說新語注》的文獻價值特點. Yinshan xuekan (Shehui kexue ban) (1995: 2): 56–61, 66. Li Zhanqu 李湛渠. “Shishuo xinyu Liu Xiaobiao zhu shihua shichen”《世說新語》劉孝標注詩話拾沈. Huaiyin shifan xueyuan xuebao 24 (2002): 746–49. Wei Shimin 魏世民. “Shishuo xinyu ji zhu chengshu niandai kao”《世說新語》及《注》成書年代考. Changzhou shizhuan xuebao 20 (2000): 19–20. Zhao Jiancheng 趙建成. “Liu Xiaobiao Shishuo zhu kaolüe” 劉孝標《世說注》考略. M.A. Thesis, Heilongjiang daxue, 2003. Fang Ruili 房瑞麗. “Liu Xiaobiao Shishuo xinyu zhu jianlun” 劉孝標《世說新語注》簡論. Hunan gongcheng xueyuan xuebao 16.4 (2006): 41–44. Zhang Ming 張明. “Lun Liu Xiaobiao Shishuo xinyu zhu de zhengtiguan” 論劉孝標《世說新語》注的整體觀. Lanzhou xuekan 182 (2008): 212–14, 175. Zhao Jiancheng 趙建成. “Liu Xiaobiao Shishuo zhu zhuanzhu shijian kao” 劉孝標《世說注》撰著時間考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2009: 1): 19–21. Zhang Ming 張明 and Fu Yashu 傅亞庶. “Shi xi Shishuo xinyu Liu zhu dui suoyin wenxian zuozhe de chuli” 試析《世說新語》劉注對所引文獻作者的處理. Gudai wenming 3.1 (2009): 27–36.

DRK

Shi Tandi 釋曇諦 (d. 411)

Eastern Jin Buddhist monk and writer.

Shi Tandi’s secular surname was Kang 康. His ancestors were from Samarkand (modern Kazakhstan). They moved to China during the reign of Emperor Ling (r. 168–189) of the Han period. During the reign of Emperor Xian (r. 190–220), his ancestors moved south to Wuxing 吳興 (modern Pucheng 浦城, Fujian). His father Kang Tong 康彤 (n.d.) served as mounted escort in Jizhou 冀州 (modern Ji 冀 county, Hebei). Accord- ing to Shi Tandi’s biography in the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Biographies shi tanyuan 釋曇瑗 (496–ca. 577) 933 of eminent monks), it was said that his mother née Huang 黃 dreamed a monk called her “mother” while she was napping during the day time, and a zhuwei 麈尾 (chowry) and two pieces of iron paperweight with open art- work were sent to her. When she woke up, she saw both items by her side. She became pregnant and later gave birth to Shi Tandi (7. 278–9). Shi Tandi became a monk when he was ten years old. He extensively studied Buddhist sutras, and he had amazingly good comprehension of Buddhism. He reputedly had a photographic memory. Despite his interest in Buddhism, he studied the Ruist Classics. In his later years, he entered the Huqiu 虎丘 Monastery in Wu 吳, where he lectured seven times each on the Li jing 禮經 (Classic of rites), Yi jing 易經 (Book of changes), and Chunqiu 春秋 (Spring and autumn Annals). He lectured on the Fahua jing 法華經 (Lotus sutra), Dapin Boruo jing 大品般若經 (Mahā-prajñāpāramitā- sūtra) and Weimo jie jing 維摩詰經 (Vimalakīrti-nirdeśa-sūtra). In his later years, Tandi enjoyed living by quiet woods and streams, and he returned to Wuxing. He lived in the Kunlun 崑崙 Mountains in Guzhang 故鄣 (modern Anji 安吉, Zhejiang). He drank from mountain creeks and lived a leisurely and tranquil life for more than twenty years. He died during the Liu-Song period at the age of sixty-plus years. Shi Tandi was a skilled writer. He had collection of writings in six juan, which has long been lost. Yan Kejun preserves four of his writings, including “Lushan fu” 盧山賦 (Fu on Mount Lu), in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cai Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 273. Shi Huijiao 釋慧皎 (497–554). Tang Yongtong 湯用彤, ed. and comm. Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992.

TPK

Shi Tanyuan 釋曇瑗 (496–ca. 577)

Chen period Buddhist monk.

Shi Tanyuan was a monk of the Guangzhai Monastery 光宅寺 in Jiankang (modern Nanjing). His natal place was Jinling 金陵 (modern Nanjing). He was known for his learning and literary skill. He also was an expert on the vinaya (monastic rules). Emperor Xuan of the Chen (r. 568–582) appointed 934 shi tanyuan 釋曇瑗 (496–ca. 577) him Tonghui guoshi 通誨國師 (State Master of Universal Instruction). He died ca. 577 at the age of eighty-two. Tanyuan wrote a long explication of the Sarvāstivāda vinaya (Shi song lü 十誦律), which is no longer extant. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in six juan, which was lost already in the Tang period. His only extant work is “You gu yuan” 遊故苑 (Roaming the old garden), a poem about an abandoned garden in Jiankang. His friend Shi Hongyan 釋洪偃 (504–564) wrote a matching piece on the same garden.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 438. Ma Haiying 馬海英. Chendai shige yanjiu 陳代詩歌研究, 199–200. Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 2004.

DRK

Shi Wangming 釋亡名 (516–?)

Northern Dynasties Zhou period Buddhist monk.

This name may also be read Wuming. It is also sometimes written Wang- ming 忘名. Shi Wangming’s family name was Zong 宗, and his personal name was Quedai 闕殆. Some sources erroneously give his surname as Song 宋. His natal place was Nanyang 南陽 (modern Nanyang, Henan). The Zong clan was quite prestigious during this period. In his youth Wang- ming went into reclusion, but later served at the court of Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–554) when he ascended the throne in 552. When Jiangling fell in 554, Shi Wangming became a Buddhist monk. He traveled to Shu (modern Sichuan) and joined the order of Dui Chanshi 兌禪師. When Yuwen Xian 宇文憲 (545–579) was garrisoned in Shu in 559–560, he treated Wangming with great respect. Yuwen Xian took Wangming back to Chang’an with him. In 567, the Northern Wei statesman Yuwen Hu 宇文護 (514–572) sent Wangming a letter asking him to leave the Buddhist order and became an official at the imperial court. Wangming declined the invitation. He was fifty-two at this time. He composed shortly thereafter the “Baoren ming” 寶人銘 (Inscription of the precious man) in which he swears an oath to renounce all worldly concerns, delights, and even knowledge. Nothing is known about Wangming after this. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu lists Wangming’s collected works in ten juan, as do the two Tang histories. This was lost in the shi xuankui 釋玄逵 935

Song. Yan Kejun’s collects three prose works including the “Baoren ming.” Lu Qinli includes three poems by Wangming in his Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. One is a Buddhist poem on “five miseries” (wu ku 五苦): life, old age, illness, death, and separation from a loved one.

Bibliography

Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 137. Chen Xinhui 陳新會 (Chen Yuan 陳垣). Zhongguo fojiao shi gailun 中國佛教史概論, 9–10. Taipei: Sanrenxing chubanshe, 1974. Zhu Xinhua 朱新華. “Shi Wangming de fenshen shu” 釋亡名的分身術. Dushu (1994: 3): 63.

DRK

Shi Xu 石勗, zi Zicai 子才

Eastern Han writer.

Little is known about Shi Xu’s life. His ancestral home was Ganling 甘陵 (modern Zaoqiang 棗強, Hebei). His “Fei Feng bie bei shi” 費風別碑詩 (Epitaph of Fei Feng, parting forever poem) consists of two parts: epitaph of Fei Feng’s life, and a long pentasyllabic poem in memory of his distant relative Fei Feng. Lu Qinli has collected this piece in his Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 73. Yang Suh-jen. “The Literary Merits of the Han (206 B.C.–A.D. 220) Stele Inscrip- tion.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 2007, 236–78.

TPK

Shi Xuankui 釋玄逵

Sui Buddhist poet.

Little is known of Xuankui’s life. He has three extant poems. One is a penta syllabic poem “Yan li Guangfu huan wang Guilin qu liu changran zishu zeng huai shi” 言離廣府還望桂林去留愴然自述贈懷詩 (A poem of feeling sent upon leaving Guangfu and returning to Guilin, a sorrowful personal 936 shi xuankui 釋玄逵 account thinking about whether to stay or leave). The other two poems are quatrains written in imitation of the “Sichou” 四愁 (Four sorrows). All three poems are preserved in the Gushi leiyuan 古詩類苑 of Zhang Zhixi- ang 張之象 (1507–1587), Shi ji of Feng Weine, and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 82.

TPK

Shi Yancong 釋彥琮 (557–610)

Sui Buddhist monk writer and translator.

Shi Yancong’s ancestral home was Boren 柏人 in Zhao 趙 commandery (west of modern Longyao 隆堯, Xingtai city 邢台, Hebei). His secular name was Li Daojiang 李道江. He became a Buddhist monk and learned Sanskrit when he was ten, and was able to recite the Fahua jing 法華經 (Lotus Sutra) when he was twelve. Ca. 570, he travelled to Jinyang 晉陽 (Modern Taiyuan 太原, Shanxi) where he, Lu Sidao 盧思道 (535–586), and Yuan Xingguo 袁行恭 (fl. 570–590) established a Buddhist lecture hall to preach the Dazhi du lun 大智度論 (Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra), one of the most important Mahayana texts. When the Northern Zhou was established in 577, he had his secular name formally changed to Shi Yancong. Emperor Wu 武 (r. 561–572) of the Northern Zhou in 574 issued a proscription of Buddhism, and he ordered all Buddhist monks to resume their secular life, enlist in military service, and engage in productive activities. Shi Yancong at this time began to lecture on the Yi jing, Laozi and Zhuangzi. The founding ruler of the Sui dynasty, Emperor Wen (r. 581–604), was much more tolerant toward Buddhism. He summoned Shi Yancong to serve as abbot in the Riyan Monastery 日嚴寺 in Daxingcheng 大興城 (Chang’an), where Shi Yancong lectured on the Boruo jing 般若經 (Prajñāpāramitā or Sutra of the Perfection of Wisdom). In 592, he traveled to the capital (Daxing cheng) where he took up residence in the Da Xingshan Monas- tery 大興善寺. At this time Shi Yancong compiled the Neidian wen quanji 內典文全集 (Complete collection of Buddhist scriptures) together with shi yancong 釋彥琮 (557–610) 937 other eminent scholars, including Lu Yanshi 陸彥師 (n.d.), Xue Daoheng 薛道衡 (540–609), Liu Shanjing 劉善經 (fl. ca. 610), and Sun Wanshou 孫萬壽 (ca. 559–ca. 611). In 602, Yancong began compiling the Zhongjing mulu 眾經目錄 (Catalogue of Buddhist sutras), which was an influential work in that period. In 602, a monk from the Indian state of Rājagrhạ visited the Sui court. Emperor Wen ordered Shi Yanchong to translate the Sheli ruitu jing 舍利瑞圖經 (Scripture of śarīra [Buddhist relics]) and auspicious signs) and the Guojia xiangrui lu 國家祥瑞錄 (Catalogue of propitious omens of the realm) into Sanskrit as gifts to the states of the Western Regions. This is one of the first translations from Chinese to Sanskrit. An earlier translation from Chinese to Sanskrit was done by the Indian monk Bodhiruci (d. 527) who visited Luoyang in 508. Bodhiruci translated into Sanskrit the Dacheng yi zhang 大乘義張 by the Chinese monk Tanwuzui 曇無最. In 606, Emperor Yang (r. 604–617) established a translation hall in the Shanglin 上林 Park in Luoyang, and appointed Shi Yancong academician in charge of translating Buddhist works. Shi Yancong believed that a translator had to be well versed in both Chinese and Sanskrit, and have a good knowledge of the Classics and history. His “Bianzheng lun” 辯正論 (Disquistion on what is right and proper [in translation]) is the earliest statement of translation theory in China. Yancong formulated “Eight Pre- requisites” (Ba bei 八備) and “Ten Principles” (Shi tiao 十條) of translation. For example, the translator must firmly believe in Buddhist teachings, and he must thoroughly understand the original text and be fully acquainted with philology and lexicography. Yancong translated twenty-three Bud- dhist sutras in more than one-hundred juan. In addition to translating Buddhist sutras, Shi Yancong also wrote a commentary to the Kunlun shu 昆倫書, a work on Malay writing. He also collected Buddhist tales in the Guishen lu 鬼神錄 (Records of ghosts and spirits), a work in one juan that is no longer extant. He and Pei Ju 裴矩 (d. 627) jointly wrote the Tianzhu ji 天竺記 (Notes on India) in which he described local conditions and customs of India. Yancong and the South Indian monk Dharmagupta (Damojiduo 達摩笈多, d. 619) compiled the Da Sui Xiguo zhuan 大隋西國傳 (Accounts of Western states of the Great Sui dynasty), in which he recorded what Dharmagupta told him what he had seen and learned during his travels in South, Central and Western Asia. These two works provide important and valuable resources onthe history and geography of these areas. Yancong died in 610 at the age of fifty-four. 938 shi yancong 釋彥琮 (557–610)

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 314. Ch’en, Kenneth. Buddhism in China, 371–72. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1972. Guo Shaolin 郭紹林. “Suidai Dongdu Luoyang de fojiao neidaochang he fanyi jing guan” 隋代東督洛陽的佛教內道場和翻譯經館. Shijie zongjiao wenhua (1984: 6): 29–31. Sun Changwu 孫昌武. Zhongguo fojiao wenhua shi 中國文化佛教史, 1049, 1249, 1290, 1726. 5 vols. Bejing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010. Fu Huisheng 傅惠生. “Yancong ‘Bianzheng lun’ dui woguo yilun de lishi gongxian” 彥琮《辯正論》對我國譯論的歷史貢獻. Zhongguo fanyi 1 (2011):19–23. Han Guangyi 韓廣義. “Xingtai gudai da fanyijia Yancong de rensheng ji yingxiang” 邢台古代大翻譯家彥琮的人生及影響. Xingtai xueyuan xuebao 27.2 (2012): 12–13. Ji Yanfang 姬艷芳. “Zhong xi fanyi guan bijiao—yi Yancong he Fei Luo de fanyi guan weili” 中西翻譯觀比較—以彥琮和斐洛的翻譯觀為例. Chongqing keji xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 2 (2012): 135–136. Zhang Miao 張淼. “Lun Yancong dui Suidai Fojiao fazhan de gongxian” 論彥琮對隋代佛教發展的貢獻. Zhongguo zhexue shi (2012: 4): 20–27.

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Shi Zhenguan 釋眞觀 (538–611), zi Shengda 聖達

Sui Buddhist monk.

Shi Zhenguan’s ancestral home was Qiantang 錢唐 in Wu 吳 commandery (modern Hangzhou 杭州, Zhejiang). His secular surname was Fan 范. His grandfather Fan Yanzheng 范延蒸 served as gentleman attendant at the palace gate. His father Fan Dui 范兌 held the post of senior recorder for comprehensive duty. By the age of eight, Zhenguan had obtained a thorough knowledge of the Songs and Rites texts. He also wrote a piece matching a work by Imperial Secretary Yu 庾尚書 on the apple. Imperial Secretary Yu is probably Yu Jianwu 庾肩吾 (487–551). By the age of sixteen, Zhenguan had mastered the Classics and Daoist texts, including commentaries. He also learned to play the zither and the game of weiqi. Despite his parent’s objections, at this same age he declared his intention to become a Buddhist monk. His first Buddhist master was Dharma Master Sheng of Yixing 義興生法師. Zhenguan later became a disciple of the Buddhist master Falang 法朗 (507–581), head of the Xinghuang Monastery 興皇寺 in Jiankang. Falang was an important teacher in the Sanlun 三論 (Three Treatises) School. shi zhenguan 釋眞觀 (538–611), zi shengda 聖達 939

Zhenguan also won the praise of the Chan master Daren 大忍, who is quoted as saying about Zhenren: “The doctrines of Nagarjuna now flour- ish in the East.” Zhenguan lived in the Guangxian Monastery 光顯寺 in Quanting 泉亭 during the Southern Chen period. In 579, the Chen suffered a devastating defeat at the hands of the Northern Zhou. In order to obtain more recruits for the military, the imperial court seriously considered drafting Buddhist monks. Zhenguan wrote a letter to Xu Ling 徐陵 (507–583) protesting the proposal. The emperor was moved by Zhenguan’s appeal, and did not proceed with the plan. About this same time, Zhenguan went to the Tiantai Mountains to meet the famous master Zhiyi 智顗 (538–597). During the daytime, they hiked the mountains together while discussing Buddhist teachings. They medi- tated together in the evening. When the Sui overthrew the Chen in 581, Emperor Wen (r. 581–604) issued three invitations to Zhenguan to visit the imperial court, but Zhen- guan did not agree to go. He also refused to meet with the Prince of Qin, Yang Jun 楊俊 (571–600), while he was serving as commandant in Hang- zhou. Ca. 595, Chen Zhongbao 陳仲寶, a Buddhist layman from Tanyue 檀越, built a vihara for Zhenguan in the Lingyin Mountains 嶺隱山 near Hangzhou. This is the famous Nantianzhu 南天竺 Monastery. Zhenguan’s religious companion here was the Chan Master Dao’an 禪師道安. Zhen- guan lived here until his death in 612 at the age of seventy-four. Zhenguan was a renowned preacher and cantor. At one time there was a collection of his chants of twenty-plus juan. There was also a collection of his shi poems, fu, and stele inscriptions of thirty-plus juan. These have not survived. Two of Zhenguan’s fu are extant: the “Chou fu” 愁賦 (Fu on sorrow) and “Meng fu” 夢賦 (Fu on a dream). Zhenguan composed the former piece in 591. In that year there was an uprising of local leaders in the southeast. Emperor Wen sent Yang Su 楊素 (544–606) to lead an army to put down the insurrection. Yang Su captured or killed most of leaders. Suspecting that Zhenguan had composed military dispatches for the rebels, he was about to have him executed. When he showed Zhenguan one of the dispatches, Zhenguan denied writing it, replying “this writing is so shallow it could not move anyone. I truly did not write it.” He then pointed to various infelici- ties in the prose, and remarked, “How could this kind of language be put on paper?” Zhenguan then appealed to Yang Su to spare the lives of some thirty distinguished scholars of the Jiankang area. Yang Su said to him: “You are not sad about dying yourself, but you are even sadder about other people.” He then gave him paper and ordered him to compose a “Chou fu” 940 shi zhenguan 釋眞觀 (538–611), zi shengda 聖達

愁賦 (Fu on sadness). Zhenguan dashed off the piece on the spot. Yang Su was so impressed, he did not execute the scholars. Zhenguan’s “Meng fu” is an exposition of dreams from a Buddhist perspective. Two other prose pieces by Zhenguan are extant: “Yinyuan wuxing hou lun” 因緣無性後論 (Further disquisition on the question of “causation does not have a basic nature of its own”), and “An’guo si bei” 安國寺碑 (Stele inscription for the An’guo Monastery).

Bibliography

Studies Zheng Qunhui 鄭群輝. “Zhongguo wenxue zhong de ‘Duanbei Weinasi’: Sui Shi Zhenguan ‘Choufu’ shangxi” 中國文學中的 “斷臂維納斯”—隋釋真觀《愁賦》賞析. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2007: 3): 20–24. Zheng Qunhui 鄭群輝. “Shi Zhenguan ji qi cifu chuangzuo de wenti celüe” 釋真觀及其辭賦創作的文體策略. Shantou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 23.3 (2007): 47–51. Huang Ying 黃穎. “Xu Ling de Fojiao huodong kaoshu” 徐陵的佛教活動考述. Hei- longjiang shehui kexue 122 (2010): 119–22.

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Shi Zhicai 釋智才

Sui Buddhist monk poet.

Little is known of Shi Zhicai’s life. His only extant poem “Songbie shi” 送別詩 (Parting poem) is preserved in the Wenyuan yinghua, Feng Weine’s Shi ji, and Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

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Shi Zhikai 釋智愷 (518–568)

Chen dynasty Buddhist monk and poet.

Shi Zhikai’s secular surname was Cao 曹. He is also known as Huikai 慧愷. His ancestral home is not known. He first lived in Jiankang, but after 563 moved to Guangzhou. When Zhendi 真諦 (Paramārtha 499–569), a western Indian monk, came to China and went to Guangzhou to preach, Shi Zhikai went to Lingnan 嶺南 to work with him. They jointly translated the She lun 攝論 (Mahāyāna-samgraha-śāstra), a collection of philosophical treaties on shi zhiming 釋智命 (fl. 600–620) 941 the Mahayana system. It took them seven months to complete the translation. The total translated text was in twenty-five juan. Shi Zhikai also translated the Jushe lun 俱舍論 (Abhidharma-kośa-śāstra), one of the most important classical Indian works on the study of Buddhist abhidharma. Later, Shi Zhikai invited Zhendi to preach the Ju shelun at the Xianming 顯明 Monastery in Guangzhou. In 567, the monks Fahuai 法淮 (n.d.) and Huiren 惠忍 (n.d.) came to Guangzhou to study with Zhendi. In 568, Shi Zhikai was invited to lecture on the Jushe lun. When he reached the ninth juan, he became ill. He died on 26 September 568. Just before his death Zhikai composed the “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written facing death). Lu Qinli has collected this poem in his Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 439.

Works

a. “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written facing death)

Translations Demiéville, Paul. Choix d’études sinologiques (1921–1970), 281. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1973. Demiéville, Paul. Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, 17–19. Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1984.

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Shi Zhiming 釋智命 (fl. 600–620)

Sui Buddhist monk and poet.

Shi Zhiming’s secular name was Zheng Ting 鄭頲. His ancestral home was Xingyang 滎陽 (northeast of modern Xingyang, Henan). His first appointment during the Sui was commandant of plumed cavalry. He left office to attend gatherings of Buddhist sermons. Later the Sui statesman Yang Su 楊素 (544–606) recommended him to serve as secretary in the household of the heir designate. 942 shi zhiming 釋智命 (fl. 600–620)

In 618, with the support of Sui court official Wang Shichong 王世充 (d. 621), Yang Tong 楊侗 (d. 619), the Prince of Yue 越, briefly succeeded to the imperial throne. Zheng Ting was appointed censor-in-chief. In 619, Wang Shichong deposed Yang Tong and established the Zheng 鄭 state and assumed the title King of Zheng. Zheng Ting submitted numerous petitions to Yang Tong requesting to build roads in the realm. His petitions were all ignored. Zheng Ting thus decided to take the tonsure and become a Buddhist monk. It was at this time he changed his name to Shi Zhiming. One day dressed in his Buddhist robes he visited Wang Shichong at the palace gate. In a rage, Wang Shichong ordered Shi Zhiming executed. Before dying, he chanted the Mahāprajñāpāramitā sūtra (Great Sutra of the Perfection of Wisdom). He also requested a brush so that he could write a “Linzhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written upon facing death), which is preserved in Shi ji of Feng Weine and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Lu Qinli. Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, 3: 2776.

Works

a. “Lin zhong shi” 臨終詩 (Poem written facing death)

Translation Demiéville, Paul. Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, 25. Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1984.

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Shisun Meng 士孫萌 (fl. 192–196), zi Wenshi 文始

Late Eastern Han literatus.

Shisun Meng’s natal place was Fufeng 扶風 (southeast of modern Xing- ping 興平, Shaanxi). Shisun Meng’s father, Shisun Rui 士孫瑞 (d. 195), had associated himself with Wang Yun 王允 (137–192), who was the leader of a group of scholars opposed to Dong Zhuo 董卓 (d. 192). In 192, Shisun Rui was concerned that Wang Yun was not going to succeed in overthrowing Dong Zhuo, and he ordered his family members including Shisun Meng to move to Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat, Xiangyang 襄陽) and seek shisun rui 士孫瑞 (d. 195), zi junce 君策 943 the protection of Liu Biao 劉表 (142–208). In May of 192, an army led by Lü Bu 呂布 (d. 198) and Wang Yun killed Dong Zhuo. Shisun Rui was killed by a band of solidiers in 195. In 196, when Cao Cao installed the Han emperor in Xuchang, in order posthumously to honor Shisun Rui, he granted Shisun Meng the title of Marquis of Danjin 澹津 ting. When Shisun Meng left Jingzhou to take up residence in his fief, which was located south of Xiangyang, Wang Can 王粲 (177–217) presented a poem to him. Shisun Meng gave Wang a poem in reply. Only Wang Can’s poem has survived.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 5. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 742.

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Shisun Rui 士孫瑞 (d. 195), zi Junce 君策

Late Eastern Han statesman and literatus.

Shisun Rui’s natal place was Fufeng 扶風 (southeast of modern Xingping 興平, Shaanxi). In 190, he was appointed chamberlain for the imperial insig- nia. In 191, he joined with Wang Yun 王允 (137–192) and other literati to overthrow Dong Zhuo 董卓 (d. 192). Concerned that their plot would not succeed, Shisun Rui ordered his family members to move to Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat, Xiangyang 襄陽) and seek the protection of Liu Biao 劉表 (142–208). Shisun Rui was assigned as governor of Nanyang 南陽 and was planning to lead an army against Dong Zhuo’s forces from there. The scheme failed after Dong Zhuo learned of it. Shisun Rui then was appointed vice director of the Imperial Secretariat. Wang Yun enlisted Lü Bu 呂布 (d. 198) to join Shisun Meng in the conspiracy against Dong Zhuo, who had by this time taken up residence in Chang’an. An army led by Lü Bu and Wang Yun killed Dong Zhuo on 22 May 192. Shishun Rui gave all credit for the success of this mission to Lü Bu and Wang Yun. Shortly thereafter, a force led by Li Jue 李傕 (d. 198), a former general of Dong Zhuo, killed Wang Yun. Shisun Rui was not harmed. Shisun Rui then was named elder (san lao 三老) and grand master of splendid happiness. In 195, he was appointed chamberlain for the palace garrison. While accompanying Emperor Xian on his return east from 944 shisun rui 士孫瑞 (d. 195), zi junce 君策

Chang’an, he was killed by troops of Li Jue. Shisun Rui’s son Shisun Meng 士孫萌 (fl. 192–196) was a prominent literary man during this period. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Shisun Rui’s collected works in two juan. The two Tang histories record a collection of the same size. This was lost in the Song. None of his writings has survived.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 5. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 742.

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Shi yi ji 拾遺記 (Notes on neglected matters)

Northern Dynasties tale and legend collection.

The compiler of the Shi yi ji is Wang Jia 王嘉 (d. ca. 386), zi Zinian 子年. This work also is known by the titles Wang Zinian Shi yi ji 王子年拾遺記 and Shi yi lu 拾遺錄. Wang Jia’s natal place was Anyang 安陽 in Longxi 隴西 commandery (modern Tai’an 泰安, Gansu). During the early Later Zhao (329–352) period Wang Jia lived in Dongyang Valley 東陽谷 near Anyang. Although he claimed to be a recluse, hundreds of students reputedly came to study with him. Around 349 he moved to the Zhongnan Mountains of Shaanxi south of Chang’an. The Former Qin ruler Fu Jian 苻堅 (337–384) invited him to the capital. He also received deferential treatment from the Later Qin founder Yao Chang 姚萇 (330–393). Wang Jia made an ambiguous reply to Yao Chang’s question whether he could defeat an enemy leader, and the exasperated Yao Chang had him executed. The Shi yi ji is an important collection of fabulous stories. Although commonly classified as zhigui 志怪, the Shiyi ji is a record of unusual events beginning with the period of Fu Xi and going down to the Jin. Although the received text includes later interpolations probably inserted by a Liang dynasty commentator named Xiao Qi 蕭綺, the core of the text is based on Wang Jia’s original. The work is a valuable source for ancient Chinese legends and myths. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Shi yi ji in two juan by Wang Jia, and the Shi yi lu in ten juan by Xiao Qi. Although scholars such as Hu Yinglin 胡應麟 (1551–1602) have claimed that this is evidence that Xiao Qi “forged” the Shi yi ji and attached Wang Jia’s name shi yi ji 拾遺記 (notes on neglected matters) 945 to it, the consensus is that the two-juan version is a fragment, and that the ten-juan version is Wang Jia’s text. For example, both Tang histories record the Shi yi ji and indicate that the “notes” (lu) are by Xiao Qi. The received version of the Shi yi ji is in ten juan.

Bibliography

Editions Shi yi ji 拾遺記. 10 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史. Compiled by Wu Guan 吳琯 (Ming); rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Wang Zinian Shi yi ji 王子年拾遺記. 10 juan. Gu Chun 顧春, Shide tang 世德堂, 1534. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Wang Zinian Shi yi ji 王子年拾遺記. 10 juan. Cheng Rong 程榮 (Ming), ed. Han Wei congshu. Wang Zinian Shi yi ji 王子年拾遺記. 10 juan. Bai hai 稗海. Compiled by Shang Jun 商濬 (Ming). Shi yi ji 拾遺記. 10 juan. Mishu nianba zhong 秘書廿八種. Compiled by Wang Shihan 汪士漢 (17th century). Shi yi ji 拾遺記. 10 juan. Siku quanshu Shi yi ji 拾遺記. 10 juan. Zengding Han Wei congshu 增訂漢魏叢書. Compiled by Wang Mo 王謨 (jinshi 1778). Shi yi ji 拾遺記. 10 juan. Baizi quanshu. Qi Zhiping 齊治平, ed. and comm. Shi yi ji 拾遺記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981.

Translations Tchang Lomine. “Wang Kia: Deux anecdotes.” Études française 4 (1943): 220–23. Foster, Lawrence Chapin. “The Shih-i chi and Its Relationship to the Genre Known as Chih-kuai hsiao-shuo.” Unpublished Diss., University of Washington, 1974.

Baihua Translation Meng Qingxiang 孟慶祥 and Shang Weishu 商微姝, trans. and comm. Shi yi ji yizhu 拾遺記譯注. Ha’erbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1989.

Studies Eichhorn, Werner. “Wang Chia’s Shi-i chi.” Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlän- dischen Gesellschaft 102.1 (1952): 130–42. Foster, Lawrence Chapin. “The Shih-i chi.” Foster, Larry C. “Wang Chia’s Shih-i chi.” Monmenta Serica 33 (1977–78): 379–402. Yan Tingliang 顏廷亮. “Wang Jia” 王嘉. Gansu wenyi (1980: 5). Li Jianguo, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 323–32. Wu Liwen 吳俐雯. “Wang Jia Shi yi ji yanjiu” 王嘉《拾遺記》研究. M.A. thesis, Dongwu daxue Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1992. 946 shi yi ji 拾遺記 (notes on neglected matters)

Campany, Strange Writing, 64–67. Wu Liwen 吳俐雯. “Shi yi ji dui houshi wenxue de yingxiang juli” 「拾遺記」對後世文學的影響舉例. Dalu zazhi 85.2 (1992): 4–48. Wu Liwen 吳俐雯 . “Shi yi ji de zuozhe tantao”《拾遺記》的作者探討. Dalu zazhi 85.6 (1992): 47–48. Zhang Kan 張侃. “Shitan Xiao Qi dui Shi yi ji de zhengli he piping: cong xiaoshuo pipingshi de jiaodu jiayi kaocha” 試談蕭綺對《拾遺記》的整理和批評: 從小說批評史的角度加以考察. Fudan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1995: 2): 82–87. Xue Keqiao 薛克翹. “Du Shi yi ji zatan” 讀《拾遺記》雜談. Nanya yanjiu (1996: 1): 62–68. Liu Yuan-ju 劉苑如. “Yuwang chenshi/jingnei Penglai—Shi yi ji de Zhongguo tuxiang” 欲望塵世\境內蓬萊. In Kongjian diyu yu wenhua—Zhongguo wenhua kongjian de shuxie yu chanshi 空間地域與文化—中國文化空間的書寫與闡釋, ed. Liu Yuan-ju and Li Fengmao 李豐楙, 237–84. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiusuo, 2002; rpt. in Xin wenxue 1 (2003): 108–31; and Liu Yuan-ju. Chaoxiang shenghuo shijie de wenxue quanshi—Liuchao zongjiao xushu de shenti shijian yu kongjian shuxie 朝向生活世界的文學詮釋—六朝宗教敘述的身體實踐與空間書寫, 417–62. Lan Lan 藍嵐. “Shi yi ji ji qi zuozhe”《拾遺記》及其作者. Tianzhong xuekan 17.3 (2002): 43–46. Dun Songyuan 頓嵩元. “Shi yi ji ji qi zuozhe”《拾遺記》及其作者. Huanghe kexue daxue xuebao 5.1 (2003): 135–39. Wang Jingbo 王晶波. “Lun Shi yi ji de weimei qingxiang” 論《拾遺記》的唯美傾向. Xibei shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 40.1 (2003): 44–49. Dong Naibin 董乃斌. “Shenhua xianhua de jichengbei—Wang Jia Shi yi ji de daojiao yishi” 神話仙化的紀程碑—王嘉《拾遺記》的道教意識. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yu zongjiao 漢魏六朝文學與宗教, ed. Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音, 389–406. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2003. Chen Lijun 陳麗君. “Shi yi ji jiaokan ji yuci fenxi”《拾遺記》校勘及語詞分析. M.A. Thesis, Zhejiang daxue, 2003. Wang Xingfen 王興芬. “Shi yi ji yanjiu zongshu”《拾遺記》研究綜述. Ningxia shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 30.1 (2009): 51–54. Wang Xingfen 王興芬. “Zashi zazhuan wei ti, dili bowu wei yong: lun Shi yi ji de wenti tezheng” 雜史雜傳為體, 地理博物為用: 論《拾遺記》的文體特徵. Xibei shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 46.3 (2009): 35–40. Sun Yong 孫勇. “Wang Jia ji Shi yi ji yanjiu” 王嘉及《拾遺記》研究. M.A. Thesis, Lanzhou daxue, 2010. Wang Xingfen 王興芬. “Shi yi ji foxue yingxiang tanyuan”《拾遺記》佛學影響探源. Gansu shehui kexue (2010: 1): 69–72. Zhang Chunhong 張春紅. “Shi yi ji chuangzuo de shenqihua zhuiqiu”《拾遺記》創作的神奇化追求. Xizang minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 31.2 (2010): 73–77. Zhang Chunhong 張春紅. “Shi yi ji chuangzuo de shixuehua tezheng”《拾遺記》創作的史學化特徵. Ningxia shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 31.4 (2010): 131–34.

DRK shizhou ji 十洲記 (notes on the ten island continents) 947

Shizhou ji 十洲記 (Notes on the ten island continents)

Six Dynasties fabulous tale collection.

The Shizhou ji also is known by several variant titles including Hainei shih zhou ji 海內十洲記 (Notes on the ten island continents within the Four Seas), Shizhou sandao ji 十洲三島記 (Notes on the three islands and ten island continents), and Shizhou xian ji 十洲仙記 (Notes on immortals of the ten island continents). The work is traditionally attributed to Dongfang Shuo 東方朔(fl. 140–130 b.c.e.), but because it records events and mentions places that date from after the Han most scholars consider ita Six Dynasties compilation. It purports to be a monologue presented by Dong- fang Shuo to Emperor Wu of the Former Han. It includes accounts of fabulous lands, immortals, magic plants and elixirs of the ten continents (e.g., Zuzhou 組洲, Yingzhou 瀛洲) and the four islands of the immortals (Canghai dao 滄海島, Fangzhang zhou 方丈洲, Fusang 扶桑, and Penglai shan 蓬萊山), plus the Kunlun Mountain in the northwest. Some of its stories belong to the zhiguai form, but it is basically a work in the Shangqing 上清 tradition of Taoism. Part of it was transmitted at one time in the Han Wudi neizhuan 漢武帝內傳. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Shizhou ji in one juan. All subsequent catalogues record the same number of juan. The best preserved text is in the Daozang.

Texts Chao Zaizhi 晁載之 (11th cent.), ed. Xu Tanzhu 續談助 1. Contains entries for seven islands. Shizhou ji 十洲記. 1 juan. Daozang 道藏 598. Shizhou san dao 十洲三島. 1 juan. In Yunji qiqian 雲笈七簽 26. Shizhou ji 十洲記. 1 juan. Gushi wenfang xiaoshuo 顧氏文房小說, Gu Yuanqing 顧元慶 (1487–1585), ed. Jiajing period (1522–1566) printing. Shizhou ji 十洲記. 1 juan. Zengding Han Wei congshu 增訂漢魏叢書. Compiled by Wang Mo 王謨. 1791. Shizhou ji 十洲記. 1 juan. Longwei mishu 龍威秘書. Ma Junliang 馬俊良, ed. Shide tang 世德堂, 1796.

Studies Li Jianguo 李劍國. Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 167–71. Li Feng-mao 李豐楙. “Shizhou ji yanjiu” 十洲記研究. In Li Feng-mao. Liuchao Sui Tang xiandao lei xiaoshuo yanjiu 六朝隋唐仙道類小說研究, 123–85. Taipei: Tai- wan xuesheng shuju, 1986; rpt. in Li Feng-mao. Xianjing yu youli: shenxian 948 shizhou ji 十洲記 (notes on the ten island continents)

shijie de xiangxiang 仙境與游歷: 神仙世界的想象, 264–317. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010. Smith, Thomas E.R “ ecord of the Ten Continents.” Taoist Resources 2 (1990): 87–119. Smith, Thomas E.R “ itual and the Shaping of Narrative: the Legend of the Han Emperor Wu.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1992, 213–20. Wang Guoliang 王國良. Hainei shizhou ji yanjiu 海內十洲際研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1993. Campany, Strange Writing, 53–54. Wu Congxiang 吳從祥. “Hainei shizhou ji chengshu xintan”《海內十洲記》成書新探. Guangxi shehui kexue 172 (2009): 93–97.

Translation Smith, Thomas E. R“ itual and the Shaping of Narrative,” 536–87.

DRK

Shu Xi 束皙 (263–302),3 zi Guangwei 廣微

Western Jin literatus.

Shu Xi’s natal place was Yuancheng 元城 (east of modern Daming 大名, Hebei), which was the administrative seat of Yangping 陽平 commandery. He was reputed to be a descendant of the famous Han scholar Shu Guang 疏廣 (fl. 67–72 b.c.e.), who served as grand tutor to Liu Shi 劉奭 (76–33 b.c.e.), the future Emperor Yuan (r. 48–33 b.c.e.). At the end of Wang Mang’s reign (ca. 23 c.e.) Shu Guang’s great-grandson Shu Mengda 束孟達 changed the family name to Shu 束. Shu Xi’s grandfather and father were men of good reputation who had served as governors. In his youth (ca. 282), Shu Xi attended the national university in Luoyang where he attracted the attention of Cao Zhi 曹志 (d. 288), the son of the famous writer Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232). He soon returned to Yuancheng where he declined the nominations that he received from the local administration as filial and incorrupt and outstanding talent. Shu Xi’s elder brother Shu Qiu 束璆 had married the niece of the powerful military man Shi Jian 石鑒 (d. 294). After Shu Qiu divorced her, Shi Jian held a

3 scholars disagree on Shu Xi’s dates. Lu Kanru places his year of birth around 265, and his year of death around 305. See Zhonggu wenxue xinian 2: 706, 792. Xu Gongchi gives his dates as 261?–300?. See Wei Jin wenxue shi, 317, 326. Dominik Declerq has determined his dates to be ca. 264–ca. 303. See “The Perils of Orthodoxy: A Western Jin ‘Hypothetical Discourse,’ ” T’oung Pao 83 (1994): 34, 35, n. 35. We have followed the dates established by Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. See Wen Jin Nanbeichao wenxue shiliao congkao, 153. shu xi 束皙 (263–302), zi guangwei 廣微 949 grudge against the Shu family, thus preventing Shu Xi and Shu Qiu from serving in office until after Shi Jian died in 294. During this period Shu Xi continued to reside in Yuancheng. He wrote a lament for Wei Heng 衛恒 (d. 291), the eldest son of the minister Wei Guan 衛瓘 (220–291), who was killed along with his father in 291. Shu Xi also wrote a long “hypothetical disquisition,” “Xuan ju shi” 玄居釋 (Justification for living in reclusion) to defend his decision to avoid government service. Shu Xi must have circulated copies of his disquisition, for it came to the attention of Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), who in 294 arranged for Shu Xi to be appointed to the staff of the minister of works, Prince of Xiapei 下邳, Sima Huang 司馬晃 (d. 296). When Zhang Hua became minister of works in 296, he appointed Shu Xi to the police section. Within six months, Shu Xi moved to the post of assistant editorial director in the palace library where he set to work compiling the imperial annals and monographs for a history of the Jin. While still holding the post of assistant editorial director he was appointed boshi 博士 (erudite, professor, academician). In 279 a large cache of bamboo documents was discovered in a Zhou dynasty tomb located in Ji 汲 commandery near modern Ji county, Henan. These texts, known as the “Ji zhong shu” 汲冢書 (Ji Tumulus texts), included the Zhushu jinian 竹書紀年 (Bamboo annals), Mu Tianzi zhuan 穆天子傳 (Account of the travels of Emperor Mu of Zhou), versions of the Book of Changes, and a collection of fabulous tales. In 298, Shu Xi was commissioned to edit these texts, a task that had been begun by his friend Wei Heng. Shu Xi’s final post at the Jin court was secretarial court gentleman. By the year 300, he resigned from office and returned to his home in Yuancheng where he taught a large number of students. He died around 302. His disciples and friends erected a stele in his honor by his grave. Shu Xi had compiled a number of scholarly works. In addition to the annals and monographs for the Jin history mentioned above, he wrote the San Wei renshi zhuan 三魏人士傳, which was a set of biographies of prominent men from his home area. This work was lost before the Tang. Works that survived into the Tang include a study of the classics, the Wu jing tong lun 五經通論, and a work on the script, Fa meng ji 發蒙記. One of Shu Xi’s most famous works is “Bu wang shi” 補亡詩 (Supply- ing the lost poems). This is the first shi piece in the Wen xuan. In this poem Shu Xi created lyrics for six Shi jing songs of which only titles had survived. Shu Xi has five fu extant. Several of them show a playful, jesting quality that his contemporaries condemned as vulgar. One such piece is his “Fu on Pasta” (Bing fu 餅賦). In the typical manner of the fu, Shu Xi gives an encyclopedic account of various doughy foods such as noodles, steamed 950 shu xi 束皙 (263–302), zi guangwei 廣微 buns, dumplings, and pancakes, which in this period had the generic name of bing. Shu Xi shows his penchant for humor in another of his fu, the “Fu on Nearby Roaming” (Jin you fu 近遊賦). This piece is a parody of the well-known Chuci poem “Yuan you” 遠遊 (Far roaming). “Far Roaming” is a poem celebrating the celestial wanderings of a Taoist mystic who finds the profane world much too small for his grand vision. The wanderer of Shu Xi’s fu is a recluse who is content to live in a country dwelling, and who, unlike the Taoist traveler of the Chuci, is not weary of the ordinary world. Shu Xi’s other fu also are of interest: “Encourager of Agriculture” (Quan nong fu 勸農賦), a satire directed against the corrupt tax officials who reduced the levies on farmers who bribed them with meat and ale; “Rhapsody on the Poor Family” (Pin jia fu 貧家賦), a remarkably graphic portrayal of the hardships endured by a family who live in a leaky thatched hut, with nothing to eat but grass and leaves; and “Rhapsody on Reading” (Du shu fu 讀書賦), an amusing piece that celebrates the delights of reading alone in a humble cottage.

General Studies Ling Xun 凌迅. “Shu Xi wenxue lun” 束皙文學論. Shandong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1981: 6): 52–58. Matsuura Takashi 松浦崇. “Soku Seki no kokkei bungaku” 束皙滑稽文學. Furuta kyōju taiken kinen Chūgoku bungaku gogaku ronshū 古田教授退官記念中國文學語學論集. Ed. Furuta Keiichi kyōju taikan kinnen jigyōkai 古田敬一教授退官紀念事業會, 82–98. Hiroshima: Furuta Keiichi kyōju taikan kinnen jigyōkai; Tokyo: Tōhō shoten hatsubai, 1985. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Soku Seki no bungaku” 束皙の文學. Shūkan Toyōgaku 76 (1996): 42–60. Xu Gongchi. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 317–19. Shaughnessy, Edward L. Rewriting Early Chinese Texts, 151–53. Albany: State Uni- versity of New York Press, 2006.

Fu Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Shu Xi de sufu” 束皙的俗賦. Liaoning shizhuan xuebao (She- hui kexue ban). (2000: 6): 30–32. Chi Wanxing 池萬興. “Shu Xi de fufeng jiqi chengyin” 束皙的賦風及其成因. Xizang minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban). 22.1 (2001): 69–72. Ma Liya 馬麗婭. “Cong ‘guizu’ zouxiang ‘pingmin’—shilun Shu Xi cifu de ‘bisu’ ji yingxiang” 從 “貴族” 走向 “平民”—試論束皙辭賦的 “鄙俗” 及影嚮. Yuwen xuekan (2002: 6): 17–19. Chang Mingyan 常明艷. “Shilun Shu Xi zhi fu jiqi renpin” 試論束皙之賦及其人品. Guanzi xuekan (2005: 4): 93–97. Xi Hanjie 席漢杰. “Shu Xi de sufu” 束皙的俗賦. Sichuan zhiye yishu xueyuan xuebao 20.1 (2010): 49–50. shu xi 束皙 (263–302), zi guangwei 廣微 951

Works

a. “Bu wang shi” 補亡詩 Chang Pao-san 張寶三. “Shu Xi ‘Buwang shi’ lun kao” 束皙〈補亡詩〉論考. Diyijie jingxue xueshu taolunhui lunwenji 第一屆經學學術討論會論文集, 131–86. Tai- pei: Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowenxi, 1994. Cao Xinhua 曹辛華. “Lun Zhongguo shige de buwang jingshen—yi Wen xuan buwang shi wei li” 論中國詩歌的補亡精神—以《文選》補亡詩為例. Wen shi zhe 282 (2004: 3): 34–39. Cao Xinhua 曹辛華. “Lun Wen xuan Buwang shi” 論《文選》補亡詩. In Zhongguo Wen xuan xue 中國文選學, ed. Zhongguo Wen xuan xue yanjiuhui 中國文選學研究會 and Henan keji xueyuan Zhongwenxi 河南科技學院中文系, 319–29. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Zhou Yanliang 周延良. “Shi jing ‘Liu sheng shi’ yishuo yu Xi Jin buwang ‘Liu sheng shi’ kao”《詩經》“六笙詩” 遺說與西晉補亡 “六笙詩” 考. Zhongguo zhonggu wenxue yanjiu 中國中古文學研究, ed. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐 and Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行, 343–60. Beijing: Wenyuan chubanshe, 2005. Mao Zhenhua 毛振華. “Shu Xi ‘Buwang shi’ kao lun” 束皙 “補亡詩” 考論. Xinan jiaotong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 7.5 (2006): 28–31, 51.

Translation Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 268–71.

b. “Bing fu” 餅賦 (Fu on pasta)

Translations Waley, Arthur. The Temple and Other Poems, 98. New York: A. A. Knopf, 1923; rpt. in Chinese Poems, 86. London: Allen and Unwin, 1946. Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 206–7 (partial). Knechtges, David R. “Food in Early Chinese Literature,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 106.1 (1986): 59–63. Knechtges, David R. “Early Chinese Rhapsodies on Poverty and Pasta,” Chinese Literature (Summer 1999): 105–8. Sabban, Françoise. “De la Main à la pâte: Réflection sur l’origine des pâtes ali- mentaires et les transformations du blé en Chine ancienne (IIIe siècle av. J.-C— Vie siècle ap. J.-C),” L’Homme 113 (1990): 109–13. Sabban, Françoise. “Quand la Forme transcende l’objet: Histoire des pâtes ali- mentaires en Chine ancienne premier acte (IIIe siècle av. J.-C—IIIe siècle ap. J.-C), Annales histoire sciences sociales 55.4 (2000): 822. Serventi, Silvano and Françoise Sabban. La Pasta: Storia e cultura di un cibo uni- versale, 345–48. Roma: Gius. Laterza & Figli, 2000; trans. by Antony Shugaar, Pasta: The Story of a Universal Food, 271–74. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002. 952 shu xi 束皙 (263–302), zi guangwei 廣微

Knechtges, David R. “A Western Jin Poem on Pasta.” Early Medieval China: A Sourcebook, ed. Wendy Swartz, Robert Ford Campany, Yang Lu, and Jessey Choo. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013.

c. “Xuanju shi” 玄居釋 (Justification for living in reclusion)

Translation and study Declerq, Dominic. “The Perils of Orthodoxy A Western Jin ‘Hypothetical Dis- course.’ ” T’oung Pao 80 (1994): 27–60.

d. “Dushu fu” 讀書賦 (Fu on reading aloud)

Translation and study Chen, Jack W. “On the Act and Representation of Reading in Medieval China.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 129.1 (2009): 57–71 (esp. 61–63). Chen, Jack W. 陳威. “Zhongguo zhonggu shiqi de yuedu shizuo yu biaoxian” 中國中古時期的閱讀實作與表現. Youguan: zuowei shenti jiyi de zhonggu wenxue yu zongjiao 遊觀：作為身體技藝的中古文學與宗教, 132–56 (esp. 139–42). Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiusuo, 2009.

DRK

Shui jing zhu 水經注

See under Li Daoyuan.

Shuo yuan 說苑 (Garden of persuasions)

Western Han collection of tales and persuasions.

The Shuo yuan is a collection of moral tales and political persuasions collected by Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.). The extant text contains 639 entries in 20 juan. It mainly consists of material derived from such earlier texts as Lüshi chunqiu, Han shi waizhuan, Shi ji, Zhanguo ce, the three commentaries to the Chunqiu, the Zhuangzi, and the Xunzi. Each of the twenty juan is a chapter that pertains to a particular theme. Almost every chapter has a paragraph introducing the theme followed by a series of illustrative stories. Many of the chapters center around the idea that the ruler must employ talented and virtuous officials, and that he should not hesitate to accept their criticism and advice (juan 1–2, 7–9). One chapter, “Shan shui” 善說 (juan 11), contains examples of model persuasions that illustrate the shuo yuan 說苑 (garden of persuasions) 953 efficacy of heeding good advice, and another, “Tan cong” 談叢 (juan 16), is a collection of aphorisms mainly concerned with the proper conduct of rulers and officials. Other chapters discuss the necessity of caution and vigilence by individuals and the state (juan 10); tactics and schemes, which must be used only for the public good, not self-interest (juan 13); the need for military preparedness in times of peace (juan 15); the importance of proper ritual forms and music (juan 19) while maintaining simplicity and avoiding extravagance (juan 20). In his Bie lu 別錄 entry for the Shuo yuan, Liu Xiang says that he collated a group of texts called “Shuo yuan za shi” 說苑雜事 (Diverse matters from the garden of persuasions), which were held in the imperial library, against texts in his own collection as well as those “from the people.” He eliminated material that duplicated that found in Xinxu and that “was superficial and not in accord with reason,” and appended it to acollec- tion of fanciful stories known as the Baijia 百家 (Hundred masters). The remaining material he organized into a work that he named Xin yuan 新苑 (New garden). Parts of Liu Xiang’s account present problems. For example, it is not clear whether “Shuo yuan zashi” is the name of an actual book, or simply means “congeries of persuasions and miscellaneous stories.” Fur- ther, scholars have noted that in spite of Liu Xiang’s claim that he removed material that duplicated Xinxu, the two works in fact do contain a number of almost identical entries. Finally, there is the variant title, Xin yuan. Xu Fuguan (see below) suggests that the original title was Xin yuan, and that when Ban Gu wrote Liu Xiang’s biography, he purposely or erroneously changed the title to Shuo yuan. However one understands the Bie lu account, it is clear that like Xinxu, the Shuo yuan is basically a collection edited rather than authored by Liu Xiang. Liu Xiang selected 784 entries, organized them into 20 pian, and gave them chapter titles. This work he presented to the emperor in 17 b.c.e. According to Liu Xiang’s Bie lu, his text consisted of twenty pian. By the Northern Sung, a complete text no longer existed. The Northern Song scholar Zeng Gong 曾鞏 (1019–1083) was able to obtain fifteen pian from other scholars, and he combined these with the five pian in the imperial collection to restore the work to twenty pian. However, the version he established lacked pian 20 (“Fan zhi” 反質), and to create a twenty-pian text, Zeng split pian 19 (“Xiu wen” 修文) into two parts. Later, pian 20 was supplied from a text obtained from Korea. One early printed edition is a woodblock issued by the Zhenjiang fuxue 鎮江府學 in Xianchun 咸淳 1 (1265). This served as the basis for printings done in the Ming. Another important edition is the Jiaozheng Liu Xiang Shuo yuan 校正劉向說苑 printed by Yun Qian 雲謙 in 1303. 954 shuo yuan 說苑 (garden of persuasions)

Bibliography

Editions and Commentaries Shuo yuan 說苑. Zhenjiang fuxue 鎮江府學, Xianchun 咸淳 1 (1265) printing. Held in Guojia tushugan, Shanghai tushuguan, and Taiwan Guojia tushuguan. Rpt. in Zhonghua zaizao shanben (2003). Jiaozheng Liu Xiang Shuo yuan 校正劉向說苑. Rpt. of Yuan Dade 7 (1303) Yun Qian 雲謙 woodblock. Rpt. in Zhonghua zaizao shanben (2005). Shuo yuan 說苑. Guang Han Wei congshu 廣漢魏叢書 (1884). Based on the Xian chun edition. Shuo yuan 說苑. Sibu congkan. Facsimile of a Ming dynasty mansucript of unknown provenance. Liu Wendian 劉文典. Shuo yuan jiaobu 說苑斠補. Kunming: Yunnan daxue, 1928. Jin Jiaxi 金嘉錫. Shuo yuan buzheng 說苑補證. Taipei: Guoli Taiwan daxue wen xueyuan, 1960. Zuo Songchao 左松超. Shuo yuan jizheng 說苑集證. Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1961. Zhao Shanyi 趙善詒, ed. and comm. Shuo yuan shuzheng 說苑疏證. Shanghai: Hua- dong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1985. Xiang Zonglu 向宗魯, ed. and comm. Shuo yuan jiaozheng 說苑校證. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987.

Concordance Shuo yuan zhuzi suoyin 說苑逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1992.

Baihua Translations Lu Yuanjun 盧元駿, comm. and trans. Xinxu jinzhu jinyi 新序今注今譯. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1975. Wang Ying 王鍈 and Wang Tianhai 王天海, trans. and comm. Shuo yuan quanyi 說苑全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1992. Cheng Xiang 程翔, comm. and trans. Shuo yuan yizhu 說苑譯注. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2009.

Japanese Translation Takagi Tomonosuke 高木友之助. Zei’en 說苑. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1968.

Studies Noma Fumichika 野間文史. “Xinjo Zei’en kō—setsuwa ni yoru shisō hyōgen no keishiki” 新序、說苑攷—說話による思想表現の形式. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 35 (1976): 30–51. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Liu Xiang Xin xu Shuo yuan de yanjiu” 劉向新序說苑的研究. Dalu zazhi 55.2 (1977): 51–74. Ikeda Shuzo 池田秀三. “Ryū Kyō no gakumon to shisō 劉向の學問と思想. Tōhōgaku hō 50 (1978): 109–90 (esp. 110–16). shuyi ji 述異記 (notes relating the strange) 955

Yan Lingfeng 嚴靈峰. “Liu Xiang Shuo yuan xulu yanjiu” 劉向說苑敘錄研究. Dalu zazhi 56.6 (1978): 287–92. Zuo Songchao 左松超. “Guanyu Shuo yuan chengshu de yixie kaocha” 關於《說苑》成書的一些考察. Danjiang daxue Zhongwen xuebao 4 (1997): 25–35. Xie Mingren 謝明仁. Liu Xiang Shuo yuan yanjiu 劉向《說苑》研究. Lanzhou: Lanzhou daxue chubanshe, 2000. Mei Jun 梅軍. “Shuo yuan yanjiu”《說苑》研究. M.A. Thesis, Wuhan daxue, 2004. Gao Yue 高月. “Mei si yi jin jian—lun Liu Xiang bianzhuan Shuo yuan de xintai ji qi chengyin” 昧死以晉諫—論劉向編撰《說苑》的心態及其成因. Fuling shifan xueyuan xuebao 22.2 (2006): 105–10. Jia Dongyue 賈冬月. “Lun Liu Xiang de Shuo yuan ji qi tili” 論劉向的《說苑》及其體例. Xiandai yuyan (Wenxue yanjiu ban) (2006: 6): 37–39. Li Xiuhui 李秀慧. “Shuo yuan yanjiu”《說苑》研究. M.A. Thesis, Shoudu shifan daxue, 2006. Ma Zhenfang 馬振方. “Xin xu Shuo yuan zhi xiaoshuo kaobian”《新序》、《說苑》之小說考辨. Wenyi yanjiu (2008: 4): 46–56. Xu Jianwei 徐建委. “Liu Xiang Shuo yuan banben yuanliu kao” 劉向《說苑》版本源流考. Wenxian (2008: 2): 58–69. Yao Juan 姚娟. “Xin xu Shuo yuan wenxian yanjiu zongshu”《新序》《說苑》文獻研究綜述. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 122.2 (2008): 18–21. Xie Xiangjuan 謝祥娟. “Qianxi Liu Xiang Shuo yuan de xiaoshuo xingzhi” 淺析劉向《說苑》的小說性質. Suihua xueyuan xuebao 28.3 (2008): 52–54. Cheng Xiang 程翔. “Liu Xiang yu Shuo yuan” 說苑. Wen shi zhishi (2009: 9): 73–78. Cheng Xiang 程翔. “Yuan Dade qinian Yunqian keben Jiaozheng Liu Xiang Shuo yuan kaolüe” 元大德七年雲謙刻本《校正劉向說苑》考略. Wenxue yichan (2009: 5): 136–39. Qin Hualin 秦樺林. “Yuan Dade qinian Yunqian keben ‘Jiaozheng Liu Xiang Shuoyuan’ kaolüe’ buzheng”《元大得七年雲謙刻本﹝校正劉向說苑﹞考略補正. Wenxue yichan (2010: 2): 59. Wang Qimin 王啟敏. Liu Xiang Xin xu Shuo yuan yanjiu 劉向《新序》、《說苑》研究. Hefei: Anhui daxue chubanshe, 2011. Wang Shouliang 王守亮. “Xin xu Shuo yuan Lienü zhuan wei Liu Xiang bianzhuan—jian tan Liu Xiang sanshu de xiaoshuo jiazhi”《新序》、《說苑》、《列女傳》為劉向編撰 —兼談劉向三書的小說價值. Zhejiang Haiyang xueyuan xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) 28.3 (2011): 12–13, 25.

DRK

Shuyi ji 述異記 (Notes relating the strange)

Late Six Dynasties collection of fabulous tales.

There are two nearly contemporaneous works by this title: (1)a10-juan Shuyi ji compiled by Zu Chongzhi 祖沖之 (429–500); (2) a 2-juan Shuyi ji compiled by Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508). The two works are often confused. 956 shuyi ji 述異記 (notes relating the strange)

Zu Chongzhi was a famous mathematician and scientist. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a Shuyi ji in ten juan under his name. Both Tang histories contain the same listing. This work was lost in the Song period. However, some ninety entries have been preserved in other texts. The stories mainly concern haunted places and friendships between ghosts and human beings. The Ren Fang’s Shuyi ji is not listed in the monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu or the two Tang histories. Thus, the editors of the Siku quanshu zongmu concluded that the work was forged in the Tang dynasty. Morino Shigeo has argued that this is a Tang dynasty work consisting of passages extracted from Ren Fang’s Di ji 地記 (Notes on places), which was lost in the Song. Recently, Li Jianguo has argued for Ren Fang’s authorship of the work. The Ren Fang Shuyi ji still exists as an independent work. Zu Chongzhi’s work is a later reconstruction.

Bibliography

Zu Chongzhi: Lu Xun. Gu xiaoshuo gouchen 1: 165–93. Contains 90 items.

Ren Fang:

Editions Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Cheng Rong 程榮, ed. 1592. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Zhige congshu 致格叢書. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Baihai 稗海. Shang Jun 商濬 ed. 1591–1602. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Siku quanshu. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Longwei mishu 龍威秘書. 1794–1795. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Baizi quanshu 百子全書. 1875. Shuyi ji 述異記. 2 juan. Han Wei congshu. Shuoku 說庫. Shanghai: Wenming shuju, 1915.

Studies Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “So Chūshi Jutsuiki ni tsuite” 祖沖之述異記について Shinagaku kenkyū 24 (1960): 108–14. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Jin Pou Jutsuiki ni tsuite” 任昉述異記について. Chūgoku bungaku hō 13 (1960): 54–68. Li Jianguo, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 396–405. Campany, Strange Writing, 83–85. Nakajima Osafumi 中島長文. “ ‘Jin Pou Jutsuiki’ kou” 『任昉述異記』考. Tōhō gakuhō 73 (2001): 317–73. si xiao 四蕭 (four xiaos) 957

Brightwell, Erin Leigh. “Confronting the Strange: Narrative and Exposition in Ren Fang’s ‘Notes Relating the Extraordinary.’ ” M.A. Thesis, University of Wash- ington, 2007. Yu Yun 俞芸. “Shuyi ji ji Wenzhang yuanqi zhenwei kaobian”《述異記》及《文章緣起》真偽考變. Henan jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 30.2 (2011): 31–32. Brightwell, Erin L. “Discursive Flights: Structuring Stories in the Shuyi ji.” Early Medieval China 18 (2012): 48–68.

DRK

Si Pei 四裴 (The Four Peis)

The Si Pei are four brothers from the Pei family who were distinguished writers and scholars during the Western Jin. They include Pei Kang 裴康, his elder brother Pei Kai 裴楷 (237–291), and his two younger brothers Pei Li 裴黎 and Pei Chuo 裴綽. See Liang shu 30.441. Pei Kai was an expert on the Yi jing and Laozi.

Bibliography

Studies Zhou Zhengsong 周征松. Wei Jin Sui Tang jian de Hedong Peishi 魏晉隋唐間的河東裴氏, 37–38. Taiyuan: Shanxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000.

DRK

Si Xiao 四蕭 (Four Xiaos)

TheS i Xiao refer to four members of the imperial family of the Liang period who distinguished themselves as writers. They include the father Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Emperor Wu of Liang (r. 502–549); his eldest son Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531), Crown Prince Zhaoming 昭明太子; his third son Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), Emperor Jianwen (r. 549–551); and his seventh son Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–554), Emperor Yuan (r. 552–555).

Studies Hu Dehuai 胡德懷. Qi Liang wentan yu si Xiao yanjiu 齊梁文壇與四蕭研究. Nan- jing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Lin Dazhi 林大志. Si Xiao yanjiu—yi wenxue wei zhongxin 四蕭研究—以文學為中心. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007.

DRK 958 sima biao 司馬彪, zi shaotong 紹統

Sima Biao 司馬彪 (240–ca. 306; alt. 241?–305? alt. ca. 247–306), zi Shaotong 紹統

Wei and Jin period historian and writer.

Sima Biao’s ancestral home was Wen 溫 in Henei 河內 (west of modern Wen county, Henan). He was the eldest son of Sima Mu 司馬睦 (d. 291?), Prince of Gaoyang 高陽. Sima Biao was adopted by his father’s uncle Sima Min 司馬敏 (n.d.), the youngest brother of Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251), who was posthumously honored as Emperor Xuanwen 宣文 of the Jin dynasty. Sima Biao was a bright child, and from an early age he was a diligent student. However, he was something of a flirt and philanderer, and this is the reason why he was disinherited by his father and sent to live with his uncle. From this point, Sima Biao withdrew from society and concentrated on study. In 261, Shan Tao 山濤 (205–283) was serving as director of the Ministry of Personnel. Sima Biao wished to impress him with the hope of getting Shan’s recommendation for an official post. He sent a poem to Shan Tao, who used his influence to arrange Biao to be appointed commandant of cavalry. Ca. 266, he was appointed assistant and then vice director of the palace library. During his time he wrote a commentary to the Zhuangzi 莊子 and compiled the Jiuzhou chunqiu 九州春秋 (Annals of the nine regions). The latter was an historical account in ten juan of the last years of the Later Han dynasty. It was written in the style of the Guo yu 國語. Sima Biao also wrote during this period the Xu Han shu 續漢書 (Sequel to the history of the Later Han), which is an eighty-juan history of the entire Eastern Han period, from Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57) to Emperor Xian 獻 (r. 189–220). It had three divisions of ji 紀 (annals), zhi 志 (monographs) and zhuan 傳 (accounts). During the early Taishi period (265–274), Emperor Wu personally took charge of the southern suburban sacrifices. After verifying the details of the sacrificial ceremony, Sima Biao presented the “Jiaosi zhi” 郊祀志 (Mono- graph on the suburban sacrifices) that he compiled for the Xu Han shu to Emperor Wu. Ca. 294 Sima Biao was appointed gentleman cavalier attendant. He died around 305 at the age of sixty-plus years. Earlier in the Western Jin, Qiao Zhou 譙周 (200–270) had written the Gu shi kao 古史考 (Investigations of ancient history) in twenty-five juan, which largely is a critical commentary to Sima Qian’s 司馬遷 Shi ji 史記. Sima Biao, based on the Jizhong jinian 汲冢紀年 (Annals from the Ji Tumu- lus), added commentary on 122 entries in the Gu shi kao. sima qian 司馬遷, zi zichang 子長 959

Most of Sima Biao’s writings have been lost. During the Liang dynasty Liu Zhao 劉昭 (fl. 502–519) incorporated Sima Biao’s eight monographs in his Hou Han shu 後漢書 (History of the Later Han). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Sima Biao’s collected works in four juan, and mentions a Liang period catalogue that recorded a collection in three juan. Both Tang histories list a collection in three juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun’s Quan shangguo Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen contains four of Sima Biao’s prose writings: “Bo si liu zong biao” 駁祀六宗表 (Petition rebutting the proposal to offer sacrifice to the Six Venerable Ones), “Yu Shan Juyuan shu” 與山巨源書 (Letter to Shan Juyuan), “Xu Han shu xu” 續漢書敘 (Autobiographical postface to the Xu Han shu), “Xu Han shu xu Guangwu ji lun” 續漢書光武紀論 (Disquis- tion on the “Annals of Guangwu” in the Xu Han shu) and “He di ji lun” 和帝紀論 (Disquistion on the “Annals of Emperor He”). His extant poems include the two-part “Zeng Shan Tao shi” 贈山濤詩 (Poem to Shan Tao) and a fragmentary untitled poem, which Lu Qinli has collected in the Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 89. Mansvelt Beck, B. J. The Treatises of Later Han: Their Author, Sources, Contents and Place in Chinese Historiography, 8–12, 97–103. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1990. Song Zhiying 宋之英. “Sima Biao Xu Han shu kaobian” 司馬彪《續漢書》考辨. Shixue shi yanjiu 118 (2005): 25–32. Luo Yanmin 羅彥民. “Sima Biao Zhuangzi zhu kaolun” 司馬彪《莊子》注考論. Wuyi daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 13.1 (2011): 32–35. Li Yiting 李毅婷. “Xi Jin qianqi zhengzhi sixiang di xuanxuehua—yi Sima Biao wei zhongxin” 西晉前期政治思想的玄學化—以司馬彪為中心. Dongyue luncong 33.2 (2012): 65–71.

TPK and DRK

Sima Qian 司馬遷 (ca. 145–ca. 86 b.c.e., alt. birth year 135 b.c.e., alt. death year 90 b.c.e.), zi Zichang 子長

Western Han historian and writer.

Sima Qian’s natal place was Xiayang 夏陽 in Zuopingyi 左馮翊 (modern Hancheng 韓城, Shaanxi). He reputedly came from a family of historians. Sima Qian claimed that his ancestors had charge of the historical records 960 sima qian 司馬遷, zi zichang 子長 of the Zhou court. His father, Sima Tan 司馬談 (d. 110 b.c.e.), around the year 136 b.c.e. received an appointment in the capital as grand historian (or grand scribe). The main duty of the grand historian was to drawup the yearly calendar and present it to the emperor before each New Year’s day. He also determined which days of the month were auspicious for state ceremonies, and which days were to be avoided. Another duty was to keep a record of good and bad omens. This position, which Sima Qian eventually inherited after his father’s death, was not a high-paying or particularly prestigious position. In his “Letter in Reply to Ren An,” Sima Qian refers to the grand historian as simply a plaything of the emperor. In 126 b.c.e., at about the age of twenty, Sima Qian made an extensive tour of the Han realm. Sima Qian was one of the most widely traveled men of his age, and his experience visiting ancient sites probably broadened his knowledge of history. He began his journey from Chang’an and went south across the Yangzi River to Changsha 長沙 (modern Hunan). Changsha was the place where Jia Yi 賈誼 (ca, 200–168 b.c.e.) had been exiled. From there he went to the Miluo 汨羅 River, where he visited the site at which Qu Yuan reputedly committed suicide (either north of modern Miluo, Hunan, or northwest of modern Yicheng 宜城, Hubei). He then went to the Jiuyi 九疑 Mountains (modern Ningyuan 寧遠, Hunan), the burial place of the legendary ruler Shun. After climbing Mount Lu 廬 in Jiangxi, he traveled to the Guiji 會稽 Mountains (near modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang) to seek out the cave in which the Great Yu was said to be buried. From here went to north to Huaiyin 淮陰 (modern Huaiyin, Jiangsu) to investigate the haunts of the early Han general Han Xin 韓信 (d. 196 b.c.e.). He then traveled north to the old Lu area where he studied ritual and other subjects in Con- fucius’ natal place of Qufu 曲阜. Upon returning to the capital, Sima Qian entered government service as a palace gentleman. This was probably sometime between 122 and 116 b.c.e. The position of palace gentleman was a very low rank, and those who served in this position were nothing more than attendants and guards to the emperor. However, because he had to accompany the emperor, Sima Qian again had an opportunity to travel. The emperor was now Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.), who was traveling constantly making inspection tours of the empire. Sima Qian participated in the great western expedition of 111 b.c.e. to Shu 蜀 (modern Sichuan). In 110 b.c.e. Sima Qian was a member of the imperial entourage that accompanied Emperor Wu on his ascent of Mount Tai where elaborate sacrifices were performed. Sima Qian’s father was not permitted to go on the journey to Mount Tai. When Sima Qian returned to the capital, he found his father gravely ill on his deathbed. Sima Tan spoke to his son as follows: “Our ancestors were sima qian 司馬遷, zi zichang 子長 961 grand scribes for the house of Zhou. From high antiquity they had illustri- ous achievement and fame during the reigns of Yu [Shun] and Xia when they had charge of astronomical matters. In later ages our clan declined. Will this tradition end with me? If you also will become grand historian, you may continue the work of our ancestors.” Sima Tan had used his position as grand historian to consult the imperial archives, and he had begun to compile a history of the Chinese empire. He urged his son to carry on his endeavor. After observing a twenty-four-month mourning period for his father, in 108 b.c.e. Sima Qian succeeded to his father’s post as grand historian. True to his father’s instructions, Sima Qian continued writing the history of the empire. In 105 b.c.e., Sima Qian participated in a major reform of the calendar. The calendar introduced at this time, the Taichu 太初曆 or Grand Inception Calendar, became the official calendar used throughout the succeeding periods of Chinese history for the next 2,000 years. In 99 b.c.e., Emperor Wu sent an expedition into Central Asia against the Xiongnu. The Xiongnu were the most powerful foreign threat tothe Han. One of the commanders of the Chinese armies was a general named Li Ling 李陵 (d. 119 b.c.e.). Li Ling’s force of 5,000 penetrated deeply into Xiongnu territory, where they were surrounded. Li Ling was forced to surrender. Almost all of the officials at the Han court turned against Li Ling and condemned him for surrendering. Only Sima Qian came to Li Ling’s defense. In his “Letter in Reply to Ren An,” Sima Qian writes that he was not a close friend of Li Ling’s, but he had always admired his character. Sima Qian made the mistake of mentioning in his defense of Li Ling that one reason for Li Ling’s defeat was that the relief column that was supposed to come to his rescue did not arrive. It so happened that this relief column was headed by none other than General Li Guangli 李廣利 (d. 88 b.c.e.), who was the elder brother of Emperor Wu’s favorite concubine Lady Li 李夫人. Outraged, Emperor Wu had Sima Qian thrown into prison. The charge against Sima Qian was “misleading the emperor.” This was a crime that was punishable by execution. In Han times, it was possible to com- mute the crime by paying a large sum of money. The amount would have been 500,000 cash. Sima Qian was not wealthy and could not afford to pay this huge sum. The only other choices left to Sima Qian were (1) to commit suicide, or (2) to undergo the punishment known as the “punishment of rottenness”—castration. The usual practice for a man of Sima Qian’s status was to commit suicide. In his “Letter in Response to Ren An” Sima Qian indicates that he had no choice but to accept the humiliation of castration, for he had not yet completed the task his father had bequeathed to him, completing the history. 962 sima qian 司馬遷, zi zichang 子長

In 96 b.c.e. Sima Qian was released from prison and appointed palace secretary, a relatively high position. Scholars have assigned various dates for the year of his death. He may have died as early as 90 b.c.e. or as late as 86 b.c.e. Sima Qian’s most important work is Shi ji 史記 (Grand scribe’s record or Records of the grand historian). He may have completed the work around 93 b.c.e. Sima Qian is attributed with the “Bei shi buyu fu” 悲士不遇賦 (Fu lamenting the neglected scholar), which survives only as an extract in the Tang commonplace book Yiwen leiju (30.541). Although the piece was attributed to Sima Qian as early as the Six Dynasties period (see Tao Qian’s preface to his “Gan shi buyu fu” 感士不遇賦, Tao Jingjie xiansheng ji 陶靖節先生集, Sbby, 5.1a), several modern scholars have doubted its authenticity. Most of the piece is not a personal complaint, but a general statement about the unlucky fate of the man of talent who was born in an unenlightened age.

Bibliography

Studies Wang Guowei 王國維. “Taishi gong xingnian kao” 太史公行年考. In Guantang jilin 觀堂集林, 11.1a–17b. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983. Zheng Hesheng 鄭鶴聲. Sima Qian nianpu 司馬遷年譜. 1931; rpt. and rev. Shang- hai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1956. Li Zhangzhi 李長之. Sima Qian zhi renge yu fengge 司馬遷之人格與風格. 1949; rpt. Taipei: Kaiming shudian, 1961. Ji Zhenhuai 季鎮淮. Sima Qian. Shanghai: Renmin chubanshe, 1955. Watson, Burton. Ssu-ma Ch’ien: Grand Historian of China. New York and Lon- don: Columbia University Press, 1958. Hu Peiwei 胡佩偉. Sima Qian he Shi ji 司馬遷和史記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. Jin Dejian 金德建. Sima Qian suojian shu kao 司馬遷所見書考. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1963. Liu Weimin 劉偉民. Sima Qian yanjiu 司馬遷研究. Taipei: Guoli bianyiguan, 1975. Hu Peiwei 胡佩韋. Sima Qian yu Shi ji 司馬遷與史記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962; rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1979. Shi Ding 施丁. Sima Qian yanjiu xinlun 司馬遷研究新論. Zhengzhou: Henan remin chubanshe, 1982. Durrant, Stephen W. “Self as the Intersection of Traditions: The Autobiographi- cal Writings of Ssu-ma Ch’ien.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 106.1 (1986): 33–40. Xiao Li 蕭黎. Sima Qian pingzhuan 司馬遷評傳. Changchun: Jilin wen shi chubanshe, 1986. sima qian 司馬遷, zi zichang 子長 963

Li Shaoyong 李少雍. Sima Qian zhuanji wenxue lungao 司馬遷傳記文學論稿. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1987. Nie Shiqiao 聶石樵. Sima Qian lungao 司馬遷論稿. Beijing: Beijing shifan daxue chubanshe, 1987. Liu Naihe 劉乃和, ed. Sima Qian he Shi ji 司馬遷和史記. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 1987. Hardy, Grant Ricardo. “Form and Narrative in Ssu-ma Ch’ien’s Shih chi.” CLEAR 14 (1992): 1–23. Huang Xinya 黃新亞. Sima Qian pingzhuan 司馬遷評傳. Beijing: Guangming ribao chubanshe, 1991. Zhang Dake 張大可. Sima Qian pingzhuan 司馬遷評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1994. Peterson, Willard J. “Ssu-ma Ch’ien as Cultural Historian.” In The Power of Cul- ture: Studies in Chinese Cultural History, ed. Willard J. Peterson, Andrew H. Plaks, and Ying-shih Yü, 70–79. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1994. Durrant, Stephen W. The Cloudy Mirror. Tensions and Conflict in the Writings of Sima Qian. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995. Shi Ding 施丁. Sima Qian xingnian xin kao 司馬遷行年新考. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Zhang Xinke 張新科. Shi ji yu Zhongguo wenxue 史記與中國文學. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Xu Xinghai 徐興海, ed. Sima Qian yu Shi ji lunji 司馬遷與史記論集. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1995. Zhang Lanting 張蘭亭. Sima Qian 司馬遷. Beijing: Huawen chubanshe, 1996. Satō Taketoshi 佐藤武敏. Shiba Sen no kenkyū 司馬遷の研究. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1997. Hardy, Grant, Worlds of Bronze and Bamboo: Sima Qian’s Conquest of History. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999. Nitta Kōji 新田幸治. Shiba Sen ronkō 司馬遷論攷. Tokyo: Yūzankaku shuppan, 2000. Loewe, Michael. “Sima Qian.” Biographical Dictionary, 485–86. Fujita Katsuhisa 藤田勝久. Shiba Sen to sono jidai 司馬遷とその時代. Tokyo: Tōkyō daigaku shuppansha, 2001. Zhang Dake 張大可. Sima Qian pingzhuan 司馬遷評傳. Beijing: Huawen chubanshe, 2005. Yuan Chuanzhang 袁傳璋. Taishi gong shengping zhuzuo kaolun 太史公生平著作考論. Hefei: Anhui renmin chubanshe, 2005. Lu Yaodong 逯耀東. Yiyu yu chaoyue: Sima Qian yu Han Wudi shidai 抑鬱與超越 : 司馬遷與漢武帝時代. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 2007. Guo Weisen 郭維森. Sima Qian 司馬遷. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2008. Durrant, Stephen. “Sima Qian.” Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 154–66. Detroit: Gale, 2011. 964 sima qian 司馬遷, zi zichang 子長

Works

a. “Bao Ren An shu” 報任安書 (Letter replying to Ren An), also titled “Bao Ren Shaoqing shu” 報任少卿書)

Studies Chen Jinzhong 陳盡忠. “Shi ‘Bao Ren An shu’ de jige wenti” 釋《報任安書》的幾問題. Xiamen daxue xuebao (1980: 3): 111–17. He Shihua 何世華. “ ‘Bao Ren An shu’ bing fei zuo yu Taishi sinian kao”《報任安書》並非作于太始四年考. Renwen zazhi (1982: 6): 89–91. Xu Shuofang 徐朔方. “ ‘Bao Ren An shu’zuo yu Han Wudi Taishi sinian bushuo” 《報任安書》作於漢武帝太始四年補說 . In Shi Han lungao 史漢論稿, 69–73. Nan- jing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1984. Cheng Jinzao 程金造. “Lun Wang Guowei kaoding Bao Ren An shu de shidai yu neirong” 論王國維考定報任安書的時代與內容. Shi ji guankui 史記管窺, 124–36. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1985. Shi Ding 施丁. “Sima Qian xie ‘Bao Ren An shu’ niandai kao” 司馬遷寫《報任安書》年代考. Xinan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1985: 4): 41–47. Xue Zhengxing 薛正興. “ ‘Bao Ren An shu zhushi yi yi taolun”《報任安書》注釋疑義討論. Nanjing shida xuebao (1986: 4): 59–61. Führer, Bernard. “The Court Scribe’s Eicon Psyches: A Note on Sima Qian and His Letter to Ren An.” Asian and African Studies 6 (1997): 170–83. Chen Zhisheng 陳芝生. “Sima Qian zhi xin—‘Bao Ren Shaoqing shu’ xi lun” 司馬遷之心—《報任少卿書》析論. Guoli Taiwan daxue Zhongguo wenxue xi 國立臺灣大學中國文學系, ed. Jinian Qian Mu xiansheng shishi shizhounian guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji 紀念錢穆先生逝世十週年國際學術研討會論文集. Janu- ary 2001. Schaab-Henke, Dorothee. “Anfechtungen eines Ehrenmannes: Argumente für die Authentizität des Briefes an Ren An.” Han-Zeit: Festschrift für Hans Stumpfeldt aus Anlaß seines 65 Geburtstages, ed. Michael Friedrich with Reinhard Emmer- ich and Hans van Ess, 283–98. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006. Knechtges, David R. “ ‘Key Words,’ Authorial Intent, and Interpretation: Sima Qian’s Letter to Ren An.” CLEAR 30 (2008): 76–84.

Translations Chavannes, Edouard. Les Mémoires historiques de Sseu-ma Ts’ien, 6 vols, 1: ccxxvi– ccxxxviii. 1895–1905; rpt. Paris: Adrien Maisonneuve, 1969. Watson, Burton. Ssu-ma Ch’ien, Grand Historian of China, 57–67. New York: Columbia University Press, 1958. Dzo, Ching-chuan. Sseu-ma Ts’ien et l’historiographie chinoise, 153–60. Paris: Pub- lications Orientalistes de France, 1957. Hightower, James Robert. Anthology of Chinese Literature, From Early Times to the Fourteenth Century, ed. Cyril Birch and Donald Keene, 95–102. New York: Grove Press, 1965. sima shao 司馬紹 (299–325), zi daoji 道畿 965

Owen, Stephen. An Anthology of Chinese Literature, Beginnings to 1911, 136–42. New York: W. W. Norton, 1996. Watson, Burton. Records of the Grand Historian, Qin Dynasty, 227–37. Hong Kong and New York: The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1993.

b. “Bei shi buyu fu” 悲士不遇賦 (Lamenting the neglected scholars)

Texts Yan Kejun. “Quan Han wen,” 26.4b–5a. Sun Xingyan 孫星衍. Xu Guwen yuan 續古文苑, 1.88–89. Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1973.

Studies Zhao Xingzhi 趙省之. “Sima Qian fu zuo de pingjia” 司馬遷賦作的評價. Wen shi zhe 2 (February 1956): 30–34. Zhao Huaizhong 趙懷忠. “Sima Qian ‘Bei shi buyu’ erti” 司馬遷《士不遇賦》二題. Weinan shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 14.3 (1999): 14–15. Zhang Kefeng 張克鋒. “Lun Handai cifu zhong de bei shi buyu zhuti ji shiren xintai” 論漢代辭賦中的悲士不遇主題及士人心態. Gansu shehui kexue (2007: 1): 175–78.

Translations Hightower, James Robert. “The Fu of T’ao Ch’ien.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 17 (1954): 197–200. Rpt. in Studies in Chinese Literature, ed. John L. Bishop, 73–76. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965. Davis, A. R. T’ao Yüan-ming. 2 vols., 1: 184–85. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983.

DRK

Sima Shao 司馬紹 (299–325), zi Daoji 道畿

Eastern Jin emperor and writer.

Sima Shao, Emperor Ming (r. 323–325) of the Eastern Jin, was the eldest son of Sima Rui 司馬睿 (276–322), Emperor Yuan 元 (r. 318–323) of the Eastern Jin. Sima Shao displayed unusual intelligence in his youth, and his father was quite fond of him. When he was a few years old, Sima Shao sat with his father while his father was meeting with an envoy from Chang’an. He was asked “Which is farther, the sun or Chang’an?” He replied, “Chang’an is closer. I have never heard of a person who comes from the sun. This is obvious.” Emperor Yuan was surprised. The next day, 966 sima shao 司馬紹 (299–325), zi daoji 道畿 the emperor hosted his officials at a banquet. He asked Sima Shao the same question. He replied, “The sun is closer.” Turning pale with consternation, Emperor Yuan asked him, “Why is your reply different from the previous day?” Sima Shao replied, “You can see the sun when you raise your eyes, but not Chang’an.” Emperor Yuan was increasingly amazed by his quick- witted intelligence. During the early Jianxing period (313–317) of Emperor Min, Sima Shao was appointed east leader of court gentleman to defend the Guangling 廣陵 (modern Yangzhou 揚州) area. When Sima Rui formally succeeded to the throne in 318, Sima Shao was named heir designate. Sima Shao was a loyal son, and he was extremely filial. He was also well versed both in civil and military affairs. He admired men of virtue and talent, and he was known for his hospitality. Sima Shao had a strong interest in literature. Influential court officials and celebrated writers such as Wang Dao 王導 (d. 339), Yu Liang 庾亮 (289–340), Wen Qiao 溫嶠 (288–329), Huan Yi 桓彝 (n.d.), and Ruan Fang 阮放 (n.d.) associated with him and even engaged in philosophical discussions and debates with him. Sima Shao was an independent thinker. Even Wang Dao, who was one of the most influential officials in the court, could not impose his views on Sima Shao. Sima Shao was also skilled in martial arts, and he thus earned the respect of military men. In 322, Wang Dun 王敦 (266–324) dominated the imperial court. In an attempt to seize the imperial throne for himself, Wang Dun even held Emperor Yuan captive. Emperor Yuan eventually died of indignation on 3 January 323. Sima Shao succeeded to the imperial throne the following day. In 324, Sima Shao defeated Wang Dun and dismantled his main forces. Wang Dun died of illness the same year. In 325, Sima Shao also died at the Eastern Hall. He was twenty-seven at the time. Sima Shao was a talented writer. Liu Xie 劉勰 (ca. 465–ca. 521) in his Wenxin diaolong writes: “Emperor Ming was gifted with intelligence and much enjoyed literary gatherings. From the time when he was a prince to his ascension to the imperial throne, he tirelessly engaged in the discussion of the Classics. He refined his feelings writing proclamations and policy statements, and displayed his literary grace in fu pieces. Yu Liang attained a close relationship with him because of his ability to compose prose works, and Wen Qiao won generous treatment by virtue of his literary gifts. In promoting literature Emperor Ming was the Han Emperor Wu of his age.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Emperor Ming’s collected writings in five juan. The Jiu Tang shu records a collection of the same size. This probably was lost before the Song. Twenty-nine of his prose sima tan 司馬談 (ca. 190 b.c.e.–110 b.c.e.) 967 writings, most of which are imperial edicts, are extant. He also wrote the “Chan fu” 禪賦 (Fu on the cicada), “Yu Wen Qiao shu” 與溫嶠書 (Letter to Wen Qiao), and “Da Wen Qiao deng” 答溫嶠等 (Responding to the letters of Wen Qiao et al.), which are preserved in Yan Kejun’s Quan shangguo Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 86. Bielenstein, Hans. “The Six Dynasties.” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 68 (1996): 57–59.

TPK

Sima Tan 司馬談 (ca. 190 b.c.e.–110 b.c.e.)

Western Han historian and prose writer.

Sima Tan’s ancestral home was Xiayang 夏陽 (south of modern Hancheng 韓城, Shaanxi 陝西). He was the father of Sima Qian 司馬遷 (145 b.c.e. or 135 b.c.e.–87 b.c.e. or 86 b.c.e.). Sima Tan studied astronomy under Tang Du 唐都 (n.d.), the Yi ching under Yang He 楊何 (fl. 134 b.c.e.–123 b.c.e.), and Taoism under a Master Huang 黃子 (n.d.). Between the Jianyuan (140 b.c.e.–135 b.c.e.) and Yuanfeng (110 b.c.e.–105 b.c.e.) periods, Sima Tan served as the grand historian (grand scribe) under Emperor Wu 武 (r. 140 b.c.e.–87 b.c.e.). In 113 b.c.e., Sima Tan was one of several court officials who advised Emperor Wu to perform sacrifices toHoutu 后土 (Sovereign Earth) at Fenyin 汾陰 (southwest of modern Wanrong 萬榮, Shanxi). He also urged him to initiate the worship of the deity Taiyi 太一 (Grand Unity) the following year. In 110 b.c.e., Emperor Wu decided to make an inspection tour to Mt. Tai where he offered sacrifices to heaven and earth, Sima Tan was supposed to accompany the Emperor on the trip. However, he fell ill and was unable to travel. He became quite depressed and died in Luoyang. Right before his death, he asked his son Sima Qian to complete his unfulfilled wish of writing a history. Sima Tan was a learned scholar and a skillful prose writer. He feared that even though scholars studied the Classics and the writings of the Masters, they did not fully understand their true meaning. He wrote the “Lun liujia yaozhi” 論六家要旨 (Discussing the essence of six philosophical schools). 968 sima tan 司馬談 (ca. 190 b.c.e.–110 b.c.e.)

In this piece he discusses the thought of each school, which include the School of Yin-yang (cosmology), Ruism, Mohism, Logic, Legalism, and Taoism. He identifies the strengths and weaknesses of each school, but pays supreme tribute to Taoism. This work is recorded in the Shi ji and Han shu. Yan Kejun also has collected it together with Sima Tan’s “Ci Houtu yi” 祠后土議 (Opinion on offering sacrifices to Sovereign Earth), and “Yi li Taizhi tan” 議立太畤壇 (Offering an opinion on establishing the Grand Altar) in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Watson, Burton. Ssu-ma Ch’ien Grand Historian of China, 43–50. New York: Columbia University Press, 1958. Zhao Shengqun 趙生群. “Sima Tan zuo shi kao” 司馬談作史考. Nanjing shiyuan xuebao (shehui kexue ban) (1982: 2): 51–56. Zhang Dake 張大可. “Sima Tan zuo shi kaolun shuping” 司馬談作史考論述評. Qinghai shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1984: 2): 85–93. Zhao Shengqun 趙生群. “Lun Sima Tan chuang Shi ji wuti” 論司馬談創《史記》五體. Nanjing shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1984: 2): 27–31. Satō Taketoshi 佐藤武敏. “Shiba Dan to rekishi” 司馬談と歷史 . Chūgokushi kenkyū 8 (1984): 119–28. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 88–9. Satō Taketoshi 佐藤武敏. “Shiba Dan sakushi kō” 司馬談作史考. Tōhoku daigaku Tōyōshi ronshū 5 (1992): 3–28. Chen Zhisheng 陳芝生. “Sima Tan fuzi yu Han Wudi fengshan” 司馬談父子與漢武帝封禪. Qin Han shi luncong 5 (1992): 280–85. Yang Yanqi 楊燕起. “Sima Tan de lishi gongxian” 司馬談的歷史貢獻. Beijing shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1992: 2): 43–51. Durrant, Stephen W. The Cloudy Mirror: Tension and Conflict in the Writings of Sima Qian, 2–8. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1995. Chen Tongsheng 陳桐生. “Lun Sima Tan you dao er ru de zhuanbian” 論司馬談由道而儒的轉變. Renwen zazhi (1995: 5): 102–7. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 486–7. Schaab-Hanke, Dorothee. “The Power of an Alleged Tradition: A Prophecy Flat- tering Han Emperor Wu and Its Relation to the Sima Clan.” Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities 74 (2002): 243–90. Wang Gaoxin 汪高鑫. “Sima Tan yu Shi ji” 司馬談與《史記》. Anhui shixue (2002: 2): 8–12. Yi Ning 易寧 and Yi Ping 易平. “ ‘Sima Tan zuo shi’ shuo zhiyi” “司馬談作史” 說質疑. Beijing shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2004: 1): 67–75. Hou Haiying 侯海英 and Zhao Keli 趙克禮. “Cong Sima Qian de chenggong kan Sima Tan de jiajiao sixiang” 從司馬遷的成功看司馬談的家教思想. Tangdu xuekan 26.2 (2010): 18–20. sima xian 司馬憲 (fl. 475–448), zi jingsi 景思 969

Works

a. “Lun liujia yaozhi” 論六家要旨 (Discussing the essence of the six philosophical schools)

Studies Smith, Kidder. “Sima Tan and the Invention of Daoism, ‘Legalism,’ “et cetera.’ ” Journal of Asian Studies 62.1 (2003): 129–56.

Translations Watson, Ssu-ma Ch’ien, 43–48. Harold Roth and Sarah Queen, in Sources of Chinese Tradition, ed. W. T. de Bary and Irene Bloom, ed., 278–82. New York: Columbia University Press, 1999.

TPK

Sima Xian 司馬憲 (fl. 475–448), zi Jingsi 景思

Southern Qi writer.

Sima Xian’s ancestral home was Wen 溫 county in Henei 河內 (modern Henan). He served as acting academician in the Dongguan 東觀 (Eastern Institute). During the Jianyuan period of Emperor Gao (479–482), Sima Xian was appointed palace administrator. The emperor consulted him on the rituals for the southern suburban sacrifices. Along with Fu Manrong 伏曼容 (421–502) and Lu Cheng 陸澄 (425–494) he compiled the Sangfu yi 喪服義 (The proper meaning of mourning apparel) during the early Yong- ming era (483–493). According to Kong Guang’s 孔廣 (n.d.) biography in the Nan shi, Sima Xian was “quite eloquent. He became known in the north when he served as an envoy in the Wei court.” He and Kong Guang were equally renowned during this period. Sima Xian’s Sangfu yi is mentioned in Fu Manrong’s biography in the Liang shu (48.663), and his comments on the rituals of southern suburban sacrifices are preserved in “Li zhi” (Monograph of rites) of the Nan Qi shu. (9.118).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 88.

TPK 970 sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿

Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179–117 b.c.e., alt. birth date 172, 171, 169 b.c.e.), zi Zhangqing 長卿

Western Han writer.

Sima Xiangru’s natal place is usually specified as Chengdu 成都 in the commandery of Shu 蜀 (modern Chengdu, Sichuan). However, the Qing scholar Wang Peixun 王培荀 (1783–1859) has proposed that Sima Xiangru is actually from Pengzhou 蓬州 (Western Han period Han’an 漢安, modern Peng’an 蓬安, Sichuan). Virtually nothing is known about Sima Xiangru’s ancestors. He may have been distantly related to Sima Cuo 司馬錯 (fl. 316– 280 b.c.e.), a Qin general and strategist who led an invasion of Shu in the late fourth century b.c.e. During his youth he was quite studious and read widely. He also was an accomplished swordsman. One of his childhood names was Quanzi 犬子 (Doggie). Because he much admired the heroic deeds of Lin Xiangru 藺相如 (fl. 260 b.c.e.), he took the name Xiangru. Around 150 b.c.e., Sima Xiangru traveled to Chang’an, where he was able to obtain an appointment at the imperial court as gentleman “by virtue of property.” This meant that because he had wealth of at least forty thousand cash, he was entitled to receive an appointment at court. Under Emperor Jing (r. 151–141 b.c.e.) he served as military mounted attendant- in-ordinary, a low six‑hundred-bushel rank. Although the duties of the post were not to his liking, it did give Sima Xiangru an opportunity to participate in the emperor’s excursions, and thus he was able to obtain first-hand knowledge of the military reviews, banquets, and excursions in the imperial park that were was a theme of his extant fu. One reason Sima Xiangru might have been unhappy with official life in Chang’an is that Emperor Jing had an aversion for fu poetry. Emperor Jing’s principal advisers were legalists, whose distaste for literary embellishment is well known. Thus, Sima Xiangru welcomed the opportunity to become a guest scholar at the court of Liu Wu 劉武, King of Liang 梁 (168–143 b.c.e.). At the time of his arrival in Liang around 149 b.c.e., Liu Wu’s entourage already included literary luminaries such as Zou Yang 鄒陽 (fl. 150 b.c.e.) and Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. 141 b.c.e.). Sima Xiangru remained in Liang until 144 b.c.e. when he had to leave after Liu Wu’s death. Until that time he presumably was able to enjoy the company of the other salon poets and use his leisure time to compose fu. Only two of Sima Xiangru’s writings are attributed to his stay in Liang: “Meiren fu” 美人賦 (Fu on the beautiful person) and “Zixu fu” 子虛賦 (Fu of Sir Vacuous). Because the earliest text of the piece is in an early Tang source, some scholars have doubted the authenticity of the “Meiren fu.” sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿 971

This poem begins with a prologue that relates how Sima Xiangru arrives at Liang, only to be met by the slander of Zou Yang, who accuses the handsome poet of being a lustful person who has his eyes on the king’s concubines. The king then summons Sima Xiangru to defend himself against the charges of being a “lustful person.” Sima Xiangru proceeds to give an account, all in rhyme, of how he rebuffed the advances of women who tried to seduce him. In the final lines of the piece Sima Xiangru is depicted as resisting the charms of a lovely woman who wishes to sleep with him. This charming fu is remarkably frank in its portrayal of sexual desire. However, Sima Xiangru’s authorship of this piece is questionable. The prologue, which describes Sima Xiangru as “handsome, genteel, and good looking,” is too immodest to be a self-portrait. The phrase is similar to a description found in Sima Xiangru’s biography in the Shi ji and Han shu, which describe him as “smooth and poised, genteel and proper, and very good looking.” In addition, the simple style differs markedly from Sima Xiangru’s other pieces and is more typical of the Six Dynasties fu. Thus, the “Meiren fu” quite likely is a Six Dynasties prosopopoeia (literary imper- sonation) based on the traditional image of Sima Xiangru as a paragon of male beauty. There is little question about the authenticity of the “Zixu fu” However, the preserved text certainly cannot be identical to the original “Zixu fu.” The extant version actually is a revision done by Sima Xiangru when he incorporated it with his “Shanglin fu” 上林賦 (Fu on the Imperial Park) which he presented to Emperor Wu around 138 b.c.e. The received text begins with a prologue introducing three fictional envoys who are at the court of the king of Qi: an emissary from Chu named Master Vacuous (Zixu), a man from Qi called Master Improbable (Wuyou xiansheng 烏有先生), and a representative of the emperor designated Lord No-such (Wushi gong 亡是公). Each of them attempts to outdo the others in enumerating the superior features of the hunting parks in their home states. Sir Vacuous first describes the great Yunmeng 雲夢 Park, a vast swampy preserve that covered a large area in Chu. After naming all the products contained in the park, he tells of the fabulous hunts and excursions that take place there. Sir Vacuous is then followed by Master Improbable, who begins a description of the hunts of the Qi king only to be interrupted by Lord No-such, who presents an elaborate account of the emperor’s great Shanglin Park. Since the imperial park portion was written later, the part of the prologue that mentions the imperial envoy is an obvious addition to the original piece. How many other revisions Sima Xiangru made in the piece is difficult to determine. 972 sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿

If the versified description of Yunmeng actually belongs to the original “Zixu fu” it shows that Sima Xiangru achieved his distinctive style while still in Liang or even in his native Shu. The effusive account of the mountains in the center of the preserve, vividly described in a series of rhyming and alliterative binomes, is typical of Sima Xiangru’s epideictic style. Another feature of Sima Xiangru’s fu is the catalogue. About a fifth of the fu is nothing but a rhymed list of names of minerals, precious stones, plants, water creatures, trees, birds, and animals. After the death of King of Liang in 143 b.c.e., Sima Xiangru returned to Shu, where by virtue of his poetic talent, he became the protégé of Wang Ji 王吉 (fl. ca. 142 b.c.e.), magistrate of Linqiong 臨邛 (modern Qionglai 邛崍, Sichuan). Wang Ji introduced Sima Xiangru to the wealthy iron manufacturer Zhuo Wangsun 卓王孫 (fl. 140 b.c.e.) who resided in Lin qiong. In 142 b.c.e., Sima Xiangru eloped with Zhuo Wangsun’s daughter, Zhuo Wenjun 卓文君 (fl. 142–117 b.c.e.), who had recently been widowed. According to the traditional account, which reads more like romance than history, Sima Xiangru and his bride supported themselves by running a wine shop until Zhuo Wangsun was shamed into recognizing their marriage. He also gave them one million cash, one hundred servants, and various articles that she received as a dowry in her first marriage. The couple purchased a mansion in Chengdu. Around 137 b.c.e., the young Emperor Wu summoned Sima Xiangru to an audience in the capital of Chang’an. It seems that one day Emperor Wu chanced upon a copy of a piece that Sima Xiangru had written at the court of Liang, “Zixu fu.” This poem so impressed the emperor, he exclaimed to the keeper of the hounds, Yang Deyi 楊德意, “Why do I not have the privilege of being this man’s contemporary?” Yang Deyi, who was a Shu native, informed the emperor that his fellow townsman Sima Xiangru was the author of this piece. Emperor Wu immediately issued a summons for Sima Xiangru to appear at court. This story is not very credible for several reasons. First, one wonders how a text of the “Zixu fu,” which was written in Liang, reached the imperial court. Even accepting the dubious proposition that someone in Liang sent a copy of this piece to the imperial archives, one is endlessly fascinated at the prospect of the nineteen-year-old Emperor Wu sitting in his palace study with a bundle of bamboo strips trying to decipher the text of a fu written in a difficult script and replete with rare words. This is a wonderful story, but it strains credibility. According to the traditional account, in his audience with Emperor Wu, Sima Xiangru belittled the quality of his earlier composition, which after all concerned only the “affairs of the vassal lords.” He then offered to sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿 973 compose for the emperor a “fu on the excursions and hunts of the Son of Heaven.” With brushes and bamboo slips given to him by the chief steward for writing, Sima Xiangru composed a long fu on the imperial hunting grounds, the Shanglin Park. Emperor Wu was so pleased with the poem, he appointed Sima Xiangru to a position at the imperial court. Although there is nothing implausible about this part of the account, one wonders how much the historian has embellished it to fit the conventional story of the scholar-poet from the hinterland who rises from obscurity to prominence at the imperial court. Sima Xiangru’s masterwork is his fu on the imperial park. Commonly referred to as the “Shanglin fu,’ the actual title may have been “Tianzi youlie fu” 天子遊獵賦 (Fu on the excursions and hunts of the Son of Heaven). Although Sima Xiangru did not compose the final version of the piece until Emperor Wu summoned him to audience, he may have begun writing it while still in Shu, for a poem of such learning and elegance required much preparation and thought before setting brush to bamboo strips. The “Shanglin fu” begins with the imperial envoy, Lord No-such, admonishing the emissaries of Chu and Qi for failing to “elucidate the duties of ruler and subject or to correct the ritual behavior of the vassal lords.” He accuses them of “competing over the joys of excursions and sports, the size of parks and preserves, wishing to overwhelm each other with wasteful ostentation and surpass one another in wild excesses.” Such things, he claims, only serve to defame one’s ruler and do injury to oneself. He then proceeds with the most lavish account of them all, a description of the Shanglin Park. Most of the first part of the fu consists of a series of catalogues of rivers, water animals, fowl, mountains, plants, land animals, palaces, stones and gems, trees, and the animals the dwell within them. He follows with an effusive portrayal of what purports to be a typical excursion-hunt, although virtually all of the account is full of hyperbole meant to impress the reader with the emperor’s power. At one point the emperor soars aloft, and as a companion of the gods, chases fabulous creatures through the sky. At the end of this celestial journey, the emperor descends to earth, where he moves rapidly through palaces and towers, and halts at a hall where he hosts a banquet accompanied by song and dance. In the midst of merriment and intoxication with wine, the emperor suddenly becomes lost in contemplation. As he reflects upon the extravagance of his excursions, he fears that his successors will imitate his behavior. Resolving to abandon the activity, he dismisses the hunters and revelers, and opens the park for the use of the common people. He now devotes all of his energy to government duties. 974 sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿

The emperor now is a supremely diligent ruler, and his virtue and achievements surpass those even of the sages of antiquity. He is in every way superior to the kings of Chu and Qi, who have no concern for the welfare of their own people. At this point, Sir Vacuous and Master Improb- able are overwhelmed and speechless. When they manage a reply, they say, “Your humble servants have been stubborn and uncouth, and ignorant of the prohibitions. Now this day we have received your instruction. We respectfully accept your command.” As much as the emperor and the members of his court enjoyed the “Shanglin fu” for its verbal artistry, they must have been aware of Sima Xiangru’s didactic intent. The final section of the fu shows the emperor abandoning his excursion-hunts as extravagance and turning his attention to pursuits more worthy of a “humane ruler.” At this point, he ends the feast and commands his officials to distribute the park lands to farmers. Instead of galloping through his parks and gardens, the emperor makes an “excursion” into the “park” of the Six Classics, which provides him with the proper ethical and ritual guidance by which to rule his people. He may now “discard punishments” and achieve the devotion of his people by the moral example he sets, thus making him the equal of the sage kings of antiquity. Emperor Wu found Sima Xiangru useful for his poetic skill and undoubtedly commissioned him to compose many fu for special court occasions. However, none of these pieces survives. In addition to his duties as court poet, Sima served as the emperor’s envoy in the southwest, of which his native Shu was a part. Around 131 b.c.e. Sima Xiangru mediated a dispute between the local inhabitants and the Han official Tang Meng 唐蒙, who had alienated some of the Shu people with his oppressive policies. Sima wrote on behalf of the emperor an elegant dispatch, “Yu Ba Shu xi” 喩巴蜀檄 (Proclamation to Ba and Shu), apologizing for the general’s actions. After returning to the capital, Emperor Wu promoted Sima Xiangru to the position of general of the gentlemen of the household, a relatively high 2000-bushel post. In this capacity he was put in charge of a road-building project in the southwest. Upon Sima Xiangru’s return to Shu with a large entourage, his father-in-law, Zhuo Wangsun, warmly greeted him and bestowed his daughter a generous share of his estate, equal to that of a son. In the middle of his mission to Shu, Sima Xiangru encountered much opposition to his plans to establish regular contacts with the southwestern native peoples, especially from prominent men in Shu. He wrote another dispatch, “Nan Shu fulao wen” 難蜀父老文 (Refuting the elders of Shu), which is a dialogue between the Shu elders, who plead against opening sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿 975 communication with the native peoples, and the imperial envoy, who wins them over by explaining to them the advantages of imperial largess and beneficence. Reputedly Sima Xiangru conveyed his true views in the speech of the elders. Sima Xiangru spent his later years in or near the capital. Shortly after returning from the southwest, someone accused him of accepting bribes while serving as emissary in Shu, and he was dismissed from his post of gentlemen of the household gentlemen. Although he returned to court within a few years, Sima Xiangru never regained a high-ranking position. He seems to have lost interest in court affairs, and even though he continued to enjoy Emperor Wu’s favor, he spent his remaining years in semi- retirement. Sima Xiangru’s sudden disinterest in politics might have had something to do with his poor health—he suffered from diabetes. In addition, he stuttered, and thus could not participate in court debate. Finally, thanks to his wife’s inheritance, he was now independently wealthy, and he no longer needed to rely on a government salary to support his family. During the period 130 to 120 b.c.e. Sima Xiangru’s principal activity was that of poet. Emperor Wu even asked him to polish up the writings that he sent to Liu An 劉安, King of Huainan (ca. 170–122 b.c.e.), who was an accomplished writer. From time to time Sima Xiangru accompanied the emperor on outings and hunts. After one excursion to the Tall Pop- lars Lodge in the imperial park, where the emperor actually joined in the chase, Sima Xiangru submitted a petition warning him about the dangers to which he was exposing himself. On this same tour, the emperor’s entourage visited Befitting Spring Palace (Yichun), which was near the tomb of the Second Qin Emperor, the last ruler of the Qin dynasty. Sima Xiangru took this occasion to compose a short fu titled “Ai Qin Ershi fu” 哀秦二世賦 (Lamenting the Second Qin Emperor). It is possible this piece may have been intended as a subtle warning to Emperor Wu, whose grandiose schemes might bring him the same fate as the Second Qin Emperor. Sima Xiangru is also traditionally attributed with writing a fu on behalf of Emperor Wu’s Empress Chen 陳皇后 (fl. 130 b.c.e.). Emperor Wu married her when he was still heir designate. After he became emperor he named her empress. Emperor Wu eventually became attracted to an entertainer of humble origins, Wei Zifu 衛子夫 (d. 91 b.c.e.). After Emperor Wu took her into the palace harem, Empress Chen became jealous and began to plot against her. When Emperor Wu discovered her machinations, he was furious. In 130 b.c.e. he dismissed her and sent her to live in the Tall Gate Palace. She became very depressed. Hearing that Sima Xiangru was the most skillful writer in the realm, she offered one hundred catties of gold to Sima Xiangru to write a fu that would relieve her sorrow. Sima Xiangru 976 sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿 presented “Changmen fu” 長門賦 (Fu on the Tall Gate Palace) to Emperor Wu, who was so moved by the piece he returned Empress Chen to her former favored position. This story, which is contained in a preface attached to the “Changmen fu,” clearly is fictional, for none of the Han histories record this event. Fur- thermore, Empress Chen never again obtained Emperor Wu’s favor, and in fact died sequestered in the Tall Gate Palace. Although the preface to the “Changmen fu” is a forgery, the fu itself may be authentic. The piece tells of the plight of a palace lady who has lost the favor of her lord. Although this theme is rare in the poetry of the Western Han, it was quite common in the Six Dynasties period. Thus, some scholars have argued that it may have been written at that time and wrongly attributed to Sima Xiangru. However, most Chinese scholars accept the attribution to Sima Xiangru. Around 120 b.c.e., Sima Xiangru received an appointment as director of Emperor Wen’s funerary park, a 600-bushel rank that may have been a sinecure. About this time he composed the “Daren fu” 大人賦 (Fu on the great man), a long panegyrical description of a godlike immortal, the Great Man (Emperor Wu), who wanders at will about the heavens with all deities at his command. Sima Xiangru wrote this fu at a time when Emperor Wu had a strong interest in the teachings of the alchemists and magicians who flocked to the court offering recipes for obtaining long life and immortality. The Great Man’s journey proceeds in a ritually proper order: east, south, west, and north. At the end, at the extreme north, he finds himself transformed into a Taoist adept who has transcended the senses of sight and hearing and is oblivious of all distinctions. Much of the “Daren fu,” such as the description of the Taoist mystical experience of the last few lines, is derivative of the “Yuan you” 遠遊 (Far roaming), a poem attributed to the Chu poet Qu Yuan. However, in Sima Xiangru’s poem the celestial journey has a different function: it is not a vehicle by which a frustrated scholar‑official expresses his contempt for the world, but rather exemplifies the supreme magical power of the emperor. Thus, the “Daren fu” is a praise poem designed to celebrate imperial majesty. However, the poem is not all praise. At one point the Great Man journeys to the Kunlun Mountains in the far west where he visits the goddess, the Queen Mother of the West (Xi wangmu 西王母) whom he portrays as dwelling in a cave with only a three-legged crow to wait on her. The conventional interpretation of this passage is that this is a criticism of Emperor Wu’s quest for immortality. However, the historian Sima Qian reports that Emperor Wu missed the satirical intent of the piece, and on the contrary “had a light and airy spirit as though he had ascended the clouds, and he sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿 977 felt as if he were roaming between Heaven and Earth.” Another possible interpretation is that Sima Xiangru was attacking the “vulgar” immortality sects of the period that advocated rigorous alchemical regimens. Certainly the figure of the haggard and emaciated practicioner of the immortal arts would not befit the dignity of the Han sovereign. Sima Xiangru may be presenting the emperor with what he would have considered a higher ideal of immortality in which the adept, in this case the emperor, reaches a spiritual Zhuangzi-like transcendence in which he is oblivious of all distinctions. Around 119 b.c.e., Sima Xiangru resigned from office on grounds of illness (he probably contracted diabetes), and retired to Maoling 茂陵, located on the Wei River west of the capital. In 139 b.c.e. this town has been designated the site of Emperor Wu’s tomb, and during the Emperor Wu period members of powerful and wealthy families were transferred here as a means of keeping them under surveillance. Although there is no mention of the reason for Sima Xiangru’s move to Maoling, his wealth and attempts to criticize some of the emperor’s activities could have been reasons for the emperor to have him watched. Indeed, Emperor Wu was suffi- ciently informed about Sima Xiangru’s activities to know that in 117 b.c.e. the great poet was seriously ill. He dispatched one of his palace officers, Suo Zhong 所忠, to Maoling to obtain all of Sima Xiangru’s writings before they became lost. By the time Suo Zhong reached Maoling, Sima had died, and when he questioned Sima Xiangru’s wife about his literary remains, she reputedly replied, “Zhangqing [Sima Xiangru’s courtesy name] certainly was not in the habit of retaining his manuscripts. When from time to time he composed something, people took it away. Thus, he has lived here in idleness. Before Zhangqing died, he composed one text, and he told me if an emissary comes seeking texts, present it to him. There are no other texts.” This text, written on bamboo slips, was the “Feng shan wen” 封禪文 (Essay on the feng and shan sacrifices). Written in a mixture of prose and verse, the essay lavishly praises the Han accomplishments, especially those of Emperor Wu, and urges him to celebrate his achievements by performing the ultimate rite de triomphe, the Feng sacrifice on Mount Tai, and the Shan sacrifice at Liangfu. Sima Xiangru died in 117 b.c.e. Seven years after his death, Emperor Wu performed the very sacrifices Sima Xiangru had recommended. The monograph on bibliography of the Han shu lists twenty-nine fu under Sima Xiangru’s name. Only six complete pieces and one fragment are now attributed to him, and two of them, “Meiren fu” and “Changmen fu” are of disputed authenticity. The same bibliography also lists a dictionary, the Fan jiang 凡將, of which only five fragments survive. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Sima Xiangru’s collected works 978 sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿 in one juan. The monographs on bibliography of the two Tang histories list this collection in two juan. However, this work seems to have been lost in the Song dynasty. The received collections are all later reconstructions. Sima Xiangru has received mixed assessments in later periods. Although he is generally regarded as the premier fu writer of the Western Han, he is not without his detractors, even in the Han period. Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.), who was also a native of Shu, wrote imitations of Sima Xiangru’s writings in his youth. However, in his later years, he condemned Sima Xiangru’s fu for their failure to convey a moral message. The historian Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) repeats Yang Xiong’s criticism. He also criticizes Sima Xiangru’s “Feng shan wen” for its gaudy style and failure to observe classical norms. During the Six Dynasties period, anecdotes about Sima Xiangru are recorded in works such as Huayang guozhi 華陽國志 (Gazetteer of the area South of Mount Hua) by Chang Qu 常璩 (fourth century) and Xijing zaji 西京雜記 (Miscellaneous notes of the Western Capital), which may have been compiled as late as the sixth century. The former work is a history of Sima Xiangru’s native Shu area. Although most of the material it contains about him is taken from the standard histories, it adds some details, including a note about an inscription that Sima Xiangru reputedly wrote on one of the gates of Chengdu as he was about to depart on his journey to the capital. The Xijing zaji contains a story about Sima Xiangru’s attempt to take as a concubine a beautiful young girl from Maoling. When Zhuo Wenjun learned of this, she composed a song, “Baitou yin” 白頭吟 (Song of white hair), to express her objections. Sima Xiangru then did not take the girl as a concubine. Scholars no longer consider the story or the poem authentic. The Xijing zaji also contains a famous statement about the nature of the fu that is attributed to Sima Xiangru: “Joining vermilion ribbons to create the pattern, arraying embroidered brocade, one warp, one woof—these are the traces of the fu. The mind of the fu writer embraces the universe and views all people and things. This is obtained within the self and cannot be transmitted to others.” Although this passage probably is not authentic, it is an accurate characterization of the qualities of the fu genre.

Bibliography

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Baihua Translations Fei Zhengang 費振剛 and Qiu Zhongqian 仇仲謙, trans. Sima Xiangru Wen xuan yi 司馬相如文選譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1991. Li Xiaozhong 李孝中 and Hou Kefang 侯柯芳, trans. and comm. Sima Xiangru zuopin zhu yi 司馬相如作品注譯. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 2000.

General Studies Wang Peixun 王培荀 (1783–1859). Tingyu lou suibi 聽雨樓隨筆, Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1180, 7.455. Sun Cizhou 孫次舟. “Sima Xiangru yu Zhuo Wenjun” 司馬相如與卓文君. Zeshan banyuekan 1.14 (1940): 4–7. Chen Zhongfan 陳中凡. “Xi Han da zhengzhijia Sima Xiangru 西漢大政治家司馬相如. Wen shi zazhi 2.1 (1941): 23–27. Zheng Jiafu 鄭家茀. “Sima Xiangru zhushu kao” 司馬相如著述考. Dongfang wenhua 2.5 (1943): 56–59. Wan Man 萬曼. “Sima Xiangru fu lun” 司馬相如賦論. Guowen yuekan, no. 55 (1947): 12–23. Yoshikawa Kojirō 吉川幸次郎. “Shiba Shōjo ni tsuite” 司馬相如について. Shosetsu 5 (1950): 46–84. Tian Qianjun 田倩君. “Sima Xiangru ji qi fu” 司馬相如及其賦. Dalu zazhi 15.4 (1957): 115–20; 15.5 (1957): 154–57; 15.7 (1957): 230–37. Liu Kaiyang 劉開揚. “Lun Sima Xiangru fu de benyuan he tedian” 論司馬相如賦的本源和特點. Wen xuan yichan zengkan 10 (1962): 41–51. Hervouet, Yves. Un Poéte de cour sous les Han: Sseu-ma Siangjou. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1964. Fukushima Yoshiko 福島吉彥. “Shiba Shōjo den ryaku” 司馬相如伝略. Yoshikawa hakushi taikyū kinen Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 吉川博士退休紀念中國文學論集, 127–43. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1968. Hervouet, Yves. Le Chapitre 117 du Che-ki (Biographie de Sseu-ma Siang-jou). Paris: Presses Universitaries de France, 1972. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. “Sima Xiangru fupian yongyun kao” 司馬相如賦篇用韻考. Zhonghua xueyuan 10 (1972): 1–40. Tian Qianjun 田倩君. “Sima Xiangru ji qi fu” 司馬相如及其賦. Xuecui 15.2 (1973): 13–16; 15.3 (1973): 15–18; 15.4 (1973): 21–31. Wan Yifang 萬義昉. “Sima Xiangru fu zhu” 司馬相如賦注. Hua Xia xuebao 3 (1976): 1–71. 980 sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿

Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. “Sima Xiangru Yang Xiong cifu zhi bijiao yanjiu” 司馬相如揚雄辭賦之比較研究. Zhonghua xueyuan 18 (1976): 141–85. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. Sima Xiangru Yang Xiong ji qi fu zhi yanjiu 司馬相如揚雄及其賦之研究. Taipei: n.d., published by the author. Shih Chih-mien 施之勉. “Shi ji Sima Xiangru liezhuan jiaozhu” 史記司馬相如列傳校注. Dalu zazhi 56.1 (1978): 6–25. Wang Shu-min 王叔岷. “Shi ji jiaozheng juan yibai shiqi—Sima Xiangru liezhuan diwushiqi” 史記斠證卷一百十七—司馬相如列傳第五十七. Zhongyang yanjiu yuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 50.1 (1979): 47–174. Shu Jingnan 束景南. “Guanyu Sima Xiangru you Liang niandai yu sheng nian” 關於司馬相如遊梁年代與生年. Wenxue yichan (1984: 3): 105–7. Idema, Wilt L. “The Story of Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju and Cho Wen-chün in Vernacular Literature of the Yüan and Early Ming Dynasties.” T’oung Pao 70 (1984): 60–109. Liu Kaiyang 劉開揚. “Zai tan Sima Xiangru you Liang niandai yu shengping” 再談司馬相如遊梁年代與生平. Wenxue yichan (1985: 2). Hu Yongchao 胡詠超. “Han fu yu Han zheng: lun Sima Xiangru cifu zhi ming guojia zhi sheng” 漢賦與漢政：論司馬相如辭賦之鳴國家之盛. Xinya xuebao 15 (1986): 253–80. Liu Kaiyang 劉開揚. “Santan Sima Xiangru shengnian yu suowei ‘dong shou qi jing’ wenti” 三談司馬相如生年與所謂 “東授七經” 問題. Chengdu daxue xuebao (Sheke ban) (1987: 4): 55–59. Shu Jingnan束景南. “Sima Xiangru you Liang niandai yu shengping de zai kaobian—da Liu Kaiyang xiansheng” 司馬相如遊梁年代與生平的再考辨─答劉開揚先生. Wenxue yichan (1987: 1). Gong Kechang 龔克昌. “Han fu dianjizhe Sima Xiangru” 漢賦奠基者司馬相如. Han fu yanjiu, 68–91. Liang Li-chung 梁立中. “Shi ji Sima Xiangru liezhuan chanwei” 史記司馬相如列傳闡微. Dongnan xuebao 12 (1989): 1–31. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. “Sima Xiangru fu lun zhiyi” 司馬相如賦論質疑. Wen shi zhe (1990: 5): 20–25. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Sima Xiangru xiaolun” 司馬相如小論. In Jao Tsung-i. Wenche 文轍, 261–66. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1991. Chang Ming-te 章明德. “Shilun Sima Xiangru fu zhong zhi danchun fuyin ming zhuang ci” 試論司馬相如賦中之單純復音名、狀詞. Zhonghua xueyuan 44 (1994): 167–75. Ch’i Hsiao-feng 齊曉楓. “Xiangru Wenjun gushi yiyun xilun” 相如文君故事義蘊析論. Furen Guowen xuebao 10 (1994): 113–40. Gong Kechang, “The Poet Who Laid the Foundation for the Fu: Sima Xiangru.” Studies on the Han Fu, 132–62. Liu Nanping 劉南平. “Sima Xiangru ‘dong shou qi jing’ kao” 司馬相如「東受七經」考. Zhangjiakou shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1995: 1): 15–17. Liu Nanping 劉南平. “Sima Xiangru shengping ji zuopin xinian kao” 司馬相如生平及作品繫年考. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua luncong 3 (1995). Ruan Zhisheng 阮芝生. “San Sima yu Han Wudi fengshan” 三司馬與漢武帝封禪. Taidai lishi xuebao 20 (1996): 307–40. Okamura Shigeru 剛村繁. “Shiba Shōjo den kō” 司馬相如伝考. Gakurin 28–29 (1998): 63–83; Chinese trans. Chen Xiaoguang 陳曉光. In Okamura Shigeru. Gangcun Fan quanji 岡村繁全集, vol. 1, Zhou Han wenxue shi kao 周漢文學史考, 137–59. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿 981

Gong Kechang and Su Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆. Sima Xiangru 司馬相如. Shenyang: Chun- feng wenyi chubanshe, 1999. Sima Yan 司馬研. “Wang Peixun de Sima Xiangru ‘shi jin zhi Pengzhouren’ shuo kaolun” 王培荀的司馬相如 “實今之蓬州人” 說考論. Sichuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2000: 4): 14–16. Kern, Martin. “The ‘Biography of Sima Xiangru’ and the Question of the Fu in Sima Qian’s Shiji.” JAOS 123.2 (2003): 303–16. Wan Guangzhi 萬光治. Shuzhong Han fu san dajia 蜀中漢賦三大家. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2004. Li Tiandao 李天道. Sima Xiangru fu de meixue sixiang yu diyu wenhua xintai 司馬相如賦的美學思想與地域文化心態. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2004. Wang Qitao 王啟濤. “Sima Xiangru yu Sichuan fangyan” 司馬相如與四川方言. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehuie kexue ban) (2005: 2); rpt. in Cifu yanjiu 辭賦研究, ed. Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智, 263–70. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006. Deng Yuzhang 鄧郁章. “Sima Xiangru guli zai Peng’an” 司馬相如故里在蓬安. Shuxue 1 (2006): 94–96. Zhang Liying 張俐盈. “Shilun Sima Xiangru fuzuo zhong nüxing xingxiang zhi goushe ji yiyun—jian lun dui Qu Song nüxing shuxie zhi jicheng yu xinbian” 試論司馬相如賦作中女性形象之構設及意蘊—兼論對屈、宋女性書寫之繼承與新變. Sibian ji 9 (2006): 223–41. Fang Rui 房銳. “Tingyu lou suibi yu Xiangru Wenjun wenhua yanjiu”《廳雨樓隨筆》與相如、文君文化研究. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 34.5 (2007): 135–40. Fang Rui 房銳. “Guanyu Shi ji ‘Sima Xiangru liezhuan’ yu Sima Xiangru ‘Zixu’ guanxi tantao” 關於《史記‧司馬相如列傳》與司馬相如《自叙》關係之探討. Zhonghua wenhua luntan (2007: 3): 100–4. Liu Nanping 劉南平 and Ban Xiuping 班秀萍. Sima Xiangru kaoshi 司馬相如考釋. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 2007. Deng Yuzhang 鄧郁章 and Zhao Zhengming 趙正銘, ed. Sima Xiangru guli zai Peng’an 司馬相如故里在蓬安. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 2007. Deng Yuzhang 鄧郁章, ed. Sima Xiangru guli gushi ji 司馬相如故里故事集. Chengdu” Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 2007. Deng Yuzhang 鄧郁章, ed. Sima Xiangru yu Ba Shu wenhua yanjiu lunji 司馬相如與巴蜀文化研究論集. Chengdu: Sichuan renmin chubanshe, 2007. Fang Rui 房銳. “Dui Sima Xiangru chengming yu Wen Weng hua Shu guanxi de zairenshi—yi Sanguo zhi ‘Qin Mi zhuan’ suolu Qin Mi zhi Wang Shang shuxin wei zhongdia” 對司馬相如成名與文翁化蜀關係的再認識—以《三國志‧秦宓傳》所錄秦宓致王商書信為重點. Tangdu xuekan 23.6 (2007): 1–5. Zongfan 踪凡. Sima Xiangru ziliao huibian 司馬相如資料匯編. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008. Fang Rui 房銳. “Guanyu Sima Xiangru guli wenti de sikao” 關於司馬相如故里問題的思考. Xinan jiaotong daxue xuebao 9.6 (2008): 32–35. Wu Xianzhe 吳賢哲. “Guanyu Sima Xiangru shengnian de zai sikao” 關於司馬相如生年的再思考. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 35.4 (2008): 140–44. Xiong Weiye 熊偉業. “Xi Han Tang Meng Sima Xiangru tong xinan Yi de liangge wenti” 西漢唐蒙司馬相如通西南夷的兩個問題. Lantai shijie (2008: 4): 55–57. 982 sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿

Li Kai 李凱. “Sima Xiangru yu ruxue” 司馬相如與儒學. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 35.3 (2008): 117–23. Fang Rui 房銳. “Sima Xiangru shou xue shuo bianxi” 司馬相如受學說辨析. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 35.3 (2008): 124–27. Xiong Weiye 熊偉業. “Xi Han Tang Meng Sima Xiangru tong Xinan Yi niandai bian zheng” 西漢唐蒙司馬相如通西南夷年代辨正. Guizhou minzu yanjiu 121 (2008): 190–97. Xu Jie 許結. “Song fu er jing Hanzhu—Sima Xiangru yu Han gongting kaoshu” 誦賦而驚漢主—司馬相如與漢宮廷賦考述. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 35.4 (2008): 128–34. Wu Mingxian 吳明賢. “Lun Sima Xiangru zai kafa Xinan Yi zhong de gongxian” 論司馬相如在開發西南夷中的貢獻. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 35.4 (2008): 135–39. Bi Shuchun 畢庶春. “Sima Xiangru Ba Shu xingji kao lun” 司馬相如巴蜀行迹考論. Liaodong xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 10.5 (2008): 54–61. Fang Rui 房銳. “Guanyu Sima Xiangru guli wenti de sikao” 關於司馬相如故里的思考. Xinan jiaotong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 9.6 (2008): 32–35. Gao Ping 高萍. “Sima Xiangru yu Chang’an wenhua” 司馬相如與長安文化. Tangdu xuekan 25.3 (2009): 17–20. Sun Yongzhong 孫永忠. “Jiu Han Wu tong Xinan yi shi tan liang Sima zhi taidu” 就漢武通西南夷事談兩司馬之態度. Furen Guowen xuebao 28 (2009): 185–99. Knechtges, David R. “Sima Xiangru.” Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 167–75. Detroit: Gale, 2011.

Works

a. “Zixu fu” 子虛賦 (“Fu of Sir Vacuous”) and “Shanglin fu” 上林賦 (“Fu on the Imperial Park”), also known as “Tianzi youlie fu” 天子遊獵賦 (“Fu on the Excursion Hunts of the Son of Heaven”)

Studies Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋. “Shikyo Jōrin no fu no genryū” 子虛上林の賦の源流, Tōhōgaku 17 (1958): 13–26. Gaspardone, Emile. “Les deux premiers Fou de Sseu-ma Siang-jou,” JA 246 (1958): 447–52. Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. “Zixu Shanglin fu yanjiu” 子虛上林賦研究, Zhonghua xueyuan 19 (1977): 11–35. Gong Kechang. “Tianzi youlie fu bian” 天子遊獵賦辨, Wenxue yichan (1983: 3): 12–14. Ho, Kenneth P.H. 何沛雄. “Zixu Shanglin yu Qifa de guanxi” 子虛上林與七發的關係, Wen shi zhe (1988: 1): 46–48. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Sima Xiangu ‘Zixu’ ‘Shanglin’ erfu de fenhe wenti” 司馬相如「子虛」、「上林」二賦的分合問題. Gugong xueshu jikan 10.2 (1992): 103–27. Ts’ai Hui-lung 蔡輝龍. “Sima Xiangru ‘Zixu’ ‘Shanglin’ fu suojian feiniao zoushou zhi kaoshi” 司馬相如「子虛」、「上林」賦所見飛鳥走獸之考實. Nengren xuebao 7 (2000): 234–49. sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿 983

Jin Qianwen 金前文. “ ‘Zixu fu’ neirong kaolüe”《子虛賦》內容考略. Yuxi xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 3.3 (2004): 20–23.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 103–17. Watson, Records, 2: 301–21; rpt. Rhyme-Prose, 29–51. Hervouet 1972, 11–142. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 53–113.

b. “Daren fu” 大人賦 (Fu on the Great Man)

Studies Su Hsüeh-lin 蘇雪林. “Yuanyou yu Daren fu” 遠遊與大人賦. Wenyi yuekan 19 (1960): 51–67. Funatsu Tomihiko 船津富彥. “Taijin fu shiron” 大人賦試論. Kan Gi bunka 4 (1963): 21–37. Fukunaga Mitsuji 福永光司. “Taijin fu no shisōteki keifu—Jifu no bungaku to Rō Sō no tetsugaku” 大人賦の思想的係譜—辭賦の文學と老莊の哲學. Tōhōgaku hō 41 (1970): 97–126. Yata Naoko 矢田尚子. “Soji ‘Enyū’ to ‘Taijin fu’: tenkai yugyō motīfu 楚辭「遠遊」と「大人賦」：天界遊行モティーフを中心として. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 94 (2005): 21–40. Wan Guangzhi 萬光治. “Sima Xiangru ‘Daren fu’ xian yi” 司馬相如《大人賦》獻疑. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 32.3 (2005): 63–69; rpt. in Zhongguo fuxue 1 (2007): 68–81. Long Wenling 龍文玲. “Sima Xiangru ‘Shanglin fu’ ‘Daren fu’ zuonian kaobian” 司馬相如《上林賦》、《大人賦》作年考辨. Jiang han luntan (2007: 2): 98–101. Zhou Taohong 周桃紅. “Lun ‘Daren fu’ de zhuti” 論《大人賦》的主題. Xiandai yuwen (Wenxue yanjiu ban) (2008: 7): 8–9.

Translations Watson, Records, 2: 332–35. Hervouet 1972, 186–203. Owen, Anthology, 182–84.

c. “Meiren fu” 美人賦 (Fu on the Beautiful Person)

Studies Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. “Meiren fu bianzheng” 美人賦辨證. Dalu zazhi 46.1 (1973): 49–52. Yeh Liang-yin 葉亮吟. “Sima Xiangru ji qi ‘Meiren fu’ tanjiu” 司馬相如及其「美人賦」探究. Zhongguo yuwen 104.2 (2009): 44–58. 984 sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿

Translations Margouliès, Anthologie, 324–26. van Gulik, Robert. Sexual Life in Ancient China, 68–69. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1961. Scott, Love and Protest, 49–51.

d. “Changmen fu” 長門賦 (Fu on the Tall Gate Palace)

Studies Hsu Shih-ying 許世瑛. “Changmen fu zhenwei bian” 長門賦真偽辨. Zhong De xuezhi 6.1–2 (1944): 145–49. Hsu Shih-ying. “Sima Xiangru yu Changmen fu” 司馬相如與長門賦. Xueshu jikan 6.2 (1957): 39–47. Chien Tsung-wu. “Changmen fu bianzheng” 長門賦辨證. Dalu zazhi 46.2 (1973): 57–60. Yeh Ch’ing-ping 葉慶炳. “Changmen fu de xiezuo jiqiao” 長門賦的寫作技巧. Wenxue sichao 6 (1980): 107–13. Knechtges, David R. “Ssu-ma Hsiang-ju’s ‘Tall Gate Palace Rhapsody.’ ” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 41.1 (1981): 47–64. Chinese translation by Wang Xin- ling 王心鈴, Guowai xuezhe kan Zhongguo wenxue 國外學者看中國文學, 1–21. Taipei: Zhongyang wenwu gongyingshe, 1982. Zhao Jian 趙堅. “Changmen gong he Changmen fu 長門宮和長門賦. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhe she ban) (1985: 3): 139–41. Coblin, W. South. “Some Sound Changes in the Western Han Dialect of Shu.” Journal of Chinese Linguistics 14.2 (1986): 184–225. Lizhi 力之. “Wen xuan ‘Changmen fu’ wei Sima Xiangru zuo wuyi bian”《文選‧ 長門賦》為司馬相如作無疑辨. Chu ci yu zhonggu wenxian kaoshuo, 361–75. Wu Wu-hsiung 吳武雄. “Sima Xiangru ‘Changmen fu’ yanjiu” 司馬相如〈長門賦〉研究. Guoli Taizhong jishu xueyuan renwen shehui xuebao (2003: 12): 4–15. Chen Xiaowen 陳曉雯. “ ‘Changmen fu’ yu ‘Zidao fu’ zhi bijiao yanjiu” 〈長門賦〉與〈自悼賦〉之比較研究. Sibian ji 7 (2004): 137–58. Long Wenling 龍文玲. “ ‘Changmen fu’ zuohe yu zuonian”《長門賦》作者與作年. Wenxue yichan (2007: 5): 125–27. Dai Yicheng 戴一澄. “ ‘Changmen fu’ yu ‘Zidao fu’ de bijiao yanjiu” 〈長門賦〉與〈自悼賦〉的比較研究. Yuzhong sichao 6 (2008): 9–20. Bi Shuchun 畢庶春. “ ‘Changmen fu zuozhe yu zuonian’ xianyi”《長門賦作者與作年》獻疑. Wenxue yichan (2010: 1): 55. Jiang Xiaoguang 蔣曉光. “ ‘Changmen fu’ xinlun”《長門賦》新論. Gudian wenxue zhishi 158 (2011): 41–48.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 233–36. Knechtges, HJAS 41.1 (1981): 54–58. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 159–65. sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿 985

e. “Yu Ba Shu xi” 喩巴蜀檄 (Proclamation to Ba and Shu)

Studies Xiong Weiye 熊偉業. “Sima Xiangru ‘Yu Ba Shu xi’ jiaodu” 司馬相如《喩巴蜀檄》校讀. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao 34.6 (2007): 123–27. Xiong Weiye 熊偉業. “Sima Xiangru ‘Yu Ba Shu xi’ congkao” 司馬相如《喩巴蜀檄》叢考. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 27.3 (2008): 71–73.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 829–33. Watson, Records, 2: 285–87. Hervouet 1972, 145–53.

f. “Nan Shu fulao wen” 南蜀父老文 (Refuting the elders of Shu)

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 809–11. Watson, Records, 2: 289–93. Hervouet 1972, 159–74.

g. “Jian lie shu” 諫獵書 (Letter admonishing against hunting)

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 728–29. Watson, Records, 2: 293–94. Hervouet, 175–79.

h. “Ai Qin Ershi fu” 哀秦二世賦 (Fu lamenting the Qin Second Emperor)

Translations Watson, Records, 2: 295. Hervouet 1972, 181–91.

i. “Fengshan wen” 封禪文 (Essay on the feng and shan sacrifices)

Study Hou Yan 侯艷. “Du Sima Xiangru ‘Fengshan wen’ zhaji” 讀司馬相如《封禪文》札記. Zhongguo Wen xuan xue 中國文選學, Zhongguo Wen xuan xue yanjiuhui 986 sima xiangru 司馬相如, zi zhangqing 長卿

中國文選學研究會 and Henan keji Xueyuan Zhongwen xi 河南科技學院中文系, ed., 242–48. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2007.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 893–98. Watson, Records, 300–6. Hervouet 1972, 205–26.

j. “Qin ge” 琴歌 (Zither songs)

Translation Birrell, New Songs from a Jade Terrace, 231–32.

DRK

Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251), zi Zhongda 仲達

Late Eastern Han statesman, military strategist, and writer.

Sima Yi’s ancestral home was Wen 溫 county in Henei 河內 (west of modern Wen county, Henan). His father Sima Fang 司馬防 (149–219) was a prominent scholar and official in the late Eastern Han. In the 170s, he served as magistrate of Luoyang, and one of his subordinates was Cao Cao. Sima Yi was Sima Fang’s second son. As a child, Sima Yi displayed unusual moral integrity. According to his biography in the Jin shu, “he was intelligent, bright, and had numerous grand plans. He also was broadly learned and erudite, and was strongly committed to Ruist teachings.” From an early age, Sima Yi earned the praise of prominent men. For example, Yang Jun 楊俊 (d. 222), governor of Nanyang 南陽 (modern Jiyuan 濟源 area, Henan), who was also from Henei, was known for his keen judgment of human character. Yang Jun first met Sima Yi when the latter had just reached capping age (twenty), and he remarked about his “unusual capacities.” The imperial secretary Cui Yan 崔琰 (d. 216) of Qinghe 清河 once said to Sima Yi’s elder brother Sima Lang 司馬朗 (171–217), “Your younger brother is intelligent and bright, resolute and decisive, outstanding and exceptional. You are not as good as he is.” In 201, Sima Yi’s commandery recommended him accounts assistant. At that time, Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) was serving as minister of works. He had heard of Sima Yi and tried to recruit him. Sima Yi sensed that the Han house was in decline, but he did not wish to serve Cao Cao. He declined the appointment on the pretext that he was suffering from rheumatism. sima yi 司馬懿 (179–251), zi zhongda 仲達 987

Cao Cao secretly sent a messenger to spy on him at night. Sima Yi stayed in bed and did not move in order to convince the messenger that he was really ill. In 208, Cao Cao was named counselor-in-chief. He once again summoned Sima Yi to serve as an instructor in a principaltity, presumably that of the heir designate Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226), the future Emperor Wen (r. 220–226). He instructed the messenger saying, “If he hesitates again, you can just take him into custody.” Fearing arrest, Sima Yi accepted the offer. Sima Yi was later promoted to a number of positions, including gentleman attendant at the palace gate, court gentleman for consultation, administrator of the eastern section under the counselor-in-chief, and assistant magistrate. In 216, the Wei kingdom was formally established. Sima Yi was transferred to the position of palace cadet in the household of the heir designate Cao Pi. Whenever Cao Pi consulted with Sima Yi, Sima Yi devised a clever strategy to deal with his query, and Cao Pi held Sima Yi in the highest regard. Sima Yi, Chen Qun 陳群 (d. 236), Wu Zhi 吳質 (177–230) and Zhu Shuo 朱鑠 (n.d.) were known as the heir designate’s “Four Companions.” Sima Yi later was promoted to cavalry commander of the army. He suggested that Cao Cao implement the policy of promoting farming as well as a strong military. This led to the establishment of garrison farms. Cao Cao approved his recommendation. As a result, grain stocks were plentiful and the wealth of the state increased. Cao Cao died in 220, and Cao Pi succeeded him. Emperor Wen enfeoffed Sima Yi as Marquis of Hejin ting 河津亭, and appointed him to the post of administrator for the counselor-in-chief (i.e., Cao Pi himself ). When Cao Pi took the throne of the newly founded Wei dynasty in the tenth month of 220, Sima Yi was promoted to a number of positions, including imperial secretary, army commander, and palace aide to the censor-in-chief. He was also enfeoffed as Marquis of Anguo xiang 安國鄕. In 221, after completing his term as army commander, he was appointed palace attendant and vice director of the Imperial Secretariat. In 224, while Emperor Wen went on a imperial inspection tour in the south to review the troops stationed on the Wu border, Sima Yi stayed behind to defend the garrison in Xu. He was at this time given the noble title Marquis of Xiang Village, and given an army of 5,000 soldiers. Emperor Wen also proposed appointing him to the positions of palace steward and overseer of the Imperial Secretariat. Sima Yi adamantly declined the offer. Emperor Wen said to him, “I work on state affairs day and night. I cannot rest even for a moment. I do not consider these honorific titles, but rather a means by which you can help me by sharing my worries.” 988 sima yi 司馬懿 (179–251), zi zhongda 仲達

In 226, Emperor Wen was gravely ill. Before he died, he entrusted Sima Yi together with Cao Zhen 曹眞 (d. 231) and Chen Qun to assist his successor Cao Rui 曹叡 (205–239), Emperor Ming 明 (r. 226–239), after his death. In the fifth month of 226 Cao Rui was installed as emperor. Cao Rui first granted Sima Yi the noble title Marquis of Wuyang. He also ordered him to lead a military expedition against Sun Quan 孫權 (182–252) in the southeast. As a reward for defeating Sun Quan’s forces, he was promoted to cavalry general. In 228, Sima Yi captured and killed the Wei general Meng Da 孟達 (d. 228) who was about to ally with Zhuge Liang 諸葛亮 (181–234) in Shu. Emperor Wen then ordered him to take charge of the armies sent to do battle with Zhuge Liang in the northwest. He also was sent in 239 to lead the forces against the separatist state of Liaodong 遼東 (modern western Liaoning). In 240, Emperor Ming became ill. He issued five imperial decrees within three days summoning Sima Yi to see him as soon as possible. Emperor Ming was already at the end of his life’s journey. Holding Sima Yi’s hands, Emperor Ming said, “For entrusting you with something after my death, I even put off my death because I am waiting for your arrival. Now that I see you, I have no more regrets.” Sima Yi and Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249) were entrusted to serve as co-regents for the young ruler Cao Fang 曹芳 (231–274), Prince of Qi 齊 (r. 240–254). However, Cao Shuang attempted to seize full control of the court administration, and recommended that Sima Yi be appointed commander-in-chief. However, court officials did not agree with the recommendation because all previous commanders-in- chiefs died in office. Cao Fang instead assigned Sima Yi to the post of grand mentor. In the fourth month of 247, Cao Shuang intensified his control over court affairs, and even Cao Fang was unable to challenge him. Sima Yi reacted to this state of affairs by feigning illness and withdrawing from the court. He was reputed to have said, “I am old and am confined to bed.I will die any time now.” Cao Shuang’s confidant also informed him that Sima Yi was on his deathbed and was no longer a threat. On 5 February 249, Cao Fang visited his late father’s burial site at Gao ping 高平 Mausoleum (southeast of modern Luoyang, Henan). Cao Shuang and his brother accompanied him. Sima Yi used this opportunity to present a petition to the Emperor Ming’s mother, Empress Dowager Yongning 永寧 (d. 263), to have Cao Shuang and his brother removed from office. He presented another petition to Cao Fang making the following accusations: “He has disobeyed the testamentary decree, and brought ruin and chaos to sima yi 司馬懿 (179–251), zi zhongda 仲達 989 the institutes of the state. Inside of the court he has usurped prerogatives, and outside of the court he monopolizes and flaunts his power.” Five days later (9 February 249), Cao Shuang and his brother were removed from their positions and put to death. Sima Yi was then named counselor-in- chief. He now had full control over the Wei court. He had his domain increased with the addition of four counties in Yingchuan 潁川 commandery in the Xuchang area of Henan. However, shortly thereafter, Sima Yi became so ill he was unable to attend court. However, he recovered suffi- ciently in February 251 to lead a military expedition against Wu. In the sixth month (6 July–3 August) of 251, Sima Yi became gravely ill. He died on 7 September 251 at the age of seventy-three. Cao Fang attended the mourning rites and granted him the posthumous titles of counselor-in- chief and commandery duke. When Sima Yi’s grandson Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) defeated the Wei State and formally established the Jin dynasty in 265, he was posthumously awarded the title Emperor Xuan 宣of the Jin dynasty. The monograph on bibliograhy of the Sui shu lists Sima Yi’s collected works in five juan with a table of contents in one juan. The Xin Tang shu records a collection of the same size. However, the Jiu Tang shu lists a ten-juan collection. The collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected in Quan shangu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen fifteen of his prose writings, most of which are petitions and letters including “Da Zhuge Liang shu” 答諸葛亮書 (Answering Zhuge Liang’s letter), “Da Cao Shuang shu” 答曹爽書 (Answering Cao Shuang’s letter). Sima Yan’s only extant poem is included in his biography in the Jin shu (1.10). He composed the piece in 239 when he stopped in his home area of Wen. After feasting with relatives and old friends, he composed a tetrasyllabic poem in ten lines.

Bibliography

Studies Fairbank, Anthony Bruce. “Ssu-ma I (179–251): Wei Statesman and Chin Founder, An Historiographical Inquiry.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1994. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 89–90. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “Sima Yi yu Cao Wei zhengzhi” 司馬懿與曹魏政治. Wen shi zhe (1998: 6): 87–95. Hu Chih-hia 胡志佳. “Wei Jin jianguo qian Simashi de fanzhan” 魏晉建國前司馬氏的發展. Fengjia renwen shehui xuebao 10 (2005): 77–103. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 748–9. Chaussende, Damien. Des trois Royaumes aux Jin: Lègitimation du pouvoir impérial en Chine au IIIe siècle. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2010. 990 sima yi 司馬懿 (179–251), zi zhongda 仲達

Works

a. “Zou ba Cao Shuang deng dian bing” 奏罷曹爽等典兵 (Petitioning to have Cao Shuang and others relieved of their command of their troops)

Translations Fang, Achilles. The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 2: 31–32. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1965. Fairbank, “Ssu-ma I,” 342–46.

b. “Yi shu yu Meng Da” 以書喻孟達 (Explaining a matter to Meng Da in a letter)

Translations Fang, Chronicle, 1: 231. Fairbank, “Ssu-ma I,” 30–2.

c. “Ge” 歌 (Song)

Translation Fairbank, “Ssu-ma I,” 318.

TPK and DRK

Sima You 司馬攸 (248–283), zi Dayou 大猷

Western Jin imperial family member and writer.

Sima You’s ancestral home was Wen 溫 county in Henei 河內 (modern Henan). His father was Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265), and his elder brother Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) was the founder of the Western Jin dynasty, Emperor Wu (r. 265–290). According to his biography in the Jin shu, Sima You showed remarkable intelligence at an early age. He associated with able and virtuous men, and he enjoyed helping people who were in need. His brother Sima Yan was far better known among his siblings, but Sima You was just as talented as his brother, and his father treated them equally. Sima You’s uncle Sima Shi 司馬師 (208–255) had no son, and he adopted Sima You as his heir. AfterS ima You accompanied General Wang Ling 王淩 (d. 251) on a military campaign, he was enfeoffed as Marquis of Changle sima you 司馬攸 (248–283), zi dayou 大猷 991 ting 長樂亭. When his adoptive father died, Sima You was not even ten years old. His grief over the loss of his adoptive father moved those who were around him. He inherited Sima Shi’s title Marquis of Wuyang 舞陽, and he attentively cared for his adoptive mother Empress Yang 羊皇后 of Jingxian 景獻 at her secondary residence. Sima You was also known for his filial devotion to his adoptive mother. He was later appointed cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and infantry commandant. He was only eighteen at that time, but he easily won the admiration and respect of his troops. In 265, Sima You’s own father died. During the mourning period, the mourning rituals that he observed far exceeded the normal practice. He became so weak that he was forced to eat. When his brother Sima Yan was first enthroned as Emperor Wu, Sima You was awarded the title Prince of Qi 齊. Sima You was given full charge of military affairs. He presented numerous petitions on how to manage court affairs and stress- ing the importance of agriculture. In the next few years, he was promoted to a number of new positions, including cavalry general, palace attendant, defender-general, junior mentor of the heir apparent, and grand mentor of the heir designate Sima Zhong 司馬衷 (259–306), the future Emperor Hui (r. 290–306). Sima You presented to him an admonition “Taizi zhen” 太子箴 (Admonition for the crown prince) on how a respected ruler should behave. He cited examples of a few foolish self-indulgent rulers from past history as a warning. In 276, Sima You replaced Jia Chong 賈充 (217–282) as minister of works while continuing to serve as palace attendant and the grand mentor. Toward the end of Emperor Wu’s reign, most of the Jin princes were mediocre and weak. Even the heir designate Sima Zhong, who was devel- opmentally disabled, was questionable as a successor. Many court officials urged Sima Yan to name Sima You as successor. However, Xun Xu 荀勖 (ca. 217–288) and Feng Dan 馮紞 (d. 286) opposed this proposal, and they severely criticized him to Emperor Wu. After learning of this vicious attack on him, Sima You became indignant and fell ill. He threw up blood and died. He was thirty-six at this time. Sima You’s biography in the Jin shu says that “he loved texts and excelled at writing, especially letters. His epistolary writing became a model for his contemporaries.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Sima You’s collected writings in two juan and mentions a Liang catalogue listing in three juan. Both Tang histories record a collection in two juan. His collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected eight of Sima You’s prose writings in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, most of which are petitions and letters, including the “Taizi zhen” mentioned above. 992 sima you 司馬攸 (248–283), zi dayou 大猷

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 86. Goodman, Howard. Xun Xu and the Politics of Precision in Third-Century AD China. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2010.

TPK

Sima Yu 司馬昱 (320–372), zi Daowan

Eastern Jin emperor and writer.

Sima Yu was Emperor Jianwen 簡文 (r. 371–372) of the Eastern Jin. His ancestral home was Wen 溫 county in Henei 河內 (modern Henan). He was the youngest son of Emperor Yuan 元 (r. 317–322). He was a bright child and was much favored by his father. When the celebrated writer Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324) first met him, he said, “The one who will revive the fortunes of the Jin dynasty must be this person.” He had little interest in material things, and had a strong interest in discussions of arcane (xuan 玄) thought. In 322, Emperor Yuan named Sima Yu Prince of Langye 琅邪. In 326, his mother died. He cried so hard he shed tears of blood. In 328 he was des- ginated Prince of Guiji 會稽, and appointed cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. In 340, he was further promoted to General of the Pacification Army, and concurrently served as director of the palace library. In 346, Sima Dan 司馬聃 (343–361), at age of two, succeeded to the throne. This was Emperor Mu 穆 (r. 344–361). At the request of Empress Dowager Chongde 崇德 (324–384), Sima Yu took charge of all court affairs on behalf of Emperor Mu. In 352, Sima Yu was promoted to the post of minister of education. He firmly declined the offer. When Sima Dan reached majority at the age of fifteen, Sima Yu planned to return imperial power back to Emperor Mu, but he was not allowed to do so. In 361, Emperor Mu passed away at the age of nineteen. Sima Pi 司馬丕 (341–365) succeeded him. This was Emperor Ai 哀 (r. 361–365). Four years later, in 365, Emperor Ai died. His younger brother Sima Yi 司馬奕 (342–386), Emperor Fei 廢 (r. 365–371), succeeded him. In 366, Sima Yu was named counselor-in-chief and put in charge of matters involving the Department of State Affiars. On 4 January 372, Commander-in-chief Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373) demoted Sima Yi to Prince of Donghai 東海. On 9 January Huan Wen had his title reduced to Duke of Haixi county 海西縣. Huan Wen then installed sisheng babing 四聲八病 (four tones and eight defects) 993

Sima Yu as emperor on 6 January 372. He reigned for only one year and died of illness on 19 August 373 at the age of fifty-three. Sima Yu was known as an accomplished writer. Liu Xie writes in the Wenxin diaolong: “Emperor Cheng [r. 326–342] was short-lived and Emperor Kang [343–344] had a short reign. Emperor Jianwen conspiciously arose, and he was profoundly immersed in the pure and lofty. Profound words and subtle principles filled the mats of the arcane thinkers, and dis- passionate thought in rich elegance sprinkled the garden of literature.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Sima Yu’s collected works in five juan as do the two Tang histories. Yan Kejun collects twelve of his prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, most of which are imperial edicts and letters, including “Shou zhao bao Huan Wen” 手詔報桓溫 (Personal edict to Huan Wen), “Da she zhao” 大赦詔 (Edict of general amnesty), “Zhao baiguan” 詔百官 (Edict to court officials), and “Yu Huan Wen shu” 與桓溫書 (letter to Huan Wen).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 88. Ke Zhenchang 柯鎮昌. “Dong Jin zhongqi de liang da wenxue jituan” 東晉中期的兩大文學集團. Anhui daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2011: 4): 48–57.

TPK

Sisheng babing 四聲八病 (Four tones and eight defects)

Early medieval Chinese prosodic rules.

This is the name of new prosodic rules that were introduced in the late Six Dynasties period that specified tonal distribution, rhyme, and alliteration in a pentasyllabic poem. Although there are various formulations of the ba bing, the most detailed account of them is in the Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論 of Kūkai 空海 (774–835) The names of the ba bing as specified in the Bunkyō hifuron are:

1. Ping tou 平頭 (Level head). In a pentasyllabic couplet, the first and sixth, second and seventh syllables in the same tone. Example: 芳時淑氣清，提壺臺傾芳 and 提 are both level tones; 時 and 壺 are both level tones. This is a violation. 994 sisheng babing 四聲八病 (four tones and eight defects)

2. Shang wei 上尾 (Raised tail). In a pentasyllabic poem, the fifth and tenth syllables in the same tone. Example: 西北有高樓，上與浮雲齊樓 and 齊 are both level tones. This is a violation. 3. Feng yao 蜂腰 (Wasp waist). Within a single line of a pentasyllabic poem, the second and fifth syllables in the same tone. Example: 聞君愛我甘，竊獨自雕飾君 and 甘 are both level tones; 獨 and 飾 are entering tones. This is a violation. 4. He xi 鶴膝 (Crane’s knee). In a pentasyllabic quatrain, the fifth and fif- teenth syllables in the same tone. Example: 客從遠方來，遺我一書札上言長相思，下言久離別來 and 思 are both level tones. This is a violation. 5. Da yun 大韻 (Major rhyme). In a pentasyllabic couplet, using a final that rhymes with the main rhyme. Example: 端坐 (*dz’ieu) 秋苦思, 攬衣起四遊 (*d’ieu) 6. Xiao yun 小韻 (Minor rhyme). Repeating a final syllable that rhymes with another syllable in the couplet. Example: 薄帷鑒明 (miajɳ) 月, 清 (tshiajɳ) 風吹我襟 7. Pang niu 旁紐 (Lateral ligature). In a couplet, repeating the same initial. Example: 壯哉帝王居 (kiә), 佳 (kai) 麗殊 (ʥuә) 百城 (ʥiajɳ) 8. Zheng niu 正紐 (Direct ligature). In a couplet, repeating syllables with the same initial and final, but different tones. Example: 我本漢家 (kai) 子, 來嫁 (kaih) 單于庭 These eight prosodic rules are conventionally attributed to Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), but recently scholars such as Shimizu Yoshio and Liu Yuejin have shown that the full elaboration of eight rules may not have been made by Shen Yue himself, but is a later elaboration of a small number of rules that Shen Yue postulated. Other figures who may have preceded Shen Yue in discussing the four tones are Wang Bin 王斌 (late fifth century) and Zhou Yong 周顒 (ca. 441–ca. 491). Chen Yinke, Jao Tsung‑i, Mei-tsu Lin, and Victor Mai have argued that the sisheng babing theory was inspired by Buddhist phonological treatises, sisheng babing 四聲八病 (four tones and eight defects) 995 which were based on Sanskrit phonological works. One such treatise is the Tong yun 通韻 attributed to Kumārajīva 鳩摩羅什 (344–413), a fragment of which has been discovered among the Dunhuang manuscripts. The Tongyun seems to be a work that explains Indic phonology in Chinese. Professor Jao has shown that some of the principles and terminology Shen Yue uses to explain the four tones were derived from the system current in late Six Dynasties to explain Indic phonology. However, recently Wang Bangwei 王邦維 has questioned Kumārajīva’s authorship of the Tong yun.

Bibliography

Studies Chen Yinke 陳寅恪. “Sisheng san wen” 四聲三問. Qinghua daxue xuebao (Ziran kexue ban) (1934:2): 275–87; rpt. in Chen Yinke. Chen Yinke xiansheng wen shi lunji 陳寅恪先生文史論集, 1: 205–18. Hong Kong: Wen Wen Publications, 1973. Lu Qinli 逯欽立. “Sisheng kao” 四聲考, 1948 (unpublished manuscript); rpt. in Lu Qinli. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji 漢魏六朝文學論集, 513–54. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1984. Zhan Ying 詹英. “Sisheng wuyin ji qi zai Han Wei Liuchao wenxue zhong de yingyong” 四聲五音及其在漢魏六朝文學中的應用. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 3 (May 1963): 163–92. Guo Shaoyu 郭紹虞. “Zailun Yongming sheng shuo” 再論永明聲說. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 4 (October 1963): 157–82. Xia Chengtao 夏承濤. “Sisheng yishuo” 四聲繹說. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 5 (1964): 223–30. Ferenc Tökei. “Texts prosodiques chinois au début de VIe siècle.” Mélanges de Sinologie offerts à Monsieur Paul Demiéville II. Bibliothèque de l’Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, vol. 20, 297–312, Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1974. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Wenxin diaolong ‘Shenglü pian’ yu Jiumaluoshi Tongyun— lun sisheng shuo yu Xitan zhi guanxi jian tan Wang Bin, Liu Shanjing, Shen Yue youguan wenti” 文心雕龍聲律篇與鳩摩羅什通韻論四聲說與悉曇之關係兼談王斌劉善經沈約有關問. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1985: 3): 215–36; rpt. in Zhong Yin wenhua guanxi shi lun ji 中印文化關係史論集, 66–90. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo, 1990. Yang Ming 楊明. “Fengyao hexi pangniu zhengniu bian” 蜂腰鶴膝旁紐正紐辨. Wen shi 23 (1984): 221–27. Huang Binghui 黃炳輝. “Lun Yongming shenglü shuo de jige wenti” 論永明聲律說的幾個問題. Xueshu yuekan (1984: 12): 56–63. Xu Qing 徐青. “Lun Shen Yue dui shilüxue de gongxian” 論沈約對詩律學的貢獻. Huzhou shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 20 (1985): 1–9. Shimizu Yoshio 鈴木凱夫. “Shin Yaku seiritsuron kō—heitō jōbi hōyō seichū no kentō” 沈約聲律論考—平頭‧上尾‧蜂腰‧鶴膝の檢討. Gakurin 6 (1985): 56–86; rpt. in Shimizu Yoshio. Shin Monzengaku: Monzen no xinkenkyū 新文選學:《文選》の新研究, 436–71. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1999; Chinese trans Han Jiguo 996 sisheng babing 四聲八病 (four tones and eight defects)

韓基國. Shimizu Yoshio. Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji 六朝文學論文集, 212–238. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1989. Shimizu Yoshio 鈴木凱夫. “Shin Yaku seiritsuron ‘hatsubei’ shingi kō” 沈約「八病」真為考. Gakurin 7 (1986): 25–42; rpt in Shimizu Yoshio. Shin Monzengaku: Monzen no xinkenkyū, 416–35; Chinese trans. Han Jiguo. Shimizu Yoshio. Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji 六朝文學論文集, 194–211. Shimizu Yoshio 鈴木凱夫. “Shin Yaku in chū shipei kō—dai’in shō’in bōchū seichū” 沈約韻紐四病考—大韻‧小韻‧旁紐‧正紐考. Gakurin 8 (1986): 29–65; rpt in Shimizu Yoshio. Shin Monzengaku: Monzen no xinkenkyū, 471–514; Chi- nese trans. Han Jiguo. Shimizu Yoshio. Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji, 239–270. Yuejin 躍進. “ ‘Sisheng’ zhi mu shi shui zuizao tichu te?” “四聲” 之目是誰最早提出的？ Zhongzhou xuekan (1986: 4): 25. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏, ed. and comm. Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論. Kōbōdaishi Kūkai zenshū 弘法大師空海全書, vol. 5, 573–730. Kyoto: Kōbōdaishi Kūkai zenshū henshu i-inkai, 1986. Mather, Richard B. The Poet Shen Yüeh (441–513): The Reticent Marquis, 36–64. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988. Mair, Victor H. and Mei Tsu-lin. “The Sanskrit Origins of Recent Style Prosody.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 51.2 (1991): 375–470. Kōzen Hiroshi 興善宏. “Cong sisheng babing dao si sheng eryuanhua” 從四聲八病到四聲二元化. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 47 (1991): 101–16. Yuejin 躍進. “Basheng siwen” 八聲四問. Liaoning daxue xuebao 112 (1991): 104–8. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Sisheng babing erti” 四聲八病二題. In Yongming wenxue yanjiu, 336–49. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1992. Lin Jiali 林家驪. “Shi ‘Sisheng babing’ ” 釋 “四聲八病》. Wenshi zhishi (1996: 10): 102–5. Liu Pei 劉培. “Jiumoluoshi yu sisheng zhi faming ji beichuan” 鳩摩羅什與四聲之發明及北傳. Jinan daxue xuebao 9 (1999): 71–73. Inoue Kazuyujki 井上一之. “Shen Yue sheng bing shuo xintan” 沈約聲病說新探. Xuehai (2000: 2): 147–50. Sun Changwu 孫昌武. “ ‘Xidi xueshi’ yu ‘jingbai xinsheng’ ” “西邸學士” 與 “經唄新聲”. In Sun Changwu, Wentan foying 文壇佛影, 155–77. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001. Wang Bangwei 王邦維. “Jiumaluoshi Tong yun kao yi ji Dunhuang xiejuan S. 1344 hao xiangguan wenti” 鳩摩羅什《通韻》考疑曁敦煌寫卷 S.1344 號相關問題. Zhongguo wenhua 7 (1992): 71–75; rpt. in Beijing tushuguan Dunhuang Tulufan xue ziliao zongxin 北京圖書館敦煌吐魯番學資料中心, ed. Dunhuang Tulufan xue yanjiu lunji 敦煌吐魯番學研究論集, 68–80. Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1996. Qi Gong 啟功. “ ‘Ba bing’ ‘si sheng’ de xin tantao” “八病” “四聲” 的新探討. Beijing shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 172 (2002): 85–89. Goh, Meow Hui. “Tonal Prosody in Three Poems by Wang Rong.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.1 (2004): 59–68. Gao Huaping 高華平. “ ‘Sisheng zhi mu’ de faming shijian ji chuangshiren zaiyi” “ 四聲之目” 的發明時間及創始人再議. Wenxue yichan (2005: 5): 20–29. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江, ed. Wenjing mifulun huijiao kao 文鏡秘府論彙校考, 2: 887– 1188. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006. sisheng pu 四聲譜 (table of the four tones) 997

Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Shisei hatsupei kara hyōsoku e” 四聲八病から平仄へ. Rikuchō gakujutsu gakkai hō 8 (2007): 41–63. Chen Ping 陳平. “ ‘Faming sisheng’ bian “發明四聲”辨. Wenzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 21.6 (2008): 41–45. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Qi Liang shenglü lun jige wenti xintan” 齊梁聲律論幾個問題新探. Jiangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 43.5 (2010): 66–74.

DRK

Sisheng pu 四聲譜 (Table of the four tones)

A treatise on medieval Chinese phonology.

The Sisheng pu was compiled by Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513). It is a table of Chinese characters classified by tone. It also contains an explanation of the spelling system known as fanqie 反切, in which the initial and final of two characters combine to “spell” or indicate the sounds of a character. Exam- ple: lang 郎 + shou 首 = liu 柳. The complete Sisheng pu does not survive. It did not survive in China, but was preserved in Japan. It was listed in the Japanese catalogue Nihonkoku genzaisho mokuroku 日本國現在書目錄 compiled by Fujiwara Sukeyo 藤原佐世 (d. 898). Parts of it are summarized in the Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論 compiled by the Japanese Shingon monk Kūkai 空海 (774–835), who visited China from 804 to 806, and the Shittanzō 悉曇臧 (Siddham repository or Siddham kosa) by the Japanese monk Annen 安然 (fl. ca. 880). The entry in the Bunkyō hifuron gives the general outline of Shen Yue’s system as follows:

1. The four tones are correlated with the four directions: east and level tone, south and rising tone, west and falling tone, north and entering tone. 2. Four words constitute one niu 紐 (knot), or six words are grouped around a single entering tone. Shen Yue may have had a chart like the one attributed to Shen Gong 神珙 (early eighth century) in the expanded Yupian 玉篇 in which six words are all grouped around a single entering tone word. This entering tone word was called niu. This seems to have been a type of fanqie spelling. An example cited is ɤwaɳ 皇 ɤwaɳ’ 晃 ɤwaɳ 璜 ɤwak 鑊 ɤwa 禾 ɤwa’ 禍 ɤwah 和, with 鑊 serving as the niu. 3. The words in each of the four tones in a single niu are further classified by alliterative initials and rhyming finals. An example given is 郎朗浪落 listed in the order of level, rising, falling, and entering tone. 4. The table of the four tones read vertically gives the initials, andread horizontally gives the finals. 998 sisheng pu 四聲譜 (table of the four tones)

Professor Jao Tsung-i has proposed that this method of spelling the pronunciation was derived from the Siddham syllabary that was commonly used in medieval China.

Studies Mei Tsu-lin. “Tones and Prosody in Middle Chinese and the Origin of the Rising Tone.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 30 (1970): 86–100. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Wenxin diaolong ‘Shenglü pian’ yu Jiumaluoshi Tongyun— lun sisheng shuo yu Xitan zhi guanxi jian tan Wang Bin, Liu Shanjing, Shen Yue youguan wenti” 文心雕龍聲律篇與鳩摩羅什通韻論四聲說與悉曇之關係兼談王斌劉善經沈約有關問題. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1985: 3): 215–36; rpt. in Zhong Yin wenhua guanxi shi lun ji 中印文化關係史論集, 66–90. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo, 1990. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏, ed. and comm. Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論. Kōbōdaishi Kūkai zenshū 弘法大師空海全書, vol. 5, 18–25. Kyoto: Kōbōdaishi Kūkai zenshū henshu i-inkai, 1986. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江, ed. Wenjing mifulun huijiao kao 文鏡秘府論彙校考, 1: 42–79. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006.

DRK

Siyan shi 四言詩 (Tetrasyllabic verse)

Ancient Chinese verse form.

Siyan shi, also translated four-syllable line poetry and four-character line poetry, is one of the most common early forms of Chinese prosody. This prosodic pattern is the prevailing metrical form of the earliest extant corpus of Chinese poetry, the Shi jing (Classic of songs). Although the Shi jing poems allowed for extra-metrical syllables, as the form developed, the four-syllable or tetrametrical pattern became the norm. This means that each line of the poem contains four syllables. This later form also generally is written in couplets, with rhyme falling on the even-numbered lines. Although siyan shi begins with the Shi jing, the term siyan shi is more commonly applied to tetrasyllabic verse written by poets of the Han, Wei, Jin, and Nanbeichao period. In the Han period, the most notable examples of siyan poetry are by Wei Meng 韋孟 (ca. 228–ca. 156 b.c.e.) and Wei Xuancheng 韋玄成 (d. 36 b.c.e.). Another important corpus of Han period tetrasyllabic verse is contained in the Jiaoshi Yilin 焦氏易林 (Mister Jiao’s forest of divination rhymes). This work is traditionally attributed to Jiao Yanshou 焦延壽 (fl. mid-1st cent. b.c.e.), but the authorship of this work is a much contested issue in Chinese scholarship. In the post-Han period, siyan shi 四言詩 (tetrasyllabic verse) 999 the most distingiushed writers of the siyan poetry include Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220), Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232), Wang Can 王粲 (177–217), Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263), Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–262), Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300), Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303), Lu Yun 陸雲 262–303), and Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427). Much of the xuanyan 玄言 (arcane words) verse of the Eastern Jin is also written in tetrasyllabic pattern.

Bibliography

General Studies Zheng Shuixin 鄭水心. “Siyan shi de suxing” 四言詩的塑型. Lianhe shuyuan xuebao 1 (1962): 1–14. Kuang Jianxing 鄺健行. “Han Wei Jin de siyan shi” 漢魏晉的四言詩. In Kuang Jianxing. Zhongguo shige lungao 中國詩歌論稿, 1–29. Hong Kong: Xinya yanjiusuo, 1984. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Han Wei Liuchao de siyan ti tongsu yunwen” 漢魏六朝的四言體通俗韻文. Gudian wenxue luncong 4 (1986); rpt. in Wang Yunxi. Han Wei Liuchao Tangdai wenxue luncong 漢魏六朝唐代文學論叢 (zengbu ben 增補本), 287–302. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2002. Ni Qixin 倪其心. “Siyan shige de jianghua yu yihua” 四言詩的僵化與異化. In Ni Qixin, Handai shige xinlun 漢代詩歌新論, 48–87. Nanchang: Baihua wenyi chubanshe, 1992. Gao Huaping 高華平. “Xuanxue qingtan yu Wei Jin siyan shi de fuxing” 玄學清談與魏晉四言詩的復興. Zhongguo shehui kexue (1993: 2): 183–96. Gao Huaping 高華平. “Lun Wei Jin xuanxue yu siyan shi de shengshuai liubian” 論魏晉玄學與四言詩的盛衰流變. Jiang Han xuekan (1994: 1): 169–74. Yata Hiroshi 矢田博士. “Sei Shinki ni okeru ‘Shigen shi’ seikō no yōin nitsuite— ‘ōshō ōryō’ oyobi ‘zōtō’ no shi” 西晉期における『四言詩』盛行の要因—「應詔‧應令」及び「贈答」の詩. Chūoku shiwen ronshū 14 (1995): 1–23. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “Siyan shi yu wuyan shi de jufa jiegou yu yuyan gongneng bijiao yanjiu” 四言詩與五言詩的句法結構與語言功能比較. Zhongguo xuekan (1996: 3): 87–92; rpt. in Zhao Minli. Zhou Han shige zonglun, 172–83. Sun Jianjun 孫建軍. “Hanyu siyan jushi lüelun” 漢語四言句式略論. Xibei minzu xueyuan xuebao (1996: 2): 106–14. Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音. “Siyan ti de xingcheng jiqi yu cifu de guanxi” 四言體的形成及其與辭賦的關係. Zhongguo shehui kexue (2002: 6): 151–61. Ge Xiaoyin 葛曉音. “Han Wei Liang Jin siyan shi de xinbian he tishi de chonggou” 漢魏兩晉四言詩的新變和體式的重構. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 43.5 (2006): 70–79. Fan Lulu 樊露露. “Cong Liang Jin Nanchao shangsi shi kan siyan shiti de liubian he tezheng” 從兩晉南朝上巳詩看四言詩體的流變和特徵. Fuyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 114 (2006): 25–27, 93. Ch’oe U-soǩ 崔宇錫. Wei Jin siyan shi yanjiu 魏晉四言詩研究. Chongqing: Ba Shu shushe, 2006. 1000 siyan shi 四言詩 (tetrasyllabic verse)

Raft, Zebulon David. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China.” Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 2007. Yata Hiroshi 矢田博士. “Shigen shi to gogen shi to seisui ni tsuite—senkō shosetsu o chūshin ni” 四言詩と五言詩の特質と盛衰について—先行諸說の整理を中心へ. Chūoku shiwen ronshū 26 (2007): 26–36. Mu Yanxia 穆彥霞. “Siyan shi zai liang Han de fazhan bianhua” 四言詩在兩漢的發展變化. Chuanshan xuekan 70 (2008): 143–46. Wu Zhangyan 吳章燕. “Jianyue guya, tuichen chuxin—Handai siyan shi fengge tezheng” 簡約古雅，推陳出新—漢代四言詩風格特徵. Fujian shifan daxue Fuqing fenxiao xuebao 100 (2010): 39–43. Guan Qin 管琴. “Liang Jin zengda shi tizhi xilun—yi siyan ti yu wuyan ti wei zhongxin” 兩晉贈答詩體制析論—以四言體與五言體為中心. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 47.5 (2010): 67–76.

Studies of Individual Works and Poets

Wei Meng and Wei Xuancheng Raft, Zebulon David. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China,” 33–143, 388–433. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 2007.

Jiaoshi Yilin Chen Liangyun 陳良運. “Zhongguo wenxue shi zhi yizhu—Jiaoshi Yilin siyan shi yanjiu zhi yi” 中國文學之遺珠—《焦氏易林》四言詩研究之一. Renwen zazhi (1998: 5): 123–29. Chen Liangyun 陳良運. Jiaoshi Yilin shixue chanshi 焦氏易林詩學闡釋. Nanchang: Baihuazhou wenyi chubanshe, 2000. Chen Liangyun 陳良運. “ ‘Yilin ji yu Sanbai pian’ bing wei siyan shi juyue’—Qiang Zhongshu lun Yilin shuping” “《易林》幾與《三百篇》并為四言詩矩矱”—錢鍾書論《易林》述評. Zhou yi yanjiu 55 (2002): 64–71. Raft, Zebulon David. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China,” 144–99. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 2007.

Cao Cao Tang Xiaochun 湯效純. “Shitan Cao Cao siyan shi de yicai” 試探曹操四言詩的異彩. Xiangtan daxue xuebao zengkan (1986: S1): 8–12. Ch’oe U-soǩ 崔宇錫. Wei Jin siyan shi yanjiu, 77–84. Wu Shengwen 武勝文. “Cao Cao siyan shige tese tanxi” 曹操四言詩歌特色探析. Tianshui shifan xueyuan xuebao 28.6 (2008): 113–15. Wei Yuntao 韋運韜. “Cao Cao dui siyan shi de jicheng yu chuangxin” 曹操對四言詩的繼承與創新. Qingdao shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 132 (2009): 92–96. siyan shi 四言詩 (tetrasyllabic verse) 1001

Cao Zhi Fukuyama Yasuo 福山泰男. “Sō Shoku no shigen shi ni tsuite” 曹植の四言詩にらういて. Shūkan tōyōgaku 57 (1987): 62–81. Ch’oe U-soǩ 崔宇錫. Wei Jin siyan shi yanjiu, 107–22.

Ruan Ji Numaguchi Masaru 沼口勝. “Gen Seki no shigen ‘Eikaishi’ ni tsuite” 阮籍四言「詠懷詩」. Nihon Chōgoku gakkai hō 38 (1986): 103–19. Holzman, Donald. “On the Authenticity of the Tetrameter Poetry Attributed to Ruan Ji.” In Zhongyang yanjiuyuan dierjie guoji Hanxue huiyi 中央研究院第二屆國際漢學會議, 6: 173–200. Taipei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan, 1989. Lü Guanghua 呂光華. “Lun Ruan Ji siyan Yonghuai shi de neirong yu tezhi” 論阮籍四言詠懷詩的內容與特質. Guowen xuezhi 9 (2004): 75–92. Ch’oe U-soǩ 崔宇錫. Wei Jin siyan shi yanjiu, 124–29.

Xi Kang Pi Yuanzhen 皮元珍. “Cuican de yuhui—lun Xi Kang siyan shi” 璀璨的餘暉—論嵇康四言詩. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 68.1 (2003): 31–35. Sun Zhenfang 孫震芳. “Lun Xi Kang siyan shi dui Shi jing de chuancheng yu kaituo” 論嵇康四言詩對《詩經》的傳承與開拓. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 25.6 (2006): 39–41. Ch’oe U-soǩ 崔宇錫. Wei Jin siyan shi yanjiu, 130–45.

Lu Ji and Lu Yun Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Riku Ki kyōdai no shigen zōtō shi ni tsuite” 陸機兄弟の四言贈答詩について. Ritsumeikan bungaku 511 (1989): 1–31. Ch’oe U-soǩ 崔宇錫. Wei Jin siyan shi yanjiu, 189–97.

Tao Yuanming Xiao Wangqing 蕭望卿. “Tao Yuanming siyan shi lun” 陶淵明四言詩論. In Xiao Wangqing. Tao Yuanming piping 陶淵明批評, 31–57. Taipei: Kaiming shudian, 1957. Nong Zuofeng 農作豐. “Tao Yuanming siyan shi de tese ji Jin Song siyan shi de shuaiwei” 陶淵明四言詩的特色及晉宋四言詩的衰微. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) 30.3 (1994): 51–56. Wang Kuo-ying 王國瓔. “Tao Yuanming siyan shi zhi chengchuan yu kaituo” 陶淵明四言詩之承傳與開拓. Guoxue yanjiu (1999: 6): 205–29. Pak Sam-soo 朴三洙. “Tao Yuanming siyan shi tanlun” 陶淵明四言詩探論. Renwen zazhi (2000: 1): 104–8. Ch’oe U-soǩ 崔宇錫. Wei Jin siyan shi yanjiu, 216–35.

DRK 1002 song daoyu 宋道璵 (d. 508)

Song Daoyu 宋道璵 (d. 508)

Northern Wei poet.

Song Daoyu’s ancestral home was Lieren 列人in Guangping 廣平 (north of modern Feixiang 肥鄉, Hebei). He was know for his intelligence and quick- wit. During the reign of Emperor Xuanwu (500–515) of the Northern Wei, he was recruited to collate ancient texts together with Sun Huiwei 孫惠蔚 (452–518), vice director of the palace library. While serving as professor at the national university, he was transferred to the post of administrator in the Law Section in the household of Yuan Yu 元愉 (488–508), Prince of Jingzhao. In 508, Yuan Yu usurped the throne and installed himself as emperor. Before long, Yuan Yu was captured and killed. Because Song Daoyu served in Yuan Yu’s administration, he was also executed. Before he died, he wrote many poems and dirges to his friends and relatives to express his pain and frustration. The poem he sent to editorial director Zhang Shi- jun 張始君 (d. 519) includes these two lines: “You harbor worries of cherishing a precious jade disc;4 /I have the malady of holding the reins of power.” About ten years later, Zhang Shijun was killed in a fire set by angry demonstrators. Most of Sun Daoyu’s poems and other writings have been lost. The lines from the poem that he sent to Zhang Shijun cited above are preserved in his brief biography in the Beishi (26.944), Wei shu (77.1690), and Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 228.

TPK

4 This allusion comes from Zuo zhuan, Huan 10, which tells a story about a man from the state of Yu who owned a precious jade disc. When the Duke of Yu requested him to give it to him, he at first refused and then relented. Upon presenting the jade to the duke, he cited the following proverb: “Though a lowly man may not be guilty of a crime, his crime is cherishing his jade.” This means that holding own to a jade could result in itsowner being punished. song shu 宋書 (history of the song) 1003

Song shu 宋書 (History of the Song)

Standard history of the Liu-Song period.

The Song shu, compiled by Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), is the standard history of the Liu-Song period (420–479). It consists of 100 juan, including ten juan of annals for eight Song emperors (three juan are devoted to the founding emperor), 60 juan of biographies, and thirty juan of monographs. Already in the Song period the imperial court had commissioned the compilation of a history of the Song dynasty. The scholar He Chengtian 何承天 (370–447) was assigned to this task in 439. He compiled biographies of the meritorious ministers of the first Song ruler, Emperor Wu (r. 420–422). He Chengtian was an expert on astronomy and music, and he compiled a “Tianwen zhi” 天文志 (Monograph on astronomy) and a “Lüli zhi” 律曆志 (Monograph on musical pitches and calendar). He turned the rest of the compilation tasks over to Shan Qianzhi 山謙之 (fl. 440–456). Work on the history may have been temporarily halted with the death of He Chengtian in 447. In the Xiaojian period (454–456) Shan Qianzhi resumed work on the project. After Shan died of illness, Su Baosheng 蘇寶生 (d. 458) took over the compilation task. He compiled biographies of meritorious officials of the Yuanjia period (424–453). His work ceased when he was executed in 458. Finally, in 462, the renowned scholar Xu Yuan 徐爰 (394–475) worked on the history until he died in 475. In 487, the Qi imperial court assigned Shen Yue the task of completing the Song history. Shen finished everything but the monographs by the second lunar month of the next year. This is considered the shortest time for completion of a standard history. Although Shen based himself on the Song history compiled by Xu Yuan, he made a number of changes. First, he added material for the period from 465 to 479, which was not covered in Xu Yuan’s history. He rewrote biographies of Zang Zhi 臧質 (d. 454), Lu Shuang 魯爽 (d. 454, and Wang Sengda 王僧達 (423–458), which had been written by Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464). Zang and Lu were killed supporting a revolt led by Emperor Xiaowu’s uncle Liu Yixuan 劉義宣 (411–454). Wang Sengda incurred the wrath of Emperor Xiaowu, and he was put to death in prison. Shen Yue considered these accounts “not true records.” He also removed biographies of at least thirteen persons who lived in the Jin, and thus did not belong in a history of the Song. Shen Yue also is given credit for polishing the style of the Xu Yuan version. Although the Qing scholar Zhao Yi 趙翼 (1727–1814) claimed that most of the Song shu was basically written by Xu Yuan, there are important parts 1004 song shu 宋書 (history of the song) that clearly come from Shen Yue’s hand. Shen Yue took special care with the monographs, which he did not submit with the text of the history he presented to the court in 488. Shen Yue is generally considered to be the author of the “Yue zhi” 樂志 (Monograph on music), “Furui zhi” 符瑞志 (Monograph on auspicious omens), and “Wuxing zhi” 五行志 (Monograph on the five phases). The “Yue zhi” is the most important treatise on music from the Southern Dynasties, and preserves much valuable about Han and Wei period yuefu. Shen Yue also wrote the “Biography of Xie Lingyun,” which is more than just an account of the famous Song poet Xie Lingyun, but is in effect a history of Chinese writing up to Shen’s time, and contains a statement of Shen’s literary thought. The lun 論 (assessments) that Shen wrote for each chapter are regarded as model examples of medieval Chi- nese expository prose. During the Song period, some portions of the Song shu were lost. They were “reconstructed” from passages taken from the Nan shi and other sources.

Bibliography

Editions Song shu 宋書. 50 juan. Song ke Song Yuan Ming dixiu 宋刻宋元明遞修 ed. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Photoreprint in Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2006. Song shu 宋書. 50 juan. 50 juan. Guozi jian 國子監. Between 1595–1606. Song shu 宋書. 50 juan. 50 juan. Qinchuan Mao shi Jigu ge 琴川毛氏汲古閣. Between 1628 and 1661. Song shu 宋書. 50 juan. 50 juan. Siku quanshu. Song shu 宋書. 50 juan. Jinling shuju 金陵書局, 1874. Song shu 宋書. 50 juan. Wuying dian 武英殿 ed., 1739. Song shu 宋書. 50 juan. Bona ben Ershi si shi 百衲本二十四史. Song shu 宋書. 50 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974.

Commentaries Su Jinren 蘇晉仁 and Xiao Lianzi 蕭煉子, ed. and comm. Song shu Yuezhi jiaozhu 宋書樂志校注. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1982. Ding Fulin 丁福林. Song shu jiaoyi 宋書校議. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Zhang Hui 張徽. “Song shu jiaoshi”《宋書》校釋. Ph.D. diss., Suzhou University, 2009. Wang Zhongluo 王仲荦. Song shu jiaokan ji changbian 宋書校勘記長編. 3 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009. song shu 宋書 (history of the song) 1005

Studies Liu Dingsheng 柳定生. “Shen Yue yu Song shu” 沈約與宋書. Shidi zazhi 1.2 (1937); rpt. in Qu Lindong 瞿林東, ed. Jin shu Bashu Ershi yanjiu 晉書、『八書』、『二史』研究, 96–107. Beijing: Zhongguo dabaike quanshu chubanshe, 2009. Li Jiafu 李甲孚. “Nanchao Song shu he tade zuozhe Shen Yue” 〈南朝宋書〉和它的作者沈約. Zonghe yuekan 62 (1974): 111–17. Yan Shangwen 顏尚文. “Shen Yue de Song shu yu shixue” 沈約的宋書與史學. Lishi xuebao 10 (1982): 53–81. Ochi Shigeaki 越智崇明. “Shin Yaku to Sōsho” 沈約と宋書. Chūgoku kenkyū shūkan (1985: 2): 179–202. Su Jinren 蘇晉仁. “Song shu ‘Baiguan zhi’ kaoyi”《宋書‧百官志》考異. Lishi yanjiu (1985: 2): 92–105. Yao Zhenli 姚振黎. “Shen Yue Song shu zhuanshu zhi yuanwei ji pingshu” 沈約宋書撰述之原委及評述. Kong Meng yuekan 26 (1988): 26–35. Yao Zhenli 姚振黎. Shen Yue ji qi xueshu tanjiu 沈約及其學術探究, 147–67. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1989. Mather, Richard B. The Poet Shen Yüeh (441–513): The Reticent Marquis, 26–36. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. Niu Guihu 牛貴琥. “Song shu ‘Baiguan zhi’ ” xi houren buzuo”《宋書‧百官志》系後人補作. Jinyang xuekan (1991: 3): 100–3. Kawai Yasushi 川合安. “Shin Yaku Sōsho no shiron” 沈約『宋書』史論. Bunkei ronsō 27.3 (1992): 245–71; 28.3 (1993): 69–93; Hokkaidō daigaku bungakubu kiyō 43.1 (1994): 1–40. Zheng Jinyang 鄭錦揚. “Song shu Yue zhi Lü zhi de yinyue shixue yanjiu”《宋書》樂志‧律志的音樂史學研究. Huangzhong (Wuhan yinyue xueyuan xuebao) (1993: 3): 27–34. Kong Yi 孔毅. “Shen Yue Song shu shi lun siti” 沈約《宋書》史論四題. Nanjing shifan zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 16.2 (2000): 1–6. Tian Qing 田青. “Shen Yue ji qi Song shu ‘Yue zhi’ ” 沈約及其《宋書‧樂志》. Zhongguo yinyue xue (2001: 1): 81–85. Tian Qing 田青. “Shen Yue ji qi Song shu ‘Yue zhi’ ” 沈約及其《宋書‧樂志》. Zhongguo yinyue xue (2001: 1): 81–85. Zhu Shaohou 朱紹侯. “Shen Yue Song shu shuping” 沈約《宋書》述評. Nandu xuetan 21.4 (2001): 17–24. Kawai Yasushi 川合安. “Sōsho to Ryū Sō seijishi”《宋書》と劉宋政治史. Tōyōshi kenkyū 61.2 (2002): 31–59. Lu Yunhua 魯雲華. “Lun Song shu de xieren yishu” 論《宋書》的寫人藝術. Zheji- ang jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (2003: 2): 40–45. Lu Yunhua 魯雲華. “Lun Song shu de xushi yishu” 論《宋書》的敘事藝術. Suzhou shizhuan xuebao 18.2 (2003): 33–35. Kishiro Mayako 稀代麻也子. Sōsho no naka no Shin Yaku ikiru to iu koto 『宋書』のなか沈約生きるということ. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2004. Lu Yunhua 魯雲華. “Lun Song shu de wenxue shiliao jiazhi” 論《宋書》文學史料價值. Zhejiang jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (2005: 4): 42–46. Wan Jiufu 萬久富. Song shu fuyinci yanjiu《宋書》復音詞研究. Nanjing: Feng huang chubanshe, 2006. 1006 song shu 宋書 (history of the song)

Lin Jiali 林家驪. Yidai cizong: Shen Yue zhuan 一代辭宗：沈約傳, 127–48. Hang- zhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 2006. Tang Xiejun 唐燮軍. “Shen Yue Song shu pingyi” 沈約《宋書》平義. Jinyang xuekan (2007: 5): 90–94. Ma Meng 馬萌. Song shu ‘Yue zhi’ geshi ‘yuan su ru ya’ qingxiang ji qi yuanyin” 《宋書‧樂志》歌詩 “援俗入雅”傾向及其原因. Yindu xuekan (2007: 2): 76–80. Zhai Jingyun 翟景運. “Song shu ‘Yuezhi’ yu Han Wei Liuchao yuefu geshi”《宋書‧樂志》與漢魏六朝樂府歌詩. Yuefu xue 3 (2008): 59–79. Song Wenbing 宋聞兵. “Shen Yue Song shu dinggao shijian kaobian” 沈約《宋書》定稿時間考辨. Ningbo daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) 21.5 (2008): 30–32. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Shin Yaku Sōsho Sha Reiun den ni tsuite” 沈約『宋書』謝靈運傳について. Chūgoku chūsei buangaku kenkyū 55 (2009): 1–17. Chen Lihui 陳利輝. “Song shu ‘Yue zhi’ fenlei tanxi”《宋書‧樂志》分類探析. Shi- dai wenxue (2010: 2): 123–25.

Translations Kawai Yasushi 川合安. “Yakuchū Sōsho Shin Yaku jijo” 訳注《宋書》沈約自序. Hokkaidō daigaku bungakubu kiyō 46.1 (1997): 29–64; 46.2 (1998): 37–75. Kametani Takeshi 釜谷武志 et al. “Sōsho Rakushi—yakuchū kō (1)”『宋書』樂志—訳注稿 (1). Mimei 21 (2003): 135–83. Satake Yaskuko 佐竹保子 et al. “Sōsho Rakushi—yakuchū kō (2)”『宋書』樂志—訳注稿 (2). Mimei 22 (2004): 143–91. Ōgata Tohu 大形徹 et al. “Sōsho Rakushi—yakuchū kō (3)”『宋書』樂志—訳注稿 (3). Mimei 23 (2005): 115–99.

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Song Xian 宋纖 (273–ca. 355), zi Ling’ai 令艾

Sixteen States period Former Liang recluse.

Song Xian’s ancestral home was Xiaogu 效谷in Dunhuang 敦煌 (west of modern Dunhuang, Gansu). From an early age he had high-minded principles. He lived as a recluse at Jiuquan 酒泉 in Nanshan 南山 (the Qilian- shan 祁連山 in Gansu). He was an expert in the Classics and weft texts, and attracted more than three thousand students. He had no interest in official service and declined all offers of appointments. Governor Yang Xuan 楊宣 (fl. 335–345) admired Song Xian’s integrity, and he had Song Xian’s portrait painted and placed it on a small side door. He often looked at the portrait and asked, “What type of stone is your pillow made of? In what waterway do you wash yourself? Your body cannot be seen, and fame is not what you seek.” Even the respected governor of Jiuquan 酒泉 (modern Jiuquan) Ma Ji 馬岌 (n.d.) went to visit him, but Song Xian refused to see him. Ma Ji also wrote poems to express his admiration of him. song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.) 1007

Song Xian was a highly productive scholar and writer. He wrote a commentary to the Lun yu 論語 and composed songs and eulogies amounting to several ten thousand words. In 354, Zhang Zuo 張祚 (327–355) installed himself as emperor of the Former Liang, and he sent his representative Zhang Xing 張興 (n.d.) to summon Song Xian to the court to serve as companion for the heir designate. Song Xian could not refuse this invitation. He accompanied Zhang Xing to Guzang 姑臧 (modern Wuwei 武威, Gansu). Zhang Zuo sent the heir designate to welcome Song Xian with various gifts. Song Xian avoided meeting him on the pretext of illness. He did not accept any of the presents. Shortly thereafter Song Xian was appointed grand mentor to the heir designate. Within a short time, he presented a petition requesting to resign his post. Refusing to eat, Song Xian died of starvation at the age of eighty-two. He was awarded the posthumous title of Xuanxu xiansheng 玄虛先生 (Master of the Mysterious Void). Most of Song Xian’s writings have been lost. His only extant piece is a work he wrote before he died, “Shang shu ci Zhang Zuo” 上疏辭張祚 (Submitting a petition bidding farewell to Zhang Zuo). It is included in his biography in the Jin shu (94.2453) and Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 227–8. Berkowitz, Alan. Patterns of Disengagement, 202.

TPK

Song Yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.)

Warring States period writer.

There is little reliable information about Song Yu. The “Qu Yuan Jia sheng liezhuan” 屈原賈生列傳 of the Shi ji 史記 reads: “After Qu Yuan 屈原 had died, in Chu 楚 there were such men as Song Yu, Tang Le 唐勒 and Jing Cuo 景差, who were all fond of rhetoric and known for their fu. They all imitated the subtle, veiled rhetoric of Qu Yuan but never dared to admonish directly.” The Hanshi waizhuan 韓詩外傳 reads: “Through the influence of a friend Song Yu was granted an audience with King Xiang of Chu 楚襄王.” The Xin xu 新序 by Liu Xiang 劉向 (79–8 b.c.e.) reads: “Song Yu served King Xiang of Chu but was not promoted. His discontent could 1008 song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.) be perceived from his expression.” The Xiangyang qijiu zhuan 襄陽耆舊傳 (Biographies of elders from Xiangyang) by Xi Zuochi 習鑿齒 (d. 384) reads: “Song Yu was from Yan 鄢 in Chu. There is a Song Yu tomb in the old city of Yicheng 宜城. He first served Qu Yuan, but after Qu Yuan was banished, he sought to serve Jing Cuo, a friend of his in Chu. Concerned that Song Yu would surpass him, Jing Cuo recommended Song Yu to the king. The king appointed Song Yu as a minor official. . . . Song Yu understood music and was good at writing. Because of his fondness for music and fu, King Xiang appreciated Song Yu’s talent, but loathed him because he was too much like Qu Yuan.” According to the accounts cited above, Song Yu’s natal place was Yan (modern Yicheng 宜城, Hubei), a city in the ancient kingdom of Chu. He lived in the late Warring States period during the reign of King Xiang of Chu (r. 298–263 b.c.e.). Although he was skilled in rhetoric, music, and writing, and met King Xiang of Chu through the introduction of his friend, he was not trusted with any important position but only composed pieces for the king’s entertainment. The “Jiu bian” 九辯 attributed to him suggests that he was later dismissed from the court. The “Yiwen zhi” 藝文志 of the Han shu 漢書 credits him with sixteen fu without specifying the titles. In the Chuci zhangju 楚辭章句, Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 114–120) attributes Song Yu with the “Jiu bian” 九辯 (Nine changes) and “Zhao hun” 招魂 (Summoning the soul). The Wen xuan 文選 contains seven pieces under his name:

1. “Jiu bian” (the Wen xuan contains only five sections of the text). 2. “Zhao hun.” 3. “Feng fu” 風賦 (Fu on the wind) 4. “Gaotang fu” 高唐賦 (Fu on the Gaotang Shrine). 5. “Shennü fu” 神女賦 (Fu on the goddess). 6. “Dengtuzi haose fu” 登徒子好色賦 (Fu on the lechery of Master Dengtu) 7. “Dui Chu wang wen” 對楚王問 (Responding to the question of the King of Chu).

The Guwen yuan 古文苑 attributes him with six fu:

1. “Diao fu” 釣賦 (Fishing). 2. “Dayan fu” 大言賦 (Big words). 3. “Xiaoyan fu” 小言賦 (Little words). 4. “Feng fu” 諷賦 (Suasion). 5. “Di fu” 笛賦 (Flute). 6. “Wu fu” 舞賦 (Dance). song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.) 1009

In addition, the Taiping yulan 太平御覽 includes a passage titled “Gaotang dui” 高唐對 (Response at Gaotang), similar to the beginning part of the “Gaotang fu” with some variations. There is a total of fourteen works listed under Song Yu’s name in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen edited by Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843). Scholars now mostly attribute the “Zhao hun” to Qu Yuan and the “Jiu bian” to Song Yu. It is much more difficult to judge the authenticity of the other twelve works, but among them the “Feng fu” 風賦, “Gaotang fu,” “Shennü fu,” and “Dengtuzi haose fu” are usually attributed to Song Yu in modern anthologies. In fact, much of the traditional lore that portrays him as a wit and a master of rhetoric comes from these pieces. The works attributed to Song Yu resemble the Han fu in many respects. For example, the opening lines of the “Jiu bian” are in mixed meters, which are similar to the diverse prosodic patterns of the Han fu. The “Jiu bian” also makes use of sustained comparison, which is a common feature the epideictic style used in the Han fu. Furthermore, the “Dengtuzi haose fu” and “Feng fu” 風賦 are written as dialogues, and the “Gaotang fu” and “Shennü fu” begin with prologues that provide the background and setting of the piece. These are the structural features often seen in the Han fu. Song Yu is also noted for representing his own grief with repeated references to the decay and dreariness that accompany the arrival of autumn. The opening lines of the “Jiu bian” read: “Mournful indeed the breath that is autumn’s!/ Withering away, leaves shudder and fall, turning to decay;/ Sad and sorrowful: like on a distant journey,/ Climbing a hill and looking down on a river, and sending off someone about to return home.” Such laments for autumn became an important theme of Chinese literature. Later melancholy verses frequently allude to these lines of the “Jiu bian.” Song Yu is also credited with creating images of beautiful women. In the “Dengtuzi haose fu,” the daughter of his eastern neighbor is portrayed as one whose charming smiles would confound an entire city. In the prologue of the “Gaotang fu,” the goddess of Shaman Mount said about herself: “Mornings I am Dawn Cloud,/ Evenings I am Coursing Rain. Dawn after dawn, dusk after dusk,/ Below the Sun Terrace.” Her beauty is further described in the “Shennü fu,” which became the model of “Luoshen fu” 洛神賦 (Fu on the Luo River Goddess) by Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232). Modern studies on Song Yu are mainly concerned with the authenticity of the works attributed to him. Some recent studies make use of recently excavated documents. In 1972, a large number of documents written on bamboo slips was discovered in a Han tomb located at Yinqueshan 銀雀山, Linyi 臨沂 in Shandong. There is a fragment of a text in which Tang Le and Song Yu discuss chariot driving before King Xiang of Chu. Authorship of this piece is variously attributed to Tang Le and Song Yu. 1010 song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.)

In 1936, Wen Yiduo 聞一多 published the “Gaotang shennü chuanshuo zhi fenxi” 高唐神女傳說之分析, arguing that the goddess of Shaman Mount was originally the mother goddess of the Chu people. Scholars continue to study the cultural meaning implied in the “Gaotang fu” and “Shennü fu.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a Song Yu ji 宋玉集 (Collected Works of Song Yu) in three juan. The two Tang histories record a collection in two juan. We have no way to determine its contents or date, for the collection was lost sometime in the Song. In the Southern Song, there was a one-juan Song Yu ji, which consisted of pieces extracted from the Wen xuan and Guwen yuan. This collection no longer survives. Later collections are all reconstructions.

Bibliography

Collections and commentaries Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Song dafu ji 宋大夫集. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Lu Kanru. Song Yu 宋玉. Shanghai: Yadong tushuguan, 1929. Yuan Mei 袁梅, comm. Song Yu cifu jin du 宋玉辭賦今讀. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1986. Zhu Bilian 朱碧蓮. Song Yu cifu yi jie 宋玉辭賦譯解. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue, 1987. Jin Rongquan 金榮權. Song Yu cifu jianping 宋玉辭賦箋評. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1991. Cao Wenxin 曹文心. Song Yu cifu 宋玉辭賦. Hefei: Anhui daxue chubanshe, 2006. Wu Guangping 吳廣平, ed. and comm. Song Yu ji 宋玉集. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2001.

Studies of the collection Inahata Kōichirō 稻田耕一郎. “Sō Gyoku no betsushû—sono hensan, rufu, sanitsu no aidani—” 宋玉の別集その編纂，流布，散佚のあいだに. Chūgoku koten kenkyū 20 (1975): 101–21. Inahata Kōichirō. “Sô Gyoku shū hosetsu—Sō Gyoku shi kara Sō Gyoku shū e—” 宋玉集補說－宋玉子から宋玉集へ. Chūgoku bungaku kenkyū 7 (1981): 38–56. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Lun Song Yu ji” 論宋玉集. Wenxian (1995: 4): 3–20; rpt. Zheng Liangshu. Cifu lunji, 83–106. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1998. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Nanjing tushuguan cang Song Yu ji zongkao” 南京圖書館藏《宋玉集》綜考. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao (2003: 1): 37–41.

General Studies Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Song Yu pingzhuan” 宋玉評傳. In Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 中國文學研究. Xiaoshuo yuebao 17, Special Issue. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1927; rpt. in Lu Kanru. Lu Kanru gudin wenxue lunwen ji 陸侃如古典文學論文集, 452–522. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.) 1011

Lu Kanru 陸侃如. Song Yu 宋玉. Shanghai: Yadong tushuguan, 1929. Guo Moruo 郭沫若. “Guanyu Song Yu” 關於宋玉. Xin jianshe (1955: 2): 42–46. Cheng Renqing 程仁卿. “Dui ‘Guanyu Song Yu’ yiwen de yijian” 對關於宋玉一文的意見. Wen shi zhe (1955: 5): 46–47. Hu Nianyi 胡念貽. “Song Yu zuopin de zhenwei wenti” 宋玉作品的真偽問題. Wenxue yichan zengkan 1 (1956): 40–55. Asano Michiari 淺野通有. “Sō Gyoku no sakuhin no shingi ni tsuite” 宋玉の作品の真偽について. Kanbun gakkai kaihō 12 (1961): 3–12. Shi Zhimian 施之勉. “Song Yu wu fu” 宋玉五賦. Dalu zazhi 23.2 (1961): 51. Yang Yinzong 楊胤宗. “Song Yu fu kao” 宋玉賦考. Dalu zazhi 27.3 (1963): 85–90; 27.4 (1963): 126–32. Inahata Kōichiro 稻田耕一郎. “Sō Gokyu ron—sono bungakuteki hyōka no teiritsu o megutte” 宋玉論その文學的評價の定立おめぐって. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū (Mekada Makoto hakushi koki kinen) 中國文學論集(目加田誠博士古希紀念), 67–97. Tokyo: Ryukei, 1974. Fujiwara Takashi 藤原尚. “Sōfu to jifu no bukiten—Sō Gyoku no fu ni tsuite” 騷賦と辭賦の分歧點－宋玉の賦について, Obi hakashi taikyūkinen Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 小尾博士退休紀念中國文學論集, 113–35. Hiroshima: Daiichi gakushusha, 1976. Zhu Bilian 朱碧蓮 and Shen Jianying 沈劍英. “Song Yu cifu zhenwei bian” 宋玉辭賦真偽辨, Dousou 52 (1983): 54–57, 64. Lu Yongpin 陸永品. “Song Yu” 宋玉. Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 5–64. Jiang Liangfu 姜亮夫. “Song Yu jianshu” 宋玉簡述. In Jiang Liangfu, Chuci xue lunwen ji 辭賦學論文集, 465–70. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1984. Cao Minggang 曹名綱. “Song Yu fu zhenwei bian” 宋玉賦真偽辨. Shanghai shifan xueyuan xuebao (1984: 2): 53–57. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Song Yu ‘Gaotang’ ‘Shennü’ fu de zhenwei” 宋玉《高唐》《神女》賦的真偽. Zhongguo shumu jikan 21.3 (1984); rpt. Zheng Liangshu, Cifu lunji, 15–56. Chen Shengyong 陳勝勇. “Jianguo yilai Song Yu ji qi zuopin yanjiu zongshu” 建國以來宋玉及其作品研究綜述. Yuwen daobao (Hangzhou daxue Zhongwen xi) (1985: 6): 9–12. Deng Yuanxuan 鄧元媗. “Guanyu Song Yu pingjia zhong de yige wenti” 關於宋玉評價中的一個問題. Sichuan shiyuan xuebao (1985: 1); rpt. Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1985: 7): 69–76. Cheng Ji 成績. “Cong Zeng hou yimu de zhudi kan Song Yu Di fu de zhenweixing” 從曾侯乙墓的竹笛看宋玉笛賦的真實性. Jiang Han luntan (1985: 7): 59. Lu Yongpin 陸永品. “Song Yu” 宋玉. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 1: 55–64. Yuan Mei 袁梅. Song Yu cifu jindu 宋玉辭賦今讀. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1986. Zhu Bilian 朱碧蓮. Song Yu cifu yijie 宋玉辭賦譯解. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1987. Tang Zhangping 湯漳平. “Guwen yuan zhong Song Yu fu zhenwei bian”《古文苑》中宋玉賦真偽辨. Jianghai xuekan (1989: 6): 157–61. Jin Rongquan 金榮權. Song Yu cifu jianping 宋玉辭賦箋評. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1991. Liao Mingchun 廖名春. “Cong Tang Le fu de chutu lun Song Yu futi de zhenwei” 從唐勒賦的出土論宋玉賦體的真偽. Qiusuo (1991: 4): 99–102. 1012 song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.)

Tang Zhangping 湯漳平. “Song Yu zuopin zhenwei bian” 宋玉作品真偽辨. Wenxue pinglun (1991: 5): 64–75. Peng De 彭德. “Song Yu shengping kao” 宋玉生平考. Dongnan wenhua (1992: 6): 19–202. Liao Mingchun 廖名春. “Song Yu santi fu yundu shidai kao” 宋玉散體賦韻讀時代考. Gu Hanyu yanjiu (1993: 2): 76–84. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. Song Yu zuopin zhenwei kao 宋玉作品真偽考. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1999. Rouzer, Paul. Articulated Ladies Gender and the Male Community in Early Chinese Texts, 48–69. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001. Xin Baoping 辛保平. “Han fu yu Song Yu fu de yuanyuan guanxi—jianlun Han fu de fenlei ji Song Yu fu de zhenwei” 漢賦與宋玉賦的淵源關係—兼論漢賦的分類及宋玉賦的真偽. Beijing daxue xuebao (Guonei fangwen xuezhe jinxiu jiaoshi lunwen zhuankan) (2001): 96–102. Wu Guangping 吳廣平. “20 shiji Song Yu yanjiu shuping” 20 世紀宋玉研究述評. Zhongzhou xuekan (2002: 1): 54–59. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Lun Song Yu de renge—zi Sima Qian dui Song Yu pingjie de keguan yiju yu zhuguan qingxiang tanqi” 論宋玉的人格—自司馬遷對宋玉評介的客觀依據與主觀傾向談起. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 4.4 (2002): 14–17. Chu Binjie 禇斌杰. “Song Yu yiwen bianzheng” 宋玉遺文辨證. In Chu Binjie, Chu ci yaolun 楚辭要論, 417–24. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2003. Wu Guangping 吳廣平. “Song Yu zhai kaobian” 宋玉宅考辨. Xiangtan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2003: 6): 70–72. Wu Guangping 吳廣平. “Song Yu guli kaobian” 宋玉故里考辨. Jiang Han luntan (2003: 10): 73–75. Wu Guangping 吳廣平. Song Yu yanjiu 宋玉研究. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2004. Wu Guangping 吳廣平. “Song Yu zhuzhu zhenwei xu bian” 宋玉著述真偽續辨. Changjiang daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 28.5 (2005): 8–15. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Hengshan kao—Song Yu cifu diming kao zhi yi” 衡山考—宋玉辭賦地名考之一. Jiang Han luntan (2005: 4): 102–4. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Lujiang kao—Song Yu cifu diming kao zhi er” 廬江考—宋玉辭賦地名考之二. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 7 (2005): 37–41. Li Lingfu 李伶甫. “Song Yu shengping chu tan” 宋玉生平初探. Xiangfan xueyuan xuebao 27.3 (2006): 114–17. Qi Guohong 祁國宏. “Tang shi dui Song Yu zhi jieshou lun xi” 唐詩對宋玉之接受論析. Dongfang luntan (2006: 6): 35–39. Zhou Shenghong 周聖弘 and Zhou Dabin 周達彬. “Song Yu zuopin zhenwei bian xi” 宋玉作品真偽辨析. Hubei guangbo dianshi daxue xuebao 27.3 (2007): 60–63. Zhang Rong 張茸. “Zhou yi dui Song Yu de yingxiang fa wei”《周易》對宋玉的影響發微. Hunan kexue xueyuan xuebao 28.2 (2007): 52–56. Cheng Benxing 程本興. “Song Yu ji qi zuopin de hexie sixiang” 宋玉及其作品的和諧思想. Xiangfan xueyuan xuebao 28.9 (2007): 83–88. Qi Guohong 祁國宏. “Song Yu cifu liubu zong kao” 宋玉辭賦流布綜考. Ningxia daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 29.2 (2007): 38–43. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Wushan kao—Song Yu cifu diming kao zhi san” 巫山考—宋玉辭賦地名考之三. Shehui kexue jikan 169 (2007): 155–60. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Guanyu Liang Han Song Yu piping de piping” 關於兩漢宋玉批評的批評. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 9 (2007): 25–29. song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.) 1013

Cheng Benxing 程本興. “Song Yu ji qi zuopin de hexie sixiang” 宋玉及其作品的和諧思想. Hubei shehui kexue (2007: 11): 119–22. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Bainian lai Song Yu yanjiu pingshu” 百年來宋玉研究評述. Zhong- guo shige yanjiu 5 (2008): 72–80. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Song Yu cifu zai Sui Tang liang Song de chuanbo shilu yu pinggu” 宋玉辭賦在隋唐兩宋的傳播實錄與評估. Wenhua xuekan (2009: 1): 100–7. Wang Weiqin 王瑋琴. “Wen xuan suoshou Song Yu wufu zhenwei kao”《文選》所收宋玉五賦真偽考. Zhongzhou xuekan 169 (2009): 209–11. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Lun Song Yu fu de chuangzuo tedian yu qi dui Han santi fu de yingxiang” 論宋玉賦的創作特點與其對漢散體賦的影響. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2009: 1): 64–69. Jin Rongquan 金榮權. “Bainian Song Yu yanjiu zonglun” 百年宋玉研究綜論. Jiang Han luntan (2009: 2): 90–94. Yao Jun 姚軍. “Guwen yuan shoulu zhi Song Yu fu jiaoji”《古文苑》收錄之宋玉賦校記. Liaodong xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 12.6 (2010): 86–89. Wei Pingzhu 魏平柱. “Xiangyang qijiu ji ji suozai Song Yu xiaozhuan”《襄陽耆舊記》及所載宋玉小傳. Xiangfan xueyuan xuebao 31.9 (2010): 16–19. Liu Gang 劉剛 and Jin Cui 金翠. “Nan Chu kao—Song Yu cifu dili kao zhi si” 南楚考—宋玉辭賦地理考之四. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao (2010: 12): 17–19. Cheng Benxing 程本興, Gao Zhiming 高志明, Qin Junrong 秦軍榮, ed. Song Yu ji qi cifu yanjiu: 2010 nian Xiangfan Song Yu guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji 宋玉及其辭賦研究：2010年襄樊宋玉國際學術研討會論集. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2010.

Works

a. “Jiu bian” 九辯 (Nine changes)

Studies You Guoen 游國恩. “Chu ci ‘Jiu bian’ de zuozhe wenti”《楚辭‧九辯》的作者問題. Longmen zazhi 1.1 (1947); rpt. You Guoen. You Guoen xueshu lunwen ji 游國恩學術論文集, 189–97. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989. Zhu Bilian 朱碧蓮. “Lun Song Yu ji qi Jiu bian 論宋玉及其九辯.” Gudian wenxue luncong 2, 188–201. Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1981; rpt. in Zhu Bilian. Chu ci lungao 楚辭論稿, 179–93. Shanghai: Shanghai sanlian shudian, 1993. Li Zhihui 李志慧. “Lun ‘Jiu bian’ zai yishu shang de duchuangxing” 論《九辯》在藝術上的獨創性. Xibei daxue xuebao (1982: 2); rpt. in Yang Jinding 楊金鼎 et al., eds. Chu ci yanjiu lunwen ji 楚辭研究論文集, 667–79. Nanchang: Huben renmin chubanshe, 1985. Yuan Mei 袁梅. “Song Yu he tade Jiu bian” 宋玉和他的九辯, extract printed in Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1985: 11): 12–16. Li Shigang 李世剛. “Song Yu ji qi Jiu bian” 宋玉及其九辯, rpt. Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1986: 2): 44–49. Wang Jiaxin 王家歆. Jiu bian yanjiu 九辯研究. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1986. Chen Shuliang 陳書良. “ ‘Jiu bian’ wei Qu Yuan zuopin ding yi”《九辯》為屈原作品定疑. Chuanshan xuebao (1987: 1): 133–36. 1014 song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.)

Chen Zizhan 陳子展. “ ‘Jiu bian’ jie ti”《九辯》解題. Chu ci zhi jie 楚辭直解, 684– 703. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1988. Meng Xiuxiang 孟修祥. “Lun Song Yu ‘Jiu bian’ de beiqiu moshi” 論宋玉《九辯》的悲秋模式 . Zhongzhou xuekan (1991: 1): 101–4. Guo Weisen 郭維森. “ ‘Jiu bian’ de xingzhi yiji ‘Gaotang’ ‘Shennü’ zhufu de zuozhe”《九辯》的性質以及《高唐》《神女》諸賦的作者. Nanjing daxue xuebao (1992: 1): 105–10. Huang Xiayun 黃霞雲. “Cong ‘Jiu bian’ kan Qu Song guanxi” 從《九辯》看屈宋關係. Yunmeng xuekan (1994: 2): 8–10. Zheng Liangshu 鄭良樹. “Song Yu zuo ‘Jiu bian’ de lunzheng” 宋玉作《九辯》的論證. Gugong xueshu jikan 11.3 (1994): 59–76; rpt. in Zheng Liangshu. Cifu lunji 辭賦論集, 57–82. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1997. Chen Xuewen 陳學文. “Lun ‘Jiu bian’ dang wei Qu Yuan suozuo” 論《九辯》當為屈原所作. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1996: 2): 16–20. Huang Xiayun 黃霞雲. “ ‘Zhao hun’ ‘Jiu bian’ lun”《招魂》、《九辯》論. In Huang Xiayun. Chu ci tonglun 楚辭通論, 199–219. Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997. Jiang Linchang 江林昌. “ ‘Jiu zhao’ ‘Jiu bian’ ‘Jiu ge’ yuewu de yuanqi yiji xian Qin ruogan yinyue meixue lilun de xingcheng”《九招》《九辯》《九歌》樂舞的源起以及先秦若干音樂美學理論的形成. Wenyi yanjiu (1997: 2): 65–76. Chen Tongsheng 陳桐生. “ ‘Jiu bian’ de jiazhi”《九辯》的價值. In Chen Tong sheng. Chu ci yu Zhongguo wenhua 楚辭與中國文化, 205–17. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997. Lizhi 力之. “ ‘Jiu bian’ kao bian—jianshuo qi shiliao jiazhi ji zai wenxue shi shang zhi diwei”《九辯》考辨—兼說其史料價值及在文學史上之地位. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1998: 6): 72–75. Fang Ming 方銘. “ ‘Jiu bian’ ‘Zhao hun’ ‘Da zhao’ de zuozhe yu zhuti kao lun” 《九辯》《招魂》《大招》的作者與主題考論 . Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1998: 4): 25–29. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. “ ‘Jiu bian zuozhe kao”《九辯》作者考. In Gao Qiufeng. Song Yu zuopin zhenwei kao 宋玉作品真偽考, 7–57. Taipei: Wenjin chuban youxian gongsi, 1999. Zhou Binggao 周秉高. “ ‘Jiu bian’ cengci ji qita”《九辯》層次及其他. Zhida xuebao (She ke ban) (2000: 1): 4–11.

Translations Erkes, Eduard, trans. “Sung Yu’s Chiu-pien,” T’oung Pao 31 (1934–35): 363–408. Zach, Erwin von, trans. “Sung Yu’s Chiu Pien (Neun Umstimmungen),” 1939; rpt. in Nachrichten der Gesselschaft für Natur-und Volkerkunde Ostasiens 93 (Feb. 1963): 52–59. Hawkes, David. Ch’u Tz’u, 92–100. Hawkes, David. Songs of the South, 206–19. Mathieu, Rémi. Élégies de Chu, 159–71. Paris: Gallimard, 2004. song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.) 1015

b. “Zhao hun” 招魂 (Summoning the soul)

Studies Chen Chaobi 陳朝壁. “Guanyu ‘Zhao hun’ de zuozhe he neirong de shangquei” 關於《招魂》的作者和內容的商榷. Wenxue yichan zengkan 6 (1958): 21–31. Tan Jiefu 譚介甫. “Qu Yuan ‘Zhao hun’ de yanjiu” 屈原《招魂》的研究. Wuhan daxue xuebao (1962: 1). Chen Tiemin 陳鐵民 . “Shuo ‘Zhao hun’ ” 說《招魂》. Wenxue yichan zengkan 10 (1962): 1–6. Chen Zizhan 陳子展. “ ‘Zhao hun’ shi jie”《招魂》試解. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 1 (1962): 153–69. Wen Huaisha 文懷沙. “Qu Yuan ‘Zhao hun’ zhu yi” 屈原《招魂》注譯. Wen shi 1 (1962): 151–75. Liu Yaomin 劉堯民. “Guanyu ‘Zhao hun’ de ruogan wenti” 關於《招魂》的若干問題. Wenxue yanjiu (Yunnan) (1964: 4). Yang Yinzong 楊胤宗. “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ jian kao”《楚辭‧招魂》箋考. Jianshe 13.6 (1964); 13.7 (1964); 13.8 (1964); 13.9 (1974). Jin Zhongshu 金中樞. “ ‘Zhao hun’ wei Quzi zhao Huai wang er zuo lun”《招魂》為屈子招懷王而作論 . Xinya xueyuan xueshu niankan 11 (1969): 363–75. Wang Aiguo 王愛國. “Chu ci Zhao hun pian yanjiu” 楚辭招魂篇研究. M.A. Thesis, Furen daxue, 1973. Tang Bingzheng 湯炳正. “ ‘Zhao hun’ ‘suo’ zi de laiyuan—Qu fu xin tan zhi si”《招魂》“些”字的來源—屈賦新探之四. Sichuan shiyuan xuebao (1978: 2); rpt. Tang Bingzheng. Qu fu xin tan 屈賦新探, 271–80. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1984. Wang Dongqing 汪冬青. “Tu bo jiu yue xin jie” 土伯九約新解. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 8 (1978): 296. Chen Yiliang 陳怡良. “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ pian xi lun”《楚辭‧招魂》篇析論. Chenggong daxue xuebao 14 (1979). De Yu 德育. “Tan ‘Zhao hun’ de beizhaozhe zuozhe ji yishu fengge wenti” 談《招魂》的被招者、作者及藝術風格問題. Beifang luncong (1981: 3): 19–24. Tang Bingzheng 湯炳正. “Zeng hou yi mu de guan hua yu ‘Zhao hun zhong de ‘tu bo’ 曾侯乙墓的棺畫與《招魂》中的“土伯”. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1982: 3): 260–63. Kang Dingxin 康定心 and Kang Guangzhi 康廣志. “Kaogu shi ‘Zhao hun” 考古釋《招魂》. Jiang Han luntan (1983: 1): 72–77. Zhang Chunrong 張春榮. “Chu ci ‘Er Zhao’ xi lun” 〈楚辭‧二招〉析論. M.A. The- sis, Taiwan Shifan daxue, 1983. Zhao Xifan 趙喜范. “Tan ‘Zhao hun’ dui Han fu de yingxiang” 談《招魂》對漢賦的影響. Shenyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 4): 60–63. Tan Youxue 譚優學. “Qu fu ‘Zhao hun’ shuo” 屈賦《招魂》說. Xinan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 34 (1984): 53–59, 86. Gong Weiying 龔維英. “Shi jie ‘Zhao hun’ zhi mi” 試解《招魂》之謎. Guizhou shehui kexue (Wen shi zhe) 46 (1986): 55–58. 47. Xiong Renwang 熊任望. “Lun ‘Zhao hun’ wei Qu Yuan zi zhao” 論《招魂》為屈原自招. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhe she ban) (1986: 1): 116–25; rpt. in Xiong 1016 song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.)

Renwang. Chu ci tan zong 楚辭探綜, 187–97. Baoding: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 2000. Li Binghai 李炳海. “Shanggu de chun you jie yu Chu ci ‘Zhao hun” 上古的春遊節與《楚辭‧招魂》. Jiang Han luntan (1987: 4): 58–61. Cheng Shankai 成善楷. “ ‘Zhao hun’ jian ji”《招魂》箋記. Wen shi 29 (1988): 263–75. Yin Guangxi 殷光熹. “ ‘Zhao hun’ siti”《招魂》四題. Sixiang zhanxian (1990: 4): 29–35. Yin Guangxi 殷光熹. “ ‘Zhao hun’ tan”《招魂》探. In Yin Guangxi. Chu sao: Huaxia wenming zhi guang 楚騷：華夏文明之光, 50–68. Shou Qinze 壽勤澤. “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ xinkao”《楚辭‧招魂》新考. Hangzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1990: 3): 68–75. Zhao Peilin 趙佩霖. “ ‘Zhao hun’: shisu wenhua neirong yu zongjiao yishu xingshi”《招魂》：世俗文化內容與宗教藝術形式. Baike zhishi (1990: 9); rpt. in Zhao Peilin. Qu Yuan yanjiu lunheng 屈原研究論衡, 234–42. Tianjin: Tianjin jiaoyu chubanshe, 1993. Liao Huajin 廖化津. “ ‘Zhao hun’ chuyi—yu Xiong Renwang xiansheng shangque” 《招魂》芻議—與熊任望先生商榷. Hebei daxue xuebao (1991: 3): 45–49. Xiao Bing 蕭兵. “ ‘Zhao hun’: aomi de chanfa”《招魂：奧秘的闡發. In Xiao Bing. Chu ci de wenhua poyi 楚辭的文化破義, 997–110. Wuhan: Hubei renmin chubanshe, 1991. Jin Shiwu 金式武. “Guanyu ‘Zhao hun’ zuozhe zhi kao bian” 關於《招魂》作者之考辨. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1992: 1): 90–92. Xiong Renwang 熊任望. “San lun ‘Zhao hun’ wei Qu Yuan zi zhao” 三論《招魂》為屈原自招. Hebei shiyuan xueyuan (Shehui kexue) (1993: 1): 48–54. Xu Quansheng 徐泉聲. Chu ci Zhao hun yu Da zhao yanjiu 楚辭招魂與大招研究. Hualian: Hualian shi Zhenyi chubanshe, 1993. Zhou Binggao 周秉高. “ ‘Zhao hun’ xiezuo shidi xintan”《招魂》寫作時地新探. Zhida xuekan (Baotou) (1994: 2); rpt. Zhou Binggao. Fengsao lunji 風騷論集, 203–17. Baotou: Neimenggu daxue chubanshe, 1995. Guo Jie 郭杰, “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ de jiegou tezheng yu yuyan tezheng” 楚辭《招魂》的結構特徵與語言特徵. Suzhou daxue xuebao (1994: 3): 56–60; rpt. Guo Jie. Qu Yuan xinlun 屈原新論, 182–93. Changchun: Jilin daxue chubanshe, 1994. Pan Xiaolong 潘嘯龍. “ ‘Zhao hun’ yanjiu shangque”《招魂》研究商榷. Wenxue pinglun (1994: 4): 35–43. Lei Qingyi 雷慶翼. “ ‘Zhao hun’ nai Qu Yuan zhao Chu Huai wang wang hun shuo—jianlun ‘Da zhao’ fei Qu Yuan zuo”《招魂》乃屈原招楚懷王亡魂說—兼論《大招》非屈原作. In Lei Qingyi. Chu ci zheng jie 楚辭正解, 487–508. Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1994. Zhang Zhongyi 張中一. “ ‘Zhao hun nai Qu Yuan zi zhao xin zheng”《招魂》乃屈原自招新證. Guizhou wen shi congkan (1995: 1): 26–31. Li Chunfang 李春芳. “Sima Qian suo du zhi ‘Zhao hun’ shi “Da zhao’ ma? ‘Zhao hun’ yanjiu shangque zhi yi” 司馬遷所讀之《招魂》是《大招》嗎？《招魂》研究商榷之一. Shanxi shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 23.3 (1996): 34–38, 48. Qu Xiaoqiang 屈小強. “ ‘Zhao hun’ zhao shui de hun?”《招魂》招誰的魂？In Qu Xiaoqiang. Qu Yuan xuanan jiemi 屈原懸案揭秘, 148–58. Chengdu: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 1996. song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.) 1017

Zhang Yelu 張葉蘆. “ ‘Zhao hun’ xi lun”《招魂》系論. Zhejiang shida xuebao (1996: 1): 62–67; rpt. in Zhang Yelu. Qu fu bian huo gao 屈賦辯惑稿, 179–205. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2005. Mo Daocai 莫道才. “Miluo minjian zhao hun ci de chengshi neirong ji qi dui ‘Zhao hun’ ‘Da zhao’ yanjiu de qishi” 汨羅民間招魂詞的程式內容及其對《招魂》、《大招》研究的啟示 . Minzu yishu (1997: 2): 155–71. Huang Xiayun 黃霞雲. “ ‘Zhao hun’ ‘Jiu bian’ lun”《招魂》、《九辯》論. In Huang Xiayun. Chu ci tonglun 楚辭通論, 199–219. Changsha: Hunan jiaoyu chubanshe, 1997. Zhou He 周禾. “ ‘Zhao hun’: Qu Yuan hun gui Chu guo lun”《招魂》：屈原魂歸楚國論. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 36.6 (1997): 102–5. Lizhi 力之. “ ‘Zhao hun’ kao bian”《招魂》考辨. Wuhan jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 16.1 (1997): 20–24. Lizhi 力之. “ ‘Zhao hun kao bian’ bushuo”《〈招魂〉考辨》補說. Wuhan jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 17.4 (1998): 19–24. Yang Yi 楊義. “ ‘Zhao hun’ yu ‘Da zho’ de shixue bijiao”《招魂》與《大招》的詩學比較. In Yang Yi. Chu ci shixue 楚辭詩學, 530–96. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1998. Luo Yiqun 羅義群. “ Zhao hun’ yanjiu guandian bian xi”《招魂》研究觀點辨析. Zhongnan minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 18.2 (1998): 54–58. Jiang Nanhua 蔣南華. “ ‘Zhao hun’ yu Chu guo wenhua”《招魂》與楚國文化. Gui- zhou shehui kexue (1998: 4): 85–87. Fang Ming 方銘. “ ‘Jiu bian’ ‘Zhao hun’ ‘Da zhao’ de zuozhe yu zhuti kao lun” 《九辯》《招魂》《大招》的作者與主題考論 . Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1998: 4): 25–29. Jin Shiwu 金式武. “Zhao hun yanjiu” 招魂研究. Lishi yanjiu (1998: 6): 38–47. Zhai Jiangyue 翟江月. “Qian yi Song Yu zuo ‘Zhao hun’ de helixing” 淺議宋玉作《招魂》的合理性 . Shandong daxue xuebao (1999: 1): 31–34. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. “ ‘Zhao hun’ zuozhe kao”《招魂》作者考. In Gao Qiufeng. Song Yu zuopin zhenwei kao 宋玉作品真偽考, 58–170. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1999. Pan Xiaolong 潘嘯龍. “Guanyu ‘Zhao hun’ de zuozhe zhuzhi ji minus yanjiu” 關於《招魂》的作者、主旨及民俗研究. In Pan Xiaolong. Qu Yuan yu Chu ci yanjiu 屈原與楚辭研究, 163–80. Hefei: Anhui daxue chubanshe, 1999. Xu Fuhong 許富宏. “Guanyu ‘Da zhao’ de zuozhe chuangzuo beijing de tansuo” 關於《大招》的作者、創作背景的探索. Yunmeng xuekan (1999: 2): 1–4, 12. Jin Shiwu 金式武. Chu ci Zhao hun xin jie 楚辭招魂新解. Shanghai: Wenhui chubanshe, 1999. Zhang Wei 章煒. “ ‘Zhao hun’ biji”《招魂》筆記. In Zhang Wei. Chu ci biji 楚辭筆記, 195–218. Nanchang: Jiangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000. Xu Wenwu 徐文武. “ ‘Zhao hun’ ”《招魂》. In Xu Wenwu. Chu ci zongjiao gailun 楚辭宗教概論, 246–52. Wuhan: Wuhan chubanshe, 2001. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Song Yu zuo ‘Zhao hun’ xin zheng” 宋玉作《招魂》新證. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao (2002: 4): 52–56. Pan Xiaolong 潘嘯龍. “Guanyu ‘Zhao hun’ yanjiu de jige wenti” 關於《招魂》研究的幾個問題. Wenxue yichan (2003: 3): 7–16; rpt. in Pan Xiaolong and Jiang 1018 song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.)

Lifu 蔣立甫. Shi sao xue yu yishu 詩騷學與藝術, 221–38. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2004. Wei Ruoren 韋若任. “ ‘Zhao hun’ wei Song Yu zuo yi dai Qu Yuan zi zhao qi hun shuo”《招魂》為宋玉作以代屈原自招其魂說. In Zhongguo Qu Yuan xuehui 中國屈原學會, ed. Zhongguo Chu ci xue 中國楚辭學, 2: 21–27. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2003. Li Zhonghua 李中華. “Xian Qin zhao hun xisu yu ‘Zhao hun’ ” 先秦招魂習俗與《招魂》 . In Zhongguo Chu ci xue, 2: 280–85. Huang Fengxian 黃鳳顯. “Qu ci ‘Da zhao’ shi yi” 屈辭《大招》釋疑. Zhongnan minzu xueyuan xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 23.2 (2003): 133–36. Huang Fengxian 黃鳳顯. “Qu ci ‘Zhao hun’ xin bian” 屈辭《招魂》新辨. Zhongnan minzu daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 23.3 (2003): 103–8. He Jinsong 何金松. “ ‘Yuan you’ ‘Da zhao’ fei Qu Yuan suo zuo”《遠遊》、《大招》非屈原所作 . Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 42.3 (2003): 98–102. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. “ ‘Zhao hun’ zuozhe ji qi xiezuo yishu”《招魂》作者及其寫作藝術. In Zhongguo Wen xuan yanjiu hui 中國文選研究會, ed. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue 文選與文選學, 289–308. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2003. Wang Jianguo 王建國. “Yuanxing yu xiangzheng: Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ zhuzhi xin tan” 原型與象徵：《楚辭‧招魂》主旨新探. Luoyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2004: 3): 71–74. Liu Naijiang 劉乃江. “Chu ci ‘Zhao hun’ de zuozhe ji qi zhuti zhi kao bian” 《楚辭‧招魂》的作者及其主題之考辨 . Haerbin xueyuan xuebao 27.4 (2006): 71–76.

Translations Erkes, Eduard. Das “Zurückrufen der Seele”(Chao-Hun) des Sung Yüh), Text Über- setzung und Erläuterung. Leipzig: W. Drugulin, 1914. Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, trans. Li sao and Other Poems, 75–84. Peking: Foreign Languages Press, 1952. Hawkes, David. Ch’u Tz’u, 100–9. Hawkes, David. Songs of the South, 219–31. Mathieu, Rémi. Élégies de Chu, 173–84. Paris: Gallimard, 2004.

c. “Feng fu” 風賦 (Fu on the wind)

Studies Tang Zhangping 湯漳平 “ ‘Feng fu’ shi ‘fengjian’ zhi zuo ma?” 風賦是諷諫之作嗎. Fudan xuebao (1979: 4): 83–85. Yang Bingxiao 楊炳校. “Jie ti fahui ji kai xingjian—du Song Yu ‘Feng fu’ 借題發揮寄慨行諫—讀宋玉《風賦》. Wenshi zhishi (1996: 1): 30–33. Zhao Hongling 趙紅玲. “Lun Song Yu ‘Feng fu’ de chuangzuo xintai ji yishu jiazhi” 論宋玉《風賦》的創作心態及藝術價值. Lingling shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 20.2 (1999): 35–37. song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.) 1019

Liu Gang 劉剛. “Cong Zhanguo mouchen ceshi de jinjian celüe kan Song Yu ‘Feng fu’ 從戰國謀臣策士的進諫策略看宋玉《風賦》. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 6.5 (2004): 42–45. Liu Hongren 劉洪仁. “ ‘Zhu wen er jue jian’ de dianfan—lun Song Yu de ‘Dui Chuwang wen’ ‘Feng fu’ ” “主文而譎諫”的典範—論宋玉的《對楚王問》《風賦》. Xinan minzu daxue xuebao (Renwen sheke ban) 26 (2005): 231–33. Zhong Qipeng 鍾其鵬. “Cong ‘Feng fu’ kan Song Yu dui Zhuangzi de jieshou— Wen xuan yanjiu zhi er” 從《風賦》看宋玉對《莊子》的接受—《文選》研究之二. Huanggang shifan xueyuan xuebao 30.5 (2010): 52–55.

Translations Erkes, Eduard. “The Feng Fu (Song of the Wind) by Sung Yuh.” AM 3 (1926): 526–33. Waley, Arthur, trans. Translations from the Chinese, 41–42. Watson, Burton, trans. Chinese Rhyme-Prose, 21–24. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 7–13. Owen, Anthology, 102–4.

d. “Gaotang fu” 高唐賦 (Fu on the Gaotang Shrine)

Studies Qian Mu 錢穆. “Song Yu fu Wushan zai Gaotang Nanyang shuo” 宋玉賦巫山在高唐南陽說. In “Chuci diming kao” 楚辭地名考, Tsinghua Journal of Chinese Stud- ies 9.3 (1934): 729–32. Wen Yiduo 聞一多. “Gaotang shennü chuanshuo zhi fenxi” 高唐神女傳說之分析. Tsinghua Journal of Chinese Studies 11 (1936): 837–65; rpt. Wen Yiduo. Shen- hua yu shi 神話與詩, 81–116. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1956. Fusek, Lois. “The ‘Kao-t’ang fu.’ ” Monumenta Serica 30 (1972–73): 392–425. Zhong Laiyin 鍾來因. “Gaotang fu de yuanliu yu yingxiang” 高唐賦的源流與影嚮. Wenxue pinglun (1985: 4): 121–27. Rpt. in Zhongguo gudai jindai wenxue yanjiu (1985: 15): 61–67. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Tan Song Yu Gaotang fu Shennü fu” 談宋玉高唐賦神女賦. Wenshi zhishi (1986: 5): 39–42. Tang Bing 湯冰. “Zhongguo shanshui wenxue faren yu ‘Gaotang fu’ de zhexue sikao” 中國山水文學發軔於《高唐賦》的哲學思考. Jiang Han luntan 12 (1988): 50–52. Ye Shuxian 葉舒憲. “Gaotang shennü de kuawenhua yanjiu” 高唐神女的跨文化研究. Renwen zazhi (1989: 6): 97–104. Zhang Jun 張君. “Lun Gaotang Shennü de yuanxing yu shenxing” 論高唐神女的原型與神性. Wenyi yanjiu (1992: 3): 123–34. Gong Weiying 龔維英. “Song Yu fu ‘Gaotang’ ‘Shennü’ de diyun” 宋玉賦《高唐》《神女》的底蘊 . Guizhou shehui kexue 124 (1993): 64–66. Yang Lin 楊琳. “Wushan shennü yuanxing xin tan” 巫山神女原型新探. Wenyi yanjiu (1993: 4): 56–62. 1020 song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.)

Chu Binjie 褚斌杰. “Song Yu ‘Gaotang’ ‘Shennü’ er fu de zhuzhi ji yishu tanwei” 宋玉《高唐》、《神女》二賦的主旨及藝術探微. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1995: 1): 93–99. Lu Ruijing 魯瑞菁. “Qianren dui ‘Gaotang fu’ chuangzuo shidai yu chuangzuo mudi suoti yijian jiantao” 前人對《高唐賦》創作時代與創作目的所提意見檢討. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 10 (1996): 23–56. Ye Shuxian 葉舒憲. Gaotang shennü yu Weinasi: Zhong xi wenhua zhong de ai yu mei zhuti 高唐神女與維納斯：中西文化的愛與美主題. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1997. He Decai 胡德才. “Wushan shennü ticai wenxue chuangzuo zonglan” 巫山神女題材文學創作縱覽. Hubei Sanxia xueyuan xuebao 20.2 (1998): 37–43. Wu Guangping 吳廣平. Song Yu yanjiu, 205–38, 251–58. Cheng Diyu 程地宇. “Guanyu ‘Gaotang fu’ zhong Wushan diwang de zai tantao” 關於《高唐賦》中烏山地望的再探討. Chongqing shehui kexue 123.2 (2005): 44–49. Xiong Du 熊篤. “Song Yu fu zhong Wushan shennü di wenxue shi diwei yu yingxiang” 宋玉賦中巫山神女的文學史地位與影響. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Ren- wen shehui kexue ban) 32.1 (2006): 168–72.

Translations Waley, Arthur, trans. The Temple, 65–72. Knechtges, David, trans. Wen xuan, Volume Three, 325–339. Sun Dayu, trans. An Anthology of Ancient Chinese Poetry and Prose, 18–38. Shang- hai: Shanghai Foreign Language Education Press, 1997.

e. “Shennü fu” 神女賦 (Fu on the goddess)

Studies Ye Shuxian 葉舒憲. “Gaotang shennü kuawenhua yanjiu” 高唐神女的跨文化研究. Renwen zazhi (1989: 6): 97–104. Yang Lin 楊琳. “Wushan shennü yuanxing xin tan” 巫山神女原型新探. Wenyi yanjiu (1993: 4): 56–62. Gong Weiying 龔維英. “Song Yu fu ‘Gaotang’ ‘Shennü’ de diyun” 宋玉《高唐》《神女》的底蘊 . Guizhou shehui kexue 124 (1993): 64–66. Zhang Jun 張君. “Lun Gaotang Shennü de yuanxing yu shenxing” 論高唐神女的原型與神性. Wenyi yanjiu (1992: 3): 123–34. Chu Binjie 褚斌杰. “Song Yu ‘Gaotang’ ‘Shennü’ er fude zhuzhi ji yishu tanwei” 宋玉《高唐》、《神女》二賦的主旨及藝術探微. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1995: 1): 93–99. Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜. “Shennü lunshu yu xingbie yanyi—yi Qu Yuan Song Yu fu wei zhu de taolun” 神女論述與性別演義—以屈原、宋玉賦為主的討論. In Gudian wenxue yu xingbie yanjiu 古典文學與性別研究, 29–56. Taipei: Liren, 1997. Ye Shuxian 葉舒憲. Gaotang shennü yu Weinasi: Zhong xi wenhua zhong de ai yu mei zhuti 高唐神女與維納斯：中西文化的愛與美主題. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1997. song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.) 1021

He Decai 胡德才. “Wushan shennü ticai wenxue chuangzuo zonglan” 巫山神女題材文學創作縱覽. Hubei Sanxia xueyuan xuebao 20.2 (1998): 37–43. Wu Guangping 吳廣平. Song Yu yanjiu, 205–38. Wu Guangping 吳廣平. “Song Yu ‘Shennü fu’ mengzhu kao bian” 宋玉《神女賦》夢主考辨. Yunmeng xuekan 26.2 (2005): 42–46. Xiong Du 熊篤. “Song Yu fu zhong Wushan shennü de wenxue shi diwei yu ying xiang” 宋玉賦中巫山神女的文學史地位與影響. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Ren- wen shehui kexue ban) 32.1 (2006): 168–72. Yang Ming 楊明. “Shi shui mengjian le Wushan shennü—guanyu Song Yu ‘Shennü fu’ de yiwen” 是誰夢見了巫山神女—關於宋玉《神女賦》的異文. Zhangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 60.2 (2006): 48–53; rpt. in Zhongguo Wen xuan xue 中國文選學, Zhongguo Wen xuan xue yanjiuhui 中國文選學研究會 and Henan keji Xueyuan Zhongwen xi 河南科技學院中文系, ed., 236–41. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2007.

Translations Erkes, Eduard. “The Song of the Goddess by Sung Yü.” T’oung Pao 25 (1927–28): 387–402. Margouliès, Georges, trans. Anthologie, 321–24. von Zach, Erwin. Die chinesische Anthologie, 1: 262–65. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 339–49. Owen, Anthology, 190–93. Rouzer, Articulated Ladies, 60–69.

f. “Dengtuzi haose fu” 登徒子好色賦 (Fu on the lechery of Master Dengtu)

Translations Waley, Arthur, trans. Translations from the Chinese, 7–8. Margouliès, Georges, trans. Anthologie, 126–27. Knechtges, David R. “Wit, Humor, and Satire in Early Chinese Literature.” Monu- menta Serica 29 (1970–71): 86–88. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 349–55. Rouzer, Articulated Ladies, 53–58.

Studies Yang Lin 楊林. “ ‘Dengtuzi haose fu’ de yuwenxue zheng wei”《登徒子好色賦》的語文學證偽. Wenxian (1998: 4): 266–70. Huang Jiazhong 黃家忠. “ ‘Gan Yangcheng, mi Xiacai’ suojie—guanyu ‘Dengtuzi haose fu’ zhuzuoquan ying shu Song yu yige neizheng zhaji” “感陽城，迷下蔡” 索解—關於《登徒子好色賦》著作權應屬宋玉一個內證札記. Huainan shifan xueyuan xuebao 9.3 (2001): 67–69. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Song Yu ‘Feng fu’ ‘Dengtuzi haose fu’ yu Sima Xiangru ‘Meiren fu’ bijiao yanjiu” 宋玉《風賦》《登徒子好色賦》與司馬相如《美人賦》比較研究. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 6 (2004): 49–57. 1022 song yu 宋玉 (ca. 319–298 b.c.e.)

Wu Guangping 吳廣平. Song Yu yanjiu, 239–50. Li Debin 李德斌. “ ‘Dengtuzi haose fu’ de fuhaohua yinyu”《登徒子好色賦》的符號化隱喻. Luoyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2007: 4): 73–75.

g. “Dayan fu” 大言賦 (Fu on big words) and “Xiaoyan fu” 小言賦 (Fu on little words)

Studies Liu Gang 劉剛. “Chonglun Song Yu Da xiao yan fu zhi zhenwei” 重論宋玉大小言賦之真偽. Shehui kexue jikan (2002: 6): 157–63. Wang Changhua 王長華 and Chi Wenqian 郗文倩. “Lun Song Yu Da xiao yan fu zai futi fazhan shi shang de yiyi” 論宋玉大小言賦在賦體發展史上的意義. Zhong- guo wenhua yanjiu (2004: 4): 93–100. Wu Guangping 吳廣平. Song Yu yanjiu, 259–73. Liu Gang 劉剛. “Song Yu Da xiao yan fu yuyi tanwei” 宋玉大小言賦語義探微. Anshan shifan xueyuan xuebao 7.3 (2005–6): 42–48.

Translation Waley, The Temple, 26–27 (partial). Wang Ping. “Culture and Literature in an Early Medieval Court: The Writings and Literary thought of Xiao Tong (501–531). Ph.d. diss., University of Washington, 2006, 12–15 (complete). Wang Ping. The Age of Courtly Writing: Wen xuan Compiler Xiao Tong (501–531) and His Circle, 20–25. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2012 (complete).

h. “Di fu” 笛賦 (Fu on the flute)

Studies Liu Gang 劉剛. “ ‘Di fu’ wei Song Yu suozuo shuo”《笛賦》為宋玉所作說. Shen yang shifan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 109 (2002): 20–25.

SHL and DRK

Song Zihou 宋子侯

Late Western Han or early Eastern Han writer.

Nothing is known about Song Zihou’s life. His one extant poem, “Dong Jiaorao” 董嬌嬈,” is contained in the Yutai xinyong following a poem by Ban Jieyu 班婕妤 (d. ca. 6 b.c.e.) and a “children’s ditty” that dates from the early Eastern Han. Thus, Song Zihou is thought to have lived either at the very end of the Western Han or at the beginning of the Eastern Han. sou shen hou ji 搜神後記 1023

“Dong Jiaorao” is interpreted either as the name of a beautiful woman or a yuefu tune title. It is a song about a girl who breaks the branches of peach and plum trees, causing the blossoms to fall. When the blossoms complain to the girl that she is harming them, she replies that with the arrival of autumn they will fall and lose their fragrance anyway. The flowers retort that unlike humans, who will die and be ever forgotten, they will bloom again in the spring.

Studies Fang Zushen 方祖燊. Han shi yanjiu 漢詩研究, 74. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1967. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 226–27. Li Wen 李雯. “Dui Han yuefu ‘Dong Jiaorao’ de shangxi” 對漢樂府《董嬌嬈》的賞析. Hubei hanshou daxue xuebao 23.5 (2010): 116–17. Li Wen 李雯. “Cong ‘Dong Jiaorao’ kan Han yuefu xushi jiqiao de fazhang” 從《董嬌嬈》看漢樂府敘事技巧的發展. Wenjiao ziliao (December 2010): 5–6.

Translations Margouliès, Georges. Anthologie, 428. “Deux Ballades ancienne,” Études française 4 (1943): 219; rpt. in Jean Pierre Demiéville, Anthologie de la poésie chinoise classique, 110. Paris: Gallimard, 1962. Waley, Arthur. 170 Chinese Poems, 78–79. Frankel, Hans. The Flowering Plum and the Palace Lady, 67–68. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1976. Birrell, New Songs, 43–44.

DRK

Sou shen hou ji 搜神後記 (Sequel to In Search of the Supernatural)

Six Dynasties fabulous tale collection.

Also titled Xu Sou shen ji 續搜神記, the Sou shen hou ji is a collection of tales pertaining to the marvelous and supernatural. Although attributed to Tao Qian 陶潛 (365–427), the actual compiler is not known. The main reason it is attributed to him is that it contains Tao’s famous “Tao hua yuan ji” 桃花源記. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records the Sou shen hou ji in ten juan as does the Nihonkoku genzai sho mokuroku 日本國現在書目錄 of Fujiwara Sukeyo 藤原佐世 (d. 898). Hui Jiao 慧皎 (497–554) records a work titled Sou shen lu 搜神錄 by Tao Qian in the postcript of 1024 sou shen hou ji 搜神後記 his Gaoseng zhuan, but does not indicate the number of juan. The Sou shen hou ji is not listed in the monographs on bibliography of the two Tang histories, nor in any of the private book catalogues of the Song such as Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 or Zhizhai shulu jieti 直齋書錄解題. The first known printing of the Sou shen hou ji is in the Mice huihan 祕冊彙函 compiled by Hu Zhenheng 胡震亨 (1569–1645) and Shen Shilong 沈士龍 (d. 1612). This ten-juan edition of 117 entries was printed sometime between 1602 and 1603. Most scholars believe this is a reconstructed version of the text. Some of the original blocks of the Mice huihan were destroyed in a fire in 1621. Mao Jin 毛晉 (1599–1659) bought the remaining blocks and printed the Sou shen hou ji in the eleventh series of his Jindai mishu 津逮秘書. The Mici huihan version also served as the basis for the printing in the Siku quanshu.

Editions Sou shen hou ji 搜神後記. 10 juan. Mice huihan 祕冊彙函. First printing between 1602 and 1603. Rpt. in Congshu jicheng chubian. Sou shen hou ji 搜神後記. 10 juan. Jindai mishu 津逮秘書. Chongzhen period (1628–1644) printing. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Sou shen hou ji 搜神後記. 10 juan. Siku quanshu. Based on the Mice huihan edition. Sou shen hou ji 搜神後記. 10 juan. Xuejin taoyuan 學津討源. Wang Shaoying 汪紹楹, ed. Sou shen hou ji 搜神後記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981. Li Jianguo 李劍國, ed. Xinji Sou shen hou ji 新輯搜神後記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007.

Translation Simmons, Richard VanNess. “The Soushen houji Attributed to Tao Yuanming (365–427).” M.A. Thesis, University of Washington, 1986.

Studies Wang Guoliang 王國良. Sou shen hou ji yanjiu 搜神後記研究. Taipei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1978. Wang Guoliang. “Sou shen hou ji yanjiu” 搜神後記研究. Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo kaolun, 113–56. Li Jianguo, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 343–56. Simmons 1986. Campany, Strange Writing, 69–75. Liu Yuan-ju 劉苑如. “Sou shen ji ji Sou shen houji yanjiu—cong guannian shijie yu xushi jiegou kaocha” 搜神記及搜神後記研究—從觀念世界與敘事結構考察. M.A. Thesis, Zhengzhi daxue, 1990. sou shen ji 搜神記 (in search of the supernatural) 1025

Bai Guangming 白廣明. “Sou shen hou ji de zuozhe shi Tao Qain ma?”《搜神後記》的作者是陶潛嗎? Jinyang xuekan (1996: 2): 59–61. Cai Yanfeng 蔡彥峰. “Sou shen hou ji zuozhe kao”《搜神後記》作者考. Jiujiang shizhuan xuebao 116 (2002): 21–26. Tong Sujing 童蘇婧. “Lun Sou she hou ji de zhiguai fanxing” 論《搜神後記》的志怪範型. Xinan nongye daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 5.6 (2007): 113–16. Tong Sujing 童蘇婧. “Jianlun Sou shen hou ji dui Sou shen ji de fazhan” 兼論《搜神後記》對《搜神記》的發展. M.A. Thesis, Xinan daxue, 2009.

DRK

Sou shen ji 搜神記 (In search of the supernatural)

Eastern Jin tale collection.

Attributed to Gan Bao 干寶 (d. 336), Sou shen ji is a collection of supernatural tales. It generally is considered the representative work of zhiguai literature. Gan Bao’s avowed purpose in compiling the work was to document and verify the existence of the supernatural. It contains a large number of anecdotes about supernatural and wondrous occurrences. Sou shen ji originally was a thirty-juan work. There are two extant editions: (1) a twenty-juan version of 464 items believed to be a reconstruction based on Tang and Song sources; (2) an eight-juan edition of 40 items possibly “forged” in the Tang or Five Dynasties period. The twenty-juan edition is the preferred text. There also is a text ofa Sou shen ji found among the Dunhuang manuscripts. The name of the compiler is given as Gou Daoxing 句道興. It contains 35 items, some of which overlap with the eight-juan text.

Bibliography

Editions and Commentaries

1. twenty-juan edition Sou shen ji 搜神記. 20 juan. Mice huihan 秘册匯函. Shen Shilong 沈士龍 and Hu Zhenheng 胡震亨 (1569–1645), ed. 1603. Sou shen ji 搜神記. 20 juan. Jindai mishu 津逮秘書. Late Ming. Mao Jin 毛晉 (1599–1659) Jigu ge 汲古閣 edition. Sou shen ji 搜神記. 20 juan. Siku quanshu. Sou shen ji 搜神記. 20 juan. Xuejin taoyuan 學津討源. Zhang Haipeng 張海鵬 (1755–1816), ed. Sou shen ji 搜神記. 20 juan. Baizi quanshu 百子全書. 1875. Sou shen ji 搜神記. 20 juan. Congshu jicheng chubian. 1026 sou shen ji 搜神記 (in search of the supernatural)

2. 8-juan edition Sou shen ji. 搜神記. 8 juan. Guang Han Wei congshu. He Yunzhong 何允中, ed. Sou shen ji 搜神記. 8 juan. Baihai 稗海. Shang Jun 商濬 (fl. 1591–1602) ed. Sou shen ji. 搜神記. 8 juan. Han Wei congshu. Cheng Rong 程榮, ed. 1592. Sou shen ji. 搜神記. 8 juan. Zengding Han Wei congshu. Wang Mo 王漠 (jinshi 1778), ed. Sou shen ji. 搜神記. 8 juan. Longwei mishu 龍威秘書. Ma Junliang 馬俊良 (jinshi 1761), ed. Sou shen ji. 搜神記. 8 juan. Yiyuan jun hua 藝苑捃華. 1868. Sou shen ji. 搜神記. 8 juan. Shuoku 說庫. Wang Ru 王濡, ed. Shanghai: Wenming shuju, 1915.

3. Dunhuang editions Wang Zhongmin 王重民 et al., ed. Dunhuang bianwen ji 敦煌變文集. Beijing: Ren- min wenxue chubanshe, 1957. Wang Shaoying 汪紹楹, ed. Sou shen hou ji 搜神後記, 115–46. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981.

Modern edited editions Hu Huaichen 胡懷琛, ed. Xinjiao Sou shen ji 新校搜神記. 1931. Rpt. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1959. Xu Jianxin 許建新. “Sou shen ji jiaozhu” 搜神記校注. M.A .Thesis, Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo, 1974. Xu Jianxin 許建新. “Sou shen ji jiaozhu” 搜神記校注. Guoli Taiwan Shifan daxue guowen yanjiusuo jikan 19 (1975): 549–640. Wang Shaoying 汪紹楹, ed. Sou shen ji. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979. Li Jianguo 李劍國, ed. Xin ji Sou shen ji 新輯搜神記. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007.

Index Harada Taneshige 原田種成識, ed. Sōsinki goi sakuin 搜神記語彙索引. N.p.: Daitō bungaku daigaku bungaku-bu, 1983.

Translations Bodde, Derk. “Some Chinese Tales of the Supernatural: Kan Pao and His Sou-shen- chi.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 6 (1942): 338–57. Rpt. in Derk Bodde, Essays on Chinese Civilization, 331–50. Bodde, Derk. “Again Some Chinese Tales of the Supernatural: Further Remarks on the Sou Shen Chi.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 62 (1942): 305–8. DeWoskin, Kenneth J. “In Search of the Supernatural: Translations from the Sou- shen chi.” Renditions 7 (1977): 103–14. Yang and Yang. The Man Who Sold a Ghost, 11–54. sou shen ji 搜神記 (in search of the supernatural) 1027

Mathieu, Rémi, et al., trans. Á la Recherche des espirts. (Récits tirés du Sou shen ji). Paris: Gallimard, 1992. DeWoskin, Kennth and J. I. Crump, Jr., trans. In Search of the Supernatural The Written Record. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996.

Baihua Translations Huang Diming 黃滌明, trans. and comm. Soushen ji quanyi 搜神記全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1991. Zhang Su 張甦, Chen Tijin 陳體津, and Zhang Jue 張覺, trans. and comm. Quan- ben Sou shen ji ping yi 全本搜神記評譯. Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1994. Huang Jun 黃鈞, trans. and comm. Xinyi Sou shen ji 新譯搜神記. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1995. Wang Yigong 王一工 and Tang Shuwen 唐書文, trans. Baihua quanben Sou shen ji 白話全本搜神記. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995. Zhang Su 張甦, Chen Tijin 陳體津, and Zhang Jue 張覺. Quanben Sou shen ji pingyi 全本搜神記評譯. Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1994.

Japanese Translations Uchida Michio 內田道夫, ed. Shōji Kakuitsu 莊司榮吉, Shimizu Eikichi 清水格一, and Shimura Ryōji 志村良志, trans. Sōshinki (hakka bon) yakuchu 搜神記 (八卷本) 譯註. Tenri: Yotokusha, 1959. Takeda Akira 竹田晃, trans. Sōshinki 搜神記. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1964. Senbo Yukiko 先坊幸子 and Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫, trans. Kanpō Sōshinki 干寶搜神記. Tokyo: Hakuteisha, 2004.

Studies Giles, Herbert A. “A T’ang Dynasty Manuscript of the Sou Shen Chi.” New China Review 3 (1921): 378–85; 460–68. Guo Weixin 郭維新. “Gan Bao zhushu kao” 干寶著述考. Beiping tushuguan guankan 10.6 (1936): 17–24. Toyoda Minoru 豐田穰. “Sōshinki Sōshinkōki genryū kō” 搜神記搜神後記源流考. Tōhō gakuhō 12.3 (1941): 43–66. Translated into Chinese by Yi An 易安. Zhong- He yuekan 3.5 (May 1942): 40–51; 3.6 (June 1942): 45–57. Uchida Michio 內田道夫. “Sōshinki no seikai” 搜神記の世界. Bunka 15.3 (1951): 1–17. Nishitani Toshichirō 西谷登七郎. “Gogyōshi to nijū-kanbon Sōshinki” 五行志二十卷本搜神記. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 1 (1951): 115–27. Nishino Teiji 西野貞治. “Sōshinki kō” 搜神記考. Jinbun kenkyū 4.8 (1953): 67–84. Nishino Teiji 西野貞治. “Tonkōbon Sōshinki ni tsuite” 敦煌本搜神記について. In Kanda hakushi kanreki kinenkai 神田博士還曆記念會, ed. Kanda hakushi kanreki kinen shoshigaku ronshū 神田博士還曆記念書誌學論集, 437–49. Japan: Kanda hakushi kanreki kinenkai, 1957. Nishino Teiji 西野貞治. “Tonkōbon Sōshinki no setsuwa ni tsuite” 敦煌本搜神記の說話について. Jinbun kenkyū 8.4 (1957): 56–67. Liu Yeqiu 劉葉秋. “Du Sou shen ji zhaji” 讀 “搜神記》札記. Dushu yuebao 8 (1957): 17–18. 1028 sou shen ji 搜神記 (in search of the supernatural)

Takeda Akira 竹田晃. “Nijikkanbon Sōshinki ni kansuru ichi kōsatsu—shu toshite Taikei kōki no kankei ni tsuite” 二十卷本搜神記に関する一考察—主として太平廣記の関系について. Chūgoku bungaku kenkyū 2 (1961: 121–34. Fan Ning 范寧. “Guanyu Soushen ji” 關於搜神記. Wenxue pinglun 1 (1964): 86–92. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. “Sōshinki no buntai” 搜神記の文體. Chūgoku bungaku hō 21 (1966): 57–82 Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Sōshinki no henmoku” 搜神記の篇目. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 24.3 (1965): 161–74. Bailey, Roger B. “A Study of the Sou shen chi.” Ph.D. diss. Indiana University, 1966. Maeno Naoaki 前野直彬. “The Origins of Fiction in China.” Acta Asiatica 16 (1969): 27–37. DeWoskin, Kenneth J. “The Sou-shen chi and the Chih-kuai Tradition: A Biblio- graphic and Generic Study.” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1974. Hu Youfeng 胡幼峰. “Gan Bao Sou shen ji kao” 干寶搜神記考. Youshi yuekan 40.1 (1974): 46–51. Zhang Xihou 張錫厚. “Dunhuang xieben Soushen ji kao—jianlun ershi juan ben bajuan ben Sou shen ji” 敦煌寫本《搜神記》考—兼論二十卷本八卷本《搜神記》. Wenxue pinglun congkan (1982): 31–35. Li Jianguo 李劍國, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 279–316. Cao Daoheng. “Gan Bao he zhiguai xiaoshuo” 干寶和志怪小說. In Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji, 160–63. Cao Daoheng, “Jindai zuojia liu kao 晉代作家六考.” In Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji, 287–90. Wang Guoliang 王國良. “Dunhuang ben Soushen ji kaobian” 敦煌本搜神記考辨. Hanxue yanjiu 4.2 (1986): 379–87. Jiang Lansheng 江藍生. “Bajuan ben Sou shen ji yuyan de shidai” 八卷本《搜神記》語言的時代. Zhongguo yuwen (1987: 4): 295–303. Luo Xiaoping 駱曉平. “Sou shen ji suojian Liuchao xinci kaolun”《搜神記》所見六朝新詞考論. Sichuan daxue xuebao congkan 45 (1989): 72–80. Xiang Chu 項楚. “Dunhuang ben Gou Daoxing Sou shen ji benshi kao” 敦煌本句道興《搜神記》本事考. Dunhuangxue jikan (1990): 43–49. Liu Yuan-ju 劉苑如. “Sou shen ji ji Sou shen houji yanjiu—cong guannian shijie yu xushi jiegou kaocha” 搜神記及搜神後記研究—從觀念世界與敘事結構考察. M.A. Thesis, Zhengzhi daxue, 1990. Campany. Strange Writing, 55–62, 146–50. Xie Mingxun 謝明勳. “Cong Gan Bao zhuzuo tan Sou shen ji zhi zhushu yuanyou” 從干寶著作談《搜神記》之著述緣由. Zhongguo shumu jikan 25.1 (1991): 85–87. Zhong Yunying 鍾雲鶯. “Sou shen ji zhong biantai hunyin chutan” 「搜神記」中變態婚姻初探. Kong Meng yuekan 30.4 (1991): 28–42. Cai Miaozhen 蔡妙真. “Cong Sou shen ji kan Wei Jin sixiang” 從「搜神記」看魏晉思想. Kong Meng xuebao 63 (1992): 233–54. Wang Longlin 汪龍麟. “Sou shen ji yilei hunlian gushi wenhua xinli toushi”《搜神記》異類婚戀故事文化心理透視. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 2): 40–46. Taga Namisa 多賀浪砂. Kan Pō Sōshin ki no kenkyū 干寶搜神記の研究. Tokyo: Kindai bungeisha, 1994. Li Jianguo 李劍國. “Sou shen ji de gui gushi”《搜神記》的鬼故事. Minsu yanjiu (1994: 4): 39–42. sou shen ji 搜神記 (in search of the supernatural) 1029

Crump, James I. “Ancient Chinese Folklore in the Sou-Shen Chi.” Asian Culture Quarterly 22.4 (1994): 49–59. Chen Wenxin 陳文新. Zhongguo biji xiaoshuo shi 中國筆記小說史, 94–195. Taipei: Zhiyi chubanshe, 1995. Ōhashi Yoshiharu 大橋由治. “Saisei setsuwa kara mita Sōshin ki no tokuchō ni tsuite” 再生說話から見た『搜神記』の特徵に就いて. Daitō bunka dagaku Kan- gakkai shi 34 (1995): 49–69. Liu Shouhua 劉守華. “Sou shen ji zhong de Wei Jin minjian gushi”《搜神記》中的魏晉民間故事. Huazhong shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 35.1 (1996): 86–91. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. “Kan Pō Sōshinki no hensan” 干寶〈搜神記〉の編纂. Tōhōgaku 69 (1997): 1–71; 70 (1998): 95–202. Ōhashi Yoshiharu 大橋由治. “Sōshin ki to kōshi setsuwa ni tsuite” 『搜神記』と孝子說話について. Daitō bunka dagaku Kangakkai shi 36 (1997): 160–79. Takanishi Seisuke 高西成介. “Rikuchō bunjinden: Shin sho (kan 82) Kan Pō den.” 六朝文人傳:『晉書』(卷八十二)干寶傳. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 33 (1998): 75–90. Liu Jingmin 劉靜敏. “Hu ru mengjue you zai zhenpang—Sou shen ji ‘Jiaohu miao’ gushi zhi tantao” 忽如夢覺猶在枕旁—「搜神記‧焦胡廟」故事之探討. Guoli lishi bowuguan xuebao 9 (1998): 39–50. Li Jianguo 李劍國. “Ershi juan ben Sou shen ji kao” 二十卷《搜神記》考. Wenxian (2000: 4): 56–81. Li Jianguo 李劍國. “Gan Bao kao” 干寶考. Wenxue yichan (2001:2): 14–29. Mathieu, Rémi. Le Fantastique et l’anecdotique dans le Soushen ji de Gan Bao. Paris: Éditions You-Feng, 2002. Li Huilin 李慧琳. “Zuijiu de kongjian qingjing—lun Sou shen ji zhong de zuijiu yiyun” 醉酒的空間情境—論「搜神記」中的醉酒意蘊. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 265 (2002): 69–81. Wang Jinzhong 王盡忠. “Gan Bao guju kaocha ji” 干寶故居考察記. Zhouzhou jingu (2002: 2): 29, 46. Zhou Junxun 周俊勛. “Ershi juan ben Sou shen ji de goucheng ji zhengli” 二十卷本《搜神記》的構成及整理. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 29.3 (2003): 140–43. Wang Qing 王青. “Dunhuang ben Sou shen ji yu da’e chunü xing gushi” 敦煌本「搜神記」與大鵝處女型故事 . Hanxue yanjiu 22.1 (2004): 81–96. Wang Qing 王青. “Gou Daoxing Sou shen ji yu tian’e chunü xing gushi” 句道興《搜神記》與天鵝處女型故事 . Dunhuang yanjiu (2005: 2): 96–100. Chen Yaodong 陳耀東 and Chen Siqun 陳思群. “Gan Bao jiguan kao” 干寶籍貫考 Jiaxing xueyuan xuebao 17.2 (2005): 5–7. Ōhashi Yoshiharu 大橋由治. “Kan Pō no tenkan to Sōshinki no hensan” 干寶の天觀と『搜神記』の編纂. Tōhō shūkyō 106 (2005): 17–34. Tanaka Yasuhiko 田中靖彥. “Shoki Tōshin ni okeru Son-Go kan—Kan Pō Sōshinki o chūshin ni” 初期東晉における孫吳觀—干寶『搜神記』を中心に. Rikuchō gakujutsu gakkai hō 7 (2006): 51–66. Zhou Shengya 周生亞. Sou shen ji yuyan yanjiu《搜神記》語言研究. Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 2007. Xie Mingxun 謝明勳. “Liuchao zhiguai ‘minghun’ gushi yanjiu—yi Sou shen ji wei zhongxin kaocha” 六朝志怪「冥婚」故事研究—以《搜神記》為中心考察. Dong hua Hanxue 5 (2007): 39–62. 1030 sou shen ji 搜神記 (in search of the supernatural)

Xie Mingxun 謝明勳. “Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo zhi xushi texing—yi Gan Bao Sou shen ji wei li” 六朝志怪小說之敘事特性—以干寶《搜神記》為例. Zhongzheng daxue Zhongwen xueshu niankan 9 (2007): 55–74. Zhang Guliang 張谷良. “Gan Bao Sou shen ji zhong ‘yilei lianqing’ gushi shi xi” 干寶《搜神記》中 “異類戀情” 故事試析. Guoli Huwei keji daxue xuebao 26.2 (2007): 59–71. Xie Mingxun 謝明勳. “Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo zhi xushi texing—yi Gan Bao Sou shen ji wei li” 六朝志怪小說之敘事特性—以干寶《搜神記》為例. Zhongzheng daxue Zhongwen xueshu niankan 9 (2007): 55–74. Zhang Qingmin 張慶民. “Sou shen ji yanjiu erti”《搜神記》研究二題. Wenxue yichan (2008: 4): 40–49. Ohashi Keninchi 大橋賢一. “Nijikkanbon Sōshinki no seisho ni kansuru yichikōsatsu 二十巻本『捜神記』の成書に関する一考察. Chūgoku bunka: kenkyū to kyōiku 66 (2008): 106–117. Yan Yaozhong 嚴耀中. “Guanyu Sou shen ji zhong Fojiao neirong de zhiyi” 關於《搜神記》中佛教內容的質疑 . Zhonghua wenshi luncong (2009: 3): 99–109. Wei Rong 魏榮. “Sou shen ji zhong de yunwen yanjiu”《搜神記》的韻文研究. Nandu xuetan 29.1 (2009): 43–46. Yang Shupeng 楊淑鵬. “20 shiji Sou shen ji yanjiu zongshu” 20 世紀《搜神記》研究綜述. Jinzhong xueyuan xuebao 27.5 (2010): 8–12.

DRK

Su Baosheng 蘇寶生 (d. 458)

Liu Song period literatus and historian.

Su Baosheng’s natal place and birth date are not known. His personal name is also written Bao 寶 (without 生). He was from a lower gentry family, but became a learned scholar. In 442, when Emperor Wen (r. 424–453) established the national university, Su Baosheng served as an instructor for the Mao shi 毛詩 (Mao version of the Classic of Songs). In 453 Liu Shao 劉劭 (424/426–453) killed the statesman Dong Yuansi 董元嗣 (d. 453). After Liu Jun 劉駿 (430–464) succeeded to the imperial throne in that same year, he had Su Baosheng compose a dirge for Dong. During the reign of Emperor Xiaowu (453–464) Su Baosheng served as attendant censor in the Censorate. He later was assigned to the post of magistrate of Jiangning 江寧 (southwest of modern Jianing district, Nan- jing). In 458, Gao Du 高闍 (d. 458) and a group of Buddhist monks devised a plot to overthrow the imperial house. Wang Sengda 王僧達 (423–458) and Su Baosheng were falsely accused of colluding with them and were killed. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Su Baosheng’s collected works in four juan. This was lost before the Tang. Su Baosheng wrote poetry, but none of his poems is extant. Zhong Rong ranks him in the lower grade of the Shi pin. su boyu qi 蘇伯玉妻 (wife of su boyu) 1031

Su Baosheng also was a historian. He was ordered to continue the history of the Song begun by He Chengtian 何承天 (370–447). He compiled biographies of meritorious officials of the Yuanjia period (424–453). This work was used for the Song shu completed by Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 174.

DRK

Su Boyu qi 蘇伯玉妻 (Wife of Su Boyu)

Jin period poet.

The name, dates, and natal place of the wifeof Su Boyu are not known. However, she is usually identified as living in the Jin period. Her husband Su Boyu had been sent on official business to Shu (modern Sichuan), and she wrote a palindrome poem on a tray to express her long for him. This piece is usually titled “Panzhong shi” 盤中詩 (Poem on a tray). Recently, several scholars have argued that the “Panzhong shi” may date to the Han period.

Studies Lin Peizhen 林培真. “ ‘Panzhong shi’ wei Handai zuopin chujian”《盤中詩》為漢代作品芻見. Nankai xuebao (1985: 3): 36–39. Wang Yimin 王依民. “ ‘Panzhong shi’ wei Handai zuopin shuo xian yi”《盤中詩》為漢代作品說獻疑. Nankai xuebao (1987: 3). Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia da cidian, 172–73. Yuejin 躍進. “ ‘Panzhong shi’ Handai shuo buzheng”《盤中詩》漢代說補證. Hebei shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1997: 3): 94–95. Rao Shaoping 饒少平. “Panzhong shi ji qi fuyuan tu” 盤中詩及其復原圖. Beijing gongye daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 6.4 (2006): 69–74. Su Zhecong. Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 334–36.

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 242.

DRK 1032 su chanyi 蘇蟬翼

Su Chanyi 蘇蟬翼

Sui dynasty poet.

Little is known about Su Chanyi’s life. It was said that she was a poet during the Sui dynasty. Her poem “Yin guren gui zuo shi” 因故人歸作詩 (Poem on the occasion of an old friend’s returning home) is included in the Gushi leiyuan 古詩類苑 (compiled by Zhang Zhixiang 張之象 [1496–1577] of the Ming dynasty), Shi ji, and Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 175.

TPK

Su Chuo 蘇綽 (498–546), zi Lingchuo 令綽

Northern Wei and Western Wei literatus.

Su Chuo’s ancestral home was Wugong 武功 (northwest of modern Wugong, Shaanxi). He came from a distinguished family that had long resided in Wugong. Su Chuo was a ninth generation descendant of Su Ze 蘇則, who reputedly was a descendant of Su Jian 蘇建 (fl. 128–123 b.c.e.), the father of the famous general Su Wu 蘇武 (d. 60 b.c.e.). Su Ze had been a loyal and able military leader under Cao Cao. Su Chuo’s father Su Xie 蘇協 had served as governor of Wugong commandery. In his youth Su Chuo already acquired a thirst for learning. An avid reader, he also was skilled in the arts of computation. While Su Chuo’s paternal cousin Su Rang 蘇讓 was serving as regional inspector of Nan- fenzhou 南汾州 (administrative seat, southwest of modern Jishan 稷山, Shanxi), he recommended Su Chuo to Yuwen Tai 宇文泰 (505–556), the de facto ruler of the Western Wei (534–557). In 535, Yuwen Tai appointed Su Chuo director of the Branch Department of State Affairs in the regional administration. The chief administrator Zhou Huida 周惠達 (d. 544) later praised Su to Yuwen Tai as a man who had “the talent to assist a king.” He appointed Su Chuo editorial director. On one occasion Yuwen Tai and various nobles went to Kunming Lake in Chang’an to observe the fishing. When they passed by the old Han Cang Pond, Yuwen Tai asked members of the procession about this place, but su chuo 蘇綽 (498–546), zi lingchuo 令綽 1033 no one know anything about it. They then summoned Su Chuo, who was able to give a complete explanation. Yuwen Tai proceeded to converse with Su Chuo the entire day. He also began to consult Su Chuo on matters of governance. He appointed Su Chuo left aide in the Branch Department of State Affairs. In this capacity he had charge of maintaining legal records and formulating regulations for the tax records and population register. In 537, the Eastern Wei army invaded the Western Wei territory. Su Chuo supported Yuwen Tai’s strategy, and the Western Wei forces defeated the invaders at Shayuan 沙苑 (south of modern Dali 大荔, Shaanxi). In 538, Su Chuo was promoted to general of the guards and right grand master for splendid happiness. He also was enfeoffed as viscount of Meiyang county. In 544, Su was promoted to minister of revenue, was put in charge of editing texts, and concurrently held the post of chamberlain for the National Treasury. At this time Yuwen Tai proposed to introduce government reforms to “strengthen the state and enrich the people.” Su Chuo wholeheartedly supported his program. He composed on behalf of the emperor an imperial edict in six articles that specified the details of the reform program. Yuwen Tai ordered all officials to recite the edict. Yuwen Tai was also concerned that writing had become much too elaborate and ornate, and he ordered a reform of the writing style. He commanded Su Chuo to compose the “Da gao” 大誥 (Grand proclamation) in the style of the Shang shu as a model for official writings in the Western Wei state. Both belles lettres and ultilitarian prose were written in this style. Su Chuo died in 546 at the age of forty-nine. Yuwen Tai accompanied the funeral procession part of the way to the Su family home in Wugong. He also composed a funeral eulogy for him. Su Chuo is best known for the promotion of the literary reform. How- ever, there is little evidence that Su Chuo’s ideals had much effect on court literary style. According to Su Chuo’s biography in the Zhou shu Su Chuo wrote “Fo xing lun” 佛性論 (Disquisition on the Buddha nature) and “Qi jing lun” 七經論 (Disquisition on the seven classics). Both of these works were lost before the Tang.

Bibliography

Studies Chauncey S. Goodrich. Biography of Su Ch’o. East Asia Studies, Institute of Inter- national Studies, University of California, Chinese Dynastic Histories Transla- tions, No. 3. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1961. 1034 su chuo 蘇綽 (498–546), zi lingchuo 令綽

Shi Guangming 施光明. “Lun Su Chuo” 論蘇綽. Renwen zazhi (1983: 1): 86–87. Zhang Xianchang 張先昌. “Lun Su Chuo de zhengzhi sixiang” 論蘇綽的政治思想. Yindu xuekan (1987: 2): 31–37. Ding Qiaolin 丁巧林 and Kong Yi 孔毅 . “Su Chuo jingji sixiang tanyuan yu pingshu” 蘇綽經濟思想探源與評述. Xinan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1991: 3): 74–79. Wang Bo 汪波. “Xi Wei gaigejia Su Chuo” 西魏改革家蘇綽. Wenshi zhishi (1998: 8): 91–94. Li Hao 李浩. “Su Chuo wenti gaige xinshuo” 蘇綽文體改革新說. Wen shi zhe (1999: 6): 70–75. Kong Yi 孔毅. “Su Chuo zhengzhi lunli sixiang ji qi yuanyuan chutan” 蘇綽政治倫理思想及其淵源初探. Chongqing shiyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (2001: 4): 51–56. Kong Yi 孔毅. “Su Chuo jingji sixiang ji qi yuanyuan chutan” 蘇綽經濟思想及其淵源初探. Chongqing shiyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (2002: 2): 24–29. Kong Yi 孔毅. “Su Chuo lunlifa sixiang ji qi yuanyuan chutan” 蘇綽倫理法思想及其淵源初探. Chongqing shiyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (2002: 4): 50–55. Kong Yi 孔毅. “Su Chuo geti lunli sixiang ji qi yuanyuan chutan” 蘇綽個體倫理思想及其淵源初探. Chongqing shiyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (2003: 3): 68–73. Guo Peng 郭鵬. “Su Chuo wenxue gaige sixiang shulüe” 蘇綽文學改革思想述略. Minzu wenxue yanjiu (2008: 4): 40–45. Liu Zili 劉子立. “Su Chuo wenti gaige yuanyin tanxi” 蘇綽文體改革原因探析. Gui- zhou shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2011: 2): 96–100.

Works

a. “Zou xing liutiao zhaoshu” 奏行六條詔書 (Petitioning to implement the imperial edict of six articles)

Translation Goodrich, Biography of Su Ch’o, 16–36.

b. “Da gao” 大誥 (Grand proclamation)

Translation Goodrich, Biography of Su Ch’o, 36–44.

DRK

Su Hui 蘇蕙 (fl. 375–384), zi Ruolan 若蘭

Former Qin palindrome writer.

Arguably the most famous poet associated with the Former Qin period is Su Hui, the wife of Dou Tao 竇滔. According to her biography in the su jing 蘇竟 (fl. 1–30), zi bokuang 伯況 1035

Jin shu (96.2523), when Dou Tao was serving as magistrate of Qinzhou 秦州 (modern Tianshui 天水, Gansu), he was banished to the desert. To express her longing for him, Su Hui wrote a long 841-character palindrome (huiwen 回文). She reputedly wove the palindrome onto brocade in a circular pattern. For a text of the piece, which is probably not Su Hui’s original, see Lu Qinli, Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi 2: 956–57. Scholars have long attempted to see how many poems they could find in this poetic maze. Li Wei (see below) claimed to discover 14,005 trisyllabic, tetrasyllabic, pentasyllabic, hexasyllabic, and heptasyllabic poems in it.

Bibliography

Studies Xie Wuliang 謝无量. Zhongguo funü wenxue shi 中國婦女文學史, Section 2, 25–68. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1916; rpt. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1992. He Wenhui 何文滙. Zati shi shi li 雜體詩釋例, 53–62. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 1986. Li Wei 李蔚. Shiyuan zhenpin: Xuanji tu 師苑珍品：璇璣圖. Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1996. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “Su Hui ‘Huiwen xuanji tu’ de wenhua yunhan he shehuixue renshi jiazhi” 蘇蕙《回文璇璣圖》的文化蘊含和社會學認識價值. Shaanxi shifan daxue xuebao 28.4 (1999): 123–27. Ding Shengyuan 丁勝源. Qian Qin nü shiren Su Hui yanjiu 前秦女詩人蘇惠研究. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 2002. Idema and Grant, Red Brush, 127–31. Lily Xiao Hong Lee, Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women, 336–38.

DRK

Su Jing 蘇竟 (fl. 1–30), zi Bokuang 伯況

Eastern Han writer.

Su Jing’s ancestral home was Pingling 平陵 in Fufeng 扶風 (north of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). Su Jing received an appointment as academician at the imperial court because of his knowledge of the Classic of Changes. He held the title of academician exalter of the Classic of Documents during the reign of Emperor Ping 平 (1–5). He had a special knowledge of prognostication texts, and he was well versed in numerous schools of thought. During the Wang Mang 王莽 (r. 8–23) reign, Su Jing and Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23) collated texts in the imperial collection. Su Jing was later appointed commandant-in-ordinary in Dai 代 commandery (modern Shanxi and Hebei area). 1036 su jing 蘇竟 (fl. 1–30), zi bokuang 伯況

At that time, the Xiongnu caused consternation on the border area near Dai. Nevertheless, Su Jing was able to complete his editorial work while he was performing his duties. When Emperor Guangwu 光武 (r. 25–57) ascended the throne, he appointed Su Jing governor of Dai commandery to fortify and defend the border areas against Xiongnu incursions. In 29, the local despot Lu Fang 盧芳 (n.d.) occupied several commanderies in the north, Emperor Guangwu appointed Sui Di 隨弟 (n.d.) to replace Su Jing as governor of Dai commandery. Su Jing became gravely ill, and he ordered the men under his command to join Sui Di’s forces. He then travelled to the capital to offer an apology for his lack of success. He was appointed palace attendant, but he was removed from the position when he became ill. Deng Zhongkuang 鄧仲況 (n.d.), who was a commander under Yan Cen 延岑 (d. 36), the warlord who occupied Yinxian 陰縣 in Nanyang 南陽 commandery (northwest of modern Laohe kou 老河口, Hubei), led a group of marauders in the Nanyang area. The mastermind behind this group was Liu Xin’s nephew Liu Gong 劉龔 (n.d.). From Nanyang Su Jing sent a letter to Liu Gong warning him about the possible consequences of joining in the insurrection. He used prognostication texts to predict that Emperor Guangwu eventually would emerge victorious and restore the Han house. He also wrote a letter to Deng Zhongkuang advising him to relinquish his occupied territory. The letters were so well written and so persuasive, Deng Zhongkuang and Liu Gong both surrendered to the Han. Su Jing’s biography in the Hou Han shu mentions that Su Jing wrote the “Ji hui pian” 記誨篇 (Instructions to remember) and other prose writings, which circulated during his lifetime. He died at home at the age of seventy. Most of his writings have not survived. His letter to Liu Gong is preserved in his biography in the Hou Han shu and Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 175. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 758–9.

TPK su lin 蘇林 (fl. 211–238), zi xiaoyou 孝友 1037

Su Li shi 蘇李詩 (Poetry of Su Wu and Li Ling)

This is a designation for a group of poems attributed to Su Wu 蘇武 (d. 60 b.c.e.) and Li Ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.). The authenticity of these pieces has been questioned by a number of modern scholars.

DRK

Su Lin 蘇林 (fl. 211–238), zi Xiaoyou 孝友

Eastern Han Wei period literatus.

Su Lin’s ancestral home was Waihuang 外黃 in Chenliu 陳留 (southeast of modern Lankao 蘭考, Henan). In 211, Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) was named leader of court gentleman for miscellaneous uses, and Su Lin served as Cao Pi’s clerk at that time. Cao Pi treated him with great respect. In 213, Su Lin was assigned as palace steward with a concurrent appointment as director of the palace library and academician. In 220, Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) died, and Cao Pi assumed his father’s title King of Wei and the post of counselor-in-chief. Su Lin was appointed to a number of other positions, including cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and chamberlain for the palace garrison. He was also enfeoffed as Marquis of Ancheng ting 安成亭. Ca. 238, he was given the responsibility to select court gentlemen, court officials and other talented scholars to serve in the court. He later was promoted to superior grand master of the palace. He was eighty-plus years old at that time. Even after he retired and returned to his home area, the court frequently dispatched court officials to visit him and extend greetings to him. The year of his death is not certain. He probably died between 240 and 249. Su Lin was a learned scholar. According to the Wei lüe 魏略 cited in the Sanguo zhi 三國志 (21.621), Su Lin was well versed in ancient and modern script. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Su Lin’s Xiaojing zhu 孝經注 (Commentary on the Classic of Filial Piety) in one juan, and the Chenliu qijiu zhuan 陳留耆舊傳 (Biographies of esteemed elders in Chenliu), also in one juan. The latter no longer survives asa complete text but portions of it are cited in Pei Songzhi’s 裴松之 (372–451) commentary to the Sanguo zhi, and Li Shan’s 李善 (d. 689) commentary to the Wenxuan. He also wrote a commentary to the Han shu, which is often cited in Yan Shigu’s 嚴師古 (581–645) commentary to the Han shu. Most of Su Lin’s writings have been lost. His two extant pieces, “Quan jin biao” 1038 su lin 蘇林 (fl. 211–238), zi xiaoyou 孝友

勸進表 (Petition urging [Cao Pi] to accede to the imperial throne) and “Huanghou beng cheng daxing yi” 皇后崩稱大行議 (Discussion of using the term “daxing” for an empress’s death instead of “beng”) are included in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 173. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 759.

TPK

Su Shun 蘇順 (fl. 89–125), zi Xiaoshn 校山

Eastern Han writer.

Su Shun’s ancestral home was Baoling 霸陵 in Jingzhao 京兆 commandery (east of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). He was known for his literary talent and scholarship during the reigns of Emperor He 和 (r. 89–105) and Emperor An 安 (r. 107–125). He lived in seclusion to seek a method to prolong his life or obtain immortality. Late in life, Su Shun was appointed gentleman of the interior. He died in office. Su Shun’s biography in the Hou Han shu mentions that he had sixteen works in the genres of fu, disquisition, and other forms. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Su Shun’s collected works in two juan, and mentions a collection in two juan from a Liang period catalogue. Most of his writings have been lost. Yan Kejun collects four of his works in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen: “Tan huai fu” 歎懷賦 (Fu of expressing my desire), “He Di lei” 和帝誄 (Dirge for Emperor He), “Chen gong lei” 陳公誄 (Dirge for Duke Chen), and “Jia Kui lei” 賈逵誄 (Dirge for Jia Kui).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 174. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 760–61.

TPK su wu 蘇武 (d. 60 b.c.e.), zi ziqing 子卿 1039

Su Wu 蘇武 (d. 60 b.c.e.), zi Ziqing 子卿

Western Han statesman and writer.

Su Wu’s natal place was Duling 杜陵 (east of modern Xi’an). He was the second son of Su Jian 蘇建 (fl. 128–123 b.c.e.), a military man who had served under the famous general Wei Qing 衛青 (d. 105 b.c.e.). Because of his father’s position, Su Wu was appointed gentleman at the imperial court. One of his earliest known posts was that of inspector of hunting equipment. In 100 b.c.e. Su Wu was sent as an emissary to the Xiongnu. Accom- panying him were Zhang Sheng 張勝 and Chang Hui 常惠 (d. 47 b.c.e.). Yu Chang 虞常 (fl. 100–97 b.c.e.), a Han man who had been surrendered to the Xiongnu, and the Xiongnu Gouwang 緱王 (d. 100 b.c.e.), plotted to abduct the mother of the Xiongnu chanyu (king) and take her back to Chang’an. They together with Zhang Sheng also hatched a plot to assassinate Wei Lü 衛律 (d. 81 b.c.e.), a Han general who had defected to the Xiongnu, as a way of ingratiating themselves with the Han court. Fearing that he would be implicated in their plot, Su Wu attempted suicide, but did not die. The Xiongnu chanyu was impressed with Su Wu’s heroism and integrity, and he tried to persuade him to defect to the Xiongnu. When Su Wu refused, he was sent to Beihai 北海 (Lake Baikal) to herd sheep. He was not given any provisions, and he was forced to dig up field mice bur- rows and eat grass seeds that were buried in them. The chanyu sent Li Ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.) to try to induce him to surrender, but despite Li Ling’s impressive arguments, Su Wu refused. At the beginning of the reign of Emperor Zhao (r. 87–74 b.c.e.), the Han court sent an envoy to the Xiongnu requesting that Su Wu be allowed to return home. The Xiongnu first reported that Su Wu had died, but eventually Su Wu and nine other Han men were released. They arrived in Chang’an in 81 b.c.e. Su Wu was appointed supervisor of dependent states. Su Wu won acclaim for his support of the accession of Emperor Xuan (r. 74–49 b.c.e.), for which he was awarded the title Noble of the Interior. Su Wu died in 60 b.c.e. at the age of over eighty. All of the major anthologies of pre-Tang poetry contain five-syllable line poems attributed to Li Ling and Su Wu. See the entry on Li Ling. Some of the important critics of the Six Dynasties period consider Li Ling and Su Wu to be the creators of the five-syllable line form. However, already in the Six Dynasties period several scholars began to suspect that these poems were not authentic. The consensus among modern scholars is that the Li Ling / Su Wu pieces are poems about rather than by them. They probably were written in the Late Han and Six Dynasties period. 1040 su wu 蘇武 (d. 60 b.c.e.), zi ziqing 子卿

TheWen xuan contains a letter from Li Ling to Su Wu and Su Wu’s reply. There are also fragments of three other letters attributed to Li Ling and Su Wu. The modern scholarly consensus is these letters are not genuine.

Bibliography

Studies Watson, Burton, trans. Courtier and Commoner in Ancient China, 34–45. New York: Columbia University Press, 1974. Loewe, Michael. Biographical Dictionary, 493–95.

Su Wu poems Gu Zhi 古直. Han shi yanjiu 漢詩研究, chapter 3. 1928; rpt. Shanghai: Qizhi shuju 啟智書局, 1933. Ma Yong 馬雍. Su Li shi zhizuo shidai kao 蘇李詩製作時代考. Chongqing: Shangwu shuju, 1944. Zhang Changgong 張長弓. “Su Li shi bian (Han shi xin bian zhi san)” 蘇李詩辨 (漢詩新辨之三). Dongfang zazhi 41.24 (1945). Lu Qinli, “Han shi bielu,” 3–22. Suzuki Shūji 鈴木修次, Kan Gi shi no kenkyū, 322–40. Fang Zusen 方祖燊, Han shi yanjiu, 48–67. Lei Shutian 雷樹田. “Shilun Li Ling ji qi jishou wuyan shi de zhenwei” 試論李陵及其幾首五言詩的真偽. Xibei daxue xuebao (1981: 3): 35–41. Zheng Wen 鄭文. “Lun Li Ling ‘Yu Su Wu shi’ sanshou de jiatuo” 論李陵《與蘇武詩》三首的假托. Gansu shifan daxue bao (1981: 4): 74–79. Yuejin 躍進. “Youguan Wen xuan “Su Li shi” ruogan wenti de kaocha” 有關《文選》“蘇李詩” 若干問題的考察. Wen xuan xue xinlun, 293–309; rpt. in Jie wang man lu, 17–34. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “Su Li shi chu zi daiyan ti shuo” 蘇李詩出自代言體說. Liuzhou shizhuan xuebao (1994: 3): 16–18. Zhong Laiyin 鍾來茵. “ ‘Li Ling Su Wu shi’ zuozhe tanlun”《李陵蘇武詩》作者探論. Hanxue yanjiu 12 (1994): 229–44. Wang Qinghuai 王清淮. “Su Li shi biannan” 蘇李詩辨難. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (1998: 2): 55–60. Zhang Peiheng 章培恆 and Liu Jun 劉駿. “Guanyu Li Ling ‘Yu Su Wu shi’ ji “Da Su Wu shu’ de zhenwei wenti” 關於李陵《與蘇武詩》及《答蘇武書》的真偽問題. Fudan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1998: 2): 71–77.

Translations Waley, Chinese Poems (1946), 43–45 (Su Wu, Wen xuan #3). von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 521–23. All of the Wen xuan pieces. Frodsham, Anthology, 18–20. All of the Su Wu pieces in the Wen xuan. Yves Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 70–72 (Wen xuan #2 of Su Wu). Owen, Anthology, 251–52 (#1 and #3 of Su Wu). Owen, The Making of Early Chinese Poetry, 245–47. su yan 蘇彥 1041

Li Ling /Su Wu letters

Studies Whitaker, K.P.K. “Some Notes on the Authorship of the Li Ling/Su Wu Let- ters.” Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 15 (1953): 113–37, 566–87. Chung, Eva. “A Study of the Letters (Shu) of the Han Dynasty (206 B.C.–A.D. 220), Ph.D. diss., 1982, 316–39. Feng Siyi 封思毅. “Dunhuang xieben ‘Li Ling yu Su Wu shu’ bian wei” 敦煌寫本「李陵與蘇武書」辨偽. Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan 27.1 (1994): 97–100. Zhang Peiheng 章培恆 and Liu Jun 劉駿. “Guanyu Li Ling ‘Yu Su Wu shi’ ji “Da Su Wu shu’ de zhenwei wenti” 關於李陵《與蘇武詩》及《答蘇武書》的真偽問題. Fudan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1998: 2): 71–77. Wang Lin 王琳. “Li Ling ‘Da Su Wu shu’ de zhenwei” 李陵《答蘇武書》的真偽. Shandong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 206 (2006): 9–13.

Translation Chung, “A Study of the Letters,” 523–28.

DRK

Su Yan 蘇彥

Jin dynasty writer.

Little is known about Su Yan’s life. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists “Administrator of palace attendant of the north Collected Writings of Su Yan in ten juan.” (35.1068). The monograph also mentions the Suzi 蘇子 (Master Su) in seven juan (34.1002). In addition, the Suzi is also listed in the Jiu Tang shu 舊唐書 (47.2029), and the Xin Tang shu 新唐書 (59.1516). Although the Suzi is cited in many sources, the Song shi 宋史 does not mention this work. It is quite possible that this work was no longer in existence when Song shi was being compiled in the early Yuan. Su Yan’s prose writings, including “Fuqu fu” 芙渠賦 (Fu on lotus), “Fuping fu” 浮萍賦 (Fu on duckweed), “Qiu ye chang” 秋夜長 (Autumn night is long), “E shi xu” 鵞詩序 (Preface to a poem on a goose), “Qiong zhu zhang ming” 邛竹杖銘 (Inscription on a staff made of Qiong bamboo), together with twelve entries from the Suzi are preserved in Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Three poems, “Qi yue qi ri yong zhi nü shi” 七月七日詠織女詩 (Poem on the Weaving Girl on the seventh day of the seventh month), “Xiling guan tao shi” 西陵觀濤詩 (Watching great waves at Xiling), and “Qiu ye chang” 秋夜長 are included 1042 su yan 蘇彥 in Yiwen leiju, Shi ji and Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. The form of “Qiu ye chang” is distinctive. It is a mixture of six-syllable and seven- syllable lines, and has features that are common in both fu and shi. Thus, both Yan Kejun and Lu Qinli have included this piece in their collections.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 174.

TPK

Su Ziqing 蘇子卿

Chen dynasty poet.

Little is known of Su Ziqing’s life. His five extant poems include four yuefu: “Zhu lu” 朱鷺 (Red egret), “Ai ru zhang” 艾如張 (Mowing grass, spreading a net), “Meihua luo” 梅花落 (Plum blossoms fall), and “Zilu ma” 紫騮馬 (Bay horse). They are preserved in a number of sources, including Yiwen leiju, Wenyuan yinghua, Yuefu shiji, and Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. His poem “Nanzheng shi” 南征詩 (Poem on a southern expedition) has the line “I roamed the Gui River one morning,” which indicates that Su Ziqing once traveled to the Guangxi 廣西 area. The Wenyuan yinghua and Yuefu shiji identify Su Ziqing as the author of “Ziliu ma,” but Yiwen leiju lists the piece under the name of Zu Sundeng 祖孫登 (dates unknown).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 172.

TPK

Sun Chu 孫楚 (d. 293), zi Zijing 子荊

Western Jin writer.

Sun Chu’s natal place was Zhongdu 中都 in Taiyuan 太原 commandery (modern Pingyao 平遙, Shanxi). Both his grandfather Sun Zi 孫資 (d. 251) sun chu 孫楚 (d. 293), zi zijing 子荊 1043 and his father Sun Hong 孫宏 served in official positions during the Wei. However, they were strong supporters of the Sima clan. Ca. 264, Sun Chu served as an aide to Shi Bao 石苞 (d. 272), who was one of the most powerful generals under Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265). When Sima Zhao dispatched two emissaries to the court of Sun Hao 孫皓 (242–283), who had newly succeeded to the throne, Shi Bao had Sun Chu compose a letter in his name. When he arrived in Wu, Sun Chu did not present the letter to Sun Hao. This letter was selected for inclusion in the Wen xuan. In 265, Sun Chu was promoted to editorial director in the palace library, but the next year, he returned to the staff of Shi Bao. However, he soon offended Shi Bao with his imperious ways, and Shi had him removed from office. In the early 270s, Sun Chu became good friends with Wang Ji 王濟 (ca. 240–ca. 285), whose ancestral home also was in Taiyuan. In 277, the General Chastizing the West Sima Jun 司馬駿 (232–286), who was an old friend of Sun’s, appointed him to his staff as an aide. Ca. 286, he served as magistrate of Liang 梁 (east of modern Linru 臨汝, Henan), followed by an appointment in 288 as commander to the General of the Guards, either Yang Yao 楊珧 or Yang Ji 楊濟. In 293, he was appointed governor of Pingyi 馮翊 (administrative seat Linjin 臨晉, modern Dali 大荔, Shaanxi), which was the last position Sun held before he died in 293. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Sun Chu’s collected works in six juan, and mentions that a Liang period catalogue had a collection in twelve juan. Both Tang histories record his collection in ten juan. This was lost in the Song. Later collections are reconstructions. Yan Kejun has collected forty-five of his prose pieces, including seventeen fu and nine encomia (zan 贊). Zhong Rong places Sun Chu in the middle grade of the Shi pin. He singles out what he calls Sun’s poem on “drizzling rain.” This refers to Sun Chu’s “Poem Written for Members of the Staff of the General Chastizing the West, Who Sent Me Off at Zhiyang- hou.” This poem was included in the Wen xuan.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Sun Pingyi ji 孫馮翊集. 2 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. 1 juan. Sun Pingyi ji 孫馮翊集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. 1044 sun chu 孫楚 (d. 293), zi zijing 子荊

Studies Shi Qilin 石其林. “Sonso shiron—sono Han kinjin mei no seisaku ito ni tsuite” 孫楚試論—その反金人銘の制作意圖について. Chūgoku bungaku ronsō 18 (1989): 1–29. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 169–70. Wang Zengbin 王增斌. “Lun Sun Chu” 論孫楚. Shanxi shifan daxue bao (Shehui kexue) 20.3 (1993): 48–50. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 141. Zhou Fang 周芳. “Sun Chu yanjiu” 孫楚研究. Shanxi shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 37.5 (2010): 75–78. Shi Weisheng 史維生. “Sun Chu shiwen yongyun yanjiu” 孫楚詩文用韻研究. Chu xiong shifan xueyuan xuebao 25.11 (2010): 30–34.

Works

a. “Wei Shi Zhongrong yu Sun Hao shu” 為石仲容與孫皓書 (Letter written on behalf of Shi Bao to Sun Hao)

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 789–94.

b. “Chu fu shi” 除服詩 (Poem written upon removing mourning clothes)

Translation Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 139.

c. “Zhengxi guanshu song yu Zhiyanghou zuo” 征西官屬送於陟陽候作 (Poem written for members of the staff of the General Chastizing the West, who send me off at Zhiyanghou)

Study Gu Nong 顧農. “Linbie zhi ji datan xuanli—shuo Sun Chu ‘Zhengxi guanshu song yu Zhiyanghou zuo” 臨別之際大談玄理—說孫楚《征西官屬送於陟陽候作》. Gudian wenxue zhishi (2008: 2): 16–18.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 306–7.

DRK sun chuo 孫綽 (314–371, alt. 310–371), zi xinggong 興公 1045

Sun Chuo 孫綽 (314–371, alt. 310–371), zi Xinggong 興公

Eastern Jin thinker and writer.

Sun Chuo’s ancestral home was Zhongdu 中都 in Taiyuan 太原 commandery (modern Pingyao 平遙, Shanxi). He was a grandson of Sun Chu 孫楚 (d. 293) and a cousin of Sun Sheng 孫盛 (302–373). He probably was born in the north, but fled with his family to the south in 311, when his home area was invaded by the armies led by Shi Le 石勒 (274–333). Sun’s father Sun Zuan 孫纂 died in 322 when Chuo was ten. Even as a teenager Sun Chuo had a strong interest in the writings of Laozi and Zhuangzi. He also was an accomplished writer. During his youth Sun Chuo resided in the Guiji Mountains of Zhejiang. He built a house at Dongshan, and composed the “Sui chu fu” 遂初賦 (Fu on fulfilling my resolve) in which he declared his intention to become a recluse. One of his good friends from this period was Xu Xun 許詢 (fl. ca. 358). Ca. 333, Sun Chuo took up his first known official post, that of editorial director in the palace library. He also received the inherited title of Marquis of Changle 長樂. In 334, Yu Liang 庾亮 (289–340), who was stationed in Wuchang 武昌 (modern Echeng 鄂城, Hubei), invited Sun Chuo to join his staff as a military aide and serve as his administrator. One of his colleagues was Yin Hao 殷浩 (306–356). Sun and Yin visited the grave of the famous late Eastern Han recluse scholar Xu Zhi 許稚 (97–168) whose tomb was located in Wuchang. They composed a eulogy in praise of Xu Zhi. In 338, Sun Chuo was appointed magistrate of Zhang’an 章安 (modern Linhai 臨海, Zhejiang). Ca. 343 or somewhat before, Sun Chuo joined the staff of Yu Bing 庾冰 (299–344), the younger brother of Yu Liang. He also was appointed professor at the national university. In 345, he was promoted to secretarial court gentleman. Ca. 347, Sun’s old friend Yin Hao invited him to serve as an administrator in his military command. In 351, Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361, alt. 303–361) took up a post as administrator of Guiji, and he invited Sun Chuo to join his staff. In Yonghe 9 (353), Sun participated in the famous Lan ting gathering that Wang Xizhi hosted. Sun wrote poems and a preface for the affair. In 356, Sun Chuo was appointed governor of Yongjia 永嘉 (modern Wenzhou, Zhejiang), followed by imperial court appointments as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and editorial director in the palace library. In 362, when Huan Wen proposed moving the capital back to Luoyang, Sun Chuo sent him a petition opposing the idea. Angered, Huan sent him a reply in which he said “Why don’t you reread your ‘Fu on Fulfilling My Resolve’ instead of intruding into the state affairs of other people!” Soon thereafter 1046 sun chuo 孫綽 (314–371, alt. 310–371), zi xinggong 興公

Sun Chuo was transferred to the post of chief minister for law enforcement and editorial director in the palace library. Sun Chuo died in 371 at the age of fifty-eight. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Sun Chuo’s collected writings in fifteen juan. It also mentions that a Liang period catalogue recorded a collection in twenty-five juan. Both Tang histories list a collection in fifteen juan. This was lost in the Song. All received collections are later reconstructions. The Sui shu also records several other works by Sun Chuo including Jijie Lunyu 集解論語 (Collected explanations for the Lun yu) in ten juan, and a collection of expository writings in twelve juan titled Sunzi 孫子. The latter is also known under the title Sun Chuozi 孫綽子 (Master Sun Chuo). These works seem to have been lost in the Song. Sun Chuo’s most famous piece is “You Tiantai shan fu” 遊天台山賦 (Fu on roaming the Celestial Terrace Mountains), which is included in the Wen xuan (11.493–501). It portrays a mystical journey on the Tiantai Mountains of eastern Zhejiang. By the fourth century this area had become an important scenic site as well as a Buddhist and Taoist center. Sun begins by describing the physical features of the peaks, focusing on the two most important sights, the Chi cheng 赤城 (Scarlet Wall), which is a cragged cliff towering over three hundred meters, and the Pubu 瀑布 (Cascade), a huge waterfall located in the southwestern part of the range. As he progresses up the slopes, Sun’s account becomes more philosophical as he imagines himself roaming the slopes with Taoist immortals: “I meet plumed men on Cinnabar Hill; /I search for the blessed chambers of the undying.” Sun then says the Tiantai Mountain is every bit the equal of the famed Kunlun range in the northwest. Here he reaches an exalted, transcendent state that allows him to roam freely over the peaks. At this point, Sun actually gives a brief account of the various places in the Tiantai range that he visits. These include You Stream (You xi 楢溪), located thirty li east of Tiantai county, which was one of the forbidding barriers one must cross to enter the mountains. Another was the Five Boundaries which were the boundaries of the five counties through which the Tiantai Mountains stretch: Yuyao, Yin, Zuzhang, Shan, and Shi’ning. Sun Chuo also gives some sense of the horror that a climber felt as he made his way up the slippery slopes of the mountain. At this point Sun seems to equate his overcoming the perils of the ascent with attaining immorality. At the summit, his path is now smooth, level, and straight. This is also a metaphor for the success of his spiritual journey. Sun Chuo ends the fu in the realm of pure philosophy, in which Buddhist and Taoist concepts are perfectly blended. sun chuo 孫綽 (314–371, alt. 310–371), zi xinggong 興公 1047

Sun Chuo and Xu Xun are generally acknowledged as the most accomplished writers of xuanyan poetry of the Eastern Jin. According to Tan Daoluan 檀道鸞 (fifth century), compiler of the Xu Jin yangqiu 續晉陽秋 (Sequel to the Annals of Jin), beginning in the Eastern Jin poets began to write pentasyllabic verse in which they “combined the words of Taoist masters and set them to rhyme.” Two of the poets that he mentions who were known for their Taoist verse were Sun Chuo and Xu Xun. Similar statements can also be found in the Shi pin and Wenxin diaolong. Most of Sun Chuo’s xuanyan poems are in tetrasyllabic meter. The Yutai xinyong contains two quatrains titled “Qingren Biyu ge” 情人碧玉歌 (Song of the Loved One Green Jade) that it attributes to Sun Chuo. The Yuefu shiji credits these two pieces to the Prince of Runan 汝南 of the Song. However, as Wang Yunxi points out, there was no Prince of Runan in the Song. Wang suggests that Sun Chuo composed this piece for Liu Biyu 劉碧玉 who was a concubine of Sima Yi 司馬義, Prince of Runan (d. 389). Sun Chuo was arguably the most distinguished writer of grave inscriptions and dirges of the Eastern Jin. According to Sun’s biography in the Jin shu when an eminent person died, Sun was requested to compose a grave inscription or dirge. Sun Chuo’s extant works include threnodic pieces for Wang Dao 王導 (276–339), Yu Liang, Yu Bing, and Xi Jian 郗鑒 (269–339). In some of these works Sun even went so far as to express his own personal sentiments, and was even accused of exaggerating the closeness of his relationship to the deceased. Sun Chuo had a strong interest in both Buddhism and Taoism. In his essay “Yu Dao lun” 喻道論 (Disquisition on explicating the Way) Sun argues that Buddhism, Taoism, and Ruism are fundamentally compatible with each other. In the “Dao xian lun” 道賢論 (Disquisition on worthy men of the Way), Sun compares seven Buddhist monks to the Seven Worthies of the Bamboo Grove. Sun also composed zan (encomia) for various Taoist figures, immortals, and Buddhist monks.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Sun Tingwei ji 孫廷尉集. 2 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Sun Tingwei ji 孫廷尉集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Jiang Xiaoli 姜曉麗, ed. and comm. “Sun Chuo ji jiaozhu 孫綽集校注. M.A. Thesis, Dongbei shifan daxue, 2005. 1048 sun chuo 孫綽 (314–371, alt. 310–371), zi xinggong 興公

Translations Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Son Shaku shi yakuchū 孫綽詩譯注. Yashiro, published by the author, 1990. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Son Shaku bun yakuchū 孫綽文譯注. Higashihiro- shima: Hiroshima daigaku kyōikugakubu kokugo kyōiku kenkyū shitsu, 1996. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Tōshin shi yakuchū 東晉詩譯注, 277–332. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1994.

Studies Cao Daoheng. “Jindai zuojia liukao” 晉代作家六考. Wen shi 20 (1983): 187–88; rpt. in Cao Daoheng, Zhonggu wenxueshi lunwenji, 290–93. Hachiya Kunio 蜂尾邦夫. “Son Shaku no shōgai to shisō” 孫綽の生涯と思想. Tōyō bunka 57 (1977): 65–100; Chinese trans. by Zhao Yi 趙怡. In Hachiya Kunio. Jun Xueyan 隽雪艷, Chen Jie 陳捷 et al. trans. Daojiao sixiang yu fojiao 道教思想與佛教, 114–53. Shenyang: Liaoning jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000. Li Wenchu 李文初. “Dong Jin shiren Sun Chuo kaoyi” 東晉詩人孫綽考議. Wen shi 28 (1987): 207–20; rpt. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yanjiu, 143–67. Su Jui-lung. “Sun Ch’o.” Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, vol. 2, 149–51. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. “Son Shaku shōden” 孫綽小傳. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 20 (1991): 74–91. Xu Gongchi, Wei Jin wenxue shi, 512–16. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 167–68. Chang Pei-pei 張蓓蓓. “Dong Jin shijia Sun Xu Yin Xie tongkao” 東晉詩家孫許殷謝通考. Guoli Taiwan daxue wen shi zhe xuebao 46 (1997): 295–324; rpt. in Chang Pei-pei. Wei Jin xueshu renwu xin yanjiu 魏晉學術人物新研究, 231–83. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 2001. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Son Shaku no kenkyū: lisō no “michi” ni akoga- reru shijin 孫綽の研究: 理想の「道」に懂れる詩人. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1999. Li Xiuhua 李秀花. “Sun Chuo de xuanyan shi ji qi lishi diwei” 孫綽的玄言詩及其歷史地位. Fudan xuebao (2001: 3): 122–26. Li Xiuhua 李秀花. “Sun Chuo de wenxue sixiang” 孫綽的文學思想. Jining shizhuan xuebao 22.2 (2001): 48–51. Gu Nong 顧農 . “Dong Jin xuanyan—shanshui shifu de qishou—Sun Chuo” 東晉玄言—山水詩賦的旗手—孫綽. Jimei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 4.2 (2002): 57–59. Xiao Zhan 蕭湛. “Shi lun Sun Chuo xuanxue bentilun zhi biantong ji qi chuangzuo de yingxiang” 試論孫綽玄學本體論之通變及對其創作的影響. Jiang Huai luntan (2003: 3): 83–88. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 190–92. Cao Ruifeng 曹瑞峰 and Sun Guohua 孫國華. “Cong Sun Chuo ‘Nan ba xian lun’ xi Dong Jin chuchu huigui xianxiang” 從孫綽《難八賢論》析東晉出處回歸現象. Zhangjiakou zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 17.4 (2004): 21–25. Wang Jianguo 王建國. “Lun Sun Chuo de wenxue gongxian” 論孫鷹的文學貢獻. Shandong shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 51.5 (2006): 50–54. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Xuanyan shi yanjiu 玄言詩研究, 125–28. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. sun chuo 孫綽 (314–371, alt. 310–371), zi xinggong 興公 1049

Yang Tong 楊彤. “Cai gao wei bei de wenren—cong Shishuo xinyu kan Sun Chuo xingxiang” 材高位卑的文人—從《世說新語》看孫綽形象. Anhui wenxue (2008: 10): 179–81. Chen Huijuan 陳慧娟. “Sun Chuo shengping kao” 孫綽生平考. Zhongshan daxue yanjiusheng xuekan (Shehui kexue ban) 30.3 (2009): 13–29. Kroll, Paul W. “The Writings of Sun Chuo.” Early Medieval China: A Sourcebook, ed. Wendy Swartz, Robert Ford Campany, Yang Lu, and Jessey Choo, 230–44. New York: Columbia University Press, 2013.

Works

a. “Da Xu Xun shi” 答許詢詩 (Poem replying to Xu Xun)

Translation Chang, Six Dynasties Poetry, 5–6 (#1) Holzman, Landscape Appreciation in Ancient and Early Medieval China, 136–37. Raft, David Zebulon. “Four Syllable Verse in Medieval China,” Ph.D. Diss., Har- vard University, 2007, 337.

b. “You Tiantai shan fu” 遊天台山賦 (Fu on roaming the Celestial Terrace Mountains)

Studies Ishikawa Tadahisa 石川忠久. “Son Shaku ‘Yū Tendaisan fu’ ni tsuite” 孫綽「遊天台山賦」について. Nishō gakusha daigaku daigaku’en kiyō 5 (1991): 317–39. Chen Wancheng 陳萬成. “Sun Chuo ‘Tiantai shan fu’ yu daojiao” 孫綽《天台山賦》與道教. Dalu zazhi 86.4 (1993): 43–48. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. “Son Shaku ‘Tendaishan ni asobu fu oyobini jo’ ” 孫綽「天台山遊賦序」. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Tōshin no shibun 東晉の詩文, 221–302. Hiroshima: Keisuisha, 2002.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 159–62. Mather, Richard. “The Mystical Ascent of the T’ien-t’ai Mountains: Sun Ch’o’s Yu T’ien-t’ai-shan fu.” MS 20 (1961): 226–45. Watson, Chinese Rhyme-Prose, 162–71. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 243–53. Owen, Anthology, 185–88.

c. “Qiu ri” 秋日 (Autumn day)

Translation Frodsham, J.D. “The Origins of Chinese Nature Poetry.” Asia Major, n.s. 8 (1960): 79. 1050 sun chuo 孫綽 (314–371, alt. 310–371), zi xinggong 興公

d. “Da Wen Qiao shi” 答溫嶠詩 (Poem replying to Wen Qiao)

Translation Raft, David Zebulon. “Four Syllable Verse in Medieval China,” 335.

e. “Yu Yu Bing” 與庾冰 (Given to Yu Bing)

Translation Raft, David Zebulon. “Four Syllable Verse in Medieval China,” 339.

f. “Qingren Biyu ge” 情人碧玉歌 (Song of the Loved One Green Jade)

Study Wang Yunxi 王運熙. Liuchao yuefu yu minge 六朝樂府與民歌. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961; rpt. in Wang Yunxi. Yuefu shi shulun (zengbu ben) 樂府詩述論 (增補本), 69–73. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006.

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 265–66.

g. “Yu dao lun” 喻道論 (Disquisiton on explicating the Way)

Studies and Translations Wilhelm, Hellmut. “Sun Ch’o’s Yü-tao-lun.” Sino-Indian Studies 5 (1957): 261–71. Link, Arthur E. and Tim Lee. “Sun Ch’o’s ‘Yü-tao lun’: A Clarification of the Way.” Monumenta Serica 25 (1987): 207–20.

DRK

Sun Fang 孫放 (b. 326–334) zi Qizhuang 齊莊

Eastern Jin fu writer.

Sun Fang’s ancestral home was Zhongdu 中都 in Taiyuan 太原 (modern Pingyao 平遙, Shanxi). His father Sun Sheng 孫盛 (302–373) was a celebrated writer and historian. Sun Fang was born during the Xianhe (326– 334) period of Emperor Cheng (r. 325–342). His death date is not known. During his youth Sun Fang showed himself to be intelligent and quick- sun gai 孫該 (d. 261), zi gongda 公達 1051 witted. He and his father one day went hunting with the celebrated writer Yu Liang 庾亮 (289–340) in Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Jiangling 江陵, Hebei) when he was only seven or eight years old. He could readily reply to Yu Liang’s questions without any hesitation or difficulty. Little is known about Sun Fang’s adult life. According to his biography in the Jin shu (82.2149), he served as district magistrate of Changsha 長沙 (modern Hunan). The monograph on bibliography lists Sun Fang’s collected works in one juan which it notes was in fragments. It also mentions a ten-juan collection recorded in a Liang period catalogue. Both Tang histories record his collection in fifteen juan. This was lost in the Song. Only two of his writings are extant: “Lu shan fu” 廬山賦 (Fu on Mount Lu) and “Xi si ming” 西寺銘 (Inscription for the Western Monastery), which is included in Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 166.

TPK

Sun Gai 孫該 (d. 261), zi Gongda 公達

Wei period fu writer.

Sun Gai’s ancestral home was Rencheng 任城 (modern Jining 濟寧, Shan- dong). His birth date is not known. The biography of Wang Can 王粲 (177–217) in the Wei shu mentions Sun Gai as a prominent fu writer: “Chen commandery governor Sun Gai of Rencheng together with other writers wrote many fu, which were circulated and passed down to later generations” (21.620–1). Pei Songzhi’s 裴松之 (372–451) commentary to the Sanguo zhi 三國志 quotes a short biography of Sun Gai from the Wen- zhang xulu 文章敘錄 (Prefatory accounts for literary works) of Xun Xu 荀勖 (ca. 217–288): “[Sun] Gai’s zi was Gongda. He had a retentive memory, and he was always eager to learn. He was appointed accounts assistant when he was twenty, and later was summoned to serve as gentleman of the interior. After he participated in compiling the Wei shu, he was promoted to academician, right administrator in the Ministry of Education, and editorial director in the palace library. He died in the second year of Jingyuan (261)” (21.622). 1052 sun gai 孫該 (d. 261), zi gongda 公達

The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Sun Gai’s collected works in two juan as do the two Tang histories. The collection was lost in the Song. Sun Gai has two extant fu: “San gong shanxia shenci fu” 三公山下神祠賦 (Fu on the spirit shrine beneath Sangong Mountain) and “Pipa fu” 琵琶賦 (Fu on the mandolin). The former piece was about a shrine dedicated to the Sangong xing 三公星 (Three Excellencies Constellation). The shrine was located in the Xing Mountains 陘山 (south of modern Jingjing 井徑 county, Hebei). Yan Kejun has collected these two pieces in his Quan shanggu sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 166.

TPK

Sun Hui 孫惠 (ca. 272–ca. 318), zi Deshi 德施

Three States period Wu writer.

Sun Hui’s natal place was Fuchun 富春 in the state of Wu (modern Fuyang 富陽, Zhejiang). Although he was not a glib speaker, Sun Hui was quite learned. Early in his career he did not accept appointments to office. In 301, he joined the Prince of Qi, Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 302) in his coup against Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 302), Prince of Zhao. Sun Hui repeatedly admonished Sima Jiong for his imperiousness to no effect. Fearing punishment, he resigned from office. After Sima Ying 司馬穎 (279–306) overthrew Sima Jiong in 302, he invited Sun Hui to serve as his military aide. In 303, Sima Ying assigned Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303) to lead a campaign against the Prince of Changsha, Sima Yi 司馬乂 (277–304). Sun Hui was concerned that this would bode ill for his fellow Wu compatriot Lu Ji, and he urged him to decline the assignment. After Lu Ji was executed for suffering an ignomonious defeat, Sui Hui was so devastated, he changed his name and went into hiding. In 304, Sun Hui presented under the assumed name Disengaged Scholar of the Southern Peak a petition to Sima Yue 司馬越 (d. 311), Prince of Donghai, outlining a set of strategies he could employ in maintaining control of the imperial court. Sima Yue had placards placed on the roadsides to locate him. Sun Hui then accepted various court positions including secretarial aide, cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, palace attendant on the staff of sun huiwei 孫惠蔚 (452–518), zi shubing 叔炳 1053 the crown prince, and assistant to the minister of works. One of Sun’s most important duties was composing official letters and proclamations. Sun eventually left the court and served in local positions including administrator of Pengcheng 彭城 (administrative seat, modern Xuzhou) and Anfeng 安豐 (southeast of modern Gushi 固始, Henan). In 310, Sun Hui joined Sima Rui 司馬睿 (276–322), the future first emperor of the East- ern Jin, in his campaign against his rival Zhou Fu 周馥 (d. 311). Some time later, He Rui 何銳 replaced Sun Hui as administrator of Anfeng. Fearing that He Rui would slander him to the court, he had He Rui killed. Sun Hui then fled among the Southern Man tribes where he died of illness. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu records Sun Hui’s collection in ten juan as do the two Tang histories. This collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected eleven of Sun Hui’s prose pieces in the Quan shangu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Four of these are fu, and one of them is on the unusual subject of the suiju 繀車 or silk-reeler.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 168–89.

DRK

Sun Huiwei 孫惠蔚 (452–518), zi Shubing 叔炳

Northern Wei scholar and writer.

Sun Huiwei’s boyhood zi was Tuoluo 陀羅. His ancestral home was Wusui 武遂 in Wuyi 武邑 (north of modern Wuqiang 武強, Hebei). He came from a family that had a long tradition of producing scholars. By the age of thirteen he acquired a basic knowledge of the Shi jing, Shu jing, Xiao jing, and Lunyu. At age eighteen he studied the Yijing with the scholar Dong Daoji 董道季 (n.d.), and at age nineteen he studied the ritual scriptures and Chunqiu sanzhuan 春秋三傳 (Three commentaries to the Spring and Autumn Annals) with Cheng Xuan 程玄 (n.d.). Sun Huiwei soon became well known in the Hebei area. During the early Taihe 太和 period (477–499) of Emperor Xiaowen 孝文 (r. 471–499), Sun Huiwei was recommended as xiaolian—filial and incorrupt. He took the official examination at the Secretariat and passed. Having heard of Sun Huiwei’s fine reputation, the Secretariat supervisor Gao Lü 高閭 (d. 502) invited him for an interview. After the meeting, Gao 1054 sun huiwei 孫惠蔚 (452–518), zi shubing 叔炳

Lü recommended him for the post of professor in the Secretariat, and later assigned him as professor for the imperial clan. About this time, by imperial order, Gao Lü was in the process of compiling the yayue 雅樂 (court ceremonial music), and Sun Huiwei was invited to participate in the project. When the compilation was completed, Gao Lü submitted a petition inviting senior court officials to evaluate the work. Director of the Palace Library Li Biao 李彪 (444–501) wrote a critical evaluation. Sun Huiwei on behalf of Gao Lü refuted Li Biao’s criticism. In 498, Sun Huiwei was appointed reader-in-waiting in the household of the heir designate, Yuan Ke 元恪 (483–515), the future Emperor Xuanwu 宣武 (r. 500–515). When Yuan Ke succeeded to the throne in 500, Sun Huiwei was appointed supervisor of the entourage and then vice director of the palace library. He also was selected as rectifier for his home area of Wuyi commandery. He noticed that many ancient texts held in the Dong- guan 東觀 (Eastern Institute) were in disorder. He submitted a petition “Shang shu qing jiaobu mushu” 上書請校補祕書 (Petition requesting to fill vacancies in the palace library) to Emperor Xuanwu, in which he stated the important educational role of ancient writings, and how essential it was to collect complete versions of ancient texts, collate them, and correct textual errors. He also requested four academicians and forty scholars from the capital to undertake this task (Wei shu 84.1853–1854). Emperor Xuanwu approved his request. Sun Huiwei’s achievements at the Dongguan were greatly appreciated. He received the concurrent appointment as gentleman attendant at the palace gate, and later was promoted to grand master of palace leisure. Eventu- ally he was appointed gentleman attendant at the palace gate. Sun Huiwei replaced Cui Guang 崔光 (451–523) as editorial director of the palace library. Except for a few minor notes, he did not write much during this period of time. Shortly thereafter, he was appointed chancellor of the national university and director of the palace library. In 513, he was enfeoffed as Baron of Kaiguo 開國 in Zaoqiang 棗強 county for his past meritorious service as an expositor-in-waiting. Early in the reign of Emperor Xiaoming 孝明 (r. 516–528), Sun Huiwei was assigned regional inspector of Jizhou 濟州 (southwest of modern Ren- ping 荏平, Shandong). After he completed his term of service and returned to the capital, he was appointed grand master for splendid happiness. Up to this time in the Northern Wei, Sun Huiwei was the most illustri- ous scholar from a commoner background. His original personal name was Wei 蔚. During the Zhengshi 正始 (504–508) period, he served as companion and classical tutor to Emperor Xuanwu. They quite often discussed Budhist texts and teachings at night, and they shared common views on sun shao 孫紹 (465–533), zi shiqing 世慶 1055 most issues. Emperor Xiaowen thus added “hui” 惠 (kind) to his personal name. He also granted him the Buddhist title Dharma Master Huiwei (Huiwei fashi 惠蔚法師). Sun Huiwei died in office in 518 at the age of sixty-seven. Hewas awarded 500 bolts of silk, and was posthumously bestowed the titles of general-in-chief and regional inspector of Yingzhou 瀛洲 (modern Hejian 河間, Hebei). Sun Huiwei’s “Shang shu qing jiaobu mushu” is preserved in his biography in the Wei shu (84.1853–4) and Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Three other petitions, including “Shang shu yan tongzi cuima ru chengren” 上書言童子衰麻如成人 (Peti- tion on the question should mourning apparel for children be the same as that of adults), are also included in Yan’s collection.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 169.

TPK

Sun Shao 孫紹 (465–533), zi Shiqing 世慶

Northern Wei scholar and writer.

Sun Shao’s ancestral home was Changli 昌黎 (modern Chaoyang 朝陽, Liaoning). His ancestors served in the courts of the Former Yan 燕 (337– 370) and Later Yan (407–436). His grandfather Sun Zhi 孫志 (n.d.) served in the Northern Wei court. He died while serving as governor of Jiyang 濟陽 (modern Lankao 蘭考, Henan). Sun Shao’s father Sun Xie 孫協 (n.d.) served as governor of Shangdang 上黨 (modern southwestern Shanxi). From an early age Sun Shao was a diligent student. He was a skilled writer, and studied the Classics and history and was well versed in yin-yang cosmology and occult arts. Sun Shao’s first official appointment was editor in theS ecretariat. He later was promoted to supervising secretary, and concurrently held the posts of director of the palace guard and overseer of the Chancellery. He made a name for himself by his habit of voicing his frank opinion on major issues and court events. At this time, he authored “Shi dian lun” 釋典論 (Dis- quisition on Buddhist sutras). He also colloborated with Chang Jing 常景 (d. 550) in revising the law code. During the Yanchang period (512–515) of Emperor Xuanwu 宣武 (r. 500–515), Sun Shao submitted a long petition 1056 sun shao 孫紹 (465–533), zi shiqing 世慶

“Xiu Lüling shangbiao” 修律令上表 (Submitting a petition on revising the laws and statues), in which he stated his views on governance, guarding the frontier, and the importance of establishing laws. Shortly thereafter he was appointed governor of Jiyin 濟陰 (northwest of Caoxian 曹縣 county, Shandong). After completing his term of service, Sun Shao returned to the capital. He was assigned to a number of new positions, including administrator of the Personnel Evaluation Section of the Ministry of Education, infantry commandant, and commandant of the Chang River encampment. During the Zhenguang period (520–525) of Emperor Xiaoming 孝明 (r. 516–528), Sun Shao concurrently served as vice director of the Secretariat and envoy to Gaoli 高麗 (Koryŏ). After he completed his mission and returned to the capital, he was appointed General Who Defends the Distance and general of the right army. He was assigned to serve as Xu Yan’s 徐兖 (n.d.) grain requisition commissioner. When he returned to the imperial court, he voiced his opinion on the advantages and disadvantages of being a military state (軍國), and he submitted another petition on the same issue. Sun Shao was candid and outspoken, and sometimes he made unex- pected and even shocking statements. Most of his recommendations were not accepted by the emperor, nor did his contemporaries think highly of him. During the Yong’an 永安 period (528–530) of Emperor Xiaozhuang 孝莊 (r. 528–530), Sun Shao was appointed chamberlain for the palace revenues. He later was promoted to general of the right and superior grand master of the palace. Sun Shao was a well known prognosticator. Most of his predications came true. According to Sun Shao’s biography in the Wei shu (78.1726), one morning Sun Shao and numerous officials went to the court for an early morning meeting. The Eastern Palace gate was still closed, and Sun Shao and other officials waited outside of the gate. Sun Shao privately took Xin Xiong 辛雄 (489–533), director of the Ministry of Personnel aside and secretly told him: “All of these officials will die in the near future. Only you and I will survive and continue to enjoy all the benefits of being wealthy and powerful.” Xin Xiong was shocked. Before long, in 528, the Heyin 河陰 (northeast of modern Luoyang 洛陽, Henan) massacre took place, which was one of the worst massacres in Chinese history. Most of the court officials were killed. Both Sun Shao and Xin Xiong survived. In that same year, Sun Shao was appointed vice minister for the Court of the Palace Garrison. He later was granted the title of grand master of the palace with golden seals and purple ribbon. In 532, Sun Shao was promoted to general of the left guard and grand master for splendid happiness. He died in 533. sun sheng 孫盛 (302–373), zi anguo 安國 1057

Sun Shao’s “Shi dian lun” is no longer extant. His two petitions mentioned above are included in his biography in the Wei shu and Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 166.

TPK

Sun Sheng 孫盛 (302–373), zi Anguo 安國

Eastern Jin historian and writer.

Sun Sheng’s ancestral home was Zhongdu 中都 in Taiyuan 太原 commandery (modern Pingyao 平遙, Shansi). He was the grandson of Sun Chu 孫楚 (d. 293) and a paternal cousin of Sun Chuo 孫綽 (314–371). In 311, members of the Sun family fled their home area, which had been invaded by the armies of Shi Le 石勒 (274–333) and Wang Mi 王彌 (d. 311), and they took up residence south of the Yangzi. As an adult, Sun Sheng displayed vast learning and skill in “conversation on arcane subjects” (xuan yan 玄言). One of his companions was Yin Hao 殷浩 (306–356), also renowned for his skill in conversation. The only one who could best him in debate was Sun Sheng. On one occasion, a group of conversationalists were debating the topic of “The Images of the Changes Are More Sutble than the Visible Shapes of Nature” at the villa of the Prince of Guiji, Sima Yu 司馬昱 (320– 372). No one could refute Sun’s arguments until Liu Tan 劉惔 (d. 347) arrived at the villa. After Liu Tan spoke, Sun Sheng yielded to the superior- ity of Liu’s arguments. Sun Sheng began his official career as editorial director in the palace library. However, because he was not able to support his family on his meager salary, he requested an assignment as magistrate of Liuyang 瀏陽 (northeast of modern Liuyang, Hunan). Ca. 325, Tao Kan 陶侃 (259–334), regional inspector of Jingzhou, invited Sun Sheng to join his staff as a military aide. He served Tao until Tao’s death in 334, and continued in the same position under Tao’s successors, who included Yu Liang 庾亮 (289– 340), Yu Yi 庾翼 (305–345), and Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373). In 346, Sun Sheng accompanied Huan Wen on a military expedition to Shu. He was then promoted to attendant palace gentleman, a thousand-bushel rank. 1058 sun sheng 孫盛 (302–373), zi anguo 安國

In 354, Sun Sheng participated in the expedition led by Huan Wen to recover the former Jin capital of Luoyang. As a reward for his performance on this military campaign, Sun was enfeoffed as marquis of Wuchang 吳昌. He also was appointed governor of Changsha 長沙 (modern Hunan). How- ever, after Huan Wen discovered Sun was extracting bribes from the local population, he had him removed from his post. Ca. 359, Sun returned to office as director of the palace library. Sometime in the late 360s Sun retired from officicial service. He died at home in 373. Sun Sheng compiled three historical works, Weishi chunqiu 魏氏春秋 (Annals of the Wei clan), originally titled Wei yangqiu 魏陽秋 (Annals of Wei) in twenty juan; Wei yangqiu yitong 魏陽秋異同 (On discrepancies in the annals of Wei) in eight juan; and Jin yangqiu 晉陽秋 (Annals of Jin) in thirty juan. Although these works do not survive intact, portions of them have survived as quotations in other works. The Jin yangqiu is a history of the Jin from the beginnings of the rise of the Sima clan in the Wei period to Sun’s own time, and thus is a near-contemporaneous account of the period. According to Sun Sheng’s biography in the Jin shu he wrote some ten pieces in the genres of lyric poetry, fu, disquisition, and nan 難 (refutation). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a partial collection in five juan. It mentions that a Liang catalogue recorded a collection in ten juan. The collection seems to have been lost already in the Tang. Yan Kejun collects ten of Sun Sheng’s works in the “Quan Jin wen” section of his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Li Yingke 李穎科, “Sun Sheng shixue chutan” 孫盛史學初探, Xibei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1984: 4): 65–72. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤, “Dunhuang yu Tulufan xieben Sun Sheng Jin Chunqiu ji qi ‘chuan zhi waiguo’ kao” 敦煌與吐魯番寫本孫盛晉春秋及其「傳之外國」考, Hanxue yanjiu 4.2 (1986): 1–8. Qiao Zhizhong 喬治中, “Sun Sheng shixue fawei” 孫盛史學發微, Shixue shi yanjiu (1995: 4): 32–40. Zhang Siqi 張思齊, Liuchao sanwen bijiao yanjiu 六朝散文比較研究, 221–34. Tai- pei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1997. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 188–90. Hao Runhua 郝潤華, Liuchao shiji yu shixue 六朝史籍與史學, 108–9. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2005. Wang Jianguo 王建國, “Sun Sheng ruogan shengping shiji ji zhushu kao bian” 孫盛若干生平事迹及著述考辨, Luoyang shifan xueyuan xuebao (2006: 3): 71–73.

DRK sun tong 孫統 (fl. 346–353), zi chenggong 承公 1059

Sun Si 孫嗣 (fl. 353–359)

Jin poet.

Sun Si’s ancestral home was Zhongdu 中都 in Taiyuan 太原 (modern Ping- yao 平遙, Shanxi). His father was Sun Chuo 孫綽 (314–371), one of the most celebrated writers and poets of the Jin dynasty. His birth and death dates are not known. In 353, together with his father and uncle Sun Tong 孫統 (n.d.) Sun Si participated in Lan ting 蘭亭 gathering which was held on the third day of the third lunar month in the Guiji 會稽 area of Zhe jiang (modern Shaoxing). Sun Si composed poems for this occasion. In 356, Sima Pi 司馬丕 (341–365), Prince of Langye 琅邪, was appointed general of middle army, and in 359, he was promoted to cavalry general. Sun Si served as Sima Pi’s administrator. He died at a young age. Sun Si’s brief biography in the Jin shu (56.1547) mentions that Sun Si inherited his father’s writing style and his writing skill was comparable to that of his father’s. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in three juan as do the two Tang histories. This was lost in the Song. Lu Qinli includes Sun Si’s only extant poem, “Lan ting shi” 蘭亭詩, in his Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 170.

TPK

Sun Tong 孫統 (fl. 346–353), zi Chenggong 承公

Jin poet and writer.

Sun Tong’s ancestral home was Zhongdu 中都 in Taiyuan 太原 (Pingyao 平遙, Shanxi). His grandfather was Sun Chu 孫楚 (d. 293), and his elder brother was Sun Chuo 孫綽 (314–371). He probably was born in the north, but fled with his family to the south in 311, when his home area was invaded by the armies led by Shi Le 石勒 (274–333). Sun’s father Sun Zuan 孫纂 died in 322 when Tong was a young boy. According to his biography in the Jin shu 晉書 (56.1543), Sun Tong was an impetuous, wild and unrestrained person. However he excelled at writing. Ca. 346, the General Who Subdues the North Chu Pou 褚裒 (303–349) appointed Sun Tong as his adjutant. 1060 sun tong 孫統 (fl. 346–353), zi chenggong 承公

Sun Tong declined the offer. He moved his family to Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing 紹興 area, Zhejiang) where he became goods friends with Gao Rou 高柔 (fl. 344), a wealthy man who had retired to the Guiji hills. Sun Tong wrote a preface to Gao Rou’s collected works. Sun Tong enjoyed mountain scenery, and thus he sought to be appointed magistrate of Yin 鄞 (northeast of modern Fenghua 奉化, Zhejiang), but he was assigned instead to the post of magistrate of Wuning 吳寧 (east of modern Dongyang 東陽, Zhejiang). While in office, he did not pay attention to small matters, but devoted most of his time traveling from one scenic place to another. When Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361; alt. 303–361) served as administrator of Guiji and general of the right he recruited Sun Tong as his adjutant. In 353, Wang Xizhi also invited Sun Tong to a gathering held on the third day of the third lunar month at Lan ting 蘭亭 in Guiji. During the gathering, Sun Tong contributed one four-syllable line verse and one five-syllable line verse. Sun Tong was later appointed magistrate of Yuyao 餘姚 (modern Yuyao, Zhejiang). He died in office. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Sun Tong’s collected writings in three juan and mentions a nine-juan collection recorded in a Liang period catalogue. The two Tang histories list his collection in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun collects his two extant prose pieces, the preface for Gao Rou’s collected works, and a dirge for Yu Cun 虞存 (mid fourth cent.) in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. His two Lan ting poems are preserved in the Shi ji of Feng Weine and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 166–7.

TPK

Sun Wanshou 孫萬壽 (ca. 559–ca. 611), zi Xianqi 仙期, Xianian 遐年

Sui dynasty poet.

Sun Wanshou’s ancestral home was Wuqiang 武強 in Xindu 信都 (modern Hebei). His father Sun Linghui 孫靈暉 (n.d.) was a professor at the national university and also served as defender-in-chief in the Northern Qi court. He died a few years after the fall of the Northern Qi regime. When Sun Wanshou was fourteen, he studied under the eminent scholar Xiong sun wanshou 孫萬壽, zi xianqi 仙期, xianian 遐年 1061

Ansheng 熊安生 (d. 578). Sun Wanshou was quick-witted and resourceful. He studied the Classics, Masters texts, and the histories. He was a skilled writer and an eloquent speaker. Sun Wanshou obtained his first official appointment at the age of seventeen when he was assigned audience attendant in the Department of Scholarly Counselors. Yang Xiuzhi 陽休之 (d. 582), a high official of the Qi court, appointed him area commander as well as acting administrator. In 581, Yang Jian 楊堅 (541–604) established the Sui dynasty. His younger brother, Yang Zan 楊瓚 (550–591), Prince Mu 穆 of Teng 滕, recruited Sun Wanshou to serve as instructor in his princely household. However, he was banished south of the Yangzi River area for not being properly attired. The area commander-in-chief Yuwen Shu 宇文述 (d. 616) recognized his talent and summoned him to serve as his military archivist. However, Sun Wanshou was a scholar who did not fit in with the military personnel. He became despondent over his situation and wrote a long pentasyllabic poem, “Yuan shu Jiangnan ji jingyi qinyou” 遠戍江南寄京邑親友 (Sent to friends and relatives in the capital from a remote garrison south of the Yangzi defending Jiangnan). His poem was widely read and circulated among his friends. Some enthusiasts even wrote his poem on walls and made some appreciative remarks about it. Sun later returned to his home area where he remained for more than ten years without being reappointed to a new position. During the Ren- shou period (601–604) of Emperor Wen, he was finally assigned as administrator for Yang Jian 楊暕 (584–618), Prince of Yuzhang 豫章. He did not really like this appointment. When the Prince of Yuzhang was enfeoffed in Qi (modern Shandong area) and was named Prince of Qi, Sun Wanshou served as his instructor. At that time, many princes and their subordinates were removed and eliminated in order to reduce their power. Sun Wan- shou became increasingly uneasy about the situation. He resigned from office on the pretext of illness. Toward the end of his life, he was appointed rectifier in the Court of Judicial Review. He died in office ca. 611 at the age of fifty-two. According to Sun Wanshou’s biography in the Sui shu (76.1736), his “collected works in ten juan” were in circulation at that time. However, the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu does not list his collection. Ten of his poems are extant, including the “Yuan shu jiangnan ji jingyi qinyou” mentioned above, and “Bie zeng shi” 別贈詩 (Poem presented to a friend at parting), “Ting qian kushu shi” 庭前枯樹詩 (Poem on a withered tree in front of the courtyard). They are preserved in the Wen yuan yinghua, Shi ji of Feng Weine, and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. 1062 sun wanshou 孫萬壽, zi xianqi 仙期, xianian 遐年

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 165. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 752–55.

TPK

Sun Yu (fl. 261) 孫毓

Wei-Jin period literatus.

Sun Yu’s birth and death dates are not known, and little is known about his life. His ancestral home probably was Taishan 泰山 (modern Tai’an 泰安, Shandong). According to the Sanguo zhi, Sun Yu’s father Sun Guan 孫觀 (n.d.) served as regional inspector of Qingzhou 青州 (northeast of Zibo 淄博, Shandong). He joined a military campaign led by Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) against Sun Quan 孫權 (182–252), and he died of an injury that he received in battle. His son Sun Yu also served as regional inspector of Qingzhou. The monograph on rites of the Jin shu mentions that in 276 Sun Yu submitted a petition on proper mourning apparel and rituals. It is quite possible that Sun Yu presented this petition while he was serving as academician for the Office of the Chamberlain for Ceremonials. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Mao shi yitong ping 毛詩異同評 (Comments on divergent interpretations in the Mao version of the Song) by Governor of Changsha, Sun Yu. It also lists the Sun Yu ji 孫毓集 (Collected works of Sun Yu) in six juan by Governor of Ru’nan, Sun Yu. These two entries indicate that Sun Yu must have served both as governor of Changsha and Ru’nan. Most of his writings have been lost. Fifteen of Sun Yu’s prose writings, including “Miao zhi yi” 廟制議 (Discus- sion on the system of ancestral temple), “Zhuhou miao yi” 諸侯廟議 (Dis- cussion on ancestral temples of nobles), “Wenxian huanghou shi yi” 文獻皇后諡議 (Discussion on the posthumous title of Empress Wenxian), “Dizi jianguo yi” 嫡子監國議 (Discussion on the issue of the legal wife’s sons overseeing the state) are included in Yan Kejun’s Quan shangguo Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 170.

TPK sun zheng 孫拯 (d. 303), zi xianshi 顯世 1063

Sun Zheng 孫拯 (d. 303), zi Xianshi 顯世

Western Jin literatus.

Sun Zheng’s ancestral home was Fuchun 富春 in Wudu 吳都 (modern Zheji- ang). His name is also written as cheng 承, and sometimes erroneously as ji 極. Sun Zheng was a member of the ruling family in the state of Wu. He excelled at writing, and he served as gentleman of the palace gate in Wu. The last Wu ruler, Sun Hao 孫皓 (242–283, r. 264–280), was a self-indulgent tyrant, and most of his court officials were humiliated or insulted by him. Being quick-witted and resourceful, only Sun Zheng and General Gu Rong 顧榮 (fl. 268) survived his cruelties relatively unscathed. In 280, Wu was defeated by the Western Jin, and Sun Zheng was summoned north where he was appointed governor of Zhuo 涿 (administrative seat, modern Dingxing 定興, Hebei). He established a good record as an administrator in this post. Sun Zheng later was appointed aide to the chamberlain for the palace revenues. In 303, Sima Ying 司馬穎 (279–306), Prince of Chengdu 成都, appointed Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303) area commander-in-chief of the vanguard, and Lu Ji recruited Sun Zheng to be his assistant commander. During a battle against Sima Yi 司馬乂 (277–304), Prince of Changsha 長沙, Lu Ji’s army was defeated outside one of the gates of Luoyang. Accused of plotting revolt, Lu Ji was sentenced to death together with his two sons and brothers. Wrongly accused by Meng Jiu 孟玖 (n.d.), a close confidant of Sima Ying, Sun Zheng was put into prison. Even after being brutally tortured, Sun Zheng never said a word against Lu Ji. Sun Zheng’s two students Fei Ci 費慈 (n.d.) and Zai Yi 宰意 (n.d.) visited him in prison. Sun Zheng said to them, “My sense of principle shall never allow me falsely to incriminate my close friend. What do you two have to say?” (Jin shu 54.1481). Sun Zheng died in prison. His two students also died shortly thereafter. The monograph on bibliography of theSui shu lists Sun Zheng’s collected works in two juan but gives his name as Sun Ji 孫極. The two Tang histories record a collection of the same size with his name also rendered Sun Ji. This collection was lost in the Song Only one of his writings is extant, the “Jia dun fu” 嘉遯賦 (Fu on favorable withdrawal). This is preserved in Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 167.

TPK 1064 suo jing 索靖 (239–303), zi you’an 幼安

Suo Jing 索靖 (239–303), zi You’an 幼安

Wei and Western Jin period Writer and calligrapher.

Suo Jing’s ancestral home was Dunhuang 敦煌 (modern Gansu province). He came from an influential family of scholar-officials. His father Suo Zhan 索湛 (n.d.) was governor of Beidi 北地 (administrative headquarters in modern Zunhua 遵化, Hebei). Suo Jing and four other men from Dun- huang became well known when they studied at the national university. They were called the Five Dragons from Dunhuang. Except for Suo Jing, the other four dragons died young. Suo Jing was well versed in the Classics and history texts. When his commandery was nominating candidates for the designations of “worthy and excellent” and “straightforward and upright,” Suo Jing received the highest rank in his reply to the examination questions. The eminent scholars Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278) and Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300) upon meeting him one time held him in high regard. During the early Western Jin, Suo Jing was named commandant-escort, and later was appointed administrator to the commandant of the center for the Western Regions. A man from Suo Jing’s home area, Zhang Bo 張勃 (n.d.), who was serving as coachman in the household of the heir designate, suggested that Suo Jing be appointed to the Imperial Secretariat. In 285 or earlier, he was promoted to secretarial court gentleman, and served together with Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300) and Gu Rong 顧榮 (d. 312). Later he was assigned to the position of governor of Yanmen 雁門 (administrative seat, modern Dai 代 county, Shanxi), and was transferred to the posts of administrator of Lu 魯 (modern Qufu 曲阜, Shandong), and governor of Jiuquan 酒泉 (modern Jiuquan, Gansu). A note in the biography of Wei Guan 衛瓘 (220–291), Wei zhi 魏志 (30.612) also mentions that Suo Jing served as administrator of Fufeng 扶風 (administrative seat, modern Jing- yang 涇陽, Shaanxi). In 290, Emperor Hui (r. 290–306) succeeded to the throne and granted Suo Jing the honorary title Marquis of Guannei. In 296, there was a revolt of the Di 氐 and Qiang 羌 in the northwest. Sima Rong 司馬肜 (d. 302), Prince of Liang 梁, was appointed General-in-chief Who Subdues the West, and Suo Jing was assigned as commander of the left to lead a force against the rebels. His campaign was successful, and Suo Jing was promoted to senior administrator of Shiping 始平 (administrative seat, Huali 槐里, southeast of modern Xingping 興平, Shaanxi). During these years of turmoil, Suo Jing once pointed at a bronze camel statue situated at the palace gate in Luoyang and sighed “I shall soon see you in the thorns and brambles.” suo jing 索靖 (239–303), zi you’an 幼安 1065

In 301, Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301), Prince of Zhao 趙, usurped the imperial throne. Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 302), Prince of Qi 齊, dispatched an army to overthrow him. Suo Jing joined the forces opposed to Sima Lun, who was quickly defeated. Suo Jing’s meritorious service earned him the honorific title cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. He later was promoted torear general. In 303, Sima Yong 司馬顒 (d. 360), Prince of Hejian 河間, attacked Luoyang, and he assigned Suo Jing as mobile corps commander to assist him. Suo Jing was killed in battle. He was sixty-five at the time. Suo Jing posthumously received the positions of chamberlain for ceremonials, minister of works, and the noble title Marquis of Anle ting 安樂亭. Suo Jing was a learned scholar. He was also a renowned calligrapher, and especially excelled in cursive script. His powerful strokes were bold and unconstrained. He named his calligraphic style “silver hook with a scor- pion’s tail.” He and Wei Guan enjoyed equal fame during the Western Jin. His contemporaries called them the Two Ingenious talents” (Er miao 二妙). He wrote the “Wuxing santong zhengyan lun” 五行三統正驗論 (Disquisi- tion on verifying the Five Phases and the Triple Concordance system). His biography in the Jin shu mentions two twenty-juan works, the Suozi 索子 (Master Zuo) and Jin shi 晉詩 (Jin poetry). The former was a collection of Suo Jing’s expository essays, and the latter probably was an anthology of Jin period verse. Neither of these works has survived. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Suo Jing’s collected works in three juan. The two Tang histories record a collection two juan. The collection was lost in the Song. One of Suo Jing’s extant writings is his “Caoshu zhuang” 草書狀 (Forms of cursive script), in which he used many metaphors to describe cursive writing forms. Another piece that has survived is the Yue yi 月儀 (Monthly letter etiquette). This is the earliest extant example of the Shu yi 書儀 (Letter etiquette). Suo Jing’s work provides examples of model letter composition for nine month (three months are missing from the received version).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 332. Dai Yan 戴燕. “Suo Jing Lu Ji jiaowang kao” 索靖、陸機交往考. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2004: 1): 11–13. Huang Dun 黃惇. Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shufa shi 秦漢魏晉南北朝書法史, 192–94. Nanjing: Jiangsu meishu chubanshe, 2008. 1066 suo jing 索靖 (239–303), zi you’an 幼安

Works

a. Yue yi 月儀 (Monthly letter etiquette)

Studies Ouyang Zhongshi and Wen C. Fong, ed. Wang Youfen, trans. and ed. Chinese Calligraphy, 148. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008. Richter, Antje. Letters & Epistolary Culture in Early Medieval China, 140–45. Seat- tle: University of Washington Press, 2013.

TPK

Taikang wenxue 太康文學 (Taikang period literature)

Taikang is the name of a reign period (280–289) of Emperor Wu of the Western Jin. However, as a literary period the dates often are sometimes extended to the beginning of the Western Jin to end of the Yuankang 元康 period (280–300). According to Zhong Rong, the Taikang period led to a “revival” (zhongxing 中興) in the realm of writing. He identifies the main writers of this period as the “Three Zhangs, two Lus, two Pans, and Zuo Si.” The Three Zhangs are usually identified as Zhang Zai 張載 (ca. 250–ca. 310) and his two brothers Zhang Xie 張協 (ca. 255–ca. 310) and Zhang Kang 張亢 (ca. 270–ca. 335). The two Lus are Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303) and his brother Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303), and the two Pans are Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300) and Pan Ni 潘尼 (ca. 247–ca. 311). Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217–278) and Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300) are occasionally included in this group, but some scholars do not consider Fu Xuan a Taikang writer. Taikang poetry traditionally is characterized as expressing strong personal feelings, but hampered by excessive ornateness, and lacking the vigor of Jian’an period writing. A number of the writers are also known for their imitations of earlier poets.

Bibliography

Studies Wei Ming’an 魏明安. “Fu Xuan shi Taikang zuojia ma?” Gansu shida xuebao (1981: 2): 69–75. Fu Kang 傅剛. “Taikang wenxue lun lue” 太康文學論略. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (1992: 2): 49–53; rpt. in Fu Gang. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yu wenxian lungao 漢魏六朝文學與文獻論稿, 94–105. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2005. Liu Kunyong 劉昆庸. “Fengliu momo wenzhang zhongxing: Zhong Rong lun Tai- kang shige” 風流末沫文章中興：鍾嶸論太康詩歌. Ningde shizhuan xuebao 47 (1998): 17–23. taixuan jing 太玄經 (canon of great mystery) 1067

Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. “Lun Taikang wenxue qing duo qi shao de zhuti quxiang” 論太康文學情多氣少的主題取向. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexueban) 27.3 (2002): 65–70. Jiang Ming 姜明 and Wang Aihua 王愛華. “Cai yu yu Zhengshi, li rou yu Jian’an— ‘Taikang’ wenxue sanlun” 踩缛於正始，力柔於建安—“太康” 文學散論. Chuxiong shifan xueyuan xuebao 17.2 (2002): 16–19. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. “Lun Taikang wenxue xigu mixin de ticai fanxing” 論太康文學襲故彌新的體裁範型. Shenyang shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 115 (2003): 12–16. Jiang Jianyun 姜劍雲. Taikang wenxue yanjiu 太康文學研究. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003. Tan Jing 檀晶. “Shi lun Taikang wenxue dui Jian’an wenxue de jicheng yu fazhan” 試論太康文學對建安文學的繼承與發展. Ningxia shehui kexue 124 (2004): 115–19. Tan Jing 檀晶. “Lun Xi Jin Taikang shige chuangzuo zhong de moni xianxiang” 論西晉太康詩歌創作中的模擬現象. Taishan xueyuan xuebao 28.1 (2006): 73–77. Tan Jing 檀晶. Xi Jin Taikang shige yanjiu 西晉太康詩歌研究. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2009.

DRK

Taixuan jing 太玄經 (Canon of great mystery)

Western Han philosophical text.

The Taixuan jing by Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.) is modeled after the Yi jing. Like the Yi jing, it is based on a series of linear complexes. However, instead of the hexagram, Yang Xiong uses a four-line complex or tetra gram. Most of the tetragrams have counterparts in the Yi jing. However, in the Taixuan system, each line can be divided not only once, but twice. Thus, there is a total of eighty-one (34) possible combinations instead of the sixty-four combinations of the Yi. Each line of the tetragram is coordinated with administrative and social institutions. Thus, the lines from top to bottom are titled fang 方 (region), zhou 州 (province), bu 部 (department), and jia 家 (family). This hierarchy and the various combinations of the lines it represents are a process by which heaven, earth, and humankind interact and relate to each other. The governing force of this relationship is the xuan 玄 (mystery), which occupies the center of the cosmos. Yang Xiong wrote the Taixuan from about 6 to 4 b.c.e. In a note to the monograph on bibliography of the Han shu, Ban Gu mentions that the Taixuan jing contained nineteen pian. After Yang Xiong died in 18 c.e., his student Hou Ba 侯芭 took charge of the text and wrote a commentary to it. During the Eastern Han, another commentary was written by Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139). Neither of these works is extant. During the Late Han, 1068 taixuan jing 太玄經 (canon of great mystery) and Wei-Jin period there was strong interest in the Taixuan. There were commentaries by Song Zhong 宋衷 (fl. 200–208), Lu Ji 陸績 (188–219), Cai Wenshao 蔡文劭 (n.d.), Yu Fan 虞翻 (164–233), Lu Kai 陸凱 (198–269), Wang Su 王肅 (195–256), and Fan Wang 范望 (Jin). Portions of the commentaries of Song Zhong, Lu Ji, and Yu Fan survive. The complete Fan Wang commentary is extant. Fan Wang arranged the text into ten juan, which became the standard format. The next important commentary to the Taixuan jing was done by Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086). Sima Guang based himself mainly on the commentaries of Song Zhong, Lu Ji, and Fan Wang. He wrote a commentary to the first six juan. The commentary to the remaining six juan was done by Xu Han 許翰 (d. 1133). In the Qing period, Chen Benli 陳本禮 (1739–1818) wrote a new commentary which is philologically sound but suffers from an attempt to read into the text veiled criticisms of Wang Mang.

Bibliography

Texts and Commentaries Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086), ed. and comm. Taixuan jing 太玄經. 10 juan. Song printing held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan; photoreproduction in Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan, 2004. Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086), ed. and comm. Jizhu Taixuan 集注太玄. 6 juan. Ming handwritten copy. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Dates no later than Hongzhi 8 (1495). Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086), ed. and comm. Jizhu Taixuan jing 集注太玄經. 10 juan. Zhang Shigao 張士稿, Ming Jiajing 5 (1526 printing. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Sima Guang 司馬光 (1019–1086), ed. and comm. Liu Shaojun 劉韶軍, punc. and coll. Taixuan jizhu 太玄集注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Taixuan jing 太玄經. 6 juan. Daozang 道藏. 1445. Taixuan jing jiezan 太玄經解贊. 10 juan. Commentary by Fan Wang 范望 (Jin 晉 dynasty). Printing by Sun Mu 孫沐, Wanyu tang 萬玉堂, Ming Jiajing period (1522–1566). Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Photoreproduction in Sibu congkan. Ye Ziqi 葉子奇 (fl. 1378), comm. Taixuan benzhi 太玄本旨. 9 juan. Printed 1514. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Printing in Siku quanshu. Lu Wenchao 盧文弨 (1717–1796), comm. Yang Xiong Taixuan jing jiaozheng 揚雄太玄經校正. 1 juan. In Baojing tang congshu 抱經堂叢書. Chen Benli 陳本禮 (1739–1818), ed. and comm. Taixuan chan mi 太玄闡祕. 10 juan. Juxue xuan congshu 聚學軒叢書; rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Liu Shaojun 劉韶軍, ed. and comm. Taixuan jiaozhu 太玄校注. Wuchang: Hua- zhong shifan daxue chuban she, 1996. Zheng Wangeng 鄭萬耕, ed. and comm. Taixuan jiaoshi 太玄校釋. Beijing: Beijing shifan daxue chubanshe, 1989. taixuan jing 太玄經 (canon of great mystery) 1069

Concordance Taixuan jing zhuzi suoyin 太玄經逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Translations Suzuki Yoshijirō 鈴木由次郎, trans. Taigen eki no kenkyū 太玄易の研究. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1964. Nylan, Michael, trans. The Canon of Supreme Mystery. A Translation with Com- mentary of the T’ai Hsüan Ching. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1993. Nylan, Michael, trans. Tai Hsuan Ching. The Elemental Changes. Albany: State University of New York Press, 1994.

Studies Xia Jingguan 夏敬觀. “Taixuan jing kao” 太玄經考. Yiwen 1.2 (1936): 1–4. Mitarai Masaru 御手洗勝. “Yō Yū to Taigen—sakusha no dentō” 揚雄と太玄—作者の傳統. Shinagaku kenkyū 18 (1957): 22–32. Wilhelm, Hellmut. “Das Zusammenwirken von Himmel, Erde und Mensch.” Era- nos Jahrbuch 1962, 317–30. Zurich: Rhein-Verlag, 1963. English translation in Heaven, Earth, and Man in the Book of Changes, 126–63. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Yang Xiong lun jiu” 揚雄論究. Dalu zazhi 50.3 (1975): 1–43; rpt. in Liang Han sixiang shi 兩漢思想史, 303–409. Hong Kong: Chinese Uni- versity Press, 1975. Machida Saburō 町田三郎. “Taigenkyō ni tsuite” 「太玄經」について. Tetsugaku nempō 37 (1978): 103–31. Zheng Wen 鄭文. “Taixuan xueshuo chutan” 太玄學說初探. Gansu shida xuebao (1979: 4): 59–70. Shu Jingnan 束景南. “Taixuan chuangzuo niandai kao”《太玄》創作年代考. Lishi yanjiu (1981: 5): 142–47. Han Jing 韓敬. “Lun Taixuan de zhexue tixi” 論《太玄》的哲學體系. Zhongguo zhexueshi yanjiu (1982: 1): 82–85. Zheng Wangeng 鄭萬耕. “Yang Xiong Taixuan zhong de yuzhou xingcheng lun” 揚雄《太玄》中的宇宙形成論. Shehui kexue yanjiu 27.4 (1983): 109–15. Zheng Wangeng 鄭萬耕. “Taixuan yu ziran kexue” 太玄與自然科學. Zhongguo zhexue 12 (April 1984): 76–84. Nylan, Michael and Nathan Sivin. “The First Neo-Confucianism: An Introduction to Yang Hsiung’s ‘Canon of Supreme Mystery’ (T’ai hsüan ching, c. 4 B.C.). In Charles Le Blanc and Susan Blader, eds. Chinese Ideas about Nature and Society: Studies in Honour of Derk Bodde, 41–99. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1987. Han Jing 韓敬. “Taixuan yu Zhou yi zhi bijiao yanjiu—jianlun Yang Xiong zai Zhongguo zhexueshi shang de diwei yu zuoyong” 太玄與周易之比較研究—兼論揚雄在中國哲學史上的地位與作用. Sixiang zhanxian (Yunnan daxue xuebao) 77 (1987): 11–18. 1070 taixuan jing 太玄經 (canon of great mystery)

Li Huanming 李煥明. “Yang Xiong Taixuan yanjiu” 揚雄太玄研究. Zhonghua Yixue 9.7 (1988): 63–67; 9.8 (1988): 61–67. Gao Heng 高亨 and Dong Zhi’an 董治安. “Taixuan shi yi” 太玄釋義. Shandong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 4): 1–7. Huang Kaiguo 黃開國. “Xi Taixuan jiagou xingshi” 析太玄架構形式. Kongzi yanjiu 16 (1989): 79–83. Huang Kaiguo 黃開國. “Taixuan yu Xi Han tianwen lifa” 太玄與西漢天文曆法. Jiang Huai luntan 119 (1990): 61–66. Li Zhoulong 李周龍. “Cong Zhou yi dao Taixuan” 從周易到太玄. Kong Meng xuebao 60 (1990): 73–112. Li Zhoulong 李周龍. “Zhou yi yu Taixuan zhanshi zhi bijiao” 周易與太玄占筮之比較. Kong Meng xuebao 62 (1991): 113–60. Wang Qilin 王啟林. “Taixuan meixue sixiang santi” 太玄美學思想三題. Xinan minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1992: 1): 41–46. Li Huanming 李煥明. “Yangzi Taixuan zhi yanjiu” 揚子太玄之研究. In Li Huan- ming. Yijing de shengming zhexue 易經的生命哲學, 213–46. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1992. Zheng Wangeng 鄭萬耕. Yang Xiong ji qi Taixuan 揚雄及其太玄. Taipei: Landeng wenhua shiye gongsi, 1992; rpt. Beijing: Beijing Shifan daxue chubanshe, 2009. Nylan, Michael. “T’ai hsüan ching.” In Michael Loewe, ed. Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, 460–66. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993. Zhao Zhongwei 趙中偉. “Yang Xiong Taixuan yi de yanjiu” 揚雄《太玄》義的研究. In Wang Chuqing 王初慶 et al. Liang Han wenxue xueshu yantao lunwenji 兩漢文學學術研討論文集, 25–59. Taipei: Huayan chubanshe, 1995. Wei Qipeng 魏啟鵬. “Taixuan Huang-Lao Shuxue”《太玄》‧黃老‧蜀學. Sichuan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1996: 2): 33–40. Wang Qing 王青. Yang Xiong pingzhuan 揚雄評傳, 118–80. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2000. Chen Guangzhong 陳廣忠. “Yang Xiong Taixuan de daojia jingshen” 揚雄《太玄》的道家精神. Ehu 26.7 (2001): 17–25; 26.8 (2001): 57–63. Wang Qing 王青. “Taixuan yanjiu” 「太玄」研究. Hanxue yanjiu 19.1 (2001): 77–102. Zheng Wangeng 鄭萬耕. “Shilun Taixuan dui Yizhuan bianzheng siwei de fazhan” 試論「太玄」對「易傳」辯證思維的發展. Zhexue yu wenhua 31.10 (2004): 95–108. Jin Shengyang 金生楊. Han Tang Ba Shu Yixue yanjiu 漢唐巴蜀易學研究, 66–147. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2007. Jin Shengyang 金生楊. “Lun Taixuan yanjiu de lishi bianqian” 論《太玄》研究的歷史變遷. Xihua shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2008: 2): 1–4. Jin Shengyang 金生楊. “Taixuan yanjiu shi qianlun”《太玄》研究史淺論. Xihua daxue xuebao 27.1 (2008): 16–18, 27. Zheng Wangeng 鄭萬耕. Yang Xiong ji qi Taixuan 揚雄及其太玄. Beijing: Beijing shifan daxue chubanshe, 2009. Pitner, Mark Gerald. “Embodied Geographies of Han Dynasty China: Yang Xiong and his Reception.” Ph.D. Diss, University of Washington, 2010. Feng Shuxun 馮樹勳. “Taixuan ru dao sixiang guiqu bian”《太玄》儒、道思想歸趨辨. Shida xuebao (Yuyan yu wenxue lei) 56.1 (2011): 21–51.

DRK tang huixiu 湯惠休 (d. post 466), zi maoyuan 茂遠 1071

Tang Huixiu 湯惠休 (d. post 466), zi Maoyuan 茂遠

Liu-Song period poet.

Tang Huixiu’s natal place is not known. In 447, Xu Zhanzhi 徐湛之 (410– 453) became regional inspector of Nan Yanzhou 南兗州. The administrative seat of Nan Yanzhou was Guangling 廣陵 (modern Yangzhou), and Xu erected in Guangling a pavilion, moon viewing tower, a terrace for wind instrument performances, and a room for zither performance, where he hosted gatherings of literati. At that time, Tang Huixiu was a Buddhist monk, but Xu included him in the gatherings because of Huixiu’s skill as a poet. When Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 (r. 453–464) ascended the throne he asked Tang to return to secular life. Tang then served in several local government posts including retainer clerk of Yangzhou 揚州, which was the administrative area that governed the capital Jiankang. He probably died later than Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466) with whom his poems are often compared, but before the fall of the Song in 479. Tang Huixiu excelled at writing poetry. His poetry was influenced by folk songs, but he wrote in an elegant and ornate style. He wrote some exquisite quatrains and several poems in the newly emerging seven-syllable line form. Some of his poems resemble those of Bao Zhao, and his contemporaries often referred to them as “Xiu and Bao” 休鮑. Zhong Rong in the Shi pin ranked Tang’s poetry in the lower grade. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu lists Tang’s collection in both four and five juan. The two Tang histories record a three-juan collection that was lost in the Song. Lu Qinli has collected eleven of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Hsieh, Daniel. The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 156–58, 220–24. New York: Peter Lang, 1996. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 99–100. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 151. Chen Dongbiao 諶東飆. “Bao Zhao he Tang Huixiu hechang bian Yan” 鮑照和湯惠休何嘗貶顔. Xiangtan daxue shehui kexue xuebao 1 (1991): 6–8, 5. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 365–67.

Translations Hsieh, Evolution, 157, 221.

WJ and DRK 1072 tang ji 唐姬 (fl. 190)

Tang Ji 唐姬 (fl. 190)

Eastern Han poet.

Lady Tang Ji’s ancestral home was Yingchuan 穎川 (modern Xuchang 許昌, Henan). Her husband, Liu Bian 劉辯 (175–190) was the eldest son of Liu Hong 劉弘 (156–189), Emperor Ling 靈 (r. 168–189). Liu Bian, Emperor Shao 少 (r. 189–189), succeeded to the throne when Emperor Ling died. In the ninth month of 189, Dong Zhuo 董卓 (d. 192) dethroned Emperor Shao and demoted him to Prince of Hongnong 弘農. In 190, Dong Zhuo offered Emperor Shao some poisoned wine, and told him that “drinking this medicine could expel evil spirits.” Emperor Shao replied, “I have no illness. Tak- ing this medicine is for the purpose of killing me.” He refused to take the “medicine,” but was forced to drink it. At the farewell banquet, he sang a sad song and bid farewell to Lady Tang Ji and other maids in-waiting. He asked Lady Tang Ji to dance. She composed a song and danced. Emperor Shao then drank the wine and died. He was eighteen at the time. Widowed, Lady Tang Ji returned to her home area. Her father Tang Mao 唐瑁 (n.d.), governor of Guiji 會稽, planned to marry his daughter off again. She firmly refused. When Dong Zhuo was executed in 192, his subordinate Li Jue 李傕 (d. 198) sent troops to attack the capital Chang’an. The capital fell. He captured Lady Tang Ji and tried to marry her. Once again, she firmly refused. She never disclosed that she was Emperor Shao’s wife. When Imperial Secretary Jia Xu 賈詡 (n.d.) learned about this, he wrote a letter to inform Emperor Xian 獻 (r. 190–220), the successor of Emperor Shao, about her background. Emperor Xian was greatly moved by the story and her determination. He issued an edict to welcome her back to the imperial harem, and honored her as Imperial Consort of Prince of Hongnong. Lu Qinli has collected Lady Tang Ji’s farewell song in his Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daohen and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 364. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 784. Shen Lidong. “Tang, Consort of Prince Hongnong.” In Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women: Antiquity through Sui 1600 B.C.E.–618 C.E., ed. Lily Xiao Hong Lee and A. D. Stefanowska, 194–95. Armonk, New York: M. E. Sharpe, 2007.

TPK tang jin 唐瑾 (ca. d. 556), zi fulin 附璘 1073

Tang Jin 唐瑾 (ca. d. 556), zi Fulin 附璘

Western Wei and Northern Zhou writer.

Tang Jin’s ancestral home was Pingshou 平壽 in Beihai 北海 (southeast of modern Changle 昌樂, Shandong). During the Northern Wei, his father Tang Yong 唐永 (fl. 520–535) was regional inspector of Dong Yongzhou 東雍州 (administrative seat in modern Xinjiang 新絳, Shanxi). According to his biography in the Zhou shu, Tang Jin was very tall. He reputedly was eight chi and 2 cun tall, which in modern measure would be about seven and a half feet. When Tang Jin was seventeen, one of the most influential court officials of the late Northern Wei Yuwen Tai 宇文泰 (505–556) learned of him, and sent a letter to his father, Tang Yong, writing: “I have heard that you have two sons. Ling 陵 is bold and daring, and well-skilled in military strategy. Jin is graceful and poised, and is well-versed in the polite arts. Both can be sent to the court. I wish to entrust them with civil and military duties” (Zhou shu 42.564). Tang Jin was then appointed supernumerary senior recorder in the Imperial Secretariat and secretarial aide in the office of the counselor-in-chief. He was responsible for writing most of the military documents including war proclamations and dispatches. Tang performed well when he fought against Yuwen Tai’s rival Gao Huan 高歡 (496–547) at Shayuan 沙苑 (south of modern Dali 大荔, Shaanxi) and Heqiao 河橋 in 534. As reward for his success, he was granted the noble title viscount of Guzang 姑臧 county (modern Wuwei 武威, Gansu), and was promoted to assistant director on the left in the Imperial Secretariat, and director of the Ministry of Personnel. Tang Jin was also involved in drafting the decrees and regulations when Emperor Xiaowu孝武 (532–534) of the Northern Wei moved the capital to Chang’an in August 534. The Northern Wei ended in 535. Yuwen Tai and Tang Jin both submitted to the Western Wei regime. Tang Jin was appointed minister of the Ministry of Personnel, cavalry general-in-chief, and commander unequalled in honor. He was also awarded the Xianbei surnames Yuwen 宇文 and Moniuyu 万紐于. Tang Jin resigned from office when his father passed away. After the mourning period, he returned to official service as one of the “six ministers,” also known as “Six Outstanding Talents.” General Yu Jin 于謹 (493–568), Duke of Yanguo 燕國, was highly respected for his high moral standing and good reputation. In 554 he led a military expedition against the Liang capital of Jiangling 江陵 (administrative seat in modern Jiangling, Hubei). He recruited Tang Jin to serve as chief administrator on his staff. Tang Jin 1074 tang jin 唐瑾 (ca. d. 556), zi fulin 附璘 assisted him with formulating military strategy. Many of the Western Wei military officers looted treasures from Jiangling. Tang Jin took only two carts of books. Someone accused him of taking precious objects from the Liang palaces. Yuwen Tai did not believe the accusation and secretly sent a messenger to investigate, who reported back that the “precious treasures” were nothing but books. Tang Jin was then awarded the title of duke. In 556, with the establishment of the Six Ministries on the model of the Rites of Zhou, Tang Jin was named ordinary grand master in the Minis- try of Rites. He later was appointed regional inspector of Caizhou 蔡州 (administrative seat Xincai 新蔡 county, modern Xincai, Henan), Tuozhou 拓州 (administrative seat Yiling 夷陵 county, northwest of modern Yichang 宜昌, Hubei) and Xiazhou 硤州 (same as Tuozhou, the name was changed to Xiazhou during Western Wei period). His benevolent administration won the praise of the local people. After completing his term of service in the provinces, Tang Jin returned to the imperial court where he was appointed ordinary grand master in the Ministry of Personnel, imperial rectifier, and ordinary grand master in the Chancellery. He was transferred four times within one hundred days. Officials regarded this as a great honor. Tang Jin later was named ordinary grand master in the Headquarters Bureau of the Ministry of Rites and concurrently served as chamberlain for the capital. He died in office. He was awarded the posthumous title director of the court of the imperial clan and was granted the posthumous name Fang 方 (upright and honest). Tang Jin was a very formal person. He was meticulous in matters of etiquette, and he wore proper clothing even when at home in the presence of his wife. On a quiet night he would go to bed late, and then arise, sitting up straight wearing his cap and gown, and holding his official tablet. He was a charitable person and helped many relatives in need. He distributed his pecuniary rewards to relatives. He donated the most fertile portions of his lands to people who were especially needy. The land that he passed down to his children or grandchildren was nothing but barren plots. He was highly praised for his generosity. Tang Jin was a prolific writer. According to Tang Jin’s biography in the Zhou shu his writings amounted to more than 200,000 characters and included pieces in the genres of fu, eulogy, epitaph, and dirge. It also mentions he wrote the Xin yi 新儀 (New ceremonial rules) a work consisting of ten chapters. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists under his name the Shu yi 書儀 (Letter-writing etiquette), a manual for letter writing in ten juan. The two Tang histories record this work as Furen shuyi 婦人書儀 (Letter-writing etiquette for women) in eight juan. The Xin yi and letter-writing manual have not survived. One extant piece by Tang tang le 唐勒 (fl. third century b.c.e.) 1075

Jin is the “Hua yue song bing xu” 華嶽頌並序 (Eulogy on Mount Hua with preface). Tang Jin composed the “Eulogy on Mount Hua” on behalf of Yuwen Yong 于文邕 (534–578), Emperor Wu (r. 561–578), to pay tribute to his father Yuwen Tai (posthumous title Emperor Wen) who restored and ren- ovated the Mount Hua Temple. The eulogy was inscribed on a stele in 567. It also is known as the “Xi yue Huashan miao bei” 西嶽華山廟碑 (Stele inscription for the Mount Hua Temple at the Western Marchmount). The stele is now housed at the Mount Hua Temple in Huayin 華陰, Shaanxi. A rubbing of Tang Jin’s Eulogy is preserved in the Haining 海寧 Library, Zhejiang.

Bibliography

Studies Zi Wuyuan 子午源. “Shi mo liu yun, gu tuo yang fen–Haining tushuguan cang jinshi tuoben siti” 石墨留韻, 古拓揚芬–海寧圖書館藏金石拓本四題. Shoucangjia (2011:12): 9–15. Richter, Antje. Letters & Epistolary Culture in Early Medieval China, 139. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2013.

TPK

Tang Le 唐勒 (fl. third century b.c.e.)

Third century fu writer.

Tang Le was a fu writer from the Chu state during the Warring States Period. He was Qu Yuan’s contemporary. Virtually nothing is known about Tang Le. At the end of the biography of Qu Yuan in the Shi ji, Sima Qian remarks: “After Qu Yuan had died, in Chu there were such men as Song Yu 宋玉, Tang Le, and Jing Cuo 景差, who were all fond of literature and won acclaim for their fu. They all imitated Qu Yuan’s insinuating language, but never did they dare amonish directly” (Shi ji 84.2491). The “Shi fu lüe” credits Tang Le with four fu (see Han shu 30.1747), but all of them have been lost. In 1972, a large number of documents written on bamboo slips was discovered in a Han tomb located at Yinqueshan 銀雀山, in Linyi 臨沂, Shandong. There is a fragment of a text in which Tang Le and Song Yu discuss chariot driving before King Xiang of Chu. Scholars have considered this the text of a lost fu. Authorship is variously attributed to Tang Le and Song Yu. 1076 tang le 唐勒 (fl. third century b.c.e.)

Bibliography

Wu Jiulong 吳九龍, ed. Yinqueshan Han jian shiwen 銀雀山漢簡釋文. Beijing: Wenxu chubanshe, 1985.

Studies Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Tang Le ji qi yiwen—Chu ci xin ziliao” 唐勒及其佚文—楚辭新資料. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 9 (1980): 1–8. Luo Fuyi 羅福頤. “Lou weng yi de lu” 僂翁一德錄. Gu wenzi yanjiu 11 (1985): 74–83. Luo Fuyi 羅福頤. “Linyi Han jian suo jian guji gailüe” 臨沂漢簡所見古籍概略. Gu wenzi yanjiu 11 (1985): 1–51. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Tang Le fu canpian kaoshi ji qita” 唐勒賦殘篇考釋及其他. Wenxue yichan (1990: 2). Li Xueqin 李學勤. “Tang Le, ‘Xiaoyan fu’ he Yi zhuan” 唐勒、〈小言賦〉和〈易傳〉. Qi Lu xuekan (1990: 4): 109–12. Tang Zhangping 湯漳平. “Lun Tang Le fu can jian” 論唐勒賦殘簡. Wenwu (1990: 4): 48–52. Liao Mingchun 廖名春. “Cong Tang Le fu de chutu lun Song Yu santi fu de zhenwei” 從唐勒賦的出土論宋玉散體賦的真偽. Qiusuo (1991: 4): 99–102. Zhu Bilian 朱碧蓮. “Tang Le can jian zuozhe kao” 唐勒殘簡作者考. Chuci lungao 楚辭論稿, 210–23. Shanghai: Shanghai Sanlian shudian, 1993. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫. “Tang Le ‘Lun yi yu’ yu Chu ci xiang Han fu de zhuanbian— jian lun ‘Yuan you’ de zuozhe wenti” 唐勒〈論義御〉與楚辭向漢賦的轉變—兼論〈遠遊〉的作者問題. Xibei shida xuebao (1994: 5): 36–39; (1994:12): 15–18; rpt in Zhao Kuifu, Qu Yuan yu tade shidai 屈原與他的時代, 429–56. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1996. Li Cheng 李誠. “Tang Le yanjiu” 唐勒研究. Chuantong wenhua yu xiandaihua (1998: 2): 48–55. Gao Qiufeng 高秋鳳. Song Yu zuopin zhenwei kao 宋玉作品真偽考, 385–401. Tai- pei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1999. Xing Wen 邢文. “ ‘Tang Le’ canjian yu Zhanguo sanfu”《唐勒》殘簡與戰國散賦. Jianbo 1 (2006): 429–44.

WJ and DRK

Tanyan 曇延 (516–588)

Buddhist monk, writer of Northern Zhou and Sui.

Tanyan’s secular surname was Wang 王. His ancestral home was Sangquan 桑泉 in Puzhou 蒲州 (modern Linjin 臨晉, Shanxi). At the age of sixteen, Tanyan visited a monastery and listened to a monk lecturing on the Nie- pan jing 涅槃經 (Mahāparinirvāna-sūtrạ ). At that moment he decided to become a Buddhist monk. Tanyan lived in seclusion in the Taihang 太行 tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明 1077

Mountains. Yuwen Tai 宇文泰 (505–556) showed great respect to Tanyan while he served in the Western Wei court. During the Jiande period (572– 578) of Emperor Wu of the Northern Zhou, Tanyan went to Chang’an where he was selected to debate with Zhou Hongzheng 周弘正 (496–574), an envoy from the southern Chen court. Tanyan lost the competiton, but Zhou Hongzheng regarded Tanyan as his master. Before Zhou Hongzheng returned to the south, he composed forty poems “Feng yun shan hai shi” 風雲山海詩 (Poems on wind, cloud, mountain and ocean) and sent them to Tanyan, who replied with poems on the same subject. Tanyan again became a recluse in the Taihang Mountains when Emperor Wu undertook his proscription of Buddhism. He returned to Chang’an after Emperor Xuan 宣 (r. 579–579) lifted the ban on Buddhism. He died at the age of seventy-three. Tanyan has only one extant poem which is preserved in the Xu Gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳, Shi ji of Feng Weine, and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. His only extant prose piece, “Lin zhong yi qi” 臨終遺啟 (Last testament), is preserved in Yan Kejun’s Quan shangguo Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxiejia dacidian, 272.

TPK

Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi Tongming 通明

Qi and Liang period scholar, writer, and Daoist.

Tao Hongjing’s natal place was Moling 秣陵 in Danyang 丹陽 (modern Nanjing). He often referred to himself as Huayang yinju 華陽隱居 (Recluse of Huayang), and his contemporaries called him Shanzhong zaixiang 山中宰相 (Grand Councilor from the Mountains). He is also known by his posthumous name Zhenbai 貞白. Tao’s family had lived in Danyang from the late Eastern Han. His grand father Tao Long 陶隆 (n.d.) held the noble title of Marquis of Jin’an 晉安. Both he and Tao Hongjing’s father Tao Zhenbao 陶貞寶 (d. 481) were learned scholars, skilled calligraphers, and experts in materia medica. Tao Hongjing continued the family tradition in all of these areas. His mother Lady Hao 郝夫人 (d. 484), posthumous name Zhizhan 智湛, was a devout Buddhist. 1078 tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明

According to some sources Tao Hongjing read the Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳 (Traditions of divine transcendents) by Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343) at the age of ten, whereupon he decided to become a recluse. However, the next year Tao’s father arranged for him to serve as academician for the son of Wang Zhao 王釗, a high administrator in the Ministry of Educa- tion. In 468, Tao accompanied his father to Huainan 淮南 (administrative seat modern Dangtu, Anhui), where they lived for two years. Upon his return to Jiankang in 470, Tao Hongjing wrote a long fu-like piece, “Xun shan zhi” 尋山志 (Memoir on exploring the mountains). In 472, Tao Hongjing’s father left the capital to serve in the local administration. He left his son in the charge of Liu Bing 劉秉 (433–477), the governor of Danyang 丹陽. Tao Hongjing became good friends with Liu Bing’s son Liu Yu 劉俣 (d. 477), who like Tao was an accomplished poet. They engaged in group compositions with two other literary men, Jiang Qin 江欽 and Chu Xuan 褚炫. Because their activities took place during the first year of Shengming (477), this group was called Shengming siyou 昇明四友 (Four Friends of the Shengming period). In 477, Liu Yu was killed in a coup his father had led against Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482). Tao oversaw Liu Yu’s burial. At the end of the Liu-Song dynasty, ca. 478, Xiao Daocheng, the future founder of the Southern Qi dynasty, invited Tao Hongjing to serve as reader-in-waiting for his fifth and sixth sons, Xiao Ye 蕭曅 (467–494) and Xiao Gao 蕭暠 (468–491). When Xiao Daocheng became emperor in 479, he wanted to appoint Tao attendant gentleman to his second son, Xiao Yi 蕭嶷 (444–492), Prince of Yuzhang, but he refused the position. Tao Hongjing temporarily left office to observe mourning for his father, who died in 481. The next year the second Qi emperor Wu (r. 482–493) appointed him as reader-in-waiting for Xiao Jian 蕭鏗 (477–494), Prince of Yidu 宜都, the sixteenth son of Xiao Daocheng. Xiao Jian was also a literary man, and Tao enjoyed a pleasant relationship with him. In 483, Tao was appointed palace general of the left guard. Tao Hongjing’s mother died in 484, and he resigned from office. Dur- ing the period 484 to 486, he began to study with the Daoist master Sun Youyue 孫遊岳 (399–489), a disciple of Lu Xiujing 陸修靜 (406–477). Sun was head of a Daoist institute in Jiankang, the Xingshi guan 興世館. Through his studies with Sun, Tao Hongjing became interested in the revelation texts bestowed on Yang Xi 楊羲 (330–ca. 386) in Jurong 句容 (Jiangsu) and Jiankang between 364 and 370. These texts, which are known as the Shangqing 上清 scriptures, record visions received by Yang Xi from a dozen Perfected Immortals (Zhen 真 or Zhenren 真人) from the Heaven of Upper Clarity (Shangqing 上清). It was at this time that Tao Hongjing made his first visit to Mount Mao 茅山 (west of modern Jintan 金壇, tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明 1079

Jiangsu). He then travelled to Zhejiang to search for the Shangqing scriptures. The texts that Tao obtained became the basis for his most famous work, the Zhen gao 真誥 (Declarations of the perfected). In 492 Tao resigned his official post at court and retired to Mount Mao where he established a Daoist institute. He also began to travel to famous mountains in search of medical plants and elixirs. At that time Shen Yue 沈约 (441–513) served as governor of Dongyang 東陽 (modern Jinhua 金華, Zhejiang), and he wrote a letter to invite Tao to come and visit him. Tao declined his invitation. Tao Hongjing later became the leader of the Mount Mao School of Taoism. Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), the founder of the Liang dynasty, was an old friend of Tao’s. At the end of the Qi dynasty Tao Hongjing presented Xiao Yan a prognostication text that confirmed that he was the legitimate successor to the Qi. When Xiao Yan ascended the throne he treated Tao Hongjing with great respect, and he often consulted him on important matters of state. They often exchanged letters, and Tao frequently received visits from court officials. It was at this time that Tao received the title Grand Coun- cilor of the Mountains. Xiao Yan also gave Tao Hongjing various minerals for his alchemical experiments and provided him with financial support. Tao also began to manufacture swords for the imperial house. Between 508 and 512, Tao traveled throughout the southeast in what are the modern provinces of Fujian and Zhejiang. In 511 he traveled to Mount Huo 霍山 in Jin’an 晉安 (modern Fuzhou), which was also the site of Tao’s grandfather’s fief. During his travels Tao met Zhou Ziliang 周子良 (497– 516), who became Tao’s disciple. Tao Hongjing recorded Zhou’s visions in a work that Tao edited, the Zhoushi mingtong ji 周氏冥通記 (Record of Master Zhou’s communications with the unseen). He presented this work to Emperor Wu of Liang in 517. During the Liang period, Tao Hongjing continued to maintain contact with Shen Yue. Ca. 504, he exchanged essays with him on the title “Jun sheng lun” 均聖論 (Disquisition on equalizing the sages), in which they debated the question of why Buddhism came to China no earlier than the Eastern Han period. From about 520 until his death in 536, Tao Hongjing spent much of his time trying to make alchemical elixirs. Tao Hongjing died on 19 April 536 at his Mount Mao retreat. Before he passed away, he composed a poem. He also wrote “last instructions” commanding that he be buried simply. Emperor Wu granted him the posthumous title zhongsan dafu (grand master of palace leisure). The richest corpus of Eastern Jin Taoist works are the Shangqing texts, which were copied in an elegant clerical script, and were collected and 1080 tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明 edited by Tao Hongjing in a twenty-juan work Zhen gao 真誥 (Declara- tions of the perfected). The Zhen gao, along with two other works by Tao Hongjing, the Gujin daojian lu 古今刀劍錄 (Register of ancient and recent swords) and Zhenling weiye tu 真靈位業圖 (Charts of the position and roles of perfected spirits), are included in the Siku quanshu. Tao Hongjing was a prolific writer. He had extensive knowledge of the Classics, history, literature, numerology, astrology, geography and medicine. He compiled some fifty works, including a large 1,000-juan compendium of knowledge Xue yuan 學苑 (Garden of learning), Gujin zhoujun ji 古今州郡記 (Notes on ancient and modern provinces and commanderies), Lunyu jizhu 論語集注 (Collected commentaries on the Lunyu), and Ben cao jizhu 本草集注 (Collected commentaries to the materica medica). Portions of the latter have been discovered in the Dunhuang manuscripts. Tao’s calligraphy was praised by his contemporary Yu Jianwu 庾肩吾 (487?–551) in his Shu pin 書品 (Gradings of calligraphy). In the Ming dynasty his extant writings were compiled into a two-juan collection, the Tao yinju ji 陶隱居集. Seven extant poems and thirty essays can be found in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nainbei chao shi and Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen respectively. The first collection of Tao Hongjing’s writings was compiled in the Chen period. In 588, the Chen emperor commanded Jiang Zong 江總 (519–594) to prepare a collection. This collection was in forty-five juan. This is probably the same as the two collections listed in the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu titled respectively Tao Hongjing ji 陶弘景集 (Collected works of Tao Hongjing) in thirty juan, and the Tao Hongjing neiji 陶弘景內集 (Esoteric collection of Tao Hongjing). The two Tang histories only list the thirty-juan collection. This collection seems to have been lost in the Song. During the Southern Song a reconstructed collection was printed. This edition was edited by Wang Qinchen 王欽臣 and printed in Shaoxing 13 (1143). Thus it is usually referred to as theShaoxing edition. During the Ming there were various printings and hand-written copies that were based on this. One of the first was done in 1544 by Wen Jia 文嘉. The household copies of Shi Chenji 史臣紀, Ye Yi 葉奕, and Feng Yanyuan 馮彥淵 are based on this. One of Tao’s most famous prose works is “Da Xie zhongshu [Xie Zheng] shu” 答謝中書[謝徵]書 (Letter in reply to Secretariat Director [Xie Zheng]), in which he describes the scenery in Yongjia 永嘉 (modern Wenzhou). The person addressed in the letter most likely is Xie Lan 謝覽 (ca. 477–ca. 513). Tao Hongjing’s best known poem is one he wrote in reply to Xiao Yan’s question, “Is there anything in the mountains?” In the poem he expresses tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明 1081 his intention of being a recluse and not going out of the mountains. “You asked me ‘Is there anything in the mountains,’ / There are many white clouds above the mountain ridge. / They can only be admired and enjoyed by myself, / But they are not worth holding in my hands and presenting to you, my lord.” Tao Hongjing is also attributed with an inscription, the “Yi he ming” 瘞鶴銘 (Inscription on the burial of a crane). This was discovered in the eleventh century on the island of Jiaoshan 焦山 located in the Yangzi River near modern Zhenjiang. Although authorship of this work is contested, many scholars accept it as by Tao Hongjing.

Bibliography

Collections Zhenbai xiansheng Tao Yinju wenji 貞白先生陶隱居文集. 1 juan. Hand-written copy by Shi Chenji 史臣紀 of Ming in 1553. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Zhenbai xiansheng Tao Yinju wenji 貞白先生陶隱居文集. 1 juan. Hand-written copy by Ye Yi 葉奕 in 1628. Held by Beijing daxue tushuguan. Zhenbai xiansheng Tao Yinju wenji 貞白先生陶隱居文集. 2 juan. Copy preserved in the household of Feng Yanyuan 馮彥淵. Held by Taiwan Guojia tushuguan. Huang Xingzeng 黃省曾 (1490–1540), ed. Liang Zhenbai xiansheng wenji 梁貞白先生文集. 2 juan. Xiao Sixing 蕭斯馨, Jiajing 31 (1552) printing. Held in Shanghai tushuguan and Beijing daxue tushuguan. Huayang Tao Yinju ji 華陽陶隱居集. 2 juan. Daozang. 1445. Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Tao Yinju ji 陶隱居集. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Huayang Tao Yinju ji 華陽陶隱居集. 2 juan. Mao Jin 毛晉 (1599–1659), Jigu ge 汲古閣, end of Ming. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Tao Yinju ji 陶隱居集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji. Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843), ed. Huayang Tao Yinju ji 華陽陶隱居集. 2 juan. Rpt. Congshu jicheng xubian. Huayang Tao Yinju ji 華陽陶隱居集. 2 juan. Qian Xizuo 錢熙祚 (d. 1844), et al. ed. Zhihai 指海. 1836. Huayang Tao Yinju ji 華陽陶隱居集. 2 juan. Ye Dehui 葉德輝 (1864–1927), ed. Changsha Yeshi Guangu tang 長沙葉氏觀古堂, 1903. Wang Jingzhou 王京州, ed. and comm. Tao Hongjing ji jiaozhu 陶弘景校注. Shang- hai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2009.

Studies Mugitana Kunio 麥谷邦夫. “Tō Kōkei nempu kōryaku” 陶弘景年普考略. Tōhō shūkyō 47 (1976): 30–61; 48 (1976): 56–83. Strickmann, Michel. “On the Alchemy of T’ao Hung-ching.” In Facets of Taoism, Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel, ed., 123–92. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1979. 1082 tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明

Ishii Masako 石井昌子. Dōkyō gaku no kenkyū: Tō Kōkei o chūshin ni 道教學の研究：陶弘景を中心に. Tokyo: Kokusho kankokai, 1980. Wang Ming 王明. “Lun Tao Hongjing” 論陶弘景. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu 3 (1981): 10–21. Ding Yizhuang 丁貽莊. “Shilun Tao Hongjing de yixue chengjiu jiqi yixue sixiang” 試論陶弘景的醫學成就及其醫學思想. Zongjiaoxue yanjiu (1985: S1): 19–21. Chen Shihua 陳世華. “Tao Hongjing shu muzhuan mingwen faxian ji kaozheng” 陶弘景書墓磚銘文發現及考證. Dongnan wenhua (1987: 3): 54–59. Mou Zhongjian 牟鍾鑑. “Lun Tao Hongjing de Daojiao sixiang” 論陶弘景的道敎思想. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1988: 1): 91–95. Ding Yizhuang丁貽莊. “Tao Hongjing liandan kao” 陶弘景煉丹考. Sichuan daxue xuebao (1988: 3): 53–59. Mather, Richard B. The Poet Shen Yüeh, 115–20, 138–40. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1988. Lu Renlong 盧仁龍. “Tao Hongjing yu shufa shiliao gouchen” 陶弘景與書法史料鈎沈. Wenxian 47 (1991): 160–74. Lu Renlong 盧仁龍. “Tao Hongjing yu Fojiao shishi kaobian” 陶弘景與佛敎史實考辨. Shilin (1991: 4): 38–43, 56. Zhong Laiyin 鍾來因. Changsheng busi de tanqiu: Daojing Zhengao zhi mi 長生不死的探求—道經〈真誥〉之謐. Shanghai: Wenhui chubanshe, 1992. Mugitani Kunio 麥谷邦夫. “Ryō Tenkan jūhachi nen kinen mei bosen to Tenkan nen kan no Tō Kōkei” 梁天監十八年紀年銘墓磚と天監年間の陶弘景. In Tomami Mamoru 砺波護, ed. Chūgoku chūsei no bunbutsu 中國中世の文物, 291–314. Kyoto: Institute for Research in Humanities 京都大學人文科學硏究所, 1993. Cheng Xilin 程喜霖. “Lun Tao Hongjing shengzu nian yu dunru daomen de yuanyin” 論陶弘景生卒年與遁入道門的原因. Xueshu yanjiu (1994: 1): 94–98. Cheng Jun 程軍. “Tao Hongjing ji qi dui tianwen wuli de yanjiu” 陶弘景及其對天文物理的研究. Zhongguo Daojiao (1995: 4): 94–98. Wang Tongshun 王同順. “Tao Hongjing” 陶弘景. Shufa yanjiu (1995: 1): 86–94. Han Jianbin 韓建斌. “Tao Hongjing de yangsheng shu” 陶弘景的養生術. Zhongguo daojiao 3 (1996): 43–46. Ōno Shūsaku 大野修作. “Ryō no Butei to Tō Kōkei o meguru shoron—ōfuku shokan o chūshin ni” 梁武帝と陶弘景をめぐる書論—往復書簡を中心に. Kenkyū kiyō 9 (1996): 1–24. Funayama Tōru 船山徹. “Tō Kōkei to bokkyō no kairitsu” 陶弘景と仏教の戒律. In Rikuchō dōkyō no kenkyū 六朝道教の研究, ed. Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠夫, 353–376. Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1998. Huang Zhaohan 黃兆漢 and Wen Yingling 文英玲. “Cong Huayang Tao yinju ji he Zhen gao kan Tao Hongjing de zongjiao jingyan” 從《華陽陶隱居集》和《眞誥》看陶弘景的宗敎經驗. Shijie zongjiao yanjiu (1998: 4): 28–43. Verellen, Franciscus. “T’ao Hung-ching.” In William H. Nienhauser, Jr., ed. The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, Volume 2, 154–58. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998. Zhang Guangjun 張廣軍. Tao Hongjin 陶弘景. Beijing: Zhongguo guoji guangbo chubanshe, 1998. Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Huayang yinju Tao Hongjing nianpu” 華陽隱居陶弘景年譜. In Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Fan Ziye 范子燁, ed. Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao 六朝作家年譜輯要, 291–328. Ha’erbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明 1083

Wei Shimin 魏世民. “Tao Hongjing zhuzuo kaoshu” 陶弘景著作考述. Huaiyin shifan xueyuan xuebao 21.1 (1999): 27–31. Wang Jingzhou 王京州. “Tao Hongjing ji banben yuanliu kao” 陶弘景集版本源流考. Xin Guoxue 4 (2002). Wang Jiakui 王家葵. “Tao Hongjing yu Liang Wu di—Tao Hongjing jiaoyou cong kao zhi yi” 陶弘景與梁武帝──陶弘景交遊叢考之一. Zongjiaoxue yanjiu (2002: 1): 30–39. Tang Qiling 湯其領. “Tao Hongjing yu Maoshan dao de dansheng” 陶弘景與茅山道的誕生. Suzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2003: 2): 108–12. Wang Jiakui 王家葵. Tao Hongjing congkao 陶弘景叢考. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2003. Feng Lihua 馮利華 and Xu Wangjia 徐望駕. “Tao Hongjing Zhen gao de yuliao jiazhi” 陶弘景《真誥》的語料價值. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2003: 3): 17–24. Wang Jiakui 王家葵. “Tao Hongjing yu Shen Yue—Tao Hongjing jiaoyou congkao zhi er” 陶弘景與沈約—陶弘景交遊叢考之二. Zongjiaoxue yanjiu (2004: 2): 48–51. Liu Yongxia 劉永霞. “Tao Hongjing yu Ru Dao Shi sanjiao” 陶弘景與儒道釋三教. Zongjiao xue yanjiu (2005: 3): 118–21. Zhong Guofa 鍾國發. Tao Hongjing pingzhuan 陶弘景評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2005. Liu Yongxia 劉永霞. “Tao Hongjing yanjiu” 陶弘景研究. Ph.D. Diss., Sichuan daxue, 2006. Wang Jingzhou 王京州. “Songben Tao Hongjing ji yuanliu kao” 宋本《陶弘景集》源流考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2006: 3): 73–77. Wang Jingzhou 王京州. “Tao Hongjing ‘Da Xie zhongshu shu’ chuangzuo beijing kao” 陶弘景《答謝中書書》創作背景考. Wenzhou daxue xuebao 19.4 (2006): 26–29. Zhang Lanhua 張蘭花. “Tao Hongjing Daojiao wenxue lunlüe” 陶弘景道教文學論略. Zhejiang shehui kexue (2008: 3): 105–10. Li Zhen 李珍. “Tao Hongjing de Wenzhou yizong” 陶弘景的溫州遺踪. Zhongyiyao wenhua (2008: 1): 48–49. Li Ding 李鼎. “Tao Hongjing dongyou ‘Nan Huo’ xingzong kaoshi—jian ji yu Shen Yue de jiaowang” 陶弘景東游 “南霍” 行踪考實—兼記與沈約的交往. Zhongyiyao wenhua (2008: 3): 38–41. Li Ding 李鼎. “Tao Hongjing dongyou ‘Nan Huo’ zaikao—Nan Huo, Jin’an Huoshan yu Huotongshan” 陶弘景東游 “南霍” 再考—南霍、晉安霍山與霍童山. Zhongyiyao wenhua (2008: 6): 34–35. Luo Liangping 羅涼萍. “Tao Hongjing de xianxue sixiang tanjiu” 陶弘景的仙學思想探究. Xuanzang renwen xuebao 8 (2008): 133–67. Pan Haixia 潘海霞. “Tao Hongjing ji qi wenji yanjiu” 陶弘景及其文集研究. M.A. Thesis, Jiangxi shifan daxue, 2009. Xu Heling 許鶴齡. “Maoshan daoshi Tao Hongjing zhi yangsheng sixiang tanjiu” 茅山道士陶弘景之養生思想探究. Xin shiji zongjiao yanjiu 7.4 (2009): 72–114. Zhang Houzhi 張厚知. “Tao Hongjing dui wenxue de yingxiang” 陶弘景對文學的影響. Yanshan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 11.3 (2010): 75–80. Tsai, Julius N. “Tao Hongjing.” In Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 176–82. Detroit: Gale, 2011. 1084 tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明

Works

a. Bencao jing jizhu 本草經集注 Shang Zhijun 尚志鈞 and Shang Yuansheng 尚元勝, ed. Bencao jing jizhu 本草經集注. Beijing: Renmin weisheng chubanshe, 1994.

b. Zhen gao 真誥 (Declarations of the perfected) Strickmann, Michel. “The Mao-shan Revelations: Taoism and the Aristocracy.” T’oung Pao 63.1 (1977): 1–64; Chinese trans. by Yu Zhongjue 余仲珏. “Lun Tao Hongjing de waidan” 論陶弘景的外丹. Zhongguo daojiao 15 (1984): 75–102; 16 (1985): 64–86. Kamitsuka Yoshiko 神塚淑子. “Shinkō ni tsuite” 真誥について. Nagoya daigaku kyōyōbu kiyō 30 (1986): 175–219; 31 (1987): 1–62. Ishii Masako 石井昌子. “Shinkō to Shijūnishō-gyō《真誥》と《四十二章經》. Sōka daigaku jinbun ronshū 4 (1990): 7–30. Ishii Masako 石井昌子. Shinkō 真誥. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1991. Kroll, Paul W. “Seductions Songs of One of the Perfected.” In Religions of China in Practice. Donald S. Lopez, ed., 180–87. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. Bokenkamp, Stephen R. “Declarations of the Perfected.” In Religions of China in Practice. Donald S. Lopez, ed., 166–79. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996. “Rikuchō dōkyō no kenkyū” kenkyūhan 「六朝道教の研究」研究班, ed. “Shinkō yakuchū kō” 真誥譯注稿. Tōhōgaku 68 (1996): 525–712; 69 (1997): 603–827; 70 (1998): 567–786; 71 (1999): 295–712. Kametani Takeshi 釜谷武志. “Shinkō no shi to shikisaigo—akai iro o chūshin ni” 『真誥』の詩と色彩語—あかい色を中心に. In Rikuchō Dōkyō no kenkyū 六朝道教の研究, ed. Yoshikawa Tadao吉川忠夫, 237–58. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1998. Harada Naoe 原田直枝. “Shinkō shoshū no shokan o megutte” 『真誥』所收の書簡をめぐって. In Rikuchō Dōkyō no kenkyū 六朝道教の研究, ed. Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠夫, 259–80. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1998. Kroll, Paul W. “The Light of Heaven in Medieval Taoist Verse.” Journal of Chinese Religions 27 (1999): 1–12. Kroll, Paul W. “The Divine Songs of the Lady of Purple Tenuity.” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History In Honor of Richard B. Mather & Donald Holzman. Paul W. Kroll and David R. Knechtges, ed., 149–211. Provo: The T’ang Studies Society, 2003. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Shosha no rekishi no naka de Tō Kōkei to Shinkō 書寫の歷史の中で陶宏景と『真誥』. In Rikuchō Dōkyō no kenkyū 六朝道教の研究, ed. Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠夫, 331–52. Tokyo: Shunjūsha, 1998; Chinese trans. Dai Yan 戴燕. Yiyu zhi yan—Xingshan Hong Zhongguo gudian lunji 興膳宏中國古典論集, 82–101. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2006. Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠夫 and Mugitani Kunio 麥谷邦夫, ed. Shinkō kenkyū (yakuchū hen) 真誥研究 (譯注編). Kyoto: Kyōto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 2000. tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明 1085

Zhao Yi 趙益. Liuchao nanfang shenxian daojiao yu wenxue 六朝南方神仙道教與文學, 276–96. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006.

c. Zhoushi mingtong ji 周氏冥通記 (Record of Master Zhou’s communications with the unseen) Doub, William. “A Taoist Adept’s Quest for Immortality: A Preliminary Study of the Chou-shih Ming-t’ung-chi by T’ao Hung-ching.” Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 1971. Russell, T. C. “Revelation and Narrative in the Zhoushi Mingtongji.” Early Medi- eval China (1994: 1): 34–59. Mugitani Kunio 麥谷邦夫 and Yoshikawa Tadao 吉川忠夫, ed. Shū-shi meitsūki kenkyū (yakuchū hen) 周氏銘通記 (譯注編). Kyoto: Kyōto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 2003. Bokenkamp, Stephen R. “Answering a Summons.” In Religions of China in Practice. Donald S. Lopez, ed., 188–202. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996.

d. “Yi he ming” 瘞鶴銘 (Inscription on the burial of a crane)

Studies Gu Yuanqing 顧元慶 (1482–1565). Yihe ming kao 瘞鶴銘考. In Siku quanshu cunmu congshu, 278: 90–95. Zhang Chao 張弨 (1625–1694). Yi he ming bian 瘞鶴銘辨. In Zhaodai congshu 昭代叢書. Lu Jiugao 陸九皋. “Jiaoshan fang Yi he ming keshi” 焦山訪瘞鶴銘刻石. Shufa (1979: 6): 26–33. Weng Kaiyun 翁闓運. “Yi he ming tan” 瘞鶴銘談. Shupu (1979: 2): 16–21. Chen Shihua 陳世華. “He ming, Tianjin jinglan yu Tao Hongjing shufa” 鶴銘、天監井蘭與陶弘景書法. Shufa yanjiu (1985: 4): 24–30. Yang Dunli 楊敦禮. “Tan Gugong yuancang de ‘Yi he ming’ kaobu” 談故宮院藏的《瘞鶴銘》考補. Gugong wenwu yuekan (1986: 4): 116–21. Wang Yuanqing 王淵清. “Shengming de jisi: cong ‘Yi he ming’ de yishu tese tan Zhongguo daojia yishu jingshen” 生命的祭祀—《瘞鶴銘》的藝術特色談中國道家藝術精神. Shufa yanjiu (1993: 1): 92–110. Schipper, Kristofer. “L’Epitaphe pour une Grue (Yiheming) et son Auteur.” In A Festschrift in Honour of Jao Tsung-i on the Occasion of His Seventy-fifth Anni- versary, 409–21. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1993. Bian Xiaoxuan 卞孝萱. “ ‘Yi he ming’ zhi mi”《瘞鶴銘》之謎. In Wei Jin Nanbei- chao wenxue lunji 魏晉南北朝文學論集, ed. Nanjing daxue Zhongguo yuwen xuexi 南京大學中國語文學系, 792–803. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Kim You Cheol 金裕哲 “Yi he ming de mingwen neirong ji qi lixiang: Tao Hongjing yu Jiaoshan daojiao” 瘞鶴銘的銘文內容及其理想：陶弘景與焦山道教. In Daojia yu Daojiao: Daojiao juan 道家與道教：道教卷, ed. Chen Guying 陳鼓應 and Feng Dawen 馮達文, 141–55. Guangzhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 2001. 1086 tao hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536), zi tongming 通明

Wang Tongshun 王同順. “Shilun ‘Yi he ming’ de sixiang yishuxing ji qi lishi diwei” 試論《瘞鶴銘》的思想性藝術性及其歷史地位, 187–94. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 2002. Liu Jianguo 劉建國. “Yi he ming shuhao kaobian” 瘞鶴銘署號考辨. Zhenjiang gaozhuan xuebao 17.2 (2004): 16–21. Liu Jianguo 劉建國 and Pan Meiyun 潘美雲. Yiming shike kaozheng 瘞鶴銘石刻考證. Nanjing: Jiangsu renmin chubanshe, 2006. Luo Yonglai 羅勇來. Yi he ming yanjiu 瘞鶴銘研究. Shanghai: Baijia chubanshe, 2006. Lu Zongrun 陸宗潤. “Yi he ming jiaobu” 瘞鶴銘校補. Lishi wenwu yuekan 166 (2007): 36–49. Lei, Xue. “The Elusive Crane: Memory, Metaphor and a Stone Monoument from Sixth Century China.” Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 2009.

e. “Da Xie zhongshu shu” 答謝中書書 (Letter replying to Minister of the Secretariat Xie)

Translation Chang, C.H. Chinese Literature 2, Nature Poetry, 12. New York: Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1977 (partial). Owen, Anthology, 319 (partial).

WJ and DRK

Tao Kan 陶侃 (267–332), zi Shihang 士行, Shiheng 士衡

Jin statesman and writer.

Tao Kan’s ancestral home was Poyang 鄱陽 (north of modern Boyang 波陽, Jiangxi). In 280, his family moved to Xunyang 尋陽 (southwest of modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi) when the state of Wu fell. His father Tao Dan 陶丹 (mid-third cent.) was a military man. He died when Tao Kan was still young. Tao Kan grew up poor and lived with his mother née Zhan 湛. One day, Fan Kui 范逵 (late third, early fourth cent.), who had been recommended for the filial and incorrupt degree, visited Tao Kan unexpectedly. Tao Kan had nothing with which to entertain his guest. His mother cut her hair to make two hairpieces, which she sold in exchange for some fine food and wine. Fan Kui enjoyed himself to the fullest. When Fan Kui was leaving, Tao Kan walked with him over one-hundred li to see him off. Fan Kui asked Tao Kan, “Would you like to serve in the commandery?” Tao Kan replied, “I would like to, but I have no proper social connections.” Fan Kui praised Tao Kan to Governor Zhang Kui 張夔 (n.d.) of Lujiang tao kan 陶侃 (267–332), zi shihang 士行, shiheng 士衡 1087

廬江 (modern Anhui area), who appointed him local inspector as well as magistrate of Zongyang 樅陽 (modern Zongyang county, Anhui). Tao Kan was an able administrator and was promoted to master of records. After Tao Kan was recommended for the degree of filial and incorrupt, he went to Luoyang to meet with Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), a celebrated poet and fu writer. Zhang Hua first had an indifferent attitude toward him, but after conversing with him for a short time, Zhang Hua was impressed with Tao Kan’s intelligence. Tao Kan was then promoted to gentleman of the interior. Ca. 298, when General Sun Xiu 孫秀 (d. 301) lost power and was in disgrace, no elite officials wanted to associate with him. Tao Kan was summoned to serve as Sun Xiu’s secretary. In 302, Liu Hong 劉弘 (236–306), regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Hubei area), appointed Tao Kan to serve as administrator of the southern Man. After Tao Kan defeated the local rebel leader Zhang Chang 張昌 (d. 304), he was enfeoffed as Marquis of Dongxiang 東鄉. When a revolt led by Chen Min 陳敏 (d. 307) broke out, Liu Hong appointed Tao Kan governor of Jiangxia 江夏 (modern Wuhan 武漢 and Mianyang 沔陽 area, Hubei). Chen Min sent his younger brother Chen Hui 陳恢 (d. 307) to invade Wuchang 武昌 (modern Jiayu 嘉魚 and Xianning 咸寧 area, Hubei) area, but Tao Kan defeated both of them. Tao Kan’s success in the military campaigns brought him great honors. Tao Kan was a filial son, and he brought his aged mother to live with him and took good care of her when he became a prominent official. He resigned from office when his mother passed away. When the mourning period was over, Tao Kan was appointed military consultant for Sima Yue 司馬越 (d. 311), Prince of Donghai 東海. Before long, he was promoted to General Who Displays Martial Might, General Who Is Spirited Like a Dragon, and governor of Wuchang 武昌. At that time, the Wuchang area was famine-stricken. Robbers blocked the river to rob boats and passengers. Tao Kan devised a strategy to defeat the robbers and feed hungry villagers. Thus, he was further promoted to a number of positions, General Who Pacifies the Distance, commandant of the southern Man, and regional inspector of Jingzhou. However, Tao Kan’s subordinate Zhang Yi 張弈 (d. 303) betrayed him and defected to the enemy during a confrontation. Tao Kan’s forces were soundly defeated, and he barely survived. Because of his subordinate’s betrayal, Tao Kan was removed from office as punishment. Wang Dun 王敦 (266–324), one of the most powerful and influential court officials, later helped him to have his positions restored. However, Tao Kan’s meritorious military exploits and success made Wang Dun 1088 tao kan 陶侃 (267–332), zi shihang 士行, shiheng 士衡 uneasy and jealous. During the reign of Emperor Min 愍 (313–317), Tao Kan was assigned to a remote posting as regional inspector of Guangzhou 廣州 (modern Guangdong and Guangxi). Upon hearing of this appointment, Tao Kan’s assistants visited Wang Dun and requested him not to send Tao Kan to such a faraway place. Wang Dun rejected their request. While serving in Guangzhou, Tao Kan had few pressing duties, and he had much leisure time. To keep physically fit, each morning he moved one hundred bricks from inside his study to the outside, and moved them back every evening. When he was asked about why he did this, he replied, “I have dedicated myself to serve the court in the Central Plain area. Now my life is too leisurely and carefree. If it goes on like this, I fear that I will not be able to take any responsibility to serve the court in the future.” During the Daxing (318–321) period of Emperor Yuan, Tao Kan was named General Who Pacifies the South. Soon thereafter, he was appointed military commander-in-chief of Jiaozhou 交州 (modern Guangdong, Guangxi, Yunnan, and Vietnam area). When Wang Dun revolted and tried to usurp the throne, Tao Kan was concurrently assigned as regional inspector of Jiangzhou 江州 (southwest of modern Huangmei 黃梅, Hubei). He was soon appointed to a number of positions, including commander- in-chief of Jiangzhou, regional inspector of Xiangzhou 湘州 (modern Hunan, Guangxi, Guangdong, Hubei areas), and later regional inspector of Jiaozhou. As reward for his military feats, he was further promoted to General-in-chief Who Subdues the South and commander unequalled in honor. In 324, Wang Dun’s rebellion was put down. In 325, Tao Kan was appointed regional inspector of Jingzhou, and General-in-chief Who Sub- dues the West. In December 327, Su Jun 蘇峻 (d. 328) led a revolt in Anhui. The capital was just about to fall. Tao Kan led the main force that defeated and killed Su Jun on 13 November 328. As reward for his service, Tao was given a number of powerful positions, including palace attendant, defender-in- chief, and commandery duke of Changsha. In addition, he was in charge of military affairs of eight regions, which was tanamount to giving him de facto control of the military authority of the entire upper reaches of the Yangzi River. Tao Kan for a while considered seizing the imperial throne, and he planned to remove Wang Dao 王導 (d. 339) from his powerful position. He gave up the idea when he evaluated the possible consequences. In 332, Tao Kan became gravely ill. He submitted a petition requesting to resign from all his positions. He died shortly thereafter at the age of seventy-six. He had seventeen sons. He may have been the great-grandfather of Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427). tao kan 陶侃 (267–332), zi shihang 士行, shiheng 士衡 1089

Tao Kan served in the military for forty-one years. He was a talented military strategist. According to his biography in the Jin shu, Tao Kan was modest and polite, diligent and honest in attending to government affairs. He could sit upright all day long attending to diverse and complicated matters, and he neglected nothing. He personally wrote all his petitions and official correspondence. He also had great literary acumen, and could write quickly, beautifully and smoothly. In addition, he was an efficient administrator. He made it a point to receive any visitors, no matter where they came from, and he did not make them wait. He treasured his time, and he often said that “The Great Yu was a sage. He treasured every minute of his time. We as ordinary people should treasure every second of our time.” Tao Kan was a legendary figure about whom many fanciful stories are told, especially about his family. It was said that when his mother died, two guests came to pay a condolence call. The guests did not weep and wail, but after leaving, they transformed into two cranes and flew into the sky. Although Tao Kan came from a very poor family, he became an extremely wealthy and influential person by the end of his life. According to his biography in the Jin shu, he “had several dozen concubines and maids, and more than a thousand houseboys and servants. He owned more rare and precious treasures than the imperial treasury.” The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Tao Kan’s collected works in two juan. The two Tang histories record a collection of the same size. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun collects twelve of his writings, including the “Xiang feng fu” 相風賦 (Fu on the anemometer), “Da Wen Qiao shu” 答溫嶠書 (Answering Wen Qiao’s letter), and “Yu Wang Dao shu” 答王導書 (Answering Wang Dao’s letter) in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Li Peidong 李培棟. “Tao Kan pingzhuan” 陶侃評傳. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1982: 3): 111–20. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 367–8. Lü Ch’un-sheng 呂春盛. “Wei Jin Nanchao de ‘Xizu’ yu Tao Yuanming de zushu wenti” 魏晉南朝的「溪族」與陶淵明的族屬問題. Taiwan shida lishi xue bao 37 (2007): 1–26. Tang Ping 唐萍. “Shilun Shishuo xinyu zhong de Tao Kan xingxiang” 試論《世說新語》中的陶侃形象. Gansu gaoshi xuebao 13.1 (2008): 26–29. Liu Juan 劉娟. “Tao Kan zuopin ji qi sixiang tanwei” 陶侃作品及其思想探微. Ludong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 27.1 (2010): 22–24.

TPK 1090 tao xie 陶謝 (tao and xie)

Tao Xie 陶謝 (Tao and Xie)

This phrase refers to the writers Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) and Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433). Although they both lived in the late East- ern Jin and early Liu-Song period, the two writers had little in common. Xie Lingyun came from one of the most prestigious aristocratic families of the Southern Dynasties. Although Tao Yuanming’s great-grandfather was a distinguished statesman, his status was much lower than that of Xie Lingyun’s. At least until the Tang, Xie was considered the superior poet. However, by Song times, Tao Yuanming’s reception was much more favorable than that of Xie Lingyun. One of the recurring subjects of Chinese scholarship is the comparison of the poetry of these two writers.

Bibliography

Collection Yao Peiqian 姚培謙, ed. Tao Xie shi ji 陶謝詩集. 13 juan. Printed 1735. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Contains the poetry of Tao Yuanming, Xie Lingyun, Xie Tiao 謝朓, and Xie Huilian 謝惠連.

Studies Shen Zhenqi 沈振奇. Tao Xie shi zhi bijiao 陶謝詩之比較. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1986. Li Hongxia 李紅霞. “Cong Tao Xie bingcheng de lishi shanbian kan qi wenxue diwei de xiaozhang” 從陶謝并稱的歷史嬗變看其文學地位的消長. Qi Lu xuekan 186 (2005): 82–85.

DRK

Tao Yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

Writer of late Eastern Jin and early Song.

Tao Yuanming’s alternate name is Tao Qian 陶潛, and his zi is Yuanliang 元亮. He also has the sobriquet Wuliu xiangsheng 五柳先生 (Master Five Willows). Sources vary in their treatment of Tao’s name. In two of his own pieces, Tao refers to himself as Yuanming.5 Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 (384–456)

5 see “Jin gu Zhengxi da jiangjun zhangshi Meng fujun zhuan” 晉故征西大將軍長史孟府君傳 (Biography of the Former Administrator to the Jin General-in-chief for Subdu- ing the West His Excellency Meng) and “Ji Cheng shi mei wen” 祭程氏妹文 (Sacrificial tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1091 in his necrology titled “Tao zhengshi lei” 陶徵士誄 (Dirge for Summoned Scholar Tao) also calls him Yuanming.6 The Song shu 宋書 (93.2286) by Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) begins its biography of Tao with the following statement: “Tao Qian, zi Yuanming. Some say that Yuanming’s zi is Yuan- liang 元亮.” Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531) begins his biography of Tao somewhat differently: “Tao Yuanming, zi Yuanliang. Some give his name as Qian and his zi as Yuanming.”7 There are various theories about the variant names. One is that Tao’s original name was Yuanming. He used this name during the Jin period and changed it to Qian in the Song. His zi in both periods was Yuanliang. Another possibility is that Qian was his childhood name. Some scholars have even suggested that Tao’s original name was Yuanming and his zi was Yuanliang. When the Song was founded, he changed his personal name to Qian and his zi to Yuanming.8 Scholars also do not agree on Tao Qian’s dates. The disagreement centers on the question of what was Tao Qian’s age when he died. The biographies by Shen Yue and Xiao Tong both say Tao died at the age of sixty-three. Since Tao’s death date (427) is well established, the dates conventionally assigned to him are 365–427. However, the Wen xuan version of Yan Yan- zhi’s dirge (57.2472) only says that Tao died “at a certain age” 春秋若干. Zhang Yin 張縯 (Song), based on his reading of the first line of Tao’s “You Xiechuan” 遊斜川 (Excursion to Xiechuan), which says “As this year begins suddenly fifty years have passed” 開歲倏五十 and the date giving in Tao’s preface to this piece (xinchou 辛丑 or 401), concludes that Tao died at the age of seventy-six.9 Recently, Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈 has elaborated on Zhang Yin’s interpretation and concluded that Tao was indeed seventy-six at the time of his death. Professor Yuan gives Tao’s dates as 352–427.10

Tao Yuanming’s Life and Thought

Tao Yuanming was a poet of the Eastern Jin and Liu-Song periods. His natal place was Chaisang 柴桑 in Xunyang 潯陽 (near modern Jiujiang,

Offering for My Younger Sister Madame cheng) in Tao Jingjie xiansheng ji 陶靖節先生集, Sbby, 6.6b, 7.3a. 6 see Wen xuan 34.2470. 7 see Wen xuan 57.2470; Tao Jingjie xiansheng ji, “Lei zhuan zazhi” 誄傳雜識, 4a. 8 For a discussion of the issues regarding Tao’s name, see Zhu Ziqing 朱自清 (1898– 1948), “Tao Yuanming nianpu zhong de wenti” 陶淵明年譜中的問題, Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 9.3 (1934): 573–609; rpt. in Xu Yimin 許逸民, ed., Tao Yuanming nianpu 陶淵明年譜 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986), 261–305. 9 see his “Wu pu bianzheng” 吳譜辨證 in Xu Yimin, ed., Tao Yuanming nianpu, 27. 10 see “Tao Yuanming xiangnian kaobian” 陶淵明享年考辨, in Tao Yuanming yanjiu (see bibliography below), 211–42. 1092 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

Jiangxi). Tao Yuanming lived during the transition between the Jin and Song periods. His great-grandfather Tao Kan 陶侃 (259–334) held the post of commander-in-chief under the Jin, and his grandfather served in the post of governor. His father held somewhat lower ranks and died when Tao was quite young. Tao Kan was a commoner and was ridiculed for being a “man of low status” (see Jin shu 66, “Biography of Tao Kan”). Tao Yuanming said about the time when he lived in his village in Chai- sang: “During my youth I lacked the temperament to fit in with the vulgar world; /By nature I was basically fond of hills and mountains” (“Returning to the Fields to Dwell,” #1). He often said that because his family was poor, he was unable to seek a career as an official. This certainly was the case, but he could not abandon the ideals of the scholar-official class to attain meritorious service. His couplet from his “Miscellaneous Poems #5 fully expresses this idea: “My fierce ambition ranged beyond the seas, /Flap- ping my wings, I longed to fly far away.” When Tao was twenty-nine, he served as chancellor of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat, Xunyang), but he soon resigned his post. He was then invited to serve as recorder, but he decided not to take up the position. In 398, Tao Yuanming went to Jiangling 江陵 (modern Jiangling, Hubei), where he accepted a position on the staff of Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369–404), who held the two posts of regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat, Jiangling) and Jiangzhou. At that time Huan Xuan was the supreme military authority in the middle Yangzi area and aspired to seize the Jin imperial throne for himself. Tao Yuanming then began to harbor thoughts of becoming a recluse. In his poem “Written at Tukou at Night during the Seventh Month of 401, while Returning to Tukou after Leave,” he said: The Songs and Documents I have always loved, For woods and garden I have had no feeling. How did I decide to give this all up, And go far way to Jiangling? It was at this time that his mother née Meng 孟 died, and so he returned to Xunyang. After this, the political situation changed rapidly. In 402, Huan Xuan, using the pretext of subduing Sima Yuanxian 司馬元顯 (382–402), led his army into the capital. In 403, Huan Xuan declared himself emperor of the Chu state. In 404, Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) rose against Huan Xuan, entered Jiankang, and took the title of General Who Surpasses the Army. He took the supreme state authority and gave some hope that the Jin dynasty might continue. At this time Tao Yuanming served as adjutant to Liu Yu. On the way to taking up this position, he wrote “Poem Written while Pass- ing through Qu’e when I First Was Made Adjutant to the General Who tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1093

Surpasses the Army.” This poem clearly expresses his dilemma. On the one hand, he says, “A time came when something mysteriously occurred, /To make me turn my reins and stop in the road.” This refers to his service with Liu Yu. However, in another couplet he expresses longing for his bucolic lifestyle: “For now I shall rely on the process of change and transformation, /And in the end return to the hut of Master Ban.” At this time, Liu Yu was concentrating his forces to launch an attack on Huan Xuan and what remained of his army, and Tao Yuanming feared that it would be hard to do much as member of the staff of Liu Yu. In the next year (405), he became adjutant to General Who Establishes Awe, Liu Jingxuan 劉敬宣 (d. 415), the regional inspector of Jiangzhou. In the eighth month of this year, Tao requested to be transferred to the post of magistrate of Pengze 彭澤 (east of modern Hukou 湖口, Jiangxi). After serving for some eighty days, he resigned in the eleventh month and went into retirement. According to Tao’s biography in the Song shu, the reason why he resigned from office is that a commandery inspector came to visit, and Tao’s clerk told him he should tie up his girdle and visit him. Tao sighed and said, “I cannot for five pecks of grain bend my waist to a petty man from the countryside.” That very day Tao resigned his post. However, in “Let Me Return,” a poem that he wrote at the time of his resignation, he gave a more profound explanation: Let me cease friendships, break off associations. The world and I are at odds; If I were again to drive my carriage, what could I seek? Tao Yuanming fully realized that his basic nature was in conflict with the world at large. He could not change his nature to suit his contemporaries, and because he was disappointed by the political situation, he was ever more resolved to resign office and become a recluse. Tao’s resignation from his post as magistrate of Pengze is a dividing line in Tao Yuanming’s life. Before this time, he was constantly choosing between two social roles, serving in office or reclusion. When living in reclusion he wished to serve, and when he held office, he wished to return to reclusion. His mind was very conflicted. After his resignation from the post at Pengze, he firmly resolved to become a recluse, and he spent the rest of his life living in reclusion and farming the land. However, his heart was still not at peace. He says the following in “Miscellaneous Poems” #2: Days and months cast me away; My aims were never fulfilled. I ponder this and I am filled with grief; Even until dawn I find no peace. 1094 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

In his poetry, Tao repeatedly describes the delights and pleasures of living in retirement and reclusion. For example: “Let’s enjoy drinking this together, /My carriage will not be turning back” (“Drinking Wine,” #9); or “The bird having found a place to lodge itself, /In a thousand years it will not leave” (“Drinking Wine,” #4). This certainly is Tao’s true experience, but it can also be viewed as a means by which he establishes his resolve. In his later life he did not lack for opportunities to serve, but he always refused offers of appointment. At the end of the Eastern Jin he received an invitation to serve as editorial director in the palace library, but he did not take up the post. When Liu Yu overthrew the Jin and established the Song, Tao became weary of politics. In his poem “An Account of Wine” he subtly expresses his views about this situation. Toward the end of his life, Tao was afflicted by both poverty and illness. “Tan Daoji [fl. 426], the regional inspector of Jiangzhou, went to visit him and found that he had been lying in bed wasted and ill for some days. Daoji said to him, ‘A worthy man deals with the world so that when the proper way does not prevail in the empire he goes into hiding, but if it does prevail, then he goes to the court. Now that you live in an enlightened age, why do you torture yourself like this?’ Tao replied, ‘How dare I hope to be considered a worthy? My ambition does not reach that far.’ Daoji gave him some millet and meat, but Tao motioned to him to take them away” (Xiao Tong, “Biography of Tao Yuanming”). In 426, the year before he died, Tao wrote “An Elegy for Myself.” In the final lines of the piece he said, “Human life is truly hard, but what can one do about death? Oh! Alas!” These were his final words. After Tao died, his friends gave him the posthumous name of Jingjie xiansheng or Gentleman of Tranquility and Integrity. His friend Yan Yanzhi (384–456)) composed a dirge for him that provides important material for the study of Tao Yuanming. In addition to this, the Song shu, Jin shu, and Nan shi all have biographies of him. Tao Yuanming’s works did not circulate widely during his lifetime. In the Liang period, Xiao Tong (501–531) collected and edited them into the Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集 (Collected works of Yao Yuanming). He also wrote a preface and a biography. Although Xiao Tong’s collection has been lost, later editions were based on it. These include the Yang Xiuzhi 陽休之 (509–582) edition of the Northern Qi, the Northern Song edition of Song Xiang 宋庠 (996–1066), the Northern Song edition by the Buddhist monk Siyue 思悅 (fl. late tenth to early eleventh cent.), all of which have been lost, and various still extant Song printings such as the ten-juan Jiguge 汲古閣 edition and the Zeng Ji 曾集 woodblock edition. His extant works include 121 poems, and 12 prose pieces, including three fu and three elegies. tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1095

Tao Yuanming was well versed in Ruist teachings, and in his poetry and prose he often cites from the Ruist Classics. He refers to the Lun yu alone thirty-seven times. He maintained the Ruist spirit of involvement in the world, and like the Ruists attached importance to personal moral cultivation. However, he did not slavishly follow the tenets of the Ruist Classics, but showed himself to be unconventional and not all that rigid. He said, “I am fond of reading books, but I don’t try to make profound explications. Whenever there is something that strikes my fancy, I feel so elated, I forget to eat” (“Biography of Master Five Willows”). This is much different from the Ruist attitude toward study. Tao Yuanming praised Confucius, but he had a tendency to present a slightly Taoist-type Confucius. He was deeply influenced by Lao-Zhuang thought. Seventy of his works have allusions to the Laozi and Zhuangzi. Another influence on his thought was thexuanxue 玄學 or “arcane learning” of the Wei and Jin periods. However, he was not deeply immersed in Lao-Zhuang thought or mysticism. He was a very practical, down-to-earth person. When serving as magistrate he encouraged the farmers in their toil, and when living in retirement, he insisted on plowing the field himself. This is quite different from an abstract-thinking head-in-the-clouds xuanxue philosopher. Tao lived at the foot of Mount Lu 廬山, which was not far from the Donglin Temple 東林寺 of the Buddhist master Huiyuan 慧遠 (334–416). Tao’s friend Liu Yimin 劉遺民 (d. 415) had a close relationship with Huiyuan. Although one occasionally sees a Buddhist expression in Tao Yuanming’s poetry, he certainly was not a Buddhist, and he maintained a distance from Huiyuan. Buddhism involves awakening to the truth through meditation. There is a certain coincidental correspondence between Tao Yuanming’s method of awakening to the truth and Buddhism, but he sought joy in actual life and did not believe in an afterlife. These two aspects are quite different from Buddhism. In not fearing death, Tao is also very similar to certain Buddhist monks, but there is a large difference in the basis for the two beliefs. Tao took the attitude toward death of “Giv- ing oneself to the grand cycle of transformation, /Being neither happy nor afraid” (“Body, Shadow, and Spirit”). This is diametrically opposed to the Buddhist yearning for the Land of Ultimate Bliss. What most engaged his thought were questions about the universe, history, and human life, such as: What is reality? Why have worthy and good men throughout history not obtained a good end? Wherein lies the value of human life? What is the perfect form of human life? How does one deal with death? Since Tao’s thought is a blending of Ruist and Taoist elements, and also comes from his own life experience, it has its unique viewpoint, form, and conclusions. And he assiduously put these conclusions into practice in his own life. 1096 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

“Be content in poverty and delight in the Way” is Tao Yuanming’s rule of conduct. His concept of the “Way,” with its emphasis on moral integrity is a reflection of Ruist thought. Some examples: If not the Way, on what to rely? If not goodness, for what to strive?” “Trees in Bloom,” #2 High rank I don’t consider honor, Generous gifts I will not accept. If at dawn one lives with goodness and propriety, One may die in the evening with no regret. “In Praise of Impoverished Gentlemen,” #4 Tao Qian especially admired impoverished scholars like Confucius’ disciple Yan Hui 顏回 (d. ca. 490 b.c.e.), Yuan An 袁安 (d. 92), and Rong Qiqi 榮啟期 (fifth cent. b.c.e.) who were unperturbed by their poverty. Like them he strove to preserve the purity of his moral integrity, and was determined not to sully himself by pursuing high rank and salary. Tao did not totally despise official service, but he was unwilling to associate with corrupt and evil types. He aspired to perform meritorious deeds, but also wished to retire after winning merit, just as Shu Guang 疏廣 (fl. 67 b.c.e.) said to Shu Shou 疏受 (fl. b.c.e.): “If a person knows when he has enough, he will avoid disgrace, and if a person knows where to stop, he will avoid danger” (these are lines from Laozi 9 and 44). Tao also considered the problem of wealth and poverty. Contentment with poverty and seeking wealth were in constant conflict in his heart, but he was able to use the “Way” to attain a balance between them. “Wealth and poverty are in constant battle, /But when the Way wins out, one’s face is no longer sad” (“In Praise of Impoverished Gentlemen,” #5). The ancient worthies who had been able to achieve contentment in poverty were his exemplars: “How can I soothe my cares? /I rely on those many worthies from ancient times” (“In Praise of Impoverished Gentlemen,” #2). Upholding ziran 自然 or “naturalness” was an even more profound philosophical precept of Tao Yuanming’s for dealing with human life. The word ziran does not appear in the Lun yu or Mengzi. It exclusively belongs to the thought of Laozi and Zhuangzi. The Lao-Zhuang notion of ziran is different from the modern concept of ziran that designates the natural world as opposed to human society. It is a condition or state that is not human made, but was always like this, and is so of itself. All things in the world exist based on their original essence, and they change according to the rules that are an inherent part of themselves. They do not require any external conditions or powers. Humans should conform to the conditions and changes of the naturally so, they should embrace simplicity and enfold tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1097 the genuine. Tao Yuanming aspired to return to and preserve this original, simple nature that had not been affected by worldly mores. He said about this: “My basic nature is naturalness. It is nothing that can be coerced or forced” (Preface to “Oh Let Me Return!”). This means that since this is his basic nature, he will not accept any restraints. He also said, “Long was I in a confining cage, /But now I am able to return to naturalness” (“Returning to the Farm to Dwell,” #1). Here he expresses his delight at the freedom he was able to attain by returning to naturalness. In “Body, Shadow, and Spirit,” he has Spirit argue for naturalness in order to dispel the suffering of Body and Shadow. Body stands for the human desire to seek long life, and Shadow represents the human desire for seeking good and attaining fame. Through the principle of naturalness, Spirit dispels their torment. Body, Shadow, and Spirit each represent three contradictory elements in Tao Yuanming’s self. The dialogue in which they engage reflects the conflict and compromise in his outlook on life. Tao Yuanming’s emphasis on the idea of naturalness and the ideas of going along with change and nurturing the genuine that are derived from it already comprise a rather complete and consistent philosophy. Tao Yuanming’s thought can be summarized as follows: By destroying the “false self ” that had been contaminated by exposure to the profane world one seeks to return to a “genuine self.” Tao Yuanming recognized the corruption of society, but he did not have the power to change it. All he could do was seek to improve his own morality. He saw that society was in crisis, but he could not find a correct path by which to save it. All he could do was seek to aid the recovery of one’s original nature. Perhaps he was able partially to achieve this with himself, especially in the realm of poetry that he created. However, this was ineffective as a cure for the ills of society. Tao Yuanming was typical of the fengliu 風流 (cultivated urbanity) type of the Wei-Jin period. Fengliu was a personal ideal that scholars of the Wei- Jin period sought, or to put it in another way, a life that is infused with art. They used their words and deeds, poetry and prose to make their life one that was infused with art. The Wei-Jin period is a period infused with art, and everything is concerned with art. Human life is no exception. From the perspective of the ordinary world, Tao Yuanming’s life was “dry and dull,” but from a transcendent perspective, his life was one infused with art. His works such as “Biography of Five Willows,” “Oh, Let Me Return!,” “Returning to the Farm to Dwell,” “Progression of the Seasons” all are a reflection of a life infused with art. The process of seeking the position of magistrate of Pengze and then resigning it, his attitude toward Wang Hong 王弘, the regional inspector of Jiangzhou, whom he did not wish to meet, the story of his playing a zither with no strings, and the anecdote of 1098 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) straining wine with his hempen head cloth are manifestations of his life infused with art. And wine is a medium by which human life is infused with art. Tao Yuanming can be said to be a leading example of the fengliu manner of the Wei-Jin era.

Tao Yuanming’s Field and Garden Poetry and Other Works

The themes of Tao Yuanming’s poetry can be generally divided into five categories: tianyuan 田園 (field and garden—bucolic themes), yong huai 詠懷 (expressing one’s feelings), yong shi 詠史 (poems on historical themes), xing yi 行役 (travel), and zengda 贈答 (presentation and reply—exchange poems). Field and garden poetry is often mentioned together with landscape poetry, but these are two different subjects. Field and garden verse may describe the scenery of a country village, but its main focus is on the description of the life of farmers and agricultural work in the village. Landscape poetry is mainly concerned with describing natural scenery and expressing the poet’s aesthetic appreciation of the landscape. It is frequently associated with travel. Tao Yuanming has only one poem, “An Outing to Xie Brook,” that can strictly speaking be regarded as a landscape poem. He wrote mostly field and garden verse. Field and garden verse is a new theme that Tao introduced to Chinese literature. Tao Yuanming is the first writer in the history of Chinese literature to make his own bucolic life the main content of the poem, and he is the first vividly to describe the pleasures and hardships of farming labor. Some of his field and garden verse expresses his mood of detached self- contentment by describing the quiet pleasure of country scenes and the simplicity of country life. Strolling on a spring day, climbing to a high van- tage point, pouring wine, reading books, heartfelt conversation with friends, a gathering of family members, washing oneself under the eaves, plucking chrysanthemums by the eastern hedge, new sprouts growing wings while a southern breeze blows over them, mulberry and hemp growing healthy and strong under the sun—these subjects all are transformed into beautiful poems. For example, he has such lines as The hills are cleansed of leftover haze, The sky is dimmed by faint clouds. There is a breeze blowing from the south; It puts wings on the new sprouts. “Progression of the Seasons” Here Tao describes a morning scene in the village. The dirty haze has gradually dissolved, and a southern breeze causes the new sprouts to grow wings. In another piece, he says: tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1099

From time to time the neighbors come over, And we forthrightly discuss matters of the past. An unusual writing we enjoy together; Doubtful points we all try to solve. “Moving House.” In these lines Tao describes how he and his neighbors discuss history and literature. One can only envy that kind of unaffected social intercourse. From youth I lacked the temperament to fit in with the vulgar world; By nature I was basically fond of hills and mountains. By mistake I fell into the dusty net, And once gone, thirty years have passed. A migrant bird longs for its home grove; A fish in the pond yearns for its former pool. I have cleared wasteland at the edge of the southern wilds, And clinging to my ineptness, I return to garden and field. The fields around my house extend for ten-plus mu, And my thatched house has eight or nine bays. Elms and willows shade the rear eaves, Peach and plum trees spread out before the hall. Faintly seen are distant villages; Hanging wispily is smoke from houses. A dog barks from the depths of a lane, And a cock crows atop a mulberry tree. Within my doors and courtyard there is no dusty confusion; In the empty rooms I have excess leisure. Long was I in a confining cage, But once again I am able to return to naturalness. “Returning to the Farm to Dwell,” #1 Following the two paired phrases of “clinging to ineptness” and “fitting in with the vulgar world” and “gardens and fields” and “dusty net,” the poet feels an incomparable joy after returning to his farm: the fields, thatched hut, elms and willows, peaches and plums, distant village, nearby smoke, crowing cock, barking dog, everything he sees and hears brings satisfaction. The poetic effect of this is stronger because ofT ao Yuanming’s light touches. “Faintly seen are distant villages; / Hanging wispily is smoke from houses”, where we have the distant juxtaposed with the nearby. “A dog barks from the depths of a lane, / And a cock crows atop a mulberry tree.” Here he uses activity to portray stillness, and this simply reaches a sublime state. Some of Tao’s field and garden verse describes the actual experience of farming life, and this is the most notable feature and most valuable part of his field and garden poetry. The Shi jing also contains poems about agriculture, but those are songs sung by peasants as they labor in the fields. Tao Yuanming is the first literatus who personally tilled the soil and also wrote 1100 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) poetry about his experience as a farmer. Even after Tao Yuanming there are not many poems that truly describe the poet’s own toils. “Returning to the Farm to Dwell” #3 is a typical example: I plant beans below the southern mountain; Wild grass flourishes, but bean sprouts are few. I rise at dawn to attend to the rank weeds; With the moon overhead, I return carrying my hoe. The path is narrow, plants are tall; Evening dew soaks my clothes. That my clothes are soaked is of no concern; Just let there be no violation of my hopes. This is the real experience of someone who after serving in officehas returned to the countryside to till the fields. As the moonlight shines down on him, he puts the hoe on his shoulder, and the evening dew soaks his clothes. This is a true to life depiction of a real situation and scene. Behind the description of agricultural life lies a subtle comparison between farming and official service, as well as a quest for the ideal way to live. In “Com- posed in the Ninth Month of 410, On Harvesting the Early Rice in the West Field,” he writes about his ideals: Men are ready for morality Only when they are fed and clothed. How, ignoring these two things, Expect to find your peace of mind? In spring we did the usual jobs And now the yield is here to see. I left at dawn to do the tasks Returned at sunset, sheaves on back. The frost is heavy in the hills Here the air turns early cold. Is a farmer’s life not bitter? We can’t avoid such difficulties. My four limbs are weary enough— Other troubles should be spared us. I wash and rest beneath the eaves, With wine relax my face and breast. Zhangju, Jieni—so long ago, A thousand years, and the heart is the same. I only wish to go on like this; I won’t complain that I must plow. Trans. Hightower, 121. Tao Yuanming claims that food and clothing are the condition for the moral way. Unless one toils there is nothing to talk about. In the poem he describes the hardships of farming work, and he recounts the pleasure tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1101 he receives when he is able to rest after he returns home. This all is very true to life. When he says, “Is a farmer’s life not bitter? /We can’t avoid such difficulties,” he express the universal experience of farmers. The lines “My four limbs are weary enough—/ Other troubles should be spared us” depict the special experience of a scholar-official who has quit official life to become a recluse-farmer. Some of his field and garden poems tell of his own destitution and the hardships of village life. For example, he says in “A Lament in the Chu Mode: To Show to Recorder Pang and Scribe Deng”: Blazing fire has often hotly burned, Snout moths have infested the fields. Wind and rain come from all directions; The harvest will not fill a single man’s plot. On summer days long I have suffered hunger; On winter nights without covers we have slept. When evening came we longed for cockcrow; At dawn, we hoped the sun would quickly set. In “Returning to the Farm to Dwell,” #4 he writes: We linger among the grave mounds, One can barely discern where people used to dwell. Of wells and hearths there are traces; Of mulberry and bamboo there remain rotten stumps. I asked of someone gathering firewood, “Where have these people gone?” The firewood gatherer said to me, “They have died, none are left.” Through these poems we can vaguely glimpse the condition of the rural village during times of war, dislocation, and natural disasters. Yong huai and “poems on historical themes” are very similar in terms of content. The poems on historical themes also involve expression of feeling, but the historical events simply serve as a medium for expressing sentiments. Some of Tao’s yong huai poems are in sets such as “Drinking Wine,” “Imitations of Old Poems,” and “Miscellaneous Poems.” His poems on historical themes focus on men from the past such as “The Three Good Men,” “The Two Tutors Named Shu,” “Jing Ke,” and “In Praise of Impov- erished Gentlemen.” “On Reading the Seas and Mountains Classic” can also be considered a poem of this type. The poems in these two categories are a clear continuation of the tradition of Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263) and Zuo Si 左思 (ca. 250–ca. 305), but they also have Tao Yuanming’s own stamp on them. They center on the question of the conflict between whether to serve or to retire, and they express his moral principle of refusing to corrupt himself by associating with the governing class of his time. Some of the 1102 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) pieces are reflections on his past life such as “Drinking Wine” #19. Others contain criticism of society such as “Drinking Wine” #20. Some express both regret and anger such as “In Praise of Jing Ke.” From “Miscellaneous Poems” #2 one can see an indication of Tao’s deep indignation: The bright sun sinks behind the western slope, The pale moon rises from the eastern peak. Far, far, a thousand leagues of shining brilliance; Wide, wide, spreads the light in the sky. A breeze enters the door of my room, In the middle of the night pillow and mat are cold. With the changing air one feels that the season is turning; Being unable to sleep, I know that the night is long. I wish to speak, but there is no one to answer; I raise my cup and exhort my lonely shadow. Days and months cast me away; My aims were never fulfilled. I ponder this and I am filled with grief; Even until dawn I find no peace. In this poem, Tao tells about an autumn night when he cannot sleep. He uses the chilliness of the setting as a counterpart to the loneliness that he feels. In addition, the passage of time evokes sadness that his aims remain unfulfilled. This is a typical Tao Qian yong huai poem. Tao Yuanming wrote all of his travel poems while he was serving in office. They share common themes: laments about the hardship of travel, feelings of boredom with official service, and longing to return to the farm to resume his life of reclusion. Lamenting the hardships of travel was already a common theme in travel poetry prior to Tao Yuanming, but the other two themes are original with Tao. The latter two sentiments become more intense in the poems written in the later years of his government service. The feeling of hopelessness that resulted from a loss of freedom is the keynote of this type of poem. The following are some examples: My eyes are tired of the strangeness of rivers and roads, My heart longs to dwell in mountains and lakes. I gaze at the clouds and am shamed by birds soaring on high, I look down at the stream and feel mortified by the fish playing and swimming. “Written as I Passed through Qu’e On First Being Made Adjutant to the Gen- eral of the Stabilizing Army” After long travels, I yearn for the place where I was born; How can I become mired here? “In the Fifth Month of 400, Held up by Adverse Winds at Guilin while Returning from the Capital” tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1103

My old delight in the Songs and Documents is now even stronger; In grove and garden I had no worldly passions. Why have I given all of this up, To go far away to Jing in the west? “Written at Tukou at Night during the Seventh Moon of 401, while Returning to Jiangling from Leave” What am I doing here, Trying so hard to carry out my duties? “Written in the Third Month of 405 when Passing through Qianxi onthe Way to the Capital as Adjutant to the General of the Establishing-Majesty Army” Tao Yuanming’s zengda poems reveal Tao’s strong affection toward friends. This theme is an ancient one. The exchange poems traditionally attributed to Li Ling and Su Wu are notable for their skill in expressing feelings of separation, Cao Zhi’s “Presented to Biao, the Prince of Baima” is famous for its expression of hidden resentment, Liu Zhen’s “Presented to My Cousin” reveals the poet’s noble moral character, and Xi Kang’s “Pre- sented to a Flourishing Talent upon Entering the Army” exhibits a feeling of free and easy abandon. Tao Yuanming’s exchange poems also have their own distinct qualities. He molds his sincere feelings, matters of daily life, eternal verities, and a tone that is neither fervent nor cold into an image of an honest, kindhearted venerable gentleman. Examples: Thick, thick the hovering clouds, Heavy, heavy the seasonal rain. In the eight directions, all is darkness; The level road is now impassable. I quietly rest by the eastern veranda, Spring wine—alone I fondle it. A good friend is far away, Scratching my head, I wait and watch. “Hovering Clouds” Twirling and twisting a wind came from the west, Far, far went the cloud to the east. A thousand leagues beyond mountains and streams, To converse and laugh it will be hard to find the chance. A fine talent like you does not hide from the world, But by rivers and lakes many poor and humble men reside. If perchance you happen to come this way, Remember to visit your old friend. “Parting from Yin, Secretary at Jin’an” “In Reply to Adjutant Pang” is the most moving of Tao’s exchange poems: Bosom friends need not be long acquainted; A lowered-carriage top confirms this saying. 1104 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

There is a guest who appreciates my taste; He often comes to visit my garden and grove. Our chats and jests have no vulgar tone; What we enjoy is the Sage’s writings. At times we have several pints of ale, And in leisurely drinking we enjoy ourselves. I truly am a scholar living in reclusion; I have no reason to dash hither and thither. For things, the new, and with friends, the old is best; With my brush there is much I can express. Our feelings can be conveyed beyond a thousand leagues, But our bodies are separated by hills and streams. I hope you will take good care of yourself, I don’t know when we will meet again. This poem is a recollection of former joyful gatherings and also expresses the feelings about separation. It also contains a sincere exhortation. The words are sincere and the feeling is strong. In addition to these five types of verse, Tao Yuanming also has a few important philosophical poems such as “Body, Shadow, and Spirit,” “Drink- ing Alone in the Rainy Season,” and “Imitations of Bearers’ Songs.” These poems can be regarded as xuanyan (arcane words) verse. However, they are different from the xuanyan poems that were popular in the Eastern Jin, for Tao’s poems are not repetitions of the tenets of Laozi or commentaries on the meaning of Zhuangzi, but refine everyday experience to a higher philosophical level. People of the Wei-Jin period attached great importance to family influence, and in some of his poems Tao writes about clan relations and offers instructions for his sons. Examples are “On Naming My Son,” “Finding Fault with My Sons,” and “Presented to the Lord of Chang- sha.” In these poems one can see that Tao Yuanming was also a man who thought that family honor and status were important.

The Artistry of Tao’s Poetry and Its Origins

Naturalness is not only the guiding principle of Tao Yuanming’s life, but it also is the general artistic feature of his poetry. He did not write poetry with the aim of seeking fame. Whenever he was moved by something he would express his feelings about it in writing. He is utterly devoid of pre- tense or affectation. In “Biography of Master Five Willows,” in which he presents a portrait of himself, he says, “He always composes literary pieces to amuse himself, and also to reveal something of his aims. He is uncon- cerned about gain and loss, and in this manner he will end his days.” In the preface to “Drinking Wine,” he also says, “After I become drunk, I always compose a few lines of poetry to amuse myself. Eventually, my writings tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1105 accumulated.” From these statements we can see Tao’s attitude toward writing. The voicing and rhythm of his verse is slow and steady, and gives one the impression of friendly intimacy. Most of Tao’s poems use an intro- spective manner of discourse in which he recounts the most subtle turns of feeling in his heart. They have no overwhelming rhetorical force, grandiloquence, or lofty air. Rather, it is like a spring shower that slowly seeps into the reader’s heart. Tao’s poems do not try to create a strong stimulus. Nor do they have rich coloring or a complicated structure. They are simply a spontaneous, natural presentation of things. However, because of his lofty, unworldly moral ideals, and his deep life experience, he could only achieve an effect by writing about things as they actually were. The Song dynasty scholar Huang Che 黃徹 (jinshi 1124) makes exactly this point: “The reason that no other poet could reach to Tao Yuanming’s level is that Tao had no concern about reproach or approval, or whether he wrote skillfully or not” (Bixi shihua 碧溪詩話, Siku quanshu, 5.5b). One of Tao’s greatest features is also his creativity, which mainly involves his ability to turn everyday life into poetry. He was able to discover important meaning and enduring poetic flavor in everyday life. Before Tao, poets such as Qu Yuan 屈原 (340?–278 b.c.e.), Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220), Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232), Ruan Ji, and Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303) all were intent on writing on themes concerned with government and the state, but with Tao Yuanming, poetry for the first time was focused on ordinary life. Tao used everyday language to write about everyday affairs, and thus created great poetry. The artistic qualities of Tao’s poetry can be summed up as follows:

1. A blending of feeling, scene, event, and idea. In describing scenes Tao Yuanming does not strive for formal likeness, and in recounting events, he does not strive for a complicated narrative, but uses objects that everyone can visualize and utterly ordinary occurrences to express sentiments that are more lofty than those of more worldly men, and ideas that did not occur to most people. Tao’s poetry focuses on expressing his “heart”—he conveys a mood and feeling in which scene and object are blended into one and that contain a clear understanding of human life. He was not interested in describing landscape, nor did he care about verisimilitude. He only describes the realm of feeling and thought that was in his heart. Tao’s verse arises from an event, originates in a scene, springs from his feelings, and is guided by an idea. New sprouts that grew wings under the southern breeze, the moon that accompanies him as he returns home after weeding the field, the cooking smoke that wispily rises, the spring swallows that return to their old nests with no concern that the courtyard is overgrown 1106 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) with weeds, the grove that is filled with cooling shade in mid-summer, the zither that lies on his bed, cloudy wine in a jug, and the green pine, autumn chrysanthemum, lonely cloud, flying birds that often appear in his poetry are not common occurrences. They are both objective and yet subjective expressions of the poets feelings and personality. They are both concrete and abstract. A good example is “Drinking Wine” #5: I build my hut in a place where other people live, Yet do not hear the noise of carts and horses. You ask—how can I do this? When the mind is detached, the place becomes remote of itself. I pick chrysanthemums by the eastern hedge, Carefree and content, I see the southern hills: The mountain mists are lovely in the setting sun, And flying birds together return to their nests. In these things there is an idea of truth; I would like to expound on it, but have forgotten the words. The first four lines concern “mind” and “place,” which are none other than the relationship between subjective spirit and objective surroundings. No matter where one is he is not disturbed by dust and noise. With the lines “I pick chrysanthemums by the eastern hedge, /Carefree and content, I see the southern hills,” suddenly the heart and mountain converge, and the poet himself seems to become one with the mountain. The mountain mists at sunset and the birds returning home create a beautiful scene in his heart that contains a human truth. The momentary sympathetic response between heart and scene as well as the poet’s boundless joy cannot be conveyed in language. This is how the Chinese writer and literary critic Wang Shizhen 王士禎 (1634–1711) puts it: “There are chrysanthemums by the hedge, and he picks them. After he picks them they are all gone, and in his heart there are no chrysanthemums. Suddenly he sees the southern mountain far away, and at sunset he sees the beauty of the mountain mists. Tak- ing on the nature of happy birds he goes back and forth. Mountain, flower, bird, and man happen to meet. The full motive force of transformation is naturally contained within it. Since there are no concrete terms, this cannot be explained in language” (Zhu Xie 朱燮, ed., Guxue qianjin pu 古學千金譜, Qing Zhinu zhai printing, 18.21.). Tao’s “Bearer Songs” #3 also is a fine work that blends feeling, scene, event, and idea: The wild weeds—how vast they are! The white poplars too sough and sigh. During the harsh frost of the ninth month, They escort me to the distant suburbs. All around there are no human dwellings, tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1107

High grave mounds tower upward. The horses whinny to the sky for me, The wind mournfully blows. Once the dark house is sealed, For a thousand years dawn will be no more. For a thousand years dawn will be no more, Even the worthy and wise can do nothing about it. Those who have escorted me here Will all return, each to his own home. My kinsmen perhaps will feel some grief, But the others will already be singing. Once dead, what more is there to say? For the body will reside on the hillside. This poem first recounts the event of relatives and friends escorting him to the grave. “Wild grasses” and “white poplars” conjure up a dreary atmosphere. Then the poet says that everyone must die, no one can avoidit. However, the death of a single individual has little influence on the living, and one must not be overly concerned about it. The two last lines are the concluding statement and serve as the guiding idea of the poem. Death is a great puzzle, and Tao Yuanming solves this puzzle. The ideas inT ao’s poetry are not abstract philosophical teachings, but are things that he learned through practice in his life. Tao’s poetry displays his knowledge of the universe, history, and human life, and is a crystallization of his quest for mystery and meaning. This is all expressed in quasi-aphoristic, emotive, and philosophical language, and has the effect of the idea being fully expressed even after the words come to an end. “Men are ready for morality/ Only when they are fed and clothed” (“Composed in the Ninth Month of 410, On Harvesting the Early Rice in the West Field”); “Born into this world makes us brothers, /No need of flesh-and-blood relations” (“Miscellaneous Poems,” #1, trans. Hightower, 185); “With the changing air one feels that the season is turning; /Being unable to sleep, I know that the night is long” (“Miscellaneous Poems,” #1); “Do your best when you get the chance, /The years and months will wait for no man” (“Miscella- neous Poems,” #2; trans. Hightower, 187); “Aware no more than our own ‘I’ exists /How are we to value other things?” (“Drinking Wine,” #14; trans. Hightower, 145); “Human life is like illusory change, /In the end one must return to empty nothing” (“Returning to the Farm to Dwell,” #4); “Alas, a name left to posterity /Is no more to me than floating mist” (“A Lament in the Chu Mode: To Show to Recorder Pang and Scribe Deng”; trans. Hightower, 65); “Among other trees it goes unremarked, /When isolated, everyone admires” (“Drinking Wine,” #8; Hightower, 136). These lines are in simple language but express profound ideas. They are quite inspiring. The Qing scholar Pan Deyu 潘德輿 (1785–1839) says the following about 1108 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

Tao Yuanming: “As he freely presents a single world and a single object, he fully reveals divine principle.” This is a fair assessment. 2. Arresting phrases and elegance in plain simplicity. Tao Yuan’s style has often been categorized as “plain and simple,” but his poetry isnot merely plain. One of the better qualities of Tao’s poetry is the elegance that one finds in his plain simplicity. The object of Tao’s description often is of ordinary things such as a farmhouse, chickens and dogs, bean sprouts, an isolated lane, and a wicker door, none of which has any special qualities. However, after they receive his poetic treatment, arresting phrases often emerge. Tao’s poems rarely use ornate diction or hyperbole. It is bare description, plain and simple. Here are some examples: “I plant beans beneath the southern mountain” (“Returning to the Farm to Dwell,” #3; “Today the weather is fine” (“An Outing under the Cypress Trees at the Zhou Family Graves”); “A green pine is in the eastern garden” “Drink- ing Wine,” #8); “Autumn chrysanthemums have lovely colors” (“Drink- ing Wine,” #7); “The sad wind loves a quiet night” (“Eighth Month of the Year Bingsui: Harvest in the Field Hut at Xiasun”); “In spring and autumn there are many fine days” (“Moving House,” #2). The language is as clear as ordinary speech, but there is elegance in the simplicity. Another example is “Imitation of Ancient Poems,” #3: In spring’s second month we encounter seasonal rains; The first thunderclaps issue from the eastern quarter. The hibernating insects are roused from their hiding places; Plants and trees spread here and there. Fluttering about, the newly arrived swallows Pair by pair, enter my hut. Their old nests are still there, They lead each other back to their homes. From the time that we had parted, The courtyard had daily become overgrown with weeds. My heart truly is not a stone to be rolled away, What now about your love for me? With the arrival of spring, swallows pair by pair return to his grass hut. In a year’s time Tao’s courtyard has become overgrown with weeds, but he still persists in his impoverished life of reclusion. Some of his friends don’t understand his attitude, and they repeatedly urge him to take office. However, the swallows come fluttering in without the slightest thought of abandoning their old nests or the impoverished gentleman. Moved, the poet once again makes the following exhortation: “My resolve is firm. Is your resolve as strong as mine?” This poem is like a beautiful fairy tale. There is an unusual charm in its plain simplicity. tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1109

There are quite a few other examples of this. For example, “The birds are happy to have a resting place, /And I too love my hut” (“Reading the Classic of Mountains and Seas, #1); and “Over the level fields blows a distant breeze, / Good shoots too embrace the new” (“In Early Spring of the Year 403, Two Poems in Praise of Ancient Farmers,” #2). The two uses of the word yi 亦 meaning ‘too’ establish a correspondence between self and object, and this is very thought provoking. Here is an another example from “Returning to the Farm to Dwell,” #5: A mountain brook is clear and shallow; Here I can wash my feet. I strain my newly matured ale; I prepare a chicken and invite my neighbors over; The sun sets, and the rooms become dark; A thorn brand takes the place of candles. A mountain brook, a chicken, and a thorn brand are all ordinary things, but after the poet has touched them up, they reveal the charm of his lifestyle, the intimacy with his neighbors, and the simple customs of the village. Another example is “I bend my ear and there is not the faintest sound, /Before my eyes it is all pure and white” (“Written in the Twelfth Month of 403, for My Cousin Jingyuan”). In these two plain lines Tao describes the delicate beauty of snow. Concerning this quality, Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–1101) said, “this seems plain but is actually ornate, it seems spare but is truly ample” (“Letter to Su Che”). This is very insightful. The language of Tao’s poetry is not unrefined. It simply does not reveal any traces of refinement and appears to be plain and natural. Thus, Yuan Haowen 元好問 (1190– 1257) has said about Tao’s verse: All his language is natural and eternally fresh; Grandiloquence is fully shed leaving only the genuine and pure. By the southern window in the bright sun he imagined living in Fuxi’s time, But this still does not preclude his being a man of Jin. “Quatrains on Poetry.” Examples of this quality would be: “Do your best when you get the chance, /The years and months will wait for no man” (“Miscellaneous Poems,” #1; trans. Hightower, 187); “Days and months cast me away; /My aims were never fulfilled” (“Miscellaneous Poems,” #2). “Thick, thick grow the trees before the house, /In midsummer they store cool shade” (“Matching a Poem by Secretary Guo,” #1). The words dai 待 ‘wait’, zhi 擲 ‘cast away’, zhu 貯 ‘store’ commonly occur. They seem plain but are actually quite striking and cannot be dispensed with. 1110 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

As for the origins of the artistic qualities of Tao’s verse, Zhong Rong 鍾嶸 (467?–519 in his Shi pin says, “His poetry has its origins in Ying Qu, and it is aided by the stylistic force of Zuo Si.” Most critics after Zhong Rong have disagreed with this statement, but most modern scholars approve of it. If we look at it on the basis of Ying Qu’s extant poems and the biographical material about him, Ying Qu 應璩 (190–252) is quite different from Tao Yuanming. Instead of tracing the origins of Tao’s verse to Ying Qu, it would be better to find them in the great masters of the Han, Wei, and Jin periods. Ying Qu’s verse is too narrow a corpus by which to account for all of Tao’s poetry. If one must address this issue precisely, I would say that Tao has his origins in the “Ancient Poems.” He also was influenced by Ruan Ji and Zuo Si, who represent the apex of Wei-Jin verse.

Tao Yuanming’s Prose and Fu

Tao Yuanming’s position and influence in Chinese literary history also derive from his prose and fu writings, which are not inferior to his poetry. In three works in particular, “Biography of Five Willows,” “The Peach Blos- som Spring,” and “Let Me Return,” one can perceived Tao’s basic nature and thought. “Biography of Five Willows” consists of only 120-plus characters in the main text and 40-plus characters in the appraisal, but it is a biography in which Tao provides for himself a full depiction of his personality. The “Biography of Tao Qian” in the Jin shu says, “When Tao was young he had lofty ideals. He wrote ‘Biography of Master Five Willows’ as an allegory for himself. . . . His contemporaries said it was a true record.” Before Tao Qian, Sima Qian 司馬遷 (ca. 145–ca. 86 b.c.e.), wrote an “Autobiographi- cal Postface” in the Shi ji, and Wang Chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.) wrote “Account of Myself ” in the Lun heng, but these are merely autobiographical postfaces attached to these works. Although Ruan Ji in his “Biography of Master Great Man” expresses his own ideals through the figure of Mas- ter Great Man, it is not an autobiography. In “Biography of Master Five Willows” Tao adopts the form of the standard history biography, but he does not focus on recounting events of his life. Rather, its emphasis is on Tao’s amusements and diversions and expressing the author’s feelings. This type of writing is original with Tao Yuanming. In later periods, the “Biog- raphy of Master Five Dippers” by Wang Ji 王績 (585–644) and “Biography of Master Who Chants in Drunkeness” by Bo Juyi 白居易 (722–846) were strongly influenced by it. In its 120-plus characters, “Biography of Mas- ter Five Willows” expresses in an extremely succinct style Tao’s noncon- formist personality in which he draws a clear line between himself and the profane world, and thereby creates an image of a pure and high-minded, tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1111 easy-going, happy and content, recluse who does not complain about poverty and delights in the Way. “Let Me Return” is a manifesto about Tao’s decision to quit official service and return to his farm. The sights of the return journey, the scene of the reunion with his family after he reached home, and the episode of anticipating the coming spring planting and plowing are highly imagina- tive writing in which one can see the poet’s yearning for freedom. The piece is not devoid of ornate passages, and the flowing rhythm and relaxed cadence unveil the poet’s rapturous emotional state directly before the reader. In later times, all calls to return home and all desires to be set free had to be expressed by references to this work. For this reason, it has an enduring vitality. Ouyang Xiu said: “The Jin had no good literature—only Tao Yuanming’s ‘Let Me Return’ ” (cited in Li Gonghuan, Qian zhu Tao Yuanming ji, 5). Although this is not necessarily a valid criticism, it is true that the excellence of Tao’s work is hard to match. The story of “Peach Blossom Spring” has several points in common with other stories of fairylands: there is a chance happening, the place is a perfect paradise beyond the human world, one can only enter there by happen- stance and never return, and it can never be found by deliberately seeking it. However, one must emphasize the special features of the ideal form that Tao Yuanming created. The inhabitants of Peach Blossom Spring are very ordinary people. They are not immortals, but people who had fled here during the troubles of the Qin period. They only differ from the people of the outside world by their ability to preserve their purity and innocence. The peace, quietude, and blessings that they enjoy are all obtained by their own toil. Many ancient stories about immortals and fairies describe attaining long life and gaining riches, but in Peach Blossom Spring there is no long life or riches. Rather, he portrays a scene in which people personally plow the fields. When Tao Yuanming first took up reclusion he was only concerned about his own personal dilemma of whether to serve in office or retire, but when he wrote “Peach Blossom Spring,” he did not limit himself to his own situation, but conceived an outlet for all of society as well as the fortunes of the people at large. That Tao Yuanming could take this great step is related to his life of poverty and his personal experience of working the land for many years. Although Peach Blossom Spring is only a figment of the imagination, the story has much to commend it.

Tao Yuanming’s Significance

During his lifetime Tao Yuanming was known only as a recluse, and his literary creations were not highly regarded. That is because his bland simplicity and naturalness did not accord with the ornate style that was much 1112 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) admired in that period. Xiao Tong was the first to discover the literary value of Tao’s writings. He highly praised both his character and his writing. In the Song dynasty, especially after Su Shi and Zhu Xi 朱熹(1130–1200) acclaimed his greatness, and Tang Han 湯漢 (1202–1275) wrote a detailed commentary to his works, Tao Yuanming truly attained an exalted place in the history of Chinese literature. He has held this place until today, and he even has a worldwide influence. Tao Yuanming is a spiritual abode for the Chinese scholar-official. Many scholar-officials, after becoming frustrated with government service, or when they became weary of the bureaucratic life, often returned to Tao Yuanming, and from him found new value in life with which they could console themselves. Bo Juyi, Su Shi, Lu You 陸遊 (1125–1210) and Xin Qiji 辛棄疾 (1140–1207) all did this. Thus, “not bending one’s waist for five pecks of grain” became a spiritual fortress for the Chinese scholar-official that he used to protect his freedom of choice whether to serve or go into reclusion. In their minds, bland simplicity and naturalness became a sublime artistic realm. As Tao Yuanming used them in his verse, wine and chrysanthemums became his personal symbols. A goodly number of ancient literati were fond of wine, but Tao Yuanming is one of the few who could recognize the profound taste of wine and understand the human truth that it contains. Wine is intimately connected with Tao Yuanming’s life and writings. With Ruan Ji wine drinking was a means to escape calamity or relieve sorrow, but with Tao Yuanming it was a means by which to seek the state of being oblivious of both self and things, a state that wine drinking can produce. Tao actually did not write much about the chrysanthemum—he only mentions it six times—but because the lines “I pick chrysanthemums by the eastern hedge, /Carefree and content, I see the southern hills,” are so famous, the chrysanthemum has become the incarnation of Tao Yuanming and the symbol in Chinese literature of high-minded reclusion and detach- ment from the world. Actually, besides wine and the chrysanthemum, the solitary cloud even more so symbolizes Tao Yuanming. See for example the following lines: All living things have their place to lodge; The solitary cloud alone has nothing for support. Dim and dark, it disappears in the sky; When might it reveal its afterglow? “In Praise of Impoverished Gentlemen” #1 Tao Yuanming was lonely his entire life, and his poetry is an apologia of a lonely person. His afterglow only gradually shone forth after his death. In “Dreaming of Li Bo” #2, Du Fu’s couplet “Though your name live for tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1113 a thousand autumns or ten thousand years, / Your loneliness will last even after you are gone” could easily be applied to Tao Yuanming.

Bibliography

There are a number of biographical accounts of Tao’s life. The earliest extant chronology is by Wang Zhi 王質 (1135–1189), Lili pu 栗里譜. Xu Yimin has collected thirteen nianpu in his Tao Yuanming nianpu. The most important of these include: Wu Renjie 吳仁傑 (jinshi 1244). Tao Jingjie xiansheng nianpu 陶靖節先生年譜. Gu Yi 顧易 (Qing). Liucun Tao pu 柳村陶譜. Preface dated Yongzheng 7 (1729). Ding Yan 丁晏 (1794–1875). Jin Tao Jingjie nianpu 晉陶靖節年譜. 1843. Yang Ximin 楊希閔 (19th century). Jin Tao Zhengshi nianpu 晉陶徵士年譜. 1878. Liang Qichao 梁啟超. “Tao Yuanming nianpu” 陶淵明年譜. In Tao Yuanming 陶淵明. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1923. Gu Zhi 古直. Tao Yuanming nianpu 陶淵明年譜. Yulou congshu 隅樓叢書. 1926. Fu Donghua 傅東華. “Tao Yuanming nianpu” 陶淵明年譜. In Tao Yuanming shi 陶淵明詩. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1927. Lu Qinli 逯欽立. “Tao Yuanming nianpu gao” 陶淵明年譜藁. Bulletin of the Insti- tute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 20.1 (1948): 211–28.

Other more recent chronologies include: Yang Yong 楊勇. “Tao Yuanming nianpu huiding” 陶淵明年譜彙定. Xinya xuebao 7.2 (1965): 215–304. Rpt. in Yang Yong, ed. Tao Yuanming ji jiaojian 陶淵明集校箋, 381–467. Hong Kong: Wuxing ji shuju, 1971; rpt. Taipei: Zhengwen shuju, 1987; rpt. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Fan Ziye 范子曄, eds. Liuchao zuojia nianpu ji yao 六朝作家年譜輯要, 153–52. Harbin: Heilongjian jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Huang Zhonglun 黃仲崙. “Nianpu” 年譜. In Tao Yuanming pingzhuan 陶淵明評傳. Taipei: Pami’er shudian, 1965. Lu Qinli. “Tao Yuanming shiji shiwen xinian” 陶淵明事迹詩文繫年. In Lu Qinli, ed. Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集, 261–90. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979. Wu Yun 吳雲. “Tao Yuanming nianpu” 陶淵明年譜. In Tao Yuanming lun gao 陶淵明論稿. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1981. Tang Manxian 唐滿先. “Tao Yuanming shengping yu zhuzuo nianbiao” 陶淵明生平與著作年表, 265–82. In Tao Yuanming ji qian zhu 陶淵明集淺注. Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1985. Wang Mengbo 王孟白. “Tao Yuanming nianpu jianzheng” 陶淵明年譜簡證.” In Tao Yuanming shiwen jiaojian 陶淵明詩文校箋. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1985. Sun Junxi 孫均錫. “Tao Yuanming nianpu” 陶淵明年譜. In Tao Yuanming ji jiaozhu 陶淵明集校注, 217–38. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1986. Deng Ansheng 鄧安生. Tao Yuanming nianpu 陶淵明年譜. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1991. Li Hua 李華. “Tao Yuanming nianpu jianbian” 陶淵明年譜簡編. In Tao Yuanming xinlun 陶淵明新論. Beijing: Beijing Shifan xueyuan chubanshe, 1992. 1114 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

Guo Weisen 郭維森 and Bao Jingcheng 包景誠. “Tao Yuanming nianpu” 陶淵明年譜. In Tao Yuanming quanyi 陶淵明全譯, 351–79. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1992. Qian Yufeng 錢玉峰. Tao shi xinian 陶詩繫年. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1992. Liu Bendong 劉本棟. Tao Jingjie shiji ji qi zuopin biannian 陶靖節事蹟及其作品編年. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1995. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. “Tao Yuanming nianpu huikao” 陶淵明年譜彙考. In Tao Yuanming yanjiu, 243–380. Gong Bin 龔斌. “Tao Yuanming nianpu jianbian” 陶淵明年譜簡編. In Tao Yuan- ming ji jiaojian 陶淵明集校箋, 502–28. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1996.

Collections

The textual history of Tao Qian’s collected works is complicated. There are several excellent studies: Hashikawa Tokio 橋川時雄. Tao Yuanming banben yuanliu kao 陶集版本源流考. Beijing: Wenzi tongmeng she 文字同盟社, 1931. Guo Shaoyu 郭紹虞. “Tao ji kaobian” 陶集考辨. Yanjing xuebao (1936): 25–84; rpt. in Zhao yu shi gudian wenxue lunji 照隅室古典文學論集. 3 vols., 1: 258–326. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. “Song Yuan yilai Tao ji jiaozhu ben zhi kaocha” 宋元以來陶集校注本之考察. In Tao Yuanming yanjiu, 199–210. Tian, Xiaofei. “Editions of Tao Yuanming’s Collection.” In Xiaofei Tian. Tao Yuanming & Manuscript Culture: The Record of a Dusty Table, 289–98. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2005.

Already in the sixth century there were three editions of Tao’s works: 1. An eight-juan edition without a preface. 2. A six-juan edition with a preface and table of contents. This apparently was a very disordered work that was missing some pieces. 3. An eight-juan edition compiled by Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). One juan consisted of a preface, table of contents, dirge by Yan Yanzhi, and biography. Tao’s own works were contained in the other seven juan.

In the Northern Qi period, Yang Xiuzhi 陽休之 (509–582) prepared a ten- juan edition based on Xiao Tong’s version, which he compared with the other two editions. This work was entitled Tao Qian ji 陶潛集.

Printed editions: Song Xiang 宋庠 (996–1066). Tao Qian ji 陶潛集. 10 juan. Lost. tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1115

This is the earliest known printing. It is now lost, but probably formed the basis for later Song editions. Siyue 思悅. Jingjie xiansheng ji 靖節先生集. 10 juan. Colophon dated Zhiping 治平 3 (1066). Lost.

Siyue was a Buddhist monk from Suzhou. His purpose was to prepare a complete and correct edition. Although this work circulated during the Song period, it is no longer extant. However, his colophon has survived as well as part of his commentary. Zeng Ji 曾集 (Song). Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集. No division into juan. Song, Shaoxi 紹熙 3 (1192). Held in the Guojia tushuguan.

Later printings: Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集. Guangxu 1 (1875) facsimile reprint. Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集. Xu guyi congshu 續古逸叢書 (1928). Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集. Hong Kong: Wenwen chubanshe, 1970. Tang Han 湯漢 (1202–1272), comm. Tao Jingjie shi zhu 陶靖節詩注. 4 juan. Preface dated 1241. Probably printed in 1260s. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan.

Editions Tao Jingjie xiansheng shi zhu 陶靖節先生詩注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987. In Guyi congshu sanbian 古逸叢書三編. Photoreproduction of Song woodblock held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Tao Jingjie xiansheng shiji 陶靖節先生詩集. Bai jing lou congshu 拜經樓叢書. By Wu Qian 吳騫 (1733–1813). Two colophons by Wu Qian dated Qianlong bingwu (1786) and Jiaqing 1 (1796). Rpt. Shanghai: Boguzhai 博古齋, 1922. Congshu jicheng. Typeset edition of Baijing lou congshu edition. Tao Jingjie shi zhu 陶靖節詩注. Guangxu 11 (1885) Ding Genshan 丁艮善 facsimile woodblock. Tao Jingjie xiansheng shi 陶靖節先生詩. Zhonghua zaizao shanben. Photographic reproduction of Zhongguo guojia tushugan edition. Li Gonghuan 李公煥 (Yuan), comm. Jian zhu Tao Yuanming ji 箋注陶淵明集. 10 juan. This work has been attributed to the Southern Song, but Hashikawa Tokio has shown that it is a Yuan work. The Taiwan Guojia tushuguan holds a copy of this.

Editions: Jian zhu Tao Yuanming ji 箋注陶淵明集. Taiwan Guojia tushuguan holds what it identifies as end of Southern Song jinxiang 巾箱 (pocket book) edition; rpt. Taipei: Zhongyang tushuguan, 1991. 1116 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

Tao Jingjie ji 陶靖節集. Jiajing bingwu 丙午 (1546) Jiang Xiao 蔣孝 (jinshi 1544) woodblock. Jian zhu Tao Yuanming ji 箋注陶淵明集. Xuantong 3 (1911) Guichi 貴池, Liushi 劉氏 Yuhai tang 玉海堂 facsimile reprint of Yuan ed. Jian zhu Tao Yuanming ji 箋注陶淵明集. Sibu congkan. Jian zhu Tao Yuanming ji 箋注陶淵明集. Xuxiu Siku guanshu. Photo rpt. of edition held in Zhejiang tushuguan. Shaoxing ben Tao Yuanming ji 紹興本陶淵明集. 10 juan.

This purports to be from a handwritten copy done bythe Song poet Su Shi 蘇軾 (1037–1101). Thus, it is also known as Su xie keben 蘇寫刻本. A Xuanhe 4 (1122) printing of this has been lost. The most recent version has a colophon dated Shaoxing 紹興 10 (1140). Thus it is called the Shaoxing edition.

Editions Jigu ge 汲古閣 1694 with colophon by Mao Yi 毛扆 (b. 1640). Guangxu 5 (1879) facsimile reprint. Transcribed by Hu Boji 胡伯薊. Guangxu dinghai 丁亥 (1887) lithographic reprint. Xuantong 1 (1909) Zhuyi tang 著易堂 lithographic reprint; rpt. Shanghai: Da Zhonghua tushu zong gongsi 大中華圖書總公司, 1926. Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集 held by the Jigu ge 汲古閣 of Mao Jin (1599–1659). 10 juan.

This is now preserved in the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan and is known as the “Song ke di xiu ben” 宋刻遞修本 or “Repeatedly revised Song printing.” It probably was first printed at the end of the Northern Song.

Later reprints of this: Daoguang 21 (1841) Li Tingyu 李廷鈺 rpt. Xianfeng 咸豐 11 (1861) Li Wenhan 李文韓 woodblock. Guangxu 2 (1876) Xu Jiaocen 徐椒岑 rpt. based on the Xianfeng edition. Zhonghua zaizao shanben. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan, 2004.

See also Yuan Xingpei’s edition below. He Mengchun 何孟春 (1474–1536), comm. Tao Jingjie ji 陶靖節集. 10 juan. 1518.

Editions Ming, Jiajing 2 (1523) Fan Yongluan 范永鑾 woodblock. Huang Wenhuan 黃文煥 (1625 jinshi). Tao shi xi yi 陶詩析義. 4 juan. Chongzhen (1628–1644) period woodblock. tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1117

Editions: Tao shi xi yi 陶詩析義. Guangxu 2 (1876) Huang Zhuozhao 黃倬昭 reprint. Tao shi xi yi 陶詩析義. Tainan: Zhuangyan wenhua shiye youxian gongsi 莊嚴文化事業有限公司, 1997. Tao Jingjie ji 陶靖節集. 10 juan. Xiuyang 休陽, Chengshi 程氏 woodblock. Wanli 15 (1587). Zhang Zilie 張自烈 (1595 jinshi). Jianzhu Tao Yuanming ji 箋注陶淵明集. 6 juan.

Editions Ming Chongzhen (1628–1644), Yichun 宜春, Zhangshi 張氏 woodblock. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Ming Chongzhen (1628–1644), Zhushu tang 著書堂 rpt. Wu Zhantai 吳瞻泰 (1657–1735), ed. Tao shi hui zhu 陶詩彙注. 4 juan.

Editions Kangxi 44 (1705) printing by Cheng Yin 程崟. Siku quanshu cunmu congshu (1997), rpt. of 1705 ed. Xu Yinfang 許印芳 (1832–1901) 1896, with supplement. Rpt. Yunnan congshu 雲南叢書 (1914), Congshu jicheng xubian (1994). Tao Shu 陶澍 (1779–1839), ed. and comm. Jingjie xiansheng ji 靖節先生集. Preface dated 1839. 1 + 10 juan.

Editions Zhou Yipu 周詒樸 printing, Daoguang 29 (1840); rpt. in Xu xiu Siku quanshu (1997). Jingjie xiansheng ji. Jiangsu shuju 江蘇書局. 1883. Jingjie xiansheng ji. Sibu beiyao. Jingjie xiansheng ji. Collated by Qi Huanxun 戚煥埙. Beijing: Wenxue guji kan xingshe, 1956; rpt. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1973. Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集. 8 juan. Guangzhou: Hanmo yuan 翰墨園, 1879.

This edition has a commentary printed in red. It excludes the “Wu xiao zhuan” and “Si ba mu.” It probably was edited by Fang Gonghui 方功惠 (fl. 1866), who had a good collection of texts in his Bi linlang guan 碧琳琅館, the library he owned when he served in Guangzhou. Chen Li 陳澧 (1810–1882), comp. Chen Zhimai 陳之邁, ed. Tao Yuanming ji zhaji 陶淵明集札記. Hong Kong: Longmen shudian, 1974. Wen Qianshan 溫謙山 (Runeng 汝能), ed. and comm. Tao shi huiping 陶詩彙評. Preface dated 1806. Shanghai: Saoye shangfang, 1910; rpt. Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, 1980. 1118 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

Modern editions and commentaries Gu Hao 顧皓, ed. Tao Yuanming ji jianzhu 陶淵明箋注. Shanghai: Wenrui lou 文瑞樓, 1918. Gu Zhi 古直. Tao Jingjie shi jian 陶靖節詩箋. 4 juan. 1926. Rev. ed. in Cengbing tang wuzhong 層冰堂五種. Most recent reprint of this: Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1980. Ding Fubao 丁福保, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming shi jianzhu 陶淵明詩箋注. 1927. Rpt. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1964. Wu Dongyan 吳東巖, Xu Linzhuan 許麟篆, and Zhu Taimang 朱太忙. Tao Yuan- ming shihua 陶淵明詩話. Shanghai: Dada tushu gongyingshe, 1935. Wang Yao 王瑤, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集. Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1956. Fu Donghua 傅東華, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming shi 陶淵明詩. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1959. Yang Yong 楊勇, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming ji jiaojian 陶淵明集校箋. Hong Kong: Wuxing ji shuju 吳興記書局, 1971; rpt. Taipei: Zhengwen shuju, 1987. Wang Shumin 王叔岷, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming shi jianzheng gao 陶淵明詩箋證稿. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1975. Fang Zushen 方祖燊, ed. and comm. Tao Qian shi jianzhu jiaozheng lunping 陶潛詩箋注校正論評. 1971; rpt. and rev. Taipei: Taiwan shudian, 1988. Lu Qinli 逯欽立, ed. Tao Yuanming ji 陶淵明集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979. Tang Manxian 唐滿先, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming shiwen xuan zhu 陶淵明詩文選注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1981. Li Hua 李華, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming shi wen xuan 陶淵明詩文選. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1981. Xu Wei 徐巍, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming shixuan 陶淵明詩選. Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1982. Zhong Yingmei 鍾應梅. Tao shi xin lun 陶詩新論. Hong Kong: Xianggang Nengren shuyuan wenxue yanjiusuo, 1984. Wang Mengbai 王孟白, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming shiwen jiaojian 陶淵明詩文校箋. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1985. Tang Manxian 唐滿先, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming ji qianzhu 陶淵明淺注. Nan- chang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1985. Sun Junxi 孫鈞錫, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming ji jiaozhu 陶淵明集校注. Zheng- zhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1986. Li Hua 李華, ed. Tao Yuanming shiwen shangxi ji 陶淵明詩文賞析集. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1988. Xie Xianjun 謝先俊 and Wang Xunmin 王勛敏, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming shi wen xuan yi 陶淵明詩文選譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1991. Gong Bin 龔斌, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming ji jiaojian 陶淵明集校箋. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1996. Liao Zhong’an 廖仲安. Tao Yuanming 陶淵明. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1999. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanming ji jianzhu 陶淵明集箋注. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003. This is based on the Northern Song edition held in the Zhongguo Guojia tushuguan. Zhong Jingduo 鍾京鐸, ed. and comm. Tao Yuanmng shi zhushi 陶淵明詩注釋. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 2005. tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1119

Concordance Horie Tadamichi 江忠道. Tō Enmei shi bun sōgō sakuin 陶淵明詩文綜合索引. Kyoto: Ibundō, 1976.

Translations Bernhardi, Anna. “Tao Jüan-ming.” Mitteilungen des Seminars fur Orientalische Sprachen 15 (1912): 85–105. Bernhardi, Anna and Erwin von Zach. “T’ao Yüan-ming.” Mitteilungen des Semi- nars fur Orientalische Sprachen 18 (1918): 189–228. Suzuki Torao 鈴木虎雄. Tō Enmei shi kai 陶淵明詩解. Tokyo: Kōbundō 弘文堂, 1948; rpt. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1991. Shiba Rokurō 斯波六郎. Tō Enmei shi yakuchū 陶淵明詩譯注. Kyoto: Tōmon shobō 東門書房, 1951. Acker, William. T’ao the Hermit: Sixty Poems by T’ao Ch’ien. London and New York: Thames and Hudson, 1952. Chang, Lily Pao-hu and Marjorie Sinclair. The Poems of T’ao Ch’ien. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1953. Ikkai Tomoyoshi 一海知義. Tō Enmei 陶淵明. Tokyo: Iwanami, 1958. Hightower, James Robert. The Poetry of T’ao Ch’ien. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1970. Fang, Ronald C. Gleanings from Tao Yuan-ming: Prose and Poetry. Hong Kong: Commericial Press. Davis, Albert Richard. T’ao Yüan-ming. A.D. 365–421, His Works and Their Mean- ing. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983. Pohl, Karl-Heinz. Der Pfirsichblütenquell, Gesammelte Gedichte. Köln: Diederichs, 1985. Cheng Wing fun and Hervé Collet, trans. Tao Yuan Ming: l’homme, la terre, le ciel: enfin je m’en retourne. Millemont: Moundarren, 1987. Jacob, Paul. Œuvres complètes de Tao Yuanming. Paris: Gallimard, 1990. Matsueda Shigeo 松枝茂夫, trans. Tō Enmei zenshū 陶淵明全集. 2 vols. Tokyo: Iwa- nami shoten, 1990. Tan Shilin 譚時霖, trans. The Complete Works of Tao Yuanming. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing, 1992; Taipei: Shulin chubanshe, 1993. Wang Rongpei 汪榕培, English trans. Xiong Zhiqi 熊治祁, modern Chinese trans. The Complete Works of Tao Yuanming. Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 2003.

Baihua Translations Xie Xianjun 謝先俊 and Wang Xunmin 王勛敏, trans. and comm. Tao Yuanming shiwen xuan yi 陶淵明詩文選譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1990. Guo Weisen 郭維森 and Bao Jingcheng 包景誠, trans. and comm. Tao Yuanming quan yi 陶淵明全譯. 1992; rpt. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 2008. Wei Zhengshen 魏正申, trans. and comm. Tao Yuanming ji yizhu 陶淵明集譯注. Beijing: Wenjin chubanshe, 1994. 1120 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

Meng Erdong 孟二冬, trans. and comm. Tao Yuanming ji yizhu 陶淵明集譯注. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1996; rpt. Beijing: Kunlun chubanshe, 2008. Wang Rongpei 汪榕培, English trans. Xiong Zhiqi 熊治祁, modern Chinese trans. The Complete Works of Tao Yuanming. Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 2003.

Studies Liang Qichao 梁啟超. Tao Yuanming 陶淵明. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1923; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshguan, 1965. Fu Donghua 傅東華. Tao Yuanming shi 陶淵明詩. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1927. Wang Zichen 王緇塵. Tao Yuanming xiansheng pingzhuan 陶淵明先生評傳. Shang- hai: Guoxue zhengli sheng, 1936. Chu Wanfeng 儲皖峰. “Tao Yuanming ‘Shu jiu shi’ buzhu” 陶淵明述酒詩補注. Furen xuezhi 8.1 (1939): 127–52, Xiao Wangqing 蕭望卿. Tao Yuanming piping 陶淵明批評. Shanghai: Kaiming shudian, 1947; rpt. Taipei: Kaiming shudian, 1957; Hong Kong: Taiping shuju, 1963. Zhang Zhi 張芝 (Li Changzhi 李長之, 1911–1978). Tao Yuanming de zhuan lun 陶淵明的傳論. Shanghai: Tangdi chubanshe 棠棣出版社, 1952; Japanese trans. by Matsueda Shigeo 松枝茂夫 and Wada Takeshi 和田武司. Tō Enmei 陶淵明. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1966. Hightower, James Robert. “The Fu of T’ao Ch’ien.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 17 (1954): 169–230. Rpt. Studies in Chinese Literature, 45–106. Davis, A. R. “Allusion in T’ao Yüan-ming.” AM, n.s. 5 (1955–56): 37–42. Li Chendong 李辰冬. Tao Yuanming pinglun 陶淵明評論. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1956. Cao Daoheng. “Guanyu Tao Yuanming sixiang de jige wenti” 關於陶淵明思想的幾個問題. Wenxue yichan zengkan 1957; rpt. in Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 164–83. Wang Yao. “Tao Yuan-Ming, A Great Pastoral Poet.” Chinese Literature (1958), 117–21. Beijing daxue, Beijing Shifan daxue Zhongwen xi 北京大學, 北京師範大學中文系, ed. Tao Yuanming shi wen huiping 陶淵明詩文彙評. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961. Rpt. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1969. Wenxue yichan bianji bu 文學遺產編輯部, ed. Tao Yuanming taolun ji 陶淵明討論集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961. Tao Yuanming yanjiu ziliao huibian 陶淵明研究資料彙編. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. Fukunaga Mitsuji 福永光司. “Tō Enmei no ‘shin’ ni tsuite” 陶淵明の真について. Tōhōgakuhō 33 (1963): 1–80. Huang Zhonglun 黃仲崙. Tao Yuanming pingzhuan 陶淵明評傳. Taipei: Pami’er shudian, 1965. Wang Guiling 王貴苓. Tao Yuanming ji qi shi de yanjiu 陶淵明及其詩的研究. Taipei: Taiwan daxue wenxueyuan, 1966. Oyane Bunjirō 大矢根文次郎. Tō Enmei kenkyū 陶淵明研究. Tokyo: Waseda daigaku shuppansha, 1967. tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1121

Qi Yishou 齊益壽. Tao Yuanming de zhengzhi lichang yu zhengzhi lixiang 陶淵明的政治立場與政治理想. Taipei: Guoli Taiwan daxue wenxueyuan, 1968. Hightower, James Robert. “Allusion in the Poetry of T’ao Ch’ien.” HJAS 31 (1971): 5–27; Rpt. in Studies in Chinese Literary Genres, 108–32. Oyane Bunjirō 大矢根文次郎. To Enmei kenkyū 陶淵明研究. 2 vols. Tokyo: Waseda daigaku shuppanbu, 1969. Zhu Fenglai 竺鳳來. Tao Xie shi yun yu Guang yun zhi bijiao 陶謝詩韻與廣韻之比較. Taipei: Jiaxin shuini gongsi wenhua jijinhui, 1969. Holzman, Donald. “Poésie et philosophie chez Tao Yuan-ming.” Revue de meta- physique et morale 66 (1971): 286–305. Okamura Shigeru 剛村繁. Tō Enmei: seizoku to chōzoku 陶淵明：世俗と超俗. Tokyo: Nihon hōso shuppan kyōkai, 1974. Wang Yurui 王玉瑞, trans. Shisu yu chaosu—Tao Yuanming 世俗與超俗—陶淵明. Taipei: Changchun shu shufang, 1976. Wang Xiaoguang 王曉光 and Ryū Masao 笠征, trans. Shisu yu chaosu— Tao Yuanming 世俗與超俗—陶淵明. Taipei: Taiwan shudian, 1992; rpt. in Gang- cun Fan quanji, vol. 4. Tsuru Haruo 都留春雄. Tō Enmei 陶淵明. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1974. Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. Tō Enmei den 陶淵明傳. Tokyo: Shinchōsha, 1974. Muda Tetsuji 牟田哲二. Tō Enmei den 陶淵明傳. Tokyo: Keisō shobō, 1977. Jiusi congshu bianji bu 九思叢書編輯部, ed. Tao Yuanming yanjiu 陶淵明研究. Taipei: Jiusi chubanshe, 1977. Guo Yintian 郭銀田. Tianyuan shiren Tao Yuanming 田園詩人陶淵明. Taipei: Guiguan tushu youxian gongsi, 1977. Ding Yongzhong 丁永忠. Tao shi foyin bian 陶詩佛音辨. Chengdu: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 1997. Liu Weichong 劉維崇. Tao Yuanming pingzhuan 陶淵明評傳. Taipei: Liming wenhua shiye gongsi, 1978. Li Chendong 李辰冬. Tao Yuanming pinglun 陶淵明評論. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1978. Ikkai Tomoyoshi 一海知義 and Hong Shunlong 洪順隆. Tao Yuanming: Tianyuan xin sheng 陶淵明：田園新聲. Taipei: Linbai chubanshe, 1979. Zhong Youmin 鍾優民. Tao Yuanming lunji 陶淵明論集. Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 1981. Gao Dapeng 高大鵬. Tao shi xin lun 陶詩新論. Taipei: Shibao wenhua chuban shiye youxian gongsi, 1981. Song Qiulong 宋丘龍. Su Dongpo he Tao Yuanming shi zhi bijiao yanjiu 蘇東坡和陶淵明詩比之較研究. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1982. Gu Yunyi 谷雲義. Tao Yuanming 陶淵明. Harbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1983. Song Qiulong 宋丘龍. Tao Yuanming shi shuo 陶淵明詩說. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1984. Wu Lushan 吳鷺山. Du Tao cong zha 讀陶叢札. Hangzhou: Zhejiang wenyi chubanshe, 1985. Qi Yishou 齊益壽. “Lun shizhuan zhong de Tao Yuanming shiji ji xingxiang” 論史傳中的陶淵明事跡及形象. In Zheng Yinbai xiansheng bashi shouqing lunwen ji 鄭因百先生八十壽慶論文集, 109–59. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1985. Li Wenchu 李文初. Tao Yuanming lun lüe 陶淵明論略. Guangzhou: Guandong renmin chubanshe, 1986. 1122 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

Xu Yimin 許逸民, ed. Tao Yuanming nianpu 陶淵明年譜. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986. Shen Zhenqi 沈振奇. Tao Xie shi zhi bijiao 陶謝詩之比較. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1986. Shi Shuzhi 施淑枝. Tao Yuanming ji qi zuopin yanjiu 陶淵明及其作品研究. Taizhong: Guozhang chubanshe 國彰出版社, 1986. Cao Daoheng. “Zai lun Tao Yuanming de sixiang ji qi chuangzuo” 再論陶淵明的思想及其創作, in Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwenji, 184–95. Obi Kōichi 小尾郊一. Chūgoku no inton shisō—Tō Enmei no kokuro no kiseki 中國の隱遁思想—陶淵明の心の軌跡. Tokyo: Chūō kōronsha, 1988. Li Hua 李華, ed-in-chief. Tao Yuanming shiwen shangxi ji 陶淵明詩文賞析集. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1988. Wu Xingchang 吳興昌. Tao Yuanming zuopin xin tan 陶淵明作品新探. Taipei: Huazheng shuju 華正書局, 1988. Kwong, Charles. “Naturalness and Authenticity: The Poetry of Tao Qian.” CLEAR 11 (1989): 35–77. Wei Zhengshen 魏正申. Tao Yuanming tangao 陶淵明探稿. Beijing: Wenjin chubanshe, 1990. Tao Wenpeng 陶文鵬 and Qiu Wanzi 邱萬紫, eds. Tao Yuanming shiwen shangxi 陶淵明詩文賞析. Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1990. Wei Fengjuan 韋鳳娟. Youran jian nan shan—Tao Yuanming yu Zhongguo xian qing 悠然見南山—陶淵明與中國閒情. Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1991. Li Hua 李華. Tao Yuanming xinlun 陶淵明新論. Beijing: Beijing Shifan xueyuan chubanshe, 1992. Rohrer, Maria. Das Motiv der Wolke in der Dichtung Tao Yuanmings. Freiburger Fernöstliche Forschungen, Vol. 2. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1992. Kwong, Charles. “The Rural World of Chinese ‘Farmstead Poetry’ (Tianyuan Shi): How Far Is It Pastoral?” CLEAR 15 (1993): 57–84. Chen Yiliang 陳怡良. Tao Yuanming zhi renpin yu shipin 陶淵明之人品與詩品. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1993. Chen Junshan 陳俊山. Tao Yuanming 陶淵明. Nanchang: Baihua zhou wenyi chubanshe, 1994. Ishikawa Tadahisa 石川忠久. Tao Yuanming to sono jidai 陶淵明とその時代. Tokyo: Kembon shuppansha, 1994. Kwong, Charles Yim-tze. Tao Qian and the Chinese Poetic Tradition: The Quest for Cultural Identity. Michigan Monographs in Chinese Studies, no. 66. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, the University of Michigan, 1994. Deng Ansheng 鄧安生. Tao Yuanming xin tan 陶淵明新探. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1995. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Tō Enmei no seishin sekatsu 陶淵明の精神生活. Tokyo: Kyuko shoin, 1995. Wang Kuo-ying 王國瓔. “Tao shi zhong de yinju zhi le” 陶詩中的隱居之樂. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 7 (1995): 93–120. Wang Kuo-ying王國瓔. “Tao shi zhong de huanyou zhi tan” 陶詩中的宦游之嘆. Wenxue yichan (1995: 6): 5–14. Wei Zhengshen 魏正申. Tao Yuanming pingzhuan 陶淵明評傳. Beijing: Wenjin chubanshe, 1996. Wang Dingzhang 王定璋. Tao Yuanming xuan’an jie mi 陶淵明懸案揭秘. Chengdu: Sichuan daxue chubanshe, 1996. tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427) 1123

Chen Meili 陳美利. Tao Yuanming tansuo 陶淵明探索. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1996. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. Tao Yuanming yanjiu 陶淵明研究. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Sun Jing 孫靜. Tao Yuanming de xinling shijie yu yishu tiandi 陶淵明的心靈世界與藝術天地. Zhengzhou: Daxiang chubanshe, 1997. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠. “Xiao Tong yu Tao Yuanming” 蕭統與陶淵明. In Wen xuan xue xinlun 文選學新論, 460–70. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1997. Nelson, Susan. “What I Do Today is Right: Picturing Tao Yuanming’s Return.” Journal of Sung/Yuan Studies 28 (1998): 61–90. Dai Jianye 戴建業. Chengming zhi jing: Tao Yuanming xinlun 澄明之境：陶淵明新論. Wuchang: Huazhong Shifan daxue chubanshe, 1998. Ruan Tingyu 阮廷瑜. Tao Yuanming shi lun ji youguan ziliao fen ji 陶淵明詩論暨有關資料分輯. Taipei: Guoli bianyi guan, 1998. Li Jinquan 李錦全. Tao Qian pingzhuan 陶潛評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1998. Eoyang, Eugene. “T’ao Ch’ien’s ‘The Seasons Come and Go: Four Poems’—A Meditation.” CLEAR 20 (1998): 1–10. Wang Kuo-ying 王國瓔. Gujin yinyi shiren zhi zong: Tao Yuanming lun xi 古今隱逸詩人之宗﹕陶淵明論析. Taipei: Yunchen wenhua, 1999. Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Monzen Tō Enmei shi shōkai 文選陶淵明詩詳解. Hiroshima: Keisuisha, 2000. Zhong Youmin 鍾優民. Taoxue fazhan shi 陶學發展史. Changchun: Jilin jiaoyu chubanshe, 2000. Wang Kuo-ying 王國瓔. “Shizhuan zhong de Tao Yuanming 史傳中的陶淵明. Taida Zhongwen xuebao 12 (2000): 193–228. Gong Bin 龔斌. Tao Yuanming zhuan lun 陶淵明傳論. Nanjing: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 2001. Holzman, Donald. “A Dialogue with the Ancients: Tao Qian’s Interrogation of Confucius.” In Culture and Power in the Reconstitution of the Chinese Realm, 200–600. Ed. Scott Pearce, Audrey Spiro, and Patricia Ebrey, 75–98. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2001. Wei Zhengshen 魏正申. “Riben ershi shiji Tao Yuanming yanjiu shuping” 日本二十世紀陶淵明研究述評. Jiujiang shizhuan xuebao zengkan (2001): 140–46. Liu Jing 劉靜. “Ershi shiji de Riben Tao Yuanming yanjiu” 二十世紀的日本陶淵明研究. Jiujiang shizhuan xuebao zengkan (2001): 147–61. Li Jianfeng 李劍鋒. Yuan qian Tao Yuanming jieshou shi 元前陶淵明接受史. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2002. Cao Minggang 曹明綱. Tao Yuanming Xie Lingyun Bao Zhao shiwen xuan ping 陶淵明謝靈運鮑照詩文選評. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Swartz Wendy. “Reclusion, Personality and Poetry: Tao Yuanming’s Reception in the Chinese Literary Tradition.” Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Ange- les, 2003. Swartz, Wendy. “Rewriting a Recluse: The Early Biographers’ Construction of Tao Yuanming.” CLEAR 26 (2004): 77–97. Tabei Fumio 田不井文雄. Tō Enmei no kotoba 陶淵明のことば. Tokyo: Shibunkai, 2004. Tian, Xiaofei. Tao Yuanming & Manuscript Culture: The Record of a Dusty Table. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 2005. 1124 tao yuanming 陶淵明 (365–427)

Ma Xiaokun 馬曉坤. Wenhua shiye zhong de Tao Yuanming Xie Lingyun shijing yanjiu 文化視野中的陶淵明、謝靈運詩境研究. Hangzhou: Zhejiang daxue chubanshe, 2005. Liu Wenzhong 劉文忠. Tangdai Tao Yuanming jieshou yanjiu 唐代陶淵明接受研究. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2006. Bai Zhenkui 白振奎. Tao Yuanming Xie Lingyun shige bijiao yanjiu 陶淵明謝靈運詩歌比較研究. Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 2006. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. “Gudai huihua zhong de Tao Yuanming” 古代繪畫中的陶淵明. Beijing daxue xuebao 43.6 (2006): 5–22. Wu Guofu 吳國富. Lun Tao Yuanming de zhonghe 論陶淵明的中和. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2007. Meng Erdong 孟二冬. Tao Yuanming ji yizhu ji yanjiu 陶淵明集譯注及研究. Beijing: Kunlun shubanshe, 2008. Swartz, Wendy. Reading Tao Yuanming: Shifting Paradigms of Historical Reception (427–1900). Cambridge: Harvard East Asia Center, 2008. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. Tao Yuanming yingxiang—wenxue shi yu huihua shi zhi jiaocha yanjiu 陶淵明影像—文學史與繪畫史之交叉研究. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009. Ashmore, Robert. The Transport of Reading: Text and Understanding in the World of Tao Qian (365–427). Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2010. Wei Ming 魏銘. Tao Yuanming yu tianyuan shi 陶淵明與田園詩. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 2010. Huang Zhanning 黃占寧, ed. Tao Yuanming yu Taohua yuan ji 陶淵明與桃花源記. Hangzhou: Zhejiang wenyi chubanshe, 2010. Zhao Hui 趙慧. Yinyi zongshi: Tao Yuanming 隱逸宗師—陶淵明. Beijing: Shoudu shifan daxue chubanshe, 2010. Fan Ziye 范子燁. Youran wang nanshan—wenhua shiyu zhong de Tao Yuan- ming 悠然望南山—文化視域中的陶淵明. Shanghai: Dongfang chuban zhongxin, 2011. Kong Xurong. “Tao Yuanming.” In Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 183–92. Detroit: Gale, 2011. Fan Ziye 范子燁. Chuncan yu zhijiu—huwenxing shiyu xia de Tao Yuanming shi 春蠶與止酒—互文性視域下的陶淵明詩. Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2012. Chan, Timothy Wai Keung. Considering the End: Mortality in Early Medieval Chinese Poetic Representation, 97–126. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2012.

Yuan Xingpei with translation and additions by DRK

Tuoba Tao 拓跋燾 (408–452), alt. given name Foli 佛狸, Emperor Taiwu 太武 (r. 423–452) of the Northern Wei

Northern Wei emperor.

Tuoba Tao was the eldest son of Tuoba Si 拓跋嗣 (392–423), Emperor Mingyuan 明元 (r. 409–423) of the Northern Wei. His mother was Du tuoba tao 拓跋燾, emperor taiwu 太武 1125

Guipin 杜貴嬪 (Honorable consort Du). His grandfather was Emperor Daowu 道武 (r. 386–409), the founder of the Northern Wei dynasty. Upon Tuopa Tao’s birth, his grandfather remarked, “The one who can carry on my great undertakings must be this child.” In 422, Tuobo Tao was named Prince of Taiping 泰平. A month later, Tuoba Tao’s father became ill, and he appointed his son regent to supervise the state and entrusted him with all court affairs. Tuoba Si died on 24 December 423, and Tuoba Tao succeeded him as emperor on December 27. He was sixteen years old at this time. To celebrate the occasion, Tuoba Tao, Emperor Taiwu, issued a general amnesty and distributed food from the state granaries to the poor and destitute. Emperor Taiwu is renowned for his reforms. With the aide of the Han Chinese scholar Cui Hao 崔浩 (d. 450) he implemented a Sinification policy. Cui Hao also recommended prominent Han literati for court positions, and Han Chinese culture flourished in the capital of Pingcheng 平城 (northeast of modern Datong, Shanxi). Cui Hao was an ardent Taoist, and with Cui Hao’s encouragement Emperor Taiwu promoted Taoism over Bud- dhism. He issued a proscription of Buddhism, executed countless Buddhist monks, and destroyed numerous Buddhist sutras and monasteries. He also launched a series of social and economic reforms, including opening up fertile farmland for public use, requiring all court officials to study Ruist subjects at the national university, and abolishing private schools. Emperor Taiwu was also a great military leader. From 408 to 429, he had walls constructed for a distance of 2,000 li from Chicheng 赤城 (modern Hebei) westward to Wuyuan 五原 (modern Shouyang 壽陽, Shanxi) to prevent Rouran 柔然 forces from entering Northern Wei territory. In 424, a Rouran army of 60,000 horseman invaded Yunzhong 雲中 (northwest of Helin Ge’er 和林格爾 county, Inner Mongolia) where they looted houses and killed officials and commoners. The Wei armies eventually defeated the invaders, and even captured numerous Rouran horses. Emperor Taiwu also defeated several other non-Han states, including the Xia 夏, Northern Yan 北燕, and Northern Liang 北涼. In 450, he engaged in several battles with the Liu-Song regime. When Emperor Taiwu’s troops reached Guabu 瓜步 (southeast of modern Luhe 六合, Jiangsu), the Song armies blocked their southern advance. Both sides suffered heavy losses. In 452, Emperor Taiwu was killed by the eunuch Zong’ai 宗愛 (d. 452). As soon as Emperor Wencheng 文成 (r. 452–465), Emperor Taiwu’s eldest son, ascended the throne, he had Zong’ai executed. Emperor Taiwu’s biographies in the Wei shu and Bei shi mention nothing about his literary attainments. They only mention that in 430 he visited a hot springs at Guangning 廣寧 (modern Zhuolu 涿鹿, Hebei) and 1126 tuoba tao 拓跋燾, emperor taiwu 太武 composed “Wenquan zhi ge” 溫泉之歌 (Song of the hot spring). The text of the song has not been preserved. Most of Emperor Taiwu’s writings are cited in various chapters of the Wei shu and Bei shi. Yan Kejun has collected thirty-seven of his prose pieces, most of which are imperial edicts and letters, in his Quan shanggu sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 270. Shi Guangming 施光明. “Lun Tuoba Tao dui Bei Wei shehui de gongxian ji qi lishi diwei” 論拓跋濤對北魏社會的貢獻及其歷史地位. Guyuan shizhuan xuebao (1987: 1): 22–68. Shu Shaochang 舒紹昌. “Lun Tuoba Tao de lishi diwei” 論拓跋濤的歷史地位. Jin- yang xuekan (1987: 6): 50–56. Wang Qingxian 王慶憲. “Tuoba Tao de yongren zhi dao ji qi tongzhi Bei Wei shehui jingji de fazhan” 拓跋濤的用人之道及其統治北魏社會經濟的發展. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1998: 3): 16–21. Wang Qingxian 王慶憲. “Tuoba Tao gonggu Bei Wei zhengquan de neiwai zhengce cuoshi” 拓跋濤鞏固北魏政權的內外政策措施. Nei Menggu daxue xuebao (Ren- wen shehui kexue ban) (2000: 1): 28–32.

TPK

Wang Bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), zi Ziyuan 子淵

Western Han writer.

Wang Bao’s natal place was Zizhong 資中 in Qianwei 犍為 commandery (modern Ziyang 資陽, Sichuan). He began his career under the regional inspector Wang Xiang 王襄, for whom he composed three praise songs along with a fu-like essay titled “Si zi jiang de lun” 四子講德論 (Disquisi- tion of four masters discussing virtue) explaining the meaning and purpose of the songs. Impressed with his literary talent, Wang Xiang recommended Wang Bao to Emperor Xuan (r. 74–49 b.c.e.), who summoned him to the court to compose a eulogy titled “The Sage Ruler Obtains Worthy Offi- cials” (Sheng zhu de xianchen song 聖主得賢陳頌). Wang Bao and another court official Zhang Ziqiao 張子僑 composed fu celebrating imperial excursions and hunts. Wang Bao’s literary accomplishments earned him an appointment as jianyi dafu 諫議大夫 or grand master of remonstrance, an 800-bushel rank. Thus, Wang Bao is often referred to as Wang Jianyi. On one occasion Wang Bao and several other court officers were summoned to the palace of the heir designate, Liu Shi 劉奭 (74–33 b.c.e.), the wang bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), zi ziyuan 子淵 1127 future Emperor Yuan 元 (r. 48–43 b.c.e.), who was sick in bed suffering from dizziness, loss of memory, and melancholia. They recited from dawn to dusk “unusual writings” and pieces they had composed themselves. Only when Liu Shi recovered did they leave. He was especially pleased with two of Wang Bao’s compositions, “Ganquan gong song” 甘泉宮頌 (Eulogy on the Sweet Springs Palace) and “Dongxiao song” 洞簫頌 (Eulogy on the panpipes), which he ordered the honorable ladies and attendants of the harem to recite for him. Ca. 53 b.c.e., the treasures of a bronze horse and leek-green jade chicken were discovered in Yizhou 益州, in Wang Bao’s native Shu area. Emperor Xuan sent Wang Bao to bring the objects back to the capital. However, he died en route. Wang Bao’s most celebrated poem is “Dongxiao fu” 洞簫賦 (Fu on the panpipes), which is the variant title of the “Dongxiao song” mentioned above. The “Dongxiao fu” is the earliest complete extant fu on a musical instrument. It is difficult to determine whether there were earlier pieces, for those that may have preceded Wang Bao’s work are either fragments or of dubious authenticity such as the “Di fu” 笛賦 attributed to Song Yu. Even if it is not the earliest fu on a musical instrument, the “Dongxiao fu” served as a model for subsequent fu on musical instruments, and thus its structure and methods of treating this subject are a worthy topic of investigation. Wang Bao’s fu is on one of the most important musical instruments of the Han period, the aerophone called the “Dong xiao” 洞簫, which was a special type of panpipe. The panpipe itself was a very old Chinese instrument. Various names for it include yue 籥, lai 籟, and xiao 簫. According to the Fengsu tongyi 風俗通義 of Ying Shao 應劭 (ca. 140–ca. 206) of the Later Han, the xiao was composed of ten one-foot long pipes, and invented by none other than the ancient sage emperor Shun. The Chinese panpipe has been thoroughly studied by the Taiwan scholar Chuang Pen-li 莊本立. See Zhongguo gudai zhi paixiao 中國古代之排簫, Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, Monograph No. 4 (Nankang: Academia Sinica, 1963). Based on portrayals of the panpipe in Han art and descriptions in early texts, Chuang has concluded that the panpipe of the Han period was of the single‑wing and double-wing type. The single- wing panpipe consisted of pipes of varying length placed side by side. This shape was referred to in Han time texts as similar to that of a phoenix wing. Because of the varying length of the pipes, one common name for the instrument was cenci 參差 (pipes of diverse length). The panpipe consists of seven tubes of varying lengths. The longest tubes are on the right and become increasingly smaller as they move to the left. The longer tubes seem to be somewhat thicker than the smaller tubes. It is impossible to 1128 wang bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), zi ziyuan 子淵 determine how the tubes were fastened together. Chuang Pen-li speculates that they may have been bound or glued together. Representations of the double-wing panpipe can only be found in the Sanli tu 三禮圖 (Illustrations of the Three Ritual Classics), a work edited in the ninth century by Nie Chongyi 聶崇義 (10th cent.), but reputedy based on materials originally compiled in the Han by Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) and Ruan Chen 阮諶 (n.d.) in the Jin. The pipes were arranged in decreasing length from the sides to the center to form the shape of two wings. The pipes were held together by pieces of wood in the center and curved supports on the sides. There reputedly were two types of double-wing panpipe, a large panpipe consisting of twenty-four tubes, and a smaller one made of sixteen tubes. The bottom of each pipe was sealed with beeswax. The pitch of the pipe could be altered by increasing or decreasing the amount of beeswax. We have no way to determine the size or number of pipes used in the dongxiao panpipe to which Wang Bao devotes his fu. All we know is that the dongxiao was of the open-bottom type—that is the tubes were not sealed with wax. Wang Bao organizes his poetic treatment of the fu into five basic topics:

1. The material out of which the instrument is made and the place where it grows. 2. The manner of making the instrument and its form. 3. The player of the instrument. 4. The various manifestations of sound emitted by the instrument. 5. The effects these sounds have on the human and natural world.

Later poets who compose fu on musical instruments seem to be aware of these five topics, and they follow Wang Bao’s organizational scheme rather closely. Wang Bao begins the fu by telling of the bamboo that is used to make the pipes. The bamboo grows on a hilly waste south of the Yangzi River. The bamboo was of specially high quality: it was long, straight, andhad few nodes. As is typical of fu on musical instruments, Wang Bao devotes more attention to describing the place where the bamboo grows than the bamboo itself. Wang Bao proceeds to describe the rivers and waters that roar and rage around the mountain, as well as the dew and moisture that nurture the roots of the bamboo. Although birds and animals roost in these trees, they are of a special kind: the solitary hen, lone crane, shrieking ape, and the autumn cicada. All of these creatures are associated with sorrowful lamentation, and Wang Bao undoubtedly singles them out, for they lend the bamboo wang bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), zi ziyuan 子淵 1129 wood an emotional, affective quality that makes it particularly suitable for making a musical instrument. Wang Bao next informs us that although the bamboo was best suited to silence and making no sound, it was fortunate to be selected by a sage lord to be made into the noble instrument, the dong xiao. Citing Lun yu 20/3, Wang Bao refers to this as “being generous without great expense.” At this point, Wang Bao introduces his second topic, the construction of the panpipes. What is striking about his treatment of the construction of the panpipes is how brief it is: only eight lines. We learn that the pipes are of varying length and are joined together with an ivory band. The blowing holes, which he calls “lips,” apparently are painted with red lacquer. How- ever, he does not tells us how many pipes were used or their length. Next, Wang Bao turns his attention to the person who plays the pipes, a blind musician. Despite his lack of visual acuity, or perhaps because of it, the blind panpipe player blows forth sounds of manifold variety. In typical fu fashion, Wang Bao attempts to give an exhaustive definition of his subject. Thus, he describes the sounds in complementary pairs: grandiose and delicate, furious and gentle, martial and benevolent. It is interesting to note that he associates each of these sounds with different types of human conduct: a nurturing father, a filial son, a brave warrior, and a junzi (noble man). Some of the metaphors that Wang Bao uses to describe the musical sounds are striking. Thus, he compares what seems to be an abrupt pause in the playing to the snapping of a tree branch. In another place, he compares the soaring sounds to the feats of an acrobat. Other metaphors he uses include attributing emotional qualities to the musical sounds such as gravity and sadness, tranquility and calm. He even compares the sounds to tiny drops of water and a river in flood. The final topic that Wang Bao addresses in hisfu is the effect the panpipe music has on those who hear it. Not only would great musicians such as Zhong Ziqi, Bo Ya, and Shi Kuang be moved by it, but even the idle and indolent would refrain from misdeeds. Evil men such as the tyrant Jie and the robber Zhi would hear it and become “weak and fatigued,” and the stu- pid and stubborn would have their intelligence restored. In the concluding section Wang Bao describes the power of the music as follows: Those who hear its sad sounds, Do not fail to heave sad sighs, And wipe away copious tears. And with the playing of a joyful melody, None fails to feel cheerful and glad, Calm and relaxed. Thus, the cricket and measuring worm Slow their crawl, gasping and panting. 1130 wang bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), zi ziyuan 子淵

The molecricket, ant, and gecko Creeping along, languid and listless, Move to and fro, back and forth, Goggling like fish, gaping like fowl. Lowering their mouths, they whirl and twirl, Staring intently, forgetting to eat. How much more would this affect humankind, who is stirred by the harmony of yin and yang, And transformed by moral custom! Such passages that attribute to music the power to reform evil men and even affect lowly creatures such as insects lend Wang Bao’s fu a certain moralistic quality that is consistent with the Ruist view of the fu as a didactic genre. Wang Bao’s name is attached to two pieces about a male slave who works on a country manor. The first and longest piece is “Tong yue” 僮約 (Slave’s contract). The piece dates from Shenjue 3 (59 b.c.e.) when Wang Bao was traveling on the Jian 湔 River north of Chengdu. He stopped at the house of a widow who had a slave named Bianliao 便了. Wang Bao asked him to go and buy some ale. When the slave refused, Wang decided to buy him. Wang Bao then wrote a contract in which he specified all of the duties that the slave was obligated to perform. The contract is written in rhyme, and some scholars actually consider a type of su fu 俗賦 (vernacular fu). Su Jui- lung (see below) considers it one of the examples of what he calls “paixie fu” 俳諧賦 (humorous fu). The second piece is “Ze xuran nu ci” 責鬚髯奴辭 (Reproaching a bearded slave). This piece is found in the Chuxue ji 初學記, which was presented to the imperial throne in 729, and the Guwen yuan 古文苑, which credits it to the Eastern Han writer Huang Xiang 黃香 (?–106?). However, most scholars assign authorship to Wang Bao. This piece, which seems to be incomplete, is a rhymed description of a slave’s beard. Wang Bao has one poem in the Chu ci. Titled “Jiu huai” 九懷 (Nine longings), this is a nine-stanza poem on conventional sao themes, especially the imaginary journey. It is written in “Nine Songs” meter. The monograph on bibliogaphy of the Sui shu lists Wang Bao’s collected works in five juan as do the two Tang histories. The Song shi compiled in the Yuan also records a five-juan collection. However, it is unlikely that this version is the same as the one recorded in the Sui or Tang histories. The received editions that were compiled in the Ming are reconstructions. Wang Bao is also attributed with the Yunyang gong ji 雲陽宮記 (Notes on the Yunyang Palace). This is an account of a palace built by the Qin in Yunyang (northwest of modern Chunhua 淳化, Shaanxi). Only fragments of it are extant. wang bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), zi ziyuan 子淵 1131

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wang Jianyi ji 王諫議集. 2 juan. Qishier jia ji 七十二家集. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wang Jianyi ji 王諫議集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji 漢魏六朝百三名家集. Wang Hong 王洪, ed. and comm. Wang Bao ji kao yi 王褒集考譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1998.

Studies Chien Tsung-wu 簡宗梧. “Wang Bao cifu yongyun kao” 王褒辭賦用韻考. Zhong hua xueyuan 17 (1976): 203–26. Cai Xiongxiang 蔡雄祥. “Wang Bao ji qi zuopin” 王褒及其作品. Xuecui 19.6 (1977): 14–18. Jin Guoyong 金國永. “Shilun Xi Han Wang Bao” 試論西漢王褒. Shehui kexue yanjiu (1986: 4): 108–14. Qin Yanshi 秦彥士. “Fenggu xue yu zhuzi, huashi hua yu saofu—Wang Bao fu jianlun” 風骨學於諸子, 華實化餘騷賦—王褒賦簡論. Tianfu xin lun 天府新論 (1989: 3); rpt. in Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智, ed. Cifu yanjiu 辭賦研究, 271–78. Bei- jing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006. Xu Zongwen 徐宗文. “Lun Wang Bao fu de tedian ji gongxian” 論王褒賦的特點及貢獻. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1993: 3): 209–16. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 43. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 516–17. Bi Shuchun 畢庶春. “Ba Shu yu Han fu chutan” 巴蜀與漢賦初探. Dandong shizhuan xuebao 24.4 (2002): 4–11. Jia Hui 賈卉. “Han Ba Shu fujia san ti” 漢巴蜀賦家三題. Changchun daxue xuebao 12.4 (2002): 64–73. Zeng Xiangxu 曾祥旭. “Wang Bao zunian kaobian” 王褒卒年考辨. Chuanshan xuekan 56 (2005: 2): 134, 127. “Wang Bao zunian xinkao” 王褒卒年新考. Shihezi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 20.1 (2006): 79–81. Xu Kechao 徐可超. “Biaoxian shisu neirong de ‘Tong yue’ yu zuo wei gongting zuojia de Wang Bao 表現世俗內容的《僮約》與作為宮廷作家的王褒. Liaoning daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 34.2 (2006): 40–43. Shi Guanhai 石觀海 and Hu Chunrun 胡春潤. “Qian Han wenren Zhong Jun Wang Bao xingnian xinkao” 前漢文人終軍、王褒行年新考. Changjiang xueshu (2006: 3): 117–22. Han Hui 韓輝. “Wen xuan suolu ‘Zixu fu’ ‘Shanglin fu’ ji ‘Dongxiao fu’ chuangzuo shijian xinkao—jiankao Wang Bao zunian”《文選》所錄《子虛賦》、《上林賦》及《洞簫賦》創作時間新考. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 45.6 (2009): 41–45. Gu Guozhu 顧國柱 and Ding Yuna 丁玉娜. “Wang Bao zunian ji jiguan kaolun” 王褒卒年及籍貫考論. Nandu xuetan 29.5 (2009): 55–58. 1132 wang bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), zi ziyuan 子淵

Works

a. “Dongxiao fu” 洞簫賦 (Fu on panpipes)

Studies Zhang Xinhui 張欣慧. “Wang Bao ‘Dongxiao fu’ yanjiu” 王褒「洞簫賦」研究. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 207 (1997): 88–100. Zhuo Guojun 卓國浚. “Jin Wang Bao er tui Ma Rong: jianshi ‘Ziyuan Dongxiao qiong bian yu shengmao’ ” 進王褒而退馬融: 兼釋「子淵〈洞簫〉窮變於聲貌. Xingda renwen xuebao 38 (2007): 99–119. Xu Zhigang 許志剛 and Yang Jun 楊俊. “ ‘Dongxiao fu’ yu ‘Changdi fu’ wenyi sixiang yanjiu”《洞簫賦》與《長笛賦》文藝思想研究. Wenxue pinglun (2010: 2): 119–22.

Translation Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume 3, 233–45.

b. “Jiu huai” 九懷 (Nine longings)

Translation Hawkes, Songs of the South, 269–80. Mathieu, Élégies de Chu, 235–45.

c. “Tong yue” 僮約 (Slave’s contract)

Critical editions Sun Xingyan 孫星衍 (1753–1818). Xu Guwen yuan 續古文苑, 20.1205–10. Taipei: Dingwen shuju, 1973. Huang Kan 皇侃 (1886–1935). Wenxin diaolong zhaji 文心雕龍札記. 1927; rpt. with introduction by Zhou Xunchu 周勛初, 90–91. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000. Utsunomiya Kiyoyoshi 宇都宮清吉. “Dō yaku kenkyū” 僮約研究. 1953; rev. and rpt. in Kandai shakai keizai shi kenkyū 漢代社會經濟史研究, 259–71. Tokyo: Kōbundō: 1955. Fang Jian 方健. “ ‘Peng tu jin ju’ he ‘Wudu mai tu’ kaobian” 烹荼盡具和武都買荼考辨. Nongye kaogu (1996: 2): 184–92, 205. Wang Qitao 王啟濤. “Wang Bao ‘Tong yue’ yanjiu” 王褒《僮約》研究. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 31.6 (2004): 74–83. Shi Shenghan 石聲漢, ed. and comm. Shi Dingfu 石定枎, coll. “ ‘Tong yue’ jiaozhu” 《僮約》校注. Nongye kaogu (2010: 2): 219–23. wang bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), zi ziyuan 子淵 1133

Studies Utsunomiya Kiyoyoshi 宇都宮清吉. “Dōyaku kenkyū” 僮約研究. 1953; rev. and rpt. in Kandai shakai keizai shi kenkyū 漢代社會經濟史研究, 256–374. Tokyo: Kōbundō: 1955. Zhou Wentang 周文棠. “Wang Bao ‘Tong yue’ zhong ‘cha’ fei cha de kaozheng” 王褒《僮約》中 “茶” 非茶的考證. Nongye kaogu (1995: 4): 181–83. Fang Jian 方健, “ ‘Peng tu jin ju’ he ‘Wudu mai tu’ kaobian” 烹荼盡具和武都買荼考辨. Nongye kaogu (1996: 2): 184–92, 205. Wang Lisuo “Wang Bao ‘Tong yue’ san lun” 王褒《僮約》散論. Henan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 38.3 (1998): 53–56. Fukui Yoshio 福井佳夫. “Ōhō no ‘Dōyaku’ ni tsuite: yūgibungaku ron (4)” 王褒の僮約について：遊戲文學論 (4). Chūkyō daigaku bungakubu kiyō 37.2 (2002): 85–117. Wang Qitao 王啟濤. “Wang Bao ‘Tong yue’ yanjiu” 王褒《僮約》研究. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 31.6 (2004): 74–83. Xu Kechao 徐可超. “Biaoxian shisu neirong de ‘Tong yue’ yu zuowei gongting zuojia de Wang Bao” 表現世俗內容的《僮約》與作為宮廷作家的王褒. Liaoning daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 34.2 (2006): 40–43. Chi Wenqian 郗文倩. “ ‘Tong yue’ paixie xiaoguo de chansheng ji qi wenti shifan yiyi”《童約》俳諧效果的產生及其文體示範意義. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 148 (2008): 50–55. Sun Fang 孫芳. “Lun ‘Tong yue’ chansheng de yuanyuan ji dui houshi de yingxiang” 論《僮約》產生的淵源及對後世的影響. Xinan kexue daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 27.1 (2010): 40–43. Guan Dexiang 官德祥. “Cong Wang Bao ‘Tong yue’ tanxi Handai zhongye Sichuan tianzhuang shangpin jingji” 從王褒《僮約》探析漢代中葉四川田莊商品經濟. Zhongguo nongshi (2010: 4): 35–47. Su Jui-lung 蘇瑞隆. “Han Wei Liuchao paixie fu chutan” 漢魏六朝俳諧賦初探. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Zhexue renwen kexue ban) (2010: 5): 118–28.

Translations Wilbur, C. Martin. Slavery in China During the Han Dynasty, 206 B.C–A.D. 25, 383–93. 1943; rpt. New York: Russell and Russell, 1967. Hsu Cho-yun. Han Agriculture, ed. Jack L. Dull, 231–34. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1980.

d. “Sizi jiang de lun” 四子講德論 (Disqusition of four masters discussing virtue)

Studies Uehara Yasunobu 上原尉暢. “Ōhō ‘Shishi kō toku ron’ ni tsuite” 王褒「四子講德論」について. Tōhoku daigaku Chūgoku gogaku bungaku ronshū 6–7 (2002): 23–46. Paek Sŭng-sŏk 白承錫. “Wang Bao ‘Si zi jiang de lun’ zhi tantao” 王褒《四子講德論》之探討. Liaodong xueyuan xuebao 6.39 (2004): 1–6. 1134 wang bao 王褒 (ca. 84–ca. 53 b.c.e.), zi ziyuan 子淵

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 944–56.

e. Yunyang gong ji 雲陽宮記 Chen Xiaojie 陳曉捷, ed. and comm. Guanzhong yizhi jizhu 關中佚志輯注, 1–16. Xi’an: San Qin Chubanshe, 2006.

f. “Ze xuran nu ci” 責鬚髯奴辭 (Reproaching a bearded slave)

Text Liang Qiyong 梁啟勇. “Wang Bao ‘Ze xuran nu ci’ jiaozhu” 王褒《責鬚髯奴辭》校注. Hubei chengren jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 16.4 (2010): 72–73.

DRK

Wang Bao 王褒 (ca. 511–ca. 575, alt. 513–576), zi Ziyuan 子淵

Northern Zhou writer.

Wang Bao’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (north of modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the grandson of Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489), who was a prominent statesman and scholar during the Qi dynasty. His grandfather Wang Qian 王騫 (474–522) and father Wang Gui 王規 (492–536) held office during the Liang. Wang Gui was on good terms with several of the Liang princes including Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531), Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), and Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555). When Wang Gui died in 536 at the age of forty-six, Xiao Gang went in person to wail over his body. He had Xiao Yi compose a lament. Wang Gui was also a literary man. His collected works consisted of twenty juan. However, it was lost before the Tang. Wang Bao showed unusual literary talent and learning at a young age. His maternal grandfather Yuan Ang 袁昂 (461–540), a distinguished writer and calligrapher, was very fond of him. His father’s sister was married to Xiao Ziyun 蕭子雲 (487–549), a grandson of Emperor Gao (r. 479–482) of the Qi. Xiao Ziyun was an accomplished calligrapher in the cursive and clerical styles, and Wang Bao modeled his own writing after Xiao’s. Another admirer of Wang Bao’s talent was Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Emperor Wu of the Liang. The emperor was so impressed with the young Wang Bao he ordered the daughter of his younger brother Xiao Hui 蕭恢 (476–526) married to him. wang bao 王褒 (ca. 511–ca. 575, alt. 513–576), zi ziyuan 子淵 1135

Wang Bao began his official career in 532 as assistant in the palace library, which was often the usual post given to members of elite families such as the Linyi Wang clan. He soon was named secretary on the staff of Xiao Gang, who was the heir designate. Xiao Gang had on his staff a number of literary luminaries including Wang Bao’s father Wang Gui, Xu Chi 徐摛 (471–551), Yu Jianwu 庾肩吾 (487–551), Liu Xiaoyi 劉孝儀 (486– 550), Liu Xiaowei 劉孝威 (496–549), Liu Zun 劉遵 (488–535), Xu Ling 徐陵 (507–583), and Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581). Wang Bao’s father died in 536, and Wang Bao resigned his position to observe mourning for him. Ca. 538, he inherited his father’s noble title of Marquis of Nanchang. He also was appointed vice director of the palace library. Around this time Xiao Gang’s eldest son Xiao Daqi 蕭大器 (524– 551), Prince of Xuancheng, was selecting officials for his staff. Xiao Daqi’s mother was the sister of Wang Bao’s father. Xiao Daqi appointed Wang Bao an academician. A number of other scholars and literati men including Gu Yewang 顧野王 (518–581) were attached to his staff. Sometime between 546 and 548, Wang Bao was appointed administrator in Ancheng 安成 (administrative seat Pingdu 平都, southeast of modern Anfu 安福, Jiangxi). In 549, the rebellion led by the northern military man Hou Jing 侯景 (503–552) broke out. In 550, the Liang general Ren Yue 任約 (fl. 549–556), who had defected to the side of Hou Jing, invaded Jiangzhou. Wang Bao won distinction for mounting a successful defense at Ancheng. Xiao Yi, who had assumed a major role in doing battle against the forces of Hou Jing, appointed Wang Bao General Who Is Wise and Martial and administrator of Nanping 南平 (modern Gong’an 公安, Hubei). In December 552, Xiao Yi assumed the Liang throne in Jiangling. Soon thereafter he invited Wang Bao to Jiangling and gave him a warm reception. He named him to a succession of high posts: vice minister in the Department of State Affairs, minister of the Ministry of Personnel, and left vice director of the Department of State Affairs. During a court debate concerning whether Xiao Yi should establish his capital at Jiangling or return to Jiankang, Wang Bao gently advised him to return to Jiankang. However, Xiao Yi did not accept Wang’s advice. In December 553, the armies of the Western Wei launched an attack on Jiangling. Xiao Yi put Wang Bao in charge of the defenses of the western and southern sides of the city. Jiang ling fell to the enemy on 7 January 554, and Xiao Yi was killed on 27 Janu- ary. Wang Bao then surrendered to the Western Wei general Yu Jin 于謹 (493–568), who treated Wang with great courtesy. In January 554, Wang Bao, Wang Ke 王克, Liu Jue 劉瑴 (fl. 550–554), Zong Lin 宗懍 (d. ca. 561), Yin Buhai 殷不害 (505–589), and others were taken north to Chang’an. 1136 wang bao 王褒 (ca. 511–ca. 575, alt. 513–576), zi ziyuan 子淵

Yuwen Tai 宇文泰 (507–556), the de facto ruler of the Western Wei, considered it a great honor to have such distinguished literary men as Wang Bao in his entourage. He granted him the prestige titles of chariot and horse general and unequaled in honor. Wang Bao never returned to the south, and reputedly was content to remain in the north. When the Northern Zhou was founded in 557, Wang Bao continued to receive generous treatment from the imperial house. He was granted the noble title of viscount of Shiquan and the income of 300 households. By this time Yu Xin had arrived in Chang’an, and Wang Bao and Yu Xin had celebrity status based on their literary skills. The second Zhou ruler Yuwen Yu 宇文毓 (534–560), Emperor Ming r. 557–560), had interests in literature. He exchanged poems with Wang Bao and hosted gatherings at which poetry was composed. Yuwen Yu also established the Linzhi xue 麟趾學 (Unicorn Hoof Academy) in which he employed numerous scholars to edit texts and write compositions. Wang Bao and Yu Xin were leading members of this academy. The third Zhou ruler, Yuwen Yong 宇文邕, Emperor Wu (r. 560–578), continued to favor Wang Bao. In the Baoding period (561–565), Wang Bao served as ordinary grand master of the Palace Secretariat. In 569, Yuwen Yong composed the Xiang jing 象經 (Xiang chess canon), and he requested Wang Bao to write a commentary to it. He also allowed Wang Bao to participate in court deliberations on government matters. Beginning in the Jiande period (572–578), Wang Bao was entrusted with composing many of the writings that emanated from the imperial court. In 572, Yuwen Yun 宇文贇 (559–580) was named heir designate. Wang Bao was assigned to the prince’s Eastern Palace as junior guardian. In 573, he was promoted to vice minister of works. Ca. 575, Wang Bao was appointed regional inspector of Yizhou 宜州. (administrative seat modern Yao 耀 county, Shaanxi). Shortly thereafter the Zhou and the Chen states concluded an agreement allowing some southerners who had been held in the north to return home. However, the Zhou court did not allow Wang Bao and Yu Xin to be included in this group. Wang Bao died while serving in Yizhou. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Bao’s collected works in twenty-one juan. The Jiu Tang shu lists it in thirty juan, while the Xin Tang shu records it in twenty juan. One juan of the Sui shu listing may be the table of contents, and thus this version would coincide with the one recorded in the Xin Tang shu. Some scholars consider the Jiu Tang shu number of juan a mistake. In any case, these editions did not survive the Song. The extant versions of his collection are reconstructions done in the Ming. wang bao 王褒 (ca. 511–ca. 575, alt. 513–576), zi ziyuan 子淵 1137

Wang Bao has twenty-six prose writings and forty-eight poems extant. Wang Bao was one of the foremost masters of parallel prose in the North- ern and Southern dynasties. One of his most famous prose pieces is “Yu Zhou Hongrang shu” 與周弘讓書 (Letter to Zhou Hongrang). Zhou Hong rang (fl 550–562) was one of Wang Bao’s old friends from the south. In 562 his elder brother Zhou Hongzheng 周弘正 (496–574) was sent as an envoy to the Northern Zhou court. Wang Bao gave him a letter and poem to take home to his brother. The letter is a model of parallel prose. It also is one of the few pieces in which Wang Bao expresses his nostalgia for his home in the south. Eighteen of Wang Bao’s poems are yuefu. Many of his yuefu were written as matching compositions with other writers including Xiao Yan, Xiao Gang, and Xiao Yi. He is noted for writing some of the earliest pieces on frontier themes. His most famous frontier poem, “Yan’ge xing” 燕歌行 (Song of Yan) in seven-syllable line meter, was actually written while he was still living in the south. Wang Bao also composed several funeral songs, including pieces written upon the death of Liu Fan 劉璠 (510–568) and Xiao Yong 蕭永 (d. 558), the son of Xiao Hui.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wang Sikong ji 王司空集. 3 juan + 1 juan supplement. Qishier jia ji 七十二家集. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wang Sikong ji 王司空集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji.

Studies Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Ō Ho no denki to bungaku” 王褒の傳記と文學. Rit- sumeikan bungaku 364–66 (1975): 73–118; Chinese trans. Han Jiguo 韓基國. Liuchao wenxue lunwenji 六朝文學論文集, 323–67. Chongqing: Chongqing chu- banseh, 1989. Niu Guihu 牛貴琥. “Wang Bao zunian kao” 王褒卒年考. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1990: 4): 41–42. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Nanbeichao wenxue shi, 442–46. Cao Daoheng, “Guanyu Wang Bao de shengzu nian wenti” 關於王褒的生卒年問題. Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji, 420–22. Niu Guihu 牛貴琥. “Wang Bao lunlüe” 王褒論略. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 3): 8–11. Goto Akinobu 後藤秋正. “Sōsōshi shōron: Ōhō no shi o chūshin toshite” 送葬詩小論：王褒の詩を中心として. Chūgoku bunka 54 (1996): 65–76. Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. Beichao wenxue shi 北朝文學史, 251–60. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan chubanshe, 1997. 1138 wang bao 王褒 (ca. 511–ca. 575, alt. 513–576), zi ziyuan 子淵

Niu Guihu 牛貴琥. “Wang Bao zunian ji bufen zuopin xiezuo niandai” 王褒卒年及部分作品寫作年代. Wenxian 2 (1999): 50–53. Zhu Xiaohai 朱曉海. “Bei Zhou Wang Bao shengzu nian nice” 北周王褒生卒年擬測. Dalu zazhi 103.2 (2001): 1–26. Zheng Xiaorong. “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature” Ph.D. Diss., Uni- versity of Washington, 2002, 273–91. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenshi ziliao congkan, 739–41. Lin Dongjin 林東進. “Lüelun Nanbeichao ren Wang Bao de shi” 略論南北朝人王褒的詩. Fujian shangye gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao (2006: 6): 62–66. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Rikuchō bunjin den: Shūjo Ōhō den” 六朝文人傳：《周書》王褒傳. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 53 (2008): 1–19.

Works

a. “Yu Zhou Hongrang shu” 與周弘讓書 (Letter to Zhou Hongrang)

Translation Zheng Xiaorong, “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” 271–84 (partial).

b. “Yan’ge xing” 燕歌行 (Song of Yan)

Translation Zheng Xiaorong, “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” 285–88.

c. “Kan douji” 看鬪雞詩 (Watching a cockfight)

Translation Cutter, Robert Joe. The Brush and the Spur: Chinese Culture and the Cockfight, 50–51. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1989.

d. “Du He bei” 度河北 (Crossing north of the Yellow River)

Translation Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 177.

e. “Yong wu yingzhao shi” 詠霧應詔詩 (On fog: written upon imperial command)

Translation Wu Fusheng, Written at Imperial Command, 176.

DRK wang bi 王弼 (226–249), zi fusi 輔嗣 1139

Wang Bi 王弼 (226–249), zi Fusi 輔嗣

Wei period scholar and thinker.

Wang Bi was one of the most important scholars and thinkers of the early medieval period. His ancestral home was Gaoping 高平 in Shanyang 山陽 commandery (modern Jinxiang 金鄉 county, Shandong). The Wang clan of Gaoping produced a number of distinguished scholars and officials including the famous writer Wang Can 王粲 (177–217). Around 192, Wang Can and his elder cousin Wang Kai 王凱 fled the north to seek refuge with Liu Biao 劉表 (144–208), governor of Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat, Xiangyang). Liu Biao wished to marry his daughter to Wang Can, but he detested Wang’s vulgar appearance and casual manner. Because Wang Kai had a dignified bearing, Liu Biao married his daughter to Wang Kai. Wang Kai had a son named Wang Ye 王業 (fl. 219). The famous scholar Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192) had nearly ten thousand scrolls of books. Toward the end of his life, he loaded the books onto several carts and gave them to Wang Can. In 219, the aide to the chancellor Wei Feng 魏諷 (d. 219) rebelled against Cao Cao, and Wang Can’s sons joined him. After they were executed, the books that Cai Yong had given to Wang Can were given to Wang Ye. Wang Ye was the father of Wang Bi, and he presumably had access to the great library of Cai Yong. Wang Bi was a child prodigy. He reputedly could easily explain the Laozi at the age of ten. When he was not quite twenty, he made a great impression on the learned scholar Pei Hui 裴徽 (fl. 230–249). Wang Bi also impressed another important scholar He Yan 何晏 (ca. 190–249) whom he met ca. 244. It was about this time that Wang Bi wrote commentaries to the Laozi and Yi jing. Wang Bi was one of the most renowned experts in “pure conversation” (qing tan 清談) of his day. However, he had little interest in serving in official posts. Through the influence of He Yan Wang Bi did holdthe office of shangshu lang 尚書郎 (secretarial court gentleman) on the staff of Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249). Wang Bi died young in 249 at the age of twenty-three. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Bi’s collected writings in four juan. The two Tang histories record a collection in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Wang Bi’s commentary to the Laozi in two juan and the Zhou yi in six juan are still extant. A goodly portion of Wang Bi’s important treatise on the Laozi, the “Laozi zhilüe” 老子指略 (Outline introduction to the Laozi) is extant. The entire text of his “Zhou yi lüeli” 周易略例 (General principles of the Zhou yi) has survived. Fragments of his “Lun yu shi yi” 論語釋疑 (Explaining doubtful points in the Lun yu) have 1140 wang bi 王弼 (226–249), zi fusi 輔嗣 been preserved. Only two of his prose pieces have survived: “Xi da Xun Rong shu” 戲答荀融書 (Letter playfully replying to Xun Rong) in which he rebuts a criticism of his commentary on a passage in the “Xi ci zhuan” 繫辭傳 (Commentary to the appended phrases) by his contemporary Xun Rong 荀融 (ca. 216–post 246); and “Nan He Yan shengren wu xi nu ai le lun” 難何晏聖人無喜怒哀樂論 (Disquistion refuting He Yan’s thesis that the sage has no pleasure, anger, grief, or joy).

Bibliography

Collections Lou Yulie 樓宇烈, ed. and comm. Wang Bi ji jiaoshi 王弼集校釋. 2 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980.

Studies and Translations Tang Yongtong 湯用彤. “Wang Bi zhi Zhou yi Lunyu xinyi” 王弼之周易論語新義. Tushu jikan, n.s. 4 (1943): 28–40; rpt. In Tang Yongtong xueshu lunwen ji 湯用彤學術論文集, 264–79. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983; English translation and summary by Walter Liebenthal, “Wang Bi’s New Interpretation of the I Ching and Lun-Yü.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 10 (1947): 124–61. Hou Qiudong 侯秋東. Wang Bi yixue zhi yanjiu 王弼易學之研究. Taipei: Jiaxin shuini gongsi wenhua jijinhui, 1976. Lin Lizhen 林麗真. Wang Bi ji qi Yixue 王弼及其易學. Taipei: Taiwan Guoli daxue, 1977. Lin, Paul, trans. A Translation of the Lao-tzu’s Tao Te Ching and Wang Pi’s Com- mentary. Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 1977. Rump, Ariane, trans. Wing-tsit Chan, coll. Commentary on the Lao Tzu by Wang Pi. Monographs of the Society for Asian and Comparative Philosophy, No. 6. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1979. Chang Chung-yue. “The Metaphysics of Wang Pi.” Unpublished Diss. University of Pennsylvania, 1979. Wagner, Rudolf. “Interlocking Parallel Style: Laozi and Wang Bi.” Asiatische Stu- dien 34.1 (1980): 18–58. Wagner, Rudolf. “Wang Bi: ‘The Structure of Laozi’s Pointers’ (Laozi weizhi lilüe).” TP 72 (1986): 92–129. Goodman, Howard L. “Exegetes and Exegesis of the Book of Changes in the Third Century A.D.: Historical and Scholastic Contexts for Wang Pi.” Ph.D. Diss., Princeton, 1985. Ding Guanzhi 丁冠之. “Wang Bi” 王弼. In Shandong gudai sixiangjia 山東古代思想家. Liu Weihua 劉蔚華 and Zhao Zongzheng 趙宗正, ed., 397–432. Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1985. Bergeron, Marie-Ina. Wang Pi: philosophe du non-avoir. Taipei: Institut Ricci, 1986. Lin Lizhen 林麗真. Wang Bi 王弼. Taipei: Dongdai tushu gongsi, 1988. wang biaozhi 王彪之 (305–377), zi shuhu 叔虎 1141

Wagner, Rudolf. “Wang Bi’s Recension of the Laozi.” Early China 14 (1989): 27–54. Chan, Alan K. L. Two Visions of the Way: A Study of the Wang Pi and the Ho- Shang Kung Commentaries on the Lao-tzu. Albany: SUNY Press, 1991. Lynn, Richard John. The Classic of Changes. A New Translation of the I Ching as Interpreted by Wang Bi. New York: Columbia University Press, 1994. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. Wang Bi pingzhuan 王弼評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1996. Shaughnessy, Edward L. “Commentary, Philosophy, and Translation: Reading Wang Bi’s Commentary to the Yi jing in a New Way.” Early China 22 (1997): 221–45. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “Wang Bi guli xintan” 王弼故里新探. Kong Meng xuebao 75 (1998): 169–85. Lynn, Richard John. The Classic of the Way and Virtue: A New Translation of the Tao-Te Ching of Laozi as Interpreted by Wang Bi. New York: Columbia Uni- versity Press, 1999. Wagner, Rudolf G. The Craft of a Chinese Commentator: Wang Bi on the Laozi. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2000.

DRK

Wang Biaozhi 王彪之 (305–377), zi Shuhu 叔虎

Eastern Jin writer.

Wang Biaozhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langya 琅邪 commandery (modern Langye, Shandong). He was the fourth son of Wang Bin 王彬 (d. 333), the younger brother of Wang Yi 王廙 (274–322). At the age of twenty his whiskers and temple hair turned white, and his contemporaries called him “Wang White Whiskers.” Wang Biaozhi began his official career ca. 324 as editorial director in the palace library and instructor to the Prince of Donghai 東海. Ca. 330, he served as an assistant on the staff of Sima Xi 司馬晞 (316–381), Prince Wei of Wuling. He was soon promoted to left assistant director of the Depart- ment of State Affairs, followed by appointments as left administrator in the Ministry of Education, palace aide to the censor-in-chief, palace attendant, and chamberlain for law enforcement. In 345, he was assigned as minister of the Department of Personnel. In 351, Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373) was eager to launch an expedition to recover the north. Yin Hao 殷浩 (d. 356), who had been assigned to oversee military affairs in five regions, was used by the imperial court to thwart Huan Wen’s ambitions. Rather than risk a conflict with Huan Wen, Yin Hao proposed to resign from his position. However, Wang Biaozhi argued successfully that Yin Hao should remain in his post. 1142 wang biaozhi 王彪之 (305–377), zi shuhu 叔虎

In 355, Wang Biaozhi was appointed right vice director of the Depart- ment of State Affairs, and in 357, he was promoted to left vice director of the same department. In 358, Wang Biaozhi was assigned as administrator of Guiji (administrative seat modern Shaoxing), where he served for eight years. In 365, he returned to the imperial court as director of the Depart- ment of State Affairs. In 372, Emperor Jianwen (r. 371–372) died, and the Empress Dowager wished to appoint Huan Wen as regent for the eleven- year-old Emperor Xiaowu (r. 372–396). Wang Biaozhi objected to this proposal. Huan Wen died in August 373, and Wang Biaozhi was appointed director of the Imperial Secretariat. He and Xie An 謝安 (320–385) had charge of court affairs. In 377, Wang Biaozhi became seriously ill. The emperor sent officials to inquire of his illness, and contribute 300,000 cash to purchase medicines. Wang died in the autumn of that same year at the age of seventy-three. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Wang Biaozhi’s collected works in twenty juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected twenty-four of his prose pieces in Quan shangu Sandai Qian Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Most of these are petitions and opinions he wrote while serving at the imperial court. The also include short excerpts from five fu including a preface to a fu on Mount Lu. Wang Biaozhi also is credited with a Lushan ji 廬山記 (Notes on Mount Lu). Lu Qinli includes fragments of four of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 28–29. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Dong Jin wenyi zonghe yanjiu 東晉文藝綜合研究, 178. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 2001.

DRK

Wang Bin 王斌 (fl. 500–508)

Southern Qi and Liang period literatus.

Wang Bin’s ancestral home was Luoyang 洛陽 (modern Henan). At an early age he become a Buddhist monk. However, he was well educated in the Classics. He was a skilled writer and excelled at Buddhist chanting. In 508, he went to the Waguan 瓦官 Monastery in Jiankang to attend Dharma Master Yun’s 雲法師 (n.d.) lecture on the “Cheng shi lun” 成實論 wang binzhi 王彬之 (d. 353) 1143

(Satyasiddhi-śāstra). The room was fully occupied, and only a seat next to Buddhist Superior Huichao 慧超 (n.d.) was available. Wang Bin took the seat next to Huichao. Annoyed, Huichao tried to have him removed from the room. Wang Bin did not move. Instead he raised many objections, which were quite logical and clear. He became the focus of attention of the audience. Wang Bin eventually returned to secular life. He wrote poems and music to amuse himself. He is best known for the Wuge sisheng lu 四聲論 (Dis- quisition on pentasyllabic rules and the four tones). Although it is now lost, Kūkai 空海 (774–835) refers to it several times in his Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論 (Treatise consisting of a mirror for writing and a repository of rare phrases).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 32. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江, ed. and comm. Wenjing mifu lun huijiao huikao 文鏡秘府論彙校彙考, 1: 285–90. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006.

TPK

Wang Binzhi 王彬之 (d. 353)

Eastern Jin poet.

No source mentions Wang Binzhi’s dates or his ancestral home. However, based on his name, his ancestral home probably was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). In 353, Yin Hao 殷浩 (306– 356) sent Wang Binzhi and Liu Qi 劉啟 (d. 353) to lead a military expedition against the Qiang general Yao Xiang 姚襄 (331–357). Wang was killed in battle. Wang Binzhi participated in the gathering hosted by Wang Xizhi at Lan ting in the third lunar month of 353. Two of Wang’s poems that he composed for the occasion survive.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dadician, 28.

DRK 1144 wang can 王粲 (177–217), zi zhongxuan 仲宣

Wang Can 王粲 (177–217), zi Zhongxuan 仲宣

Late Eastern Han writer.

Wang Can was the most distinguished of the Seven Masters of the Jian’an period (196–219). His ancestral home was Gaoping 高平 in Shanyang commandery 山陽郡 (southwest of modern Zou 鄒 county, Shandong). He came from a prominent northern family. His grandfather Wang Chang 王暢 (d. 169) served as minister of works. His father Wang Qian 王謙 (fl 189) served as chief clerk to the powerful general He Jin 何進 (d. 189), who unsuccessfully tried to arrange a marriage between his and Wang’s families. Around 190, Wang Can moved from Luoyang to Chang’an, where Dong Zhuo 董卓 (d. 192) had transferred the puppet emperor Xian and his court. Here Wang Can met Cai Yong 蔡邕 (132–192), who was so excited to meet the thirteen-year-old son of this distinguished family, he ran out and greeted him with his sandals on backwards. Cai was so impressed with Wang’s intelligence, he promised to present him with his book collection. In 193, at the age of sixteen, Wang was appointed attendant gentleman at the Yellow Gate, but because Chang’an still was in turmoil after the assassination of Dong Zhuo in 192, he resigned his post and left for the south, where he joined Liu Biao 劉表 (144–208), governor of Jingzhou 荊州 (roughly modern Hubei and Hunan). Liu was from Wang Can’s home area of Gaoping and had studied under Wang’s grandfather. In the early 190s, as a result of the turmoil in north China, a number of prominent writers and scholars came to Jingzhou and formed an important literary and scholarly coterie at the Jingzhou court. Liu Biao was not impressed with Wang Can. He found his features “too sickly” and his manner rude and casual. Thus, Liu did not appoint him to his inner circle of advisers, but employed Wang primarily as a secretary to compose official correspondence. During the fifteen years he spentin Jingzhou, Wang composed many poems. The poems include the second of his “Qi ai” 七哀 (Seven laments) in which Wang expresses his desire to return to his home in the north. He also wrote three poems presented to other members of Liu Biao’s entourage. Wang Can composed his most famous piece, “Deng lou fu” 登樓賦 (Fu on climbing a tower) while living in Jingzhou. After Liu Biao’s death in 208, Wang Can ingratiated himself with Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) by urging Liu Biao’s successor, Liu Cong 劉琮 (fl. 208), to surrender to Cao Cao. Under Cao Cao, Wang Can received high office and rank. Cao first appointed him aide to the counselor-in-chief (Cao Cao) and Marquis of Guannei. Sometime between 208 and 213, he served in the ceremonial post of military counselor. When Cao Cao founded the Wei wang can 王粲 (177–217), zi zhongxuan 仲宣 1145 kingdom in 213, he appointed Wang as one of his four palace attendants, and thus he became a member of Cao Cao’s inner circle. In the same year, Cao assigned Wang the task of composing ritual songs to celebrate the construction of the Wei ancestral temples. While accompanying Cao Cao on military campaigns, Wang composed both fu and shi. In 216, Wang Can went with Cao Cao on an expedition against Sun Quan 孫權 (182–252) of Wu. He became ill and died on 17 February 217. Cao Zhi composed a dirge for him, which is contained in the Wen xuan. Wang Can’s biography in the Sanguo zhi mentions that he had written sixty literary pieces in the genres of lyric poetry, fu, disquisition, and yi 議 (deliberation or opinion). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in eleven juan. The two Tang histories record a collection in ten juan. This collection probably was lost in the Northern Song. Chao Gongwu’s 晁公武 Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 of the twelfth century records an eight-juan collection, which is probably a reconstruction. During the Ming and Qing there are a number of reconstructed editions.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wang Shizhong ji 王侍中集. 3 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1583. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wang Shizhong ji 王侍中集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Wang Zhongxuan ji 王仲宣集. 4 juan. In Yang Dezhou 楊德周 (Ming), ed. Jian’an qizi ji 建安七子集. 1638. Chen Chaofu 陳朝輔 (Qing), rev. 1758; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan Zhonghua shuju, 1971. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初, ed. Wang Can ji 王粲集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Wu Yun 吳雲 and Tang Shaozhong 唐紹宗, eds. and comm. Wang Can ji zhu 王粲集注. Xinyang, Henan: Zhongzhou shuhuashe, 1984. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初, ed. Jian’an qizi ji 建安七子集, 78–138. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1990.

Concordance Dōke Haruyo 道家春代 et al. Kenan shichishi sakuin—Ō San shū no bu 「建安妻子集」索引—「王粲集」部. Nagoya joshi daigaku kiyō jinbun shakai hen 37 (1991): 253–65; 38 (1992): 253–64; 39 (1993): 331–43.

Studies Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Wang Can xingnian kao” 王粲行年考. Zeshan banyuekan 2.21 (1942): 7–13; rpt. in Miao Yue. Du shi cun gao 讀史存稿, 116–26. Beijing: San- lian, 1963. 1146 wang can 王粲 (177–217), zi zhongxuan 仲宣

Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. “Ō San den ron” 王粲伝論. Kanbun kyōshitsu 1.66 (1964): 1–10; 2.67 (1964): 19–3; rpt. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. Kenan shijin to sono dentō 建安詩人とその伝統, 24–61. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 2002. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. “Ō San shi ronkō” 王粲詩論考. Chūgoku bungaku hō 20 (1965): 28–67; rpt. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. Kenan shijin to sono dentō 建安詩人とその伝統, 62–114. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 2002. Miao, Ronald C. “A Critical Study of the Life and Poetry of Wang Chung-hsüan.” Unpublished Diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1969. Shimosada Masahiro 下定雅弘. “Ō San shi ni tsuite” 王粲詩について. Chūgoku bungaku hō 29 (1978): 46–81. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初. “Wang Can shiji kao bian” 王粲事跡考辨. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Zengkan) (1979: 12). Ling Xun 凌迅. “Wang Can zhuan lun” 王粲傳論. In Jian’an wenxue yanjiu wen ji. Miao, Ronald C. Early Medieval Chinese Poetry. The Life and Works of Wang Ts’an (A.D. 177–217). Münchener Ostasiatische Studien, Band 30. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1982. Liu Zhiting 劉智亭. “Shi lun Wang Can de sixiang yu chuangzuo” 試論王粲的思想與創作. Shaanxi shida xuebao (1982: 2): 113–17. Wu Yun 吳雲 and Tang Shaozhong 唐紹忠. “Shi lun Wang Can de shifu chuangzuo” 試論王粲的詩賦創作. Tianjin shehui kexue (1982: 6): 87–92. Chen Feizhi 陳飛之. “Wang Can shifu de sixiang he yishu” 王粲詩賦的思想和藝術. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (1984: 3): 50–60. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初. “Wang Can jiguan jin zhi bian” 王粲籍貫今址辨. Huadong shifan daxue xuebao (1986: 4): 86–88. Gu Nong 顧農. “Wang Can lun” 王粲論. Tianjin shida xuebao (1992: 5): 62–70. Ruan Zhong 阮忠. “Wang Can shifu lue lun” 王粲詩賦略論. Xianning shizhuan xuebao (1996: 3): 63–67. Diény, Jean-Pierre. “Lecture de Wang Can (177–217).” TP 73 (1987): 286–312. Liu Renqing 劉人慶. “Shi lun Wang Can de wenxue chuangzuo” 試論王粲的文學創作. Dongjiang xuekan (Yanji) (1988: 1–2): 31–34. Liu Zhenfu 劉振甫. “Lun Wan Can shifu wei Jian’an qizi zhi shou” 論王粲詩賦為建安七子之首. Xuchang shizhuan xuebao (1988: 4): 10–14. Zhang Yaxin 張亞新. “Wang Can fu lun” 王粲賦論. Guizhou shehui kexue (1988: 6): 56–60. Yu Mingfang 俞明芳. “ ‘Cao Pi cheng di, (Wang) Can guan zhi shizhong’ bian” “曹丕稱帝， (王) 粲官至侍中” 辨. Shanghai shifan daxue xuebao (1988:4): 154–55. Xiong Qingyuan 熊清元. “Wang Can jiguan bian zheng” 王粲籍貫辨正. Xueshu yanjiu (1989: 3): 20. Yu Yuxian 于浴賢. “Wang Can fu lun” 王粲賦論. Wen shi zhe (1990: 5): 64–66; rpt. in Yu Yuxian. Cifu wenxue yu wenhuaxue tanwei 辭賦文學與文化學探微, 109–18. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2010. Wang Huairang 王懷讓. “Wang Can shengping chuangzuo zhong liangge wenti de kao bian” 王粲生平創作中兩個問題的考辨. Qi Lu xuekan (Qufu) (1994: 2): 20–23. Shu Jinghui 蜀景慧. “Wang Can dianding chaoyi yu qi jiashi xueshu beijing kaoshu” 王粲典定朝儀與其家世學術背景考述. Sichuan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 127 (2003): 92–101. wang can 王粲 (177–217), zi zhongxuan 仲宣 1147

Chen Xiumei 陳秀媚. “Lun Wang Can fu de shidai yihan” 論王粲賦的時代意涵. Dazhi gaozhong xuebao 1 (2003): 77–92. Li Wenlu 李文祿. “Wang Can” 王粲. In Jian’an qizi pingzhuan 建安七子評傳, 55–79. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2004. Lü Yan 呂艷. “Dui Wang Can yingzhi shiwen de yizhong jiedu” 對王粲應制詩文的一種解讀. Shandong jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 107 (2005): 19–21. Lü Yan 呂艷. “Shiyun jiaoyi zhiwen daibian—xi Wang Can gui Cao hou de yingzhi fenghe zhi zuo” 時運交移質文代變—析王粲歸曹後的應制奉和之作. Jimei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 8.2 (2005): 106–10. Chen Zhang and Fang Dai. “Wang Can.” Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 193–98. Detroit: Gale, 2011.

Works

a. “Deng lou fu” 登樓賦 (Fu on climbing the tower)

Studies Chen Zuolong 陳祚龍. “Dunhuang xieben ‘Deng lou fu’ jiaozheng” 敦煌寫本「登樓賦」斠證. Dalu zazhi 21.5 (1960): 1–6. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Dunhuang xieben ‘Deng lou fu’ chongyan” 敦煌寫本登樓賦重研. Dalu zazhi 24.6 (1962): 1–3; Special Issue, No. 2 (1962): 511–14. Shinkai Hajime 新海一. “Ō San no ‘Torō fu’ ni tsuite” 王粲の登樓賦について. Kokugakuin zasshi 68.1 (1967): 58–67. Xu Shiying 許世瑛. “ ‘Deng lou fu’ jufa yanjiu jian lun qi yongyun” 登樓賦句法研究兼論其用韻. Guowen xuebao (June 1972): 69–79. Ling Xun 凌迅. “ ‘Ji wang dao zhi yi ping xi, jia gao qu er cheng li’—cong ‘Deng lou fu’ shi lun Wang Can” 「冀王道之一平兮，假高衢而騁力」—從《登樓賦》試論王粲. Qi Lu xuekan (1981: 4): 73–76. Liu Guanxiong 劉冠雄. “Qing zhen ci qie, you si mianmian—du Wang Can ‘Deng lou fu’ ” 情真詞切，憂思綿綿—讀王粲《登樓賦》. Wuhan shiyuan Xianning fenyuan xuebao (1982: 3): 112–14, 109. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初. “ ‘Deng lou fu’ louzhi bianzheng” 登樓賦樓址辨證. Wenxue yichan (1983: 2): 158. Lin Hui 林暉. “ ‘Deng lou fu’ zhong de louzhi zai Jiangling”《登樓賦》中的樓址在江陵. Jingzhou shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1984: 1): 126–27. Cao Chenghao 曹成浩. “Wang Can ‘Deng lou fu’ yanjiu zhong de jige wenti” 王粲《登樓賦》研究中的幾個問題. Dongyue luncong (1985): 72–75. Jin Daoxing 金道行 and Zhu Jingshun 朱景順. “Wang Can hechu fu ‘Deng lou’ 王粲何處賦《登樓》. Zhongxue yuwen (1987: 7): 17–18. Wang Huairang 王懷讓. “ ‘Deng lou fu’ xiezuo er bian”《登樓賦》寫作二辨. Qi Lu xuekan (1992: 6): 114–18. Yi Jianxian 易健賢. “ ‘Deng lou fu’ kao bian”《登樓賦》考辨. Guizhou wenshi cong kan (1993: 1): 33–38. Zhang Cangshou 章滄授. “Deng lou qiangu qing ping tiao nan xiao you—du Wang Can ‘Deng lou fu’ ” 登樓千古情凭眺難消憂.—讀王粲《登樓賦》. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1995: 5): 26–30. 1148 wang can 王粲 (177–217), zi zhongxuan 仲宣

Yi Jianxian 易健賢. “Wang Can ‘Deng lou fu’ wenyi fahe” 王粲《登樓賦》文意發覈. Guizhou jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1996: 3): 24–29. Qiu Hualing 邱華苓. “Wang Can ‘Deng lou fu’ zhuti yishi tanxi” 王粲「登樓賦」主題意識探析. Dongfang renwen xuezhi 1.4 (2002): 51–70.

Translations Margouliés, Le Kou-wen, 100–1. von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 364–65. Miao 1969, 337–38. Watson, Rhyme-Prose, 53–54. Miao 1982, 273–75. Idema, Wilt. Wie zich pas heeft gebaad tikt et stof van sijn kap (Gedicten in fu- form uit de tweede eeuw v. Chr—vifde eeuw n. Chr., 24–25. Leiden: Stichting De Lantaarn, 1985. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 236–41.

b. “Qi ai shi” 七哀詩 (Seven laments)

Studies Andō Makoto 安東諒. “Ō San no ‘Shichi ai shi’ no ichi” 王粲の「七哀詩」の位置. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 7 (1968): 26–36. Itō Masafumi 伊藤正文. Zhang Peiheng 章培恒, trans. “Wang Can ‘Qi ai shi’ kao” 王粲《七哀詩》考. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 2 (1982): 113–27. Zhang Yuan 張瑗. “Wang Can ‘Qi ai shi’ zuonian xianyi” 王粲《七哀詩》作年獻疑. Wenxue yichan zengkan 17 (1991): 76–83. Dōke Haruyo 道家春代. “Ō San no ‘Shichi no ai shi’ to Kenan shii” 王粲の「七哀詩」建安詩. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 24 (1993): 1–13. Wang Huairang 王懷讓. “Wang Can li Chang’an he chuangzuo ‘Qi ai shi’ diyishou zhi shijian bian” 王粲離長安和創作《七哀詩》第一首之時間辨. Shandong jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 47.1 (1995): 18–21, 59. Mu Zhai 木齋. “Lun Wang Can yu wuyan shi de chengshou—jian zheng ‘Qi ai shi’ ‘Za shi’ de xiezuo shijian” 論王粲與五言詩的成熟—兼證《七哀詩》、《雜詩》的寫作時間. Qi Lu xuekan 185.1 (2005): 71–75. Yang Sixian 楊思賢. “Wang Can ‘Qi ai shi Xijing luan wuxiang’ zhushi bianwu” 王粲《七哀詩‧西京亂無象》注釋辨誤. Jiangsu jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22.2 (2006): 109–11.

Translations Hsu, S.N. Anthologie, 122–23. Jean-Pierre Diény and Yves Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed., Anthologie, 123. Frodsham and Cheng, Anthology, 26–27. Ronald Miao, Sunflower Splendor, 41–43. Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 35–36. Frankel, Flowering Plum, 28. Miao 1982, 130–31, 145, 150–51. wang can 王粲 (177–217), zi zhongxuan 仲宣 1149

Owen, Anthology, 252–53, 256. Owen, Making, 35 (partial), 90.

c. “Cong jun shi” 從軍詩 (Accompanying the army)

Studies Fan Chuyu 樊楚宇. “Wang Can shifeng zhuanbian de biaozhi—‘Cong jun shi’ 王粲詩風轉變的標志—《從軍詩》. Sichuan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1985: 3): 69–73. Zhang Diming 張娣明. “Wang Can ‘Cong jun shi’ wushou shangxi” 王粲「從軍詩」五首賞析. Zhongguo yuwen 88.2 (2001): 72–80.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 471–75. Miao 1982, 156–71. Owen, Anthology, 264–65 (#5). Wu Fusheng, Written at Imperial Command, 29–38.

d. “Gong yan” 公讌 (Lord’s feast)

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 289–90. Wu Fusheng, Written at Imperial Command, 38.

e. “Yong shi” 詠史 (On a historical theme) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 311.

f. “Zeng Cai Zidu” 贈蔡子篤 (Presented to Cai Mu) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 373–74.

g. “Zeng Shisun Wenshi” 贈士孫文史 (Presented to Shisun Meng) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 374–76.

h. “Zeng Wen Shuliang” 贈文叔良 (Presented to Wen Ying) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 376–77.

i. “Za shi” 雜詩 (Unclassified poem) von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 525.

DRK 1150 wang chang 王昶 (d. 259), zi wenshu 文舒

Wang Chang 王昶 (d. 259), zi Wenshu 文舒

Three States period Wei writer.

Wang Chang’s ancestral home was Jinyang 晉陽 in Taiyuan 太原 (modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). During his youth he and Wang Ling 王淩 (172–251) were equally famous in Jinyang. When Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) was heir designate, Wang Chang served on his staff as an instructor and palace cadet. When Cao Pi assumed the Wei throne in 220, he appointed Wang Chang gentleman cavalier attendant. He then was appointed agriculture director for the capital of Luoyang, in which capacity he opening up additional land for cultivation. His next position was regional inspector of Yanzhou 兗州 (administrative seat Linqiu 廩丘, northeast of modern Echeng 鄂城, Shan- dong), where he met Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263). However, Ruan Ji refused to speak to Wang Chang for an entire day. In 230, Emperor Ming issued an edict ordering the recruitment of men of learning and talent. Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251) recommended Wang Chang. In the Zhengshi period (240–249) he was promoted to General Who Chastizes the South, and was given command over military affairs in Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat modern Xinye 新野, Henan) and Yuzhou 豫州 (modern Anhui). In 250, Sima Yi seized de facto control over the court, and Wang Chang presented various proposals concerning examinations and promoting frugality at the court. As a reward for a successful military expedition against Wu, Wang Chang was rewarded with the title of General-in-chief Who Chastizes the South and was granted the noble title of Marquis of Jingling. When in 255 Guanqiu Jian 毌丘儉 (d. 255) and Zhuge Dan 諸葛誕 (d. 258) staged a coup against Sima Yi, Wang Chang successfully led a force against them. He was then promoted to cavalry general. In 258, he was appointed minister of works. Wang Chang died in 259 at the age over seventy. He was buried east of Gongling 恭陵 in the Beimang Mountains north of Luoyang. Wang Chang’s son Wang Hun 王渾 (223–297) was a distinguished statesman. His grandson Wang Ji 王濟 (ca. 247–ca. 292) was a prominent writer and official during the Western Jin. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Wang Chang’s collected works in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun collects eight of his prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qian Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. While serving as regional inspector in Yan- zhou, Wang Chang composed over twenty essays on political thought titled Zhi lun 治論 (Disquisitions on government). He also wrote over ten essays on the military strategy of qi 奇 (surprise) and zheng 正 (directness). He wang chen 王沈 (d. 266), zi chudao 處道 1151 called these works Bing shu (Writings on warfare). He presented them to the imperial court in the Qinglong period (233–237). They have not survived. Wang Chang’s biography in the Sanguo zhi contains a long letter of moral instructions for his sons. He urged them to follow the model of Xu Gan 徐幹 (171–217/218) and Ren Gu 任嘏 (fl. 200).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dicidian, 23. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 73–74. Wang Bo 汪波. Wei Jin Beichao Bingzhou diqu yanjiu 魏晉北朝并州地區研究, 63. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2001. Wang Hongjun 王洪君. “Wei Jin shiqi Taiyuan Wangshi judi kao” 魏晉時期太原王氏居地考. Qi Lu xuekan 196 (2007): 39–44. De Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 805–6.

Works

a. “Jia jie” 家戒 (Family admonitions)

Translation Fang, Achilles. The Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, ed. Glen W. Baxter, 1: 508–9. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1952, 1965. Partial.

b. “Zou Wu Shu shizhuang” 奏吳蜀事狀 (Petition on the situation in Wu and Shu)

Translation Fang, Chronicle, 72.

DRK

Wang Chen 王沈 (d. 266), zi Chudao 處道

Wei-Jin period writer and historian.

Wang Chen’s ancestral home was Jinyang 晉陽 in Taiyuan 太原 commandery. His parents died when he was a young boy, and he was raised by his uncle Wang Chang 王昶 (d. 259). Wang Chen served Wang Chang with the same filial devotion he gave his father. He also was an assiduous student 1152 wang chen 王沈 (d. 266), zi chudao 處道 and excelled at writing. Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249) appointed him to his staff. Wang Chen was then promoted to vice director of the Chancellery. When Cao Shuang was executed in 249, Wang Chen was removed from his post on the grounds of long service to Cao. He later returned to office as secretarial censor, followed by an appointment as director of the palace library. In 255, he was promoted to cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, palace attendant, and put in charge of compilation. Together with Wei Dan 韋誕 (fl. 200–230), Ying Qu 應璩 (190–252), Xun Yi 荀顗 (205–274), and Ruan Ji 阮籍 (210–263) he compiled a history of the Wei. Wang Chen prepared the final version of this work. Cao Mao 曹髦 (241–260), the penultimate ruler of the Wei, had literary talent, and often hosted feasts where he composed literary pieces together with Wang Chen and Pei Xiu 裴秀 (224–271). Cao Mao called Wang Chen “Wenji xiansheng” 文籍先生 (Mister Letters and Books), and Pei Xiu, “Rulin zhangren” 儒林丈人 (Elder of the Grove of Learning). In 260, Cao Mao announced to Wang Chen and others that he planned to assassinate Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265), who held de facto power at the Wei court during this period. Wang Chen immdiately dashed off to inform Sima Zhao of the plot. Sima Zhao had Cao Mao put to death. Sima Zhao rewarded Wang Chen by promoting him to minister of the Department of State Affairs. He then was assigned as regional inspector of Yuzhou 豫州 (modern Henan). During his tenure in this office he earned praise for his able administration. In the late Wei period he returned to the court as censor-in-chief and director of the Imperial Secretariat. Wang Chen presented a petition to the throne recommending that Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) accede to the imperial throne of the Jin house. In the early Jin Wang Chen was honored as one of the founding statesmen of the Jin dynasty. He died in 266. Wang Chen is usually credited as the author of the Wei shu 魏書, a history of the Wei in forty juan. Although this work does not survive intact, numerous excerpts of it have been preserved. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Chen’s collected works in five juan. There is also a list of a collection of the same size in the Xin Tang shu. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun collects thirteen of his prose writings in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 15–16. Yan Aiping 閻愛萍. “Wang Chen yu Wei shu” 王沈與《魏書》. Cangsang (2002: 3): 49–50.

DRK wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任 1153

Wang Chen 王沈 (3rd cent.), zi Yanbo 彥伯

Western Jin writer.

Wang Chen’s natal place was Gaoping 高平 (south of modern Jining, Shan- dong). He came from a scholar-official family of low status designated as hansu 寒素 (literally ‘poor and plain’), and found himself maltreated by people from powerful and prestigious clans. The only position he could obtain was commandery instructor. To express his frustration at his situation, he composed “Shi shi lun” 釋時論 (Disquisition on explaining the times). Wang frames his disquistion as a dialogue between Dongye zhang ren 東野丈人 (Elder of the Eastern Fields) and Bingshi zhi zi 冰氏之子 (Son of the Ice Clan). Dongye zhangren lived as a recluse who supported himself plowing the fields. One day Bingshi daoren passed by Dongye zhangren’s abode. When asked where he was going, Bingshi daoren replied that he was on his way to a hall of blazing splendor (the imperial court). Dongye zhangren then tells him that the only way one can enter such a place is if one has “lustrous brightness” (a prestigious pedigree). For most of the rest of the piece, Wang Chen has Dongye zhangren expound on the undeserved power and privileges obtained by men from prestigious clans.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 16. Declerq, Dominik. Writing Against the State Political Rhetorics in Third & Fourth Century China, 151–58. Leiden: Brill, 1998.

DRK

Wang Chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi Zhongren 仲任

Eastern Han writer and thinker.

Wang Chong’s natal place was Shangyu 上虞 in Guiji 會稽 (modern Shangyu, Zhejiang). He is the author of the Lun heng 論衡 (Arguments weighed), one of the most important philosophical writings of the Han dynasty. There are two sources of information on Wang Chong’s life. The most detailed account is the final chapter of the Lun heng titled “Zi ji” 自紀 (Record of myself ). The other source is a short biography in the Hou 1154 wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任

Han shu (49.1629–30). His ancestors had originally lived in the north in Yuancheng 元城 (modern Yuancun 元村, Henan) in Wei commandery. As a reward for distinguished military service, one of his ancestors was rewarded with a small fief in Guiji. However, within a year he lost the fief, and he took up farming to make a living. Wang Chong’s great-grandfather, grandfather, and father were all irascible ruffians who became involved in feuds with other families. As a result of one of these feuds, his grandfather Wang Xun 王汛 moved to Qiantang 錢唐 (modern Hangzhou) where he made a living as a merchant. Wang Xun had two sons, Wang Meng 王蒙 and Wang Song 王誦. Wang Song is Wang Chong’s father. The sons became involved in a feud with several powerful families in Qiantang, and they moved to Shangyu, where Wang Chong was born in 27 c.e. Accord- ing to Wang Chong’s “Autobiography,” he did not join other children in fighting, killing sparrows, catching cicadas, playing with coins, or climbing trees. He was very courteous and studious, and learned to write characters at the age of six. However, his father died when he was only six. At the age of eight he attended a local school, where he was the star pupil. At the age of seventeen or eighteen (43–44) Wang Chong went to Luoyang to study at the national university. According to his biography in the Hou Han shu he studied with Ban Gu’s father Ban Biao 班彪 (3–54). However, Xu Fuguan has disputed this claim (see the bibliography below). Wang Chong did not have money to buy books, and he could only browse them in the book stalls in Luoyang. However, he reputedly had such a good memory, he could remember virtually anything that he had read, and thus he acquired a vast knowledge of texts. One branch of knowledge Wang Chong acquired in Luoyang was astronomy. The Lun heng contains several sections on astronomy. The chapter titled “Shuo ri” 說日 (Explaining the sun) deals with myths concerning the sun. Around 54, Wang Chong left the capital and took up a career in the local administration. His posts were all rather minor including that of administrator in the Labor Division ( gong cao 功曹). In 59, Wang Chong returned to Luoyang where he observed Emperor Ming’s ritual visit to the Biyong 辟雍 (Circular Moat) ritual hall. At this time he composed a work titled “Liu ru lun” 六儒論 (Discourse on the six types of scholars), which is no longer extant. Wang Chong eventually gave up his official career, and he returned home to Shangyu where he devoted himself full time to study and writing. In addition to the Lun heng, he composed two other works, Zheng wu 政務 (Conduct of government) and Yang xing 養性 (Nurturing life), neither of which is extant. According to Wang Chong’s biography in the Han shu, wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任 1155 he kept brush and book knife (used to erase bamboo strips and writing boards) by the windows, doors, and walls of his house so that he could always have access to writing implements. Wang Chong died in Shangyin around 100. Wang Chong probably composed the Lun heng over a long period of time. The earliest chapters date from the time he was in Luoyang. He composed the latest chapters near the end of his life. Wang Chong says that his main purpose in composing the Lun heng was “to show contempt for falsity and nonsense.” Wang Chong devotes much of the Lun heng to debunking what he considered to be the ridiculous and farfetched notions of his day. Three of the chapters concern “exaggerations” (zeng 增): “Yu zeng” 語增 (Verbal exaggerations), “Ru zeng” 儒增 (Exaggerations of scholars), and “Yi zeng” 藝增 (Exaggerations in the classics). There are nine chapters devoted to exposing what Wang Chong calls xu 虛 or “falsehoods.” For example, in “Shu xu” 書虛 (Falsehoods in written accounts) Wang Chong argues that the accounts of Yao and Shun having died in the south are wrong. He also disputes the myth that the tidal bores in Zhejiang were caused by the spirit of Wu Zixu. Wang Chong was highly critical of many hallowed traditions, including those of the Ruist school. In two chapters of the Lun heng, “Wen Kong” 問孔 (Questioning Confucius) and “Ci Meng” 刺孟 (Criticizing Mencius), he criticizes both Confucius and Mencius. Wang Chong also questions the conventional theory that natural disasters and anomalous events are evidence of heaven’s displeasure with the emperor’s conduct of government. He devotes two chapters, “Bian xu” 變虛 (Falsity of prodigies) and “Yi xu” 異虛 (Falsity of anomalies) to this issue. Wang Chong also was skeptical of the belief in immortals and ghosts. See his chapters titled “Dao xu” 道虛 (Falsehoods of the Daoists), “Lun si” 論死 (On death), “Si wei” 死偽 (Fabrications about death), “Ji yao” 紀妖 (Accounts about demons), and “Ding gui” 訂鬼 (Evaluating ghosts). The style of the Lun heng is very lively, and Wang Chong deliberately tried to write clearly and simply. In autobiography he writes the following about his style: “The nature of the hoi polloi is to crave advancement and disdain withdrawal, to curry favor with the successful and discard the fail- ures. When I was promoted and holding office, everyone swarmed around me like ants, but now that I have left office and live in poverty, old friends have abandoned me. In order to record the lack of gratitude among the hoi polloi, I have written in my leisure Ji su 譏俗 (Ridiculing the vulgar) and Jie yi 節義 (Integrity and morality) in twelve chapters. I hope that the hoi polloi will after reading these works awaken to their folly, and thus I have written in a forthright, direct style using ordinary language.” The Lun heng 1156 wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任 even shows evidence of being a more faithful representation of the spoken language of his time than any other Han writer. See Bernhard Karlgren, “Excursions in Han Grammar,” BMFEA 23 (1952): 107–33. Wang Chong also has extended remarks about the issue of the “creation” of writings and how he views his role with respect to the tradition of the sages who “created” rather than simply transmitted. Wang claims that his role is neither that of a creator or a transmitter, but rather a critic who composed lun 論 “critical discourses.” Another conventional notion that Wang Chong challenged is the view that the past is superior to the present. The common view among most Han thinkers is that antiquity was a golden age of perfect order and peace. Wang Chong challenged this idea in several chapters of the Lun heng. For example, at the beginning of “Wen Kong,” he faults the scholars of his time for thinking that the views of the ancients are more profound than the thinkers of the present. In the chapter titled “Qi shi” 齊世 (Treating all ages as equal) Wang Chong rejects the notion that people of antiquity were better looking, stronger, and lived longer than people of the present. He argues that the era of the Han in which he lived is as good as that of the ideal ages of antiquity. He follows with four chapters in which he provides evidence for the greatness of the Han, especially the reigns of the first three Eastern Han emperors whom he praises as the equal of the sage rulers of remote antiquity. The received version of the Lun heng consists of eighty-five chapters in thirty juan. One chapter, no. 44, titled “Zhao zhi” 招致, has no text. Schol- ars have debated whether the Lun heng originally contained a hundred or more chapters (Wang Chong mentions in his autobiography that his work “is just a hundred chapters”). Some scholars have argued that several of the chapters are not by Wang Chong, but were inserted by later editors. Fre- quently mentioned examples are “Wen Kong” and “Ci Meng,” which are considered inauthentic on the grounds that he would not have written such critical remarks about Confucius and Mengzi. However, this argument has not been widely accepted, for one of the core ideas associated with Wang Chong is his skepticism of ideas associated with iconic figures. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Lun heng in twenty-nine juan. The two Tang histories record a thirty-juan version. Almost all received editions are in thirty juan. The earliest known printing was made by Yang Wenchang 楊文昌 in Qingli 5 (1045) of the North- ern Song. This does not survive but may be the same as an complete edition preserved in Kyoto at the Kunaichō Shoryōbu. The Yang Wenchang printing served as the basis for most subsequent printings, notably the wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任 1157

Tongjin caotang 通津草堂 printing at the Tongjin caotang 通津草堂 of Su Xianke 蘇獻可 in 1535. One page was missing from the “Lei hai” 累害 chapter. This served as the basis for almost all of the printings in the Ming and Qing.

Bibliography

Lun heng 論衡 (Arguments weighed)

Texts and Commentaries Lun heng 論衡. 25 juan. Song Guangzong period (1189–1194) printing held by Kunaichō Shoryōbu 宫內庁書陵部, Kyoto, Japan. Missing juan 26–30. Lun heng 論衡. 30 juan. Shaoxing fu 紹興府, Song Qiandao 3 (1167) printing. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Photoreproduction in Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2006. Lun heng 論衡. 30 juan. Su Xianke 蘇獻可, Tongjin caotang 通津草堂, Ming Jiajing 14 (1535). Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Lun heng 論衡. 30 juan. Han Wei congshu of Cheng Rong 程榮, Wanli 20 (1592). Lun heng 論衡. 30 juan. Chongwen shuju 崇文書局, Qing Guangxu 1 (1875). Lun heng 論衡. 30 juan. Sibu congkan. Photoreproduction of Tongjin caotang 通津草堂 ed. (1535). Lun heng 論衡. 30 juan. Sibu beiyao. Rpt. of a Ming edition. Sun Renhe 孫人和, ed. and comm. Lun heng juzheng 論衡舉正. Peiping, typeset printing, 1924; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1975; Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1990. Liu Wendian 劉文典, ed. Lun heng jiaobu 論衡斠補. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1928. Liu Pansui 劉盼遂, ed. and comm. “Lun heng jiaojian”《論衡》校箋. Beiping tushu guan guankan 8.5 (1934): 89–136; 8.6 (1934): 41–86. Huang Hui 黃暉, ed. and comm. Lun heng jiaoshi 論衡校釋. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1938; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990. Liu Pansui 劉盼遂, ed. and comm. Lun heng jijie 論衡集解. Beijing: Guji chubanshe, 1957; rpt. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1964; Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1990. Qiu Xigui 裘錫圭. “Lun heng zhaji”《論衡》札記. Wen shi 5 (1978): 225–47; rpt. Qiu Xigui. Gudai wenshi yanjiu xintan 古代文史研究新探, 105–41. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992. Chen Ligui 陳麗桂. “Wang Chong” 王充. In Wang Shounan 王壽南, ed. Zhongguo lidai sixiangjia 中國歷代思想家, 215–421. Taipei: Jiusi chubanshe, 1978. Beijing daxue lishixi Lun heng zhushi xiaozu 北京大學歷史系論衡注釋小組, ed. and comm. Lun heng zhushi 論衡注釋. 4 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979. Wu Chengshi 吳承仕. Lun heng jiaoshi 論衡校釋. Beijing: Beijing shifan daxue chubanshe, 1986. Chen Pu 陳蒲, punc. and coll. Lun heng 論衡. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1991. Yang Baozhong 楊寶忠, ed. and comm. Lun heng jiaojian 論衡校箋. Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. 1158 wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任

Xiao Dengfu 蕭登福, ed. and comm. Xinbian Lun heng 新編論衡. Taipei: Taiwan guji, 2000. Zhang Zongxian 張宗祥, ed. and comm. Lun heng jiaozhu 論衡校注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2010. Ma Zonghuo 馬宗霍, ed. and comm. Lun heng jiaodu jianshi 論衡校讀箋識. Bei- jing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010.

Concordances and Indexes Zhong Fa Hanxue yanjiusuo 中法漢學研究所, ed. Lun heng tongjian 論衡通檢. Beiping, 1943; rpt. Taipei: Chengwen chubanshe, 1968. Katō Jōken 加藤常賢 and Shigesawa Toshio 重沢俊郎, ed.-in-chief. Yamada Katsumi 山田勝美, ed. Ronkō jirui sakuin 論衡事類索引. Tokyo: Daitō bunka kenkyūjo, 1960. Katō Jōken 加藤常賢 and Shigesawa Toshio 重沢俊郎, ed.-in-chief. Yamada Kat- sumi 山田勝美, ed. Ronkō koyū meishi sakuin: tsuketari Kunaichō Shoryōbu zō Sō-hon kōkanki 論衡固有名詞索引: 附宫內庁書陵部蔵宋本校勘記. Tokyo: Daitō bunka kenkyūjo, 1961. Lun heng zhuzi suoyin 論衡逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1996.

Dictionary Shi Yongle 時永樂 and Wang Jingming 王景明, ed. Lun heng cidian 論衡詞典. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2005.

Translations Forke, Alfred. “Lun-heng: Part I Philosophical essays of Wang Ch’ung” and “Part II Miscellaneous essays of Wang Ch’ung. Mitteilungen des Seminars für orientalische Sprachen 9 (1906): 181–400; 10 (1907): 1–172; 11 (1908): 1–188. Forke, Alfred. Lun-heng: Part I Philosophical essays of Wang Ch’ung; Part II Mis- cellaneous essays of Wang Ch’ung. 2 vols. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh; London: Luzac; Leipzig: Harrassowitz, 1907, 1911. Rpt. New York: Paragon Book Gallery, 1962. Zuffrey, Nicolas. Discussions critiques par Wang Chong. Paris: Gallimard, 1997.

Baihua Translations Huang Zhongye 黃中頁 and Chen Enlin 陳恩琳, comm. and trans. Lun heng xuanyi 論衡選譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1990; rpt. Taipei: Jinhua chubanshe, 1993. Yuan Huazhong 袁華忠 and Fang Jiachang 方家常, ed. and trans. Lun heng quanyi 論衡全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1993. Han Fuzhi 韓復智, comm. and trans. Lun heng jinzhu jinyi 論衡今注今譯. Taipei: Guoli bianyiguan, 2005. wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任 1159

Japanese Translations Ōtaki Kazuo 大滝雄, trans. Ronkō: Kandai no itanteki shisō 論衡：漢代の異端的思想. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1965. Yamada Katsumi 山田勝美, trans. Ronkō 論衡. Shinshaku Kanbun taikei 68–69, 94. 3 vols. Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1976–1984. Watamoto Mako 綿本誠, trans. Ronkō 論衡. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1983.

Studies Liu Pansui 劉盼遂. “Lun heng zhu shanyao” 論衡注刪要. Beijing tushuguan yuekan 3.4 (1929): 475–78. Hu Shih 胡適. “Wang Chong de Lun heng” 王充的《論衡》. Xiandai xuesheng 1.4 (1931): 1–4; 1.6 (1931: 1–7); 1.8 (1931: 1–12; 1.9 (1931): 1–11. Liu Pansui 劉盼遂. “Lun heng pianshu canyi kao” 論衡篇數殘佚考. Beijing tushu guan yuekan 8.5–6 (1934). Rong Zhaozu 容肇祖. “Lun heng zhong wu weipian kao” 論衡中無偽篇考. Shang- hai dagong bao shidi zhoukan 91 (1936); rpt. in Rong Zhaozu. Rong Zhaozu ji 容肇祖集, 97–104. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1989. Hsiao Kung-chuan 蕭公權. “Wang Chong Lun heng” 王充論衡. Zhongguo zhengzhi sixiang shi 中國政治思想史, 64–68. Taipei: Guoli bianyiguan, 1946; rpt. Zhong- guo zhengzhi sixiangshi, 369–88. Taipei: Linjiang wenhua shiye gongsi, 1982. English translation Frederick W. Mote. Kung-chuan Hsiao. A History of Chinese Political Thought. Volume One: From the Beginnings to the Sixth Century A.D., 582–601. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1979. Petrov, A. A. Van chun, drevnekitaiskii materialist i prosvetitel (Wang Chong, a materialist and enlightener of ancient China). Moscow: Izd-vo Akademii nauk SSR, 1954; Chinese translation by Li Shi 李時. Wang Chong: Zhongguo gudai de weiwu zhuyizhe he qimeng sixiangjia 王充: 中國古代的唯物主義者和啟蒙思想家. Beijing: Kexue chubanshe, 1956. Satō Kyōgen 佐藤匡玄. “Ronkō no henji” 論衡の篇次. Tōhōgaku 8 (1954): 38–45. Leslie, Donald. “Contribution to a New Translation of the Lun Heng.” T’oung Pao 23 (1956): 107–35. Guan Feng 關鋒. Wang Chong zhexue sixiang yanjiu 王充哲學思想研究. Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1957. Zheng Wen 鄭文. Wang Chong zhexue chu tan 王充哲學初探. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1958. Tian Changwu 田昌五. Wang Chong ji qi Lun heng 王充及其論衡. Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1958. Hsu Tao-lin 徐道麟. “Wang Chong lun” 王充論. Donghai xuebao 3.1 (1961): 197–215. Zhu Qianzhi 朱謙之. “Wang Chong zhushu kao” 王充著述考. Wenshi (1962: 10): 241–54; rpt. in Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡. Wang Chong juan, 80–102. Pokora, Timoteus. “The Necessity of More Thorough Study of Philosopher Wang Ch’ung and of His Predecessors.” Archiv Orientální 30 (1962): 231–53. Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡. Wang Chong de wenxue lilun 王充的文學理論. Beijing: Zhong hua shuju, 1962; rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980. 1160 wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任

Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡. “Lun Wang Chong de Yang xing zhi shu” 論王充的《養性》之書. Hangzhou daxue xuebao (1963: 2); rpt. in Wang Chong juan, 102–15. Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡. “Lun Wang Chong de Zheng wu zhi shu” 論王充的《政務》之書. Hangzhou daxue xuebao (1963: 10); rpt. in Wang Chong juan, 115–28. Pokora, Timoteus. “Two Recently Commented Editions of the Lun-heng.” Archiv Orientální 34 (1966): 593–601. Chen Gong 陳拱. Wang Chong sixiang pinglun 王充思想評論. Taizhong: Donghai daxue chubanshe, 1968; rpt. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1996. Pokora, Timoteus. “Works of Wang Ch’ung.” Archiv Orientální 36 (1968): 122–34. T’ien Tsung-yao 田宗堯. “Wang Chong Lun heng yanjiu” 王充論衡研究. M.A. thesis, Furen daxue, 1970. Tian Changwu 田昌五. Wang Chong: gudai de zhandou weiwulunzhe 王充：古代的戰鬥唯物論者. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1973. Chu Wenjuan 褚文鵑. Wang Chong Lun heng yanjiu 王充論衡研究. Taipei: Zhong- yang tushu chubanshe, 1974 Huang Kuo-an 黃國安. Wang Chong sixiang zhi xingcheng ji qi Lun heng 王充思想之形成及其論衡. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1975. Hsu Fu-kuan 徐復觀. “Wang Chong lunkao” 王充論考. Liang Han sixiang shi 兩漢思想史, 41–79. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1975. Tian Changwu. “Wang Ch’ung: An Ancient Chinese Militant Materialist.” Chinese Studies in Philosophy 7 (Fall-Winter 1975–1976): 4–198. Huang Yun-sheng 黃雲生. Wang Chong jiaoyu sixiang lun 王充教育思想論. Gao xiong: San xin chubanshe, 1977. Li Tao-hsien 李道顯. “Lun Wang Chong zhi shengping yu zuopin” 論王充之生平與作品. Taibei shizhuan xuebao (1977: 6): 85–95. P’an Ch’ing-fang 潘清芳. “Wang Chong yanjiu” 王充研究. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 22 (1978): 583–718. Xu Min 徐敏. Wang Chong zhexue sixiang tansuo 王充哲學思想探索. Beijing: San- lian shudian, 1979. T’ien Tsung-yao 田宗堯. “Wang Chong pingjia zhi yi—Wang Chong ji qi suochu de shidai” 王充評價之一—王充及其所處的時代. Shumu jikan 14. 1 (1980): 27–37. T’ien Tsung-yao 田宗堯. “Lishi shang de Wang Chong” 歷史上的王充. Youshi xuezhi 16.2 (1980): 13–35. Tian Changwu 田昌五. “Wang Chong” 王充. In Zhongguo gudai zhuming zhexuejia pingzhuan 中國古代著名哲學家評傳. Fang Litian 方立天 and Yu Shoukui 于首奎, ed., 93–150. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1980. Satō Kyōgen 佐藤匡玄. Ronkō no kenkyū 論衡の研究. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1981. Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡. “Shilun sanshi nian lai Wang Chong de yanjiu gongzuo” 試論三十年來王充的研究工作. Xuexi yu tansuo (1981: 2): 126–32. Ch’en Shu-liang 陳叔良. Wang Chong sixiang tixi 王充思想體系. Taipei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1982. Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡. Wang Chong juan 王充卷. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou shuhua she, 1983. Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡 and Teng Fuhai 滕福海. “Wang Chong” 王充. In Lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan 歷代著名文學家評傳, 161–76. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1983. Zhong Zhaopeng 鍾肇鵬. Wang Chong nianpu 王充年譜. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1983. wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任 1161

Li Daoxian 李道顯. Wang Chong wenxue piping ji qi yingxiang 王充文學批評及其影響. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1984. Feng Youlan 馮友蘭. Zhongguo zhexueshi xinbian 中國哲學史新編, 257–316. Beijing: Beijing renmin cubanshe, 1985. Li Weitai 李偉泰. Han chu xueshu ji Wang Chong Lun heng shu lungao 漢初學術及王充論衡述論稿. Taipei: Chang’an chubanshe, 1985. Hsieh Chao-ch’ing 謝朝清. Wang Chong zhixue fangfa yanjiu 王充治學方法研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1986. Ch’en Cheng-hsiung 陳正雄. Wang Chong xueshu sixiang shuping 王充學術思想述評. Taipei: Wen jin chubanshe, 1987. Tien Feng-t’ai 田鳳台. Wang Chong sixiang xilun 王充思想析論. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1988. Reed, Carrie E. “Tigers and Insects: Wang Chong on Heaven-man Interaction.” M.A. Thesis, University of Washington, 1989. Tian Changwu 田昌武. Lun heng daodu 論衡導讀. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1989. Zhou Guidian 周桂鈿. “Wang Chong shengping kaobian—jianping Xu Fuguan ‘Wang Chong lunkao’ ” 王充生平考辨—兼評徐復觀「王充論考」. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 129 (1990): 29–50. Lin Li-hsueh 林麗雪. Wang Chong 王充. Taipei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1991. Pokora, Timoteus and Michael Loewe. “Lun heng.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bib- liographical Guide, Michael Loewe, ed., 309–12. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of Cali- fornia, Berkeley, 1993. Zhou Guidian 周桂鈿. Wang Chong pingzhuan 王充評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1993. Kim Chong-mi 金鍾美. Tian, ren he Wang Chong wenxue sixiang: yi Wang Chong wenxue sixiang tong tian ren lianxi sixiang guanxi wei zhongxin 天、人和王充文學思想：以王充文學思想同天人聯系思想關係為中心. Beijing: Shehui kexue wen xian chubanshe, 1994. Zufferey, Nicolas. “Quelques Questions à propos de la biographie de Wang Chong (27–97?).” Journal asiatique 282.1 (1994): 165–200. Zufferey, Nicolas. Wang Chong (27–97?): connaissance politique et vérité en Chine ancienne. Bern: Peter Lang, 1995. Zuffery, Nicolas. “Pourquoi Wang Cong critique-t-il Confcucius?” Études chinoises 14.1 (1995): 25–53. Lanciotti, Lionello. Wang Chong l’iconoclasta. Venice: Cafoscarina, 1997. Pokora, Timoteus. “Wang Ch’ung.” In The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, Volume 2. William H. Nienhauser, Jr., ed., 176–78. Bloom- ington: Indiana University Press, 1998. Li Weiwu 李維武. Wang Chong yu Zhongguo wenhua 王充與中國文化. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 2000. Zongfan 踪凡. “Shilun Wang Chong de Han fu guan” 試論王充的漢賦觀. Shehui kexue yanjiu (2002: 2): 143–46. Deng Hong 鄧紅. Wang Chong xin ba lun 王充新八論. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2003. Xu Bin 徐斌. Lun heng zhi ren: Wang Chong zhuan 論衡之人：王充傳. Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 2005. 1162 wang chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.), zi zhongren 仲任

Puett, Michael. “Listening to Sages: Divination, Omens, and the Rhetoric of Antiq- uity in Wang Chong’s Lunheng.” Oriens Extremus 45 (2005–2006): 271–81. Wang Huiyu 王惠玉. Wang Chong wenxue sixiang yanjiu 王充文學思想研究. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2007. Ōkubo Takao 大久保隆郎. Ōjū shisō no shosō 王充思想の諸相. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2010. Richter, Antje. “Wang Chong.” Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 199–205. Detroit: Gale, 2011.

DRK

Wang Chong 王崇, zi Youyuan 幼遠

Three States period Shu, Western Jin historian and writer.

Wang Chong’s natal place was Qi 郪 in Guanghan 廣漢 (southeast of modern Zhongjiang 中江, Sichuan). He was broadly learned, and known for his generous and affable manner. He was a member of the Eastern Institute in Shu. After the Jin conquest of Shu in 263, he was appointed administrative aide in Liangzhou 梁州 (administrative seat, modern Hanzhong, Shaanxi). Ca. 271, he went to Luoyang with other Shu natives including Li Mi 李密 (224–ca. 287) and Chen Shou 陳壽 (233–297). He served as governor of Shangyong 上庸 (modern Zhushan 竹山, Hubei) and Shu commandery 蜀郡 (modern Chengdu). Wang Chong compiled the Shu shu 蜀書 (His- tory of the Shu). This work has long been lost, but it reputedly was quite different from the history of Shu compiled by Chen Shou for the Sanguo zhi. He also wrote several dozen lyric poems and fu, but none of these pieces has survived.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacician, 29.

DRK

Wang Cuo 王瑳 (fl. 570–601)

Chen dynasty writer.

Wang Cuo’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Shangdong). During the reign of Emperor Houzhu (582–589), he wang dan 王誕 (375–413), zi maoshi 茂世 1163 served as gentleman cavalier attendant. In 589, Emperor Houzhu was captured by Yang Jian 楊堅 (541–604), founder of the Sui dynasty. When the Sui replaced the Chen, Yang Jian’s son, Yang Guang 楊廣 (569–618), Prince of Jin 晉, executed five Chen court officials. Wang Cuo survived because no one had any knowledge of his crimes. When he and other three court officials, Kong Fan 孔範 (n.d.), Wang Yi 王儀 (n.d.), and Shen Guan 沈瓘 (n.d.) arrived in Chang’an, their misdeeds were revealed. Yang Jian called them the Four Criminals and sent them into exile. According to the Nan shi, Wang Cuo was “mean and greedy, and was jealous of the talented.” Wang Cuo has three poems extant: “Zhe yangliu” 折楊柳 (Breaking the willow branch), “Luoyang dao” 洛陽道 (Road to Luoyang) and “Chang xiangsi” 長相思 (Eternal lovesickness), which are preserved in the Wenyuan yinghua, Yuefu shiji, and Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 33.

TPK

Wang Dan 王誕 (375–413), zi Maoshi 茂世

Late Eastern Jin literatus.

Wang Dan’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His father was Wang Hun 王混 who served as chamberlain for ceremonials in the Eastern Jin. Wang Dan’s younger cousin Wang Hong 王弘 (379–432) was an important statesman in the early Liu-Song period. Wang Dan inherited, presumably from his father, the noble title of Earl of Zhixiang. Wang Dan began his official career as assistant in the imperial library. He then was assigned as instructor for the Prince of Langye and an officer in the Personnel Evaluation Section of the capital army. In 400, Sima Yuanxian 司馬元顯 (382–402), son of Sima Daozi 司馬道子 (364–403), who had imperial ambitions, established a rear army administration. Wang Dan was appointed to the Personnel Evaluation Section. He subsequently went to the imperial court where he served as director of the Personnel Section of the Department of State Affairs, but continued to serve as an administrator in the rear army. He also held the post of governor of Lujiang 廬江 (administrative seat Shu 舒 county, modern Shucheng 舒城, Anhui). 1164 wang dan 王誕 (375–413), zi maoshi 茂世

After Sima Yuanxian was defeated and killed by Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369– 404) in April 402, Wang Dan was sent to the remote region of Guangzhou 廣州 (administrative seat modern Guangzhou). In 404, when Lu Xun 盧循 (d. 411) occupied Guangzhou, he appointed Wang Dan an administrator on his staff. He was soon allowed to return to the capital. Wang Dan eventually joined the entourage of Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422), the future founder of the Liu-Song dynasty, first as an adviser and then senior administrator. Wang Dan worked indefagitably for Liu Yu. In 410, he strongly urged Liu Yu to launch an expedition against Lu Xun, who had revolted in Guangzhou. In 411, Liu Yu appointed Wang Dan administrator of Wu princedom, but had to resign to observe mourning for his mother. In 412, while still wearing mourning garb, he joined Liu Yu in his campaign against Liu Yi 劉毅 (d. 412), a former ally of Liu Yu’s, who had established a power base in Jingzhou (administrative seat, Jiangling). Wang Dan died in 413 at the age of thirty-nine. The monograph on bibliography of theSui shu lists Wang Dan’s collected works in two juan. This was lost already in the Tang. Wang Dan was a skilled writer. In 396, his cousin Wang Xun 王珣 (349–400) was assigned to compose a lament for the deceased Emperor Xiaowu (r. 372–396). He had written many lines, but he had failed to write lines on the season. He showed the draft to Wang Dan, who took up a brush and dashed off two lines for him. Only one of Wang Dan’s writings has survived, an offering Wang Dan composed before Liu Yu set off on his military expedition against the Southern Yan capital of Guanggu 廣固 (northwest of modern Qingzhou, Shandong) in 409.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 19.

DRK

Wang De 王德

Northern Wei poet.

Nothing is known about Wang De’s life. Only one of his poems, “Chun ci” 春詞 (Spring song), is extant. It is included in the Gushi leiyuan 古詩類苑, an anthology compiled in the Ming by Zhang Zhixiang 張之象 (1507–1587), and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. wang du 王度 (fl. 334–349) 1165

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 42.

TPK

Wang Du 王度 (fl. 334–349)

Later Zhao literatus.

Wang Du’s ancestral home was Taiyuan 太原 (modern Shanxi). Very little is known about his life. The biography of Fotudeng 佛圖澄 (232–348) in the Jin shu mentions that during the Later Zhao period he served as editorial director during the reign of Shi Hu 石虎 (295–349). Fotudeng was a Bud- dhist monk from Kucha. Through his influence, Shi Hu made Buddhism the virtual state religion in Zhao. Buddhist monks were involved in many of the activities of the Zhao court. During Shu Hu’s reign, Fotudeng was allowed to establish numerous Buddhist monasteries. On one occasion, Shi Hu asked his court officials whether non-officials should be allowed to worship Buddha, and whether there were too many Buddhist monks in the realm. Wang Du presented a petition to Shi Hu arguing that Buddhism should be abolished on the grounds it is a foreign religion that does not conform to traditional Chinese beliefs and customs. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists the Er Shi zhuan 二石傳 (Accounts of the Two Shis) and Er Shi weizhi shi shi 二石偽治時事 (Events of the period of the illegitimate rule of the Two Shis) under the name of Wang Du of the Jin period. This is probably not the same Wang Du as the Wang Du who served at the Later Zhao court. It is also not certain to which Wang Du the Wang Du ji 王度集 (Collected works of Wang Du) mentioned in the Sui shu monograph on bibliography belongs. Which Wang Du composed the “Shan shang ming” 扇上銘 (Inscription on a fan) included in the Chu xue ji also is uncertain.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and She Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 22. 1166 wang du 王度 (fl. 334–349)

Works

a. “Zou jin feng Fo” 奏禁奉佛 (Petition to ban the worship of Buddha)

Translation Wright, Arthur Frederick. “Fo-t’u-teng: A Biography.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 11.3/4 (1948): 355–56.

TPK

Wang Fengzhi 王豐之 (mid-fourth century)

Eastern Jin poet.

Little is known of Wang Fengzhi’s life. In 353, Wang Fengzhi participated in the Lan ting 蘭亭 gathering of literati hosted by Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361; alt. 303–36) on the third day of the third lunar month of 353 in the scenic Guiji 會稽 area of Zhejiang. This is his only extant work.

TPK

Wang Fu 王符 (ca. 79–165), zi Jiexin 節信

Eastern Han philosopher and political thinker.

Wang Fu’s natal place was Linjing 臨涇 in Anding 安定 commandery (modern Zhenyuan 鎮原, Gansu). Wang Fu’s mother was a concubine, and thus he was not regarded highly in his home area. However, already in his youth he acquired considerable learning. He eventually went to Luoyang, where he became friends with Ma Rong 馬融 (79–166), Dou Zhang 竇章 (d. 144), Zhang Heng (78–139), and Cui Yuan 崔瑗 (78–143). He also met the famous general Huangfu Gui 皇甫規 (104–174) upon his return to Anding in 145. According to his biography in the Hou Han shu, Wang Fu had an honest and straightforward nature, and did not get along well in the world. He was not appointed to an official position, and felt great anger at the injustice of this. He lived to the end of his life in reclusion and devoted himself to writing a work of some thirty juan. Because he did not wish to have has name known, he titled it Qianfu lun 潛夫論 (Discourses of a hidden man). Wang Fu wrote the Qianfu lun over a long period of time. Zhang Jue has argued that the most likely time of composition is between 107 and 140. wang fu 王符 (ca. 79–165), zi jiexin 節信 1167

Wang Fu’s ideas are strongly influenced by Wang Chong 王充 (27–post 100 c.e.). Like Wang Chong, Wang Fu had doubts about the idea that human life is determined by heaven’s fate and that ghosts do harm to people. He also ridiculed spirit mediums and sorcerers. Wang Fu criticized extravagance and conspicuous consumption. He especially opposed lavish funerals and weddings. Wang Fu also wrote chapters on divination, physiognomy, and dream interpretation. A major theme that pervades the entire work is the idea that good government depends primarily on the selection of worthy men for office. He even goes so far to assert that during his time official posts were not occupied by truly worthy persons. Wang Fualso wrote several chapters on border defense. The Qianfu lun probably was already known in Wang Fu’s time, for Huangfu Gui seems to have known that Wang had written such a work. Fan Ye includes five chapters of the Qianfu lun in Wang Fu’s biography in the Hou Han shu. This suggests that a text of the Qianfu lun circulated as early as the Liu-Song period. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu along with the two Tang histories list the Qianfu lun in ten juan. Chao Gongwu’s 晁公武 Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 of the twelfth century also records a ten-juan edition, perhaps indicating that Song printings of the Qianfu lun were similar to the manuscript versions recorded in earlier catalogues. However, no Song printing of the Qianfu lun has survived. The earliest extant printings are all from the Ming.

Bibliography

Editions and Commentaries Qianfu lun 潛夫論. 10 juan. Facsimile of a Song edition made by Feng Shu 馮舒 (b. 1593). Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Qianfu lun 潛夫論. 10 juan. In Hu Weixin 胡維新 (jinshi 1559), ed. Liangjing yibian 兩經遺編. Ming Wanli 10 (1582) printing. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. See also Liangjing yibian 兩經遺編, 12–13. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937. Qianfu lun 潛夫論. 10 juan. Han Wei congshu 漢魏叢書. Cheng Rong 程榮, ed. 1592. Qianfu lun 潛夫論. 10 juan. Guang Han Wei congshu 廣漢魏叢書. He Yunzhong 何允中, ed. Qianfu lun 潛夫論. 10 juan. Siku quanshu. Qianfu lun 潛夫論. 10 juan. Zengding Han Wei congshu 增訂漢魏叢書. Wang Mo 王謨, ed. 1791. Wang Jipei 汪繼培 (b. 1775), ed. and comm. Qianfu lun jian 潛夫論箋. 10 juan. Huhai lou congshu 胡海樓叢書 (1817). Wang Jipei 汪繼培 (b. 1775), comm. Peng Duo 彭鐸, ed. and punc. Qianfu lun jian 潛夫論箋. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979. Wang Jipei 汪繼培 (b. 1775), comm. Peng Duo 彭鐸, ed. and punc. Qianfu lun jian jiaozheng 潛夫論箋校正. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2010. 1168 wang fu 王符 (ca. 79–165), zi jiexin 節信

Qianfu lun 潛夫論. 10 juan. Zishu baijia 子書百家. Hubei Chongwen shuju, 1875. Qianfu lun 潛夫論. 10 juan. Sibu congkan. Photoreproduction of a Ming facsimile of a Song edition printed by Feng Shu 馮舒. Once held in the Shugu tang 述古堂 of Qian Zeng 錢曾 (1629–1701). Hu Chusheng 胡楚生, ed. and comm. “Qianfu lun jiaoshi” 潛夫論校釋. Ph.D. dissertation, Nanyang daxue Zhongwen yanjiusuo, 1975–1976. Hu Chusheng 胡楚生, ed. and comm. Qianfu lun jiaoshi 潛夫論校釋. Taipei: Ding wen shuju, 1979. Zhang Guangbao 張廣保, comm. Qianfu lun: Quanwen zhushi ben 潛夫論：全文注釋本. Beijing: Hua Xia chubanshe, 2002. Zhang Jue 張覺, ed. and comm. Qianfu lun jiaozhu 潛夫論校注. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2008. Wang Jian 王建, comm. Qianfu lun 潛夫論. Kaifeng: Henan daxue chubanshe, 2008.

Translations Pearson, Margaret J. Wang Fu and the Comments of a Recluse. Tempe: Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1989. Kamenarović, Ivan P. Wang Fu: propos d’un erimite (Qianfu lun); introduction et traduction du chinois. Paris: Editions du cerf, 1992. Kinney, Anne Behnke. The Art of the Han Essay: Wang Fu’s Ch’ien‑fu lun. Tempe: Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1992.

Baihua Translations Hu Dajun 胡大浚, Li Zhongli 李仲立, and Li Deqi 李德奇, trans. and comm. Wang Fu Qianfu lun yizhu 王符《潛夫論》譯注. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1991. Wang Ning 王寧, ed. Pingxi ben baihua Yantie lun Qianfu lun 評析本白話鹽鐵論潛夫論. Beijing: Beijing guangbo xueyuan chubanshe, 1992. Peng Bingchen 彭丙成, comm. and trans. Xin yi Qianfu lun 新譯潛夫論. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1998. Zhang Jue 張覺, comm. and trans. Qianfu lun quanyi 潛夫論全譯. 2 vols. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1999. Wang Bolin 王柏林, ed. and trans. Qianfu lun duben 潛夫論讀本. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 2004.

Concordance Qianfu lun zhuzi suoyin 潛夫論逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1995.

Studies Liang Chaowei 梁朝威. “Qianfu lun de zuozhe”《潛夫論》的作者. Qinghua zhoukan 314 (1924). Gu Jiegang 顧頡剛. “Qianfu lun zhong de wude xitong” 潛夫論中的五德系統. Shixue jikan 3 (1937): 73–96. wang fu 王符 (ca. 79–165), zi jiexin 節信 1169

Mori Kumao 森熊南. “Ō Fu Sanfu ron zakkō: Kandai no chishikijin” 王符「潛夫論」雜考：漢代の知識人. Okayama daigaku kenkyū shūroku 52 (1939): 13–21. Balazs, Etienne. Chinese Civilization and Bureaucracy, 198–205. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984. Jin Fagen 金發根. “Wang Fu shengzu niansui de kaozheng ji Qianfu lun xieding shijian de tuilun” 王符生卒年年歲的考證及潛夫論寫定時間的推論.” Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology, Academia Sinica 40.2 (1969): 781–99. Kanaya Osamu 金谷治. “Gokanmatsu no shisōkatachi—toku ni Ō Fu to Chūchō Tō” 後漢末思想家—特王符仲長統. In Fukui hakushi shōju kinen Tōyō bunka ronshū 福井博士頌壽記念東洋文化論集, Fukui hakushi shōju kinen ronbunshū kankōkai 福井博士頌壽記念論文集刊行會, ed., 287–302. Tokyo: Waseda daigaku, 1972. Liu Jihua 劉季華. Wang Fu yu Qianfu lun 王符與潛夫論. Taipei: Shi ji shuju, 1977. He Lingxu 賀凌虛. “Wang Fu de shengping zhuzuo ji qi jiben guannian” 王符的生平著作及其基本觀念. Shumu jikan 12.1–2 (1978): 3–19. Liu Shunxun 劉樹勛. “Wang Fu shengzu nian he zhuzuo kao” 王符生卒年和著作考. Zhongguo zhexueshi yanjiu jikan 2 (1982): 188–97. Xu Pingzhang 徐平章. Wang Fu Qianfu lun sixiang tan wei 王符潛夫論思想探微. Yonghe shi: Wenjin chubanshe, 1982. Huang Shengxiong 黃盛雄. Wang Fu sixiang yanjiu 王符思想研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1982. Pearson, Margaret. “The Worthy Unemployed: A Study of the Political Thought in the Comments of a Recluse (Ch’ien-fu lun) of Wang Fu (fl. A.D. 150).” Ph.D. Dissertation University of Washington, 1983. Wang Bugui 王步貴. Wang Fu sixiang yanjiu 王符思想研究. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1987. Ye Shichang 葉世昌. “Qianfu lun de zhuzuo niandai ji Wang Fu de shengzu nian tuice” 潛夫論的著作年代及王符的生卒年推測. Pingzhun xuekan 3 (1987): 399–403. Pearson, Margaret J. Wang Fu and the Comments of a Recluse. Tempe: Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1989. Liu Wenying 劉文英. “Guanyu Wang Fu shengping de jige wenti” 關於王符生平的幾個問題. Lanzhou xuekan 4 (1990): 55–59. Kinney, Anne Behnke. The Art of the Han Essay: Wang Fu’s Ch’ien‑fu lun. Tempe: Center for Asian Studies, Arizona State University, 1992. Holzer, Rainer. Das Ch’ien-fu lun des Wang Fu: Aufsätze und Betrachtungen eines Weltflüchtigen. Heidelberg: Edition Forum, 1992. Liu Wenying 劉文英. Wang Fu pingzhuan 王符評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1993. Ch’en Ch’i-yün and Margaret Perason. “Ch’ien-fu lun.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, Michael Loewe, ed., 12–15. Berkeley: The Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993. Liu Wenqi 劉文起. Wang Fu Qianfu lun suo fanying zhi Dong Han qingshi 王符潛夫論所反映之東漢情勢. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1995. Li Shaohui 李少惠. “Wang Chong yu Wang Fu guanxi fawei” 王充與王符關係發微. Lanzhou shehui kexue (1996: 6): 39–41. Zhang Jue 張覺. “Wang Fu Qianfu lun kao” 王符《潛夫論》考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1998: 4–5): 1–7; Kong Meng yuekan 36.4 (1998): 38–45. 1170 wang fu 王符 (ca. 79–165), zi jiexin 節信

Gao Xinmin 高新民 and Wang Weixiang 王偉翔. Qianfu lun shidu 潛夫論釋讀. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe, 2009.

DRK

Wang Gui 王規 (492–536), zi Weiming 威明

Liang period writer.

Wang Gui’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the grandson of Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489), and the father of Wang Bao 王褒 (ca. 511–ca. 575). His father Wang Qian 王騫 (474–522) held high office in the Southern Qi and Liang. Wang Gui had obtained a thorough knowledge of the Five Classics by the age of twelve. He began his official career as assistant in the palace library. In 512, he was assigned as secretary on the staff of the crown prince Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). In 513, when the Taiji dian 太極殿 (Grand Ultimate Hall) was rebuilt, Wang Gui presented the “Xindian fu” 新殿賦 (Fu on the new hall) to celebrate the occasion. He served briefly as vice director of the palace library and then returned to Xiao Tong’s staff as secretary. In 521, when Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551) was appointed regional inspector of Southern Xuzhou, Wang Gui was assigned as an aide and adviser. In 522, while Wang Gui was serving as governor of Xin’an 新安 (administrative seat Xin 新 county, west of modern Chun’an 淳安, Zhejiang), his father Wang Qian died, and he resigned office to observe mourning for him. After the mourning period, Wang Gui inherited his father’s title of Marquis of Nanchang county. In 525, Emperor Wu issued an edict commanding him, Yin Yun 殷芸 (471–529), Wang Xi 王錫 (499–534), Zhang Mian 張緬 (490–531) and others to serve Xiao Tong in the Eastern Palace. About this same time, Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555) served as governor of the capital area. He hosted a banquet for a group of courtiers, including Wang Gui. He ordered Wang Gui to conduct a jiu ling 酒令, a drinking bout that involved the composition of witty poetic lines. Wang Gui replied, “Ever since the Jin house came south, there has never been this kind of activity.” Xiao Chen 蕭琛 (ca. 465–531) and Fu Zhao 傅昭 (454–428), who were in attendance, praised him for his astute remark. In 525, Emperor Wu hosted a farewell banquet in the Wende Hall in honor of Yuan Jinglong 元景隆 (fl. 525–545), who was about to depart on a long journey to Guangzhou. He ordered all of the courtiers present to compose a poem in fifty couplets. Wang Gui quickly dashed off a piece that won extreme praise from the emperor. Wang Gui probably only served two or three months in the Eastern Palace. He was then promoted to palace attendant. In 530, Xiao Gang was wang gui 王規 (492–536), zi weiming 威明 1171 named regional inspector of Yangzhou 揚州, the province that included the capital. Wang Gui was appointed a senior administrator on his staff. Xiao Tong died suddenly in May 531. Emperor Wu selected Xiao Gang as heir designate. He was granted this title on 27 June 531. Soon thereafter Wang Gui was appointed palace cadet in the crown prince’s household. He seems to have had a close relationship with Xiao Gang. Wang Gui some time later was sent out as governor of Wujun 吳郡 (modern Suzhou). During his tenure in this position, he offended local powerful men, who tried to have him impeached. Wang Gui returned to the imperial court as director of the Census Section in the Department of State Affairs. He soon received an offer to return to his former post of palace cadet on Xiao Gang’s staff, but he declined the position on the grounds of illness. Wang Gui built a villa on Zhongshan 鍾山 (Zhong Mountain) east of the capital, were he died in 536 at the age of forty-five. According to Wang Gui’s biography in the Liang shu, his collected writings consisted of twenty juan. However, it was lost already before the Tang. He also wrote a commentary to the Xu Han shu 續漢書 of Sima Biao 司馬彪 (ca. 240–ca. 306) in two hundred juan. This also was lost before the Tang. His only extant works are two quatrains titled “Dayan” 大言 (Magniloquence) and “Xiaoyan” 小言 (Diminiloquence) that he wrote to match pieces by the same title by Xiao Tong.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 16–17. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Fu Gang 傅剛. Xiao Tong pingzhuan 蕭統評傳, 172–74. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2001. Wang Ping. The Age of Courtly Writing: Wen xuan Compiler Xiao Tong (501–531) and His Circle, 35–36. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2012.

Works

a. “Dayan” 大言 (Magniloquence) and “Xiaoyan” 小言 (Diminiloquence) poems

Translation Wang Ping. “Culture and Literature in an Early Medieval Chinese Court: The Writings and Literary Thought of Xiao Tong (501–531). Ph.D. diss., University of Washington, 18. Wang, The Age of Courtly Writing, 29.

DRK 1172 wang guizhi 王珪之 (fl. 474–480)

Wang Guizhi 王珪之 (fl. 474–480)

Liu-Song period historian.

Wang Guizhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was a younger cousin of Wang Qunzhi 王逡之 (d. 495). In 474, the imperial court commissioned him to compile a history of bureaucratic offices, appointment procedures, and official apparel. At the beginning of the Southern Qi, Chu Yuan 褚淵 (435–482) was assigned to revise the work. Wang Guizhi died before he could complete editing the final version. In 491, Wang Guizhi’s son Wang Hao 王顥 presented the completed fifty-juan work to the court. It was titled Qi zhi yi 齊職儀 (Official protocol of the Qi).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 24.

DRK

Wang Heng 王衡 (fl. 575–581)

Northern Zhou and Sui period literatus.

Wang Heng’s ancestral home was Jinyang 晉陽 in Taiyuan 太原 (modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). His father Wang Cao 王操 (d. 575) was director of the Imperial Secretariat during the Northern Zhou period. Wang Cao had seven sons, and his second son Wang Heng was the most distinguished. According to Wang Heng’s biography in the Zhou shu, Wang Heng showed unusual talent and a gift for learning already in childhood. He began his career as assistant in the palace library. He later served in various positions, including librarian in the household of the heir designate, palace secretary, and gentleman attendant at the palace gate. The monographs on biblio graphy of the two Tang histories list Wang Heng’s collected works in three juan. This collection was lost in the Song. His two extant poems, “Wan xue shi” 翫雪詩 (Playing with the snow) and “Su jiaowai xiao zuo shi” 宿郊外曉作詩 (Staying the night in the outskirts and writing poems early in the morning) are preserved in the Chu xue ji, shi ji, Wenyuan yinghua, and Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. wang huaizhi 王淮之 (378–433), zi yuanzeng 元曾 1173

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 46.

TPK

Wang Huaizhi 王淮之 (378–433), zi Yuanzeng 元曾

Liu-Song period literatus.

Wang Huaizhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His personal name is also written Zhun- zhi 準之 and Zhunzhi 准之. He was the great-grandson of Wang Biaozhi 王彪之 (305–377). His grandfather Wang Zuzhi 王祖之 (n.d.) and father Wang Nazhi 王訥之 (fl. 404) served as palace aide to the censor-in-chief. Wang Biaozhi was well-versed in court protocol and ritual, and each suc- ceding generation continued the family expertise in this subject. Wang Huaizhi studied the ritual texts and their commentaries. He began his official career ca. 400 as attendant-in-ordinary in his home area.He then was appointed as a military aide to Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369–404). In January 404, Huan Xuan declared himself emperor of the Chu dynasty. He appointed Wang Huaizhi director of the Ministry of Sacrifices. Ca. 405, he joined the staff of Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422), the future founder of the Liu- Song dynasty. When Liu Yu established the princedom of Song in 416, he appointed Wang Huaizhi palace aide to the censor-in-chief. This was virtually a heriditary post in his family. Wang Huaizhi was a skilled writer of pentasyllabic verse, but Fan Tai 范泰 (355–428) ridiculed him by saying “you are only able to do impeach- ments.” In 418, Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433) killed his retainer Gui Xing 桂興 for debauching one of Xie’s concubines. Wang Huaizhi did not impeach Xie for this deed, and Wang was removed from office. When Liu Yu assumed the imperial throne of the Song dynasty in 420, he appointed Wang Huaizhi gentleman attendant at the palace gate. He was then promoted to senior administrator in the Ministry of Education. Shortly thereafter he was sent out as governor of Shi’xing 始興 (administrative seat Qujiang 曲江, south of modern Shaoguan 韶關, Guangdong). In 425, Wang Huaizhi was appointed administrator on the staff of the Prince of Jiangxia, Liu Yigong 劉義恭 (413–465). Shortly thereafter he was recalled to the court as palace attendant. In 426, he was promoted to minister of the Ministry of Personnel. He then served as governor of 1174 wang huaizhi 王淮之 (378–433), zi yuanzeng 元曾

Danyang 丹陽, the administrative area around the capital. During this time he compiled the Jiu yi 舊儀 (Old protocols), a work that presumably was on court ceremonial procedures. Wang Huaizhi died in 433 at the age of fifty-six. Only two of Wang Huaizhi’s writings have survived, both of which are petitions to the court.

Bibliography

Studies Frodsham, J. D. The Murmuring Stream: The Life and Works of Hsieh Ling-yü (385–433) Duke of K’ang-lo, 24. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1967. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 31.

DRK

Wang Huanzhi 王渙之 (mid-fourth century)

Eastern Jin poet.

Little is known about Wang Huanzhi’s life. In 353, he participated in the Lan ting 蘭亭 gathering of literati hosted by Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361; alt. 303–36) on the third day of the third lunar month in the scenic Guiji 會稽 area of Zhejiang. His only extant writing is the poem he composed for the Lan ting gathering.

TPK

Wang Hui 王徽 (fl. 427), alt. name Wang Huizhi 王徽之

Liu-Song literatus.

Very little is known about Wang Hui’s life. Yan Kejun in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen mentions that his uncle was Wang Hong 王弘 (379–432), one of the most important court officials during the Liu-Song period. The source of Yan Kejun’s claim is not known. The only credible source that mentions his name is the Song shu which writes: “In the summer, on the gengxu day of fourth month [of Yuanjia 4=427], Wang Huizhi, chamberlain for law enforcement, was appointed regional inspector of Jiaozhou.” The Yiwen leiju contains excerpts from two of Wang Hui’s writings: “Shaoyao hua fu” 芍藥華賦 (Fu on the herbaceous peony) and “Ye wang huizhi 王徽之 (338?–386), zi ziqiu 子遒 1175 wu fu” 野鶩賦 (Fu on a wild duck). Yan Kejun also has collected Wang Hui’s “Yu He Yan shu” 與何偃書 (Letter to He Yan) in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 48.

TPK

Wang Huizhi 王徽之 (338?–386), zi Ziqiu 子遒

Eastern Jin literatus.

Wang Huizhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 (modern Shandong). He was the fifth son of Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (303–361), one of the greatest calligraphers in Chinese history. He was brilliant but rather uninhibited in his conduct. While serving as adjutant for Commander-in- chief Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373), he dressed in an unkempt manner with his hair disheveled and his belt left untied. In court, he did not regularly attend to administrative duties. When Huan Wen was in power, Wang Huizhi also served Huan Wen’s younger brother Chariot and Horse General Huan Chong 桓沖 (328–384) as administrator for cavalry. Huan Chong once asked Wang Huizhi, “In which section do you serve?” He replied, “It seems to be the horse section.” Huan Chong asked again, “How many horses are you in charge of?” He replied, “I don’t even know the horses so how can I know their number?” Huang Chong continued to ask, “What is the ratio of dead horses?” He replied, “I don’t even know the live horses, how can I know the dead ones?” One time, Huan Chong asked Wang Huizhi to put his affairs in order. Wang Huizhi did not reply at first and then simply looked into the sky and said, “There is bracing air coming from the Western Mountain in the morning.” Wang Huizhi loved bamboo. He once said that he could not live without having bamboo in the garden. Although he often insulted many people, he was very close to his younger brother Wang Xianzhi 王獻之 (344–386). One time they were reading Gaoshi zhuan zan 高士傳讚 (Encomia on traditions of high-minded gentlemen) together. Wang Xianzhi admired the noble and unsullied character of the Eastern Han recluse Jing Dan 井丹 (n.d.) while Wang Huizhi admired Sima Xiangru’s 司馬相如 (d. 118 b.c.e.) contempt for the world. 1176 wang huizhi 王徽之 (338?–386), zi ziqiu 子遒

Wang Huizhi later was appointed gentleman attendant at the palace gate, but soon left office and returned home. He and Wang Xianzhi became gravely ill at the same time. A fortune-teller told him, “A person’s life must come to an end. However if a person is willing to die in his place, the dying person can live longer.” Wang Huizhi said, “I am not as talented as my younger brother. Please reserve my remaining years for him.” The fortune- tell said, “If you want to die in his place, you must have more remaining years to give to him. But now both your and your younger brother’s lives are coming to an end. How can you die in his place?” Shortly thereafter Wang Xianzhi died. Wang Huizhi went to his funeral, but he did not cry. He sat on the spirit couch where his brother’s body had been placed. He tried to play Wang Xianzhi’s zither, but the strings were not in tune. Wang Huizhi died a month later. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Huizhi’s collected works in eight juan. This was lost in the Tang. Yan Kejun includes a fragment of a letter in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Wang Huizhi’s two “Lan ting shi” 蘭亭詩 (Poems on the Lan ting gathering) are preserved in the Shi ji of Feng Weine and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Wang Huizhi is also the subject of many entries in the Shishuo xinyu.

Bibliography

Studies Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 620. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 48. Zuo Panfeng 左攀峰. “Cong Shishuo xinyu zhong Wang Huizhi de xingxiang kan Wei Jin fengdu” 從《世說新語》中王徽之的形象看魏晉風度. Shangqiu zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 8.1 (2009): 62–63. Wu Haixia 伍海霞. “Qianlun Shishuo xinyu zhong Wang Huizhi zhi xingxiang he Wei Jin fengdu” 淺論《世說新語》中王徽之形象和魏晉風度. Xiandai yuwen (Wenxue yanjiu ban) (2012: 2): 13–14.

TPK

Wang Huzhi 王胡之 (ca. 320–ca. 349), zi Xiuling 修齡

Eastern Jin poet and xuanxue thinker.

Wang Huzhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the son of Wang Yi 王廙 (274–322), brother-in-law of Emperor Yuan (r. 317–322) and uncle of Wang Xizhi wang huzhi 王胡之 (ca. 320–ca. 349), zi xiuling 修齡 1177

王羲之 (303–361). In 322, Wang Dun 王敦 (266–324) ordered Wang Yi to assassinate Sima Cheng 司馬承 (264–322). Sima Cheng’s son Sima Wuji 司馬無忌 (d. 350) was acquainted with Wang Huzhi in their youth. After learning that Wang Huzhi’s father had killed Sima Cheng, Sima Wuji resolved to exact vengeance by killing Wang Huzhi. Ca. 335, Wang Huzhi fled to Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat, Jiangling), where he joined the staff of Yu Liang 庾亮 (389–340), who assumed the post of regional inspector of Jingzhou, Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat, Nanchang), and Yuzhou 豫州 in 334. On one occasion in Wuchang 武昌, on an autumn day, Yu Liang had Wang Huzhi, Yin Hao 殷浩 (d. 362), and other members of his staff climb the Southern Tower and recite poetry. Ca. 341, Wang Huzhi was assigned as governor of Nanping 南平 (administrative seat, northeast of modern Lanshan 藍山, Hunan). Ca. 343, he was appointed senior administrator to Chu Pou 褚裒 (303–349), who was the father of Chu Suanzi 褚蒜子 (324–384), empress of Emperor Kang (342– 344). Emperor Kang died on 17 November 344, and Empress Kang was named Empress Dowager on 22 November. She was de facto regent for the two-year-old Emperor Mu (r. 344–361). Empress Kang wished to place all authority in the hands of Chu Pou, but Wang Huzhi convinced Chu Pou to yield to Sima Yu 司馬昱 (321–372), the future Emperor Jianwen (r. 371–372). Ca. 347, Wang Huzhi was assigned to the post of governor of Wuxing 吳興 (administrative seat, Wucheng 烏程, south of modern Wuxing, Zhe jiang). Ca. 349, he was called to the imperial court where he was appointed palace attendant. He was also appointed governor of Danyang 丹陽, which was the administrative area that included the capital Jiankang, and director of the palace library. He did not take up any of these positions. In 349, Shi Hu 石虎 (295–349), ruler of the Later Zhao state, died. The Eastern Jin wished to take advantage of a succession struggle at the Later Zhao court to launch an expedition to recover Luoyang. Wang Huzhi was named leader of court gentleman of the west and regional inspector of Sizhou 司州 (administrative seat, northeast of modern Luoyang) with the assignment of leading the army on the northern campaign. Wang Huzhi had suffered from epilepsy most of his life, and he suffered a serious attack and tried to resign. The court did not accept his resignation. He died before he could begin the journey. He was about thirty years of age at the time. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Huzhi’s collected works in ten juan. This was lost already in the Tang. Lu Qinli collects two of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Yan Kejun includes four of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. 1178 wang huzhi 王胡之 (ca. 320–ca. 349), zi xiuling 修齡

Bibliography

Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 20. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 209–11.

Translation

a. “Da Xie An shi” 答謝安詩 (Replying to Xie An) Hasegawa Shigenari 長谷川滋成. Tōshin shi yakuchū 東晉詩譯注, 237–44. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1994. Raft, David Zebulon. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China,” 348–49, 51–52. Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 2007.

DRK

Wang Ji 王吉 (fl. 73–49 b.c.e.), zi Ziyang 子陽

Western Han statesman and writer.

Wang Ji’s natal place was Gaoyu 皋虞 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (northeast of modern Mo county 墨縣, Shandong). From a young age he had studied the Classics, and was nominated by his commandery for the degree of filial and incorrupt. He was first appointed assistant director of the right at the central prison and later was promoted to magistrate of Yunyang 雲陽 (administrative headquarters in modern Chunhua 淳化, Shaanxi), and commandant-in-ordinary of the nobles at Changyi 昌邑 (south of modern Juye 巨野, Shandong). Liu He 劉賀 (ca. 92–59 b.c.e.), Prince of Changyi 昌邑, was an inveterate hunter. Wang Ji submitted a remonstrance advising him to refrain from such sensual pursuits. Liu He did not accept Wang Ji’s advice, but rewarded him with five hundred jin of beef, five shi of wine and five bundles of dried meat. Liu He continued his unrestrained behavior, and Wang Ji’s attempts to admonish him fell on deaf ears. Emperor Zhao 昭 (r. 86–74 b.c.e.) had no heir when he passed away in 74 b.c.e. Huo Guang 霍光 (130–68 b.c.e.) was in charge of court affairs at that time. He sent the chamberlain for dependencies and chamberlain for the imperial clan to install Liu He on the throne. Wang Ji again submitted a petition to Liu He advising him on the conduct suitable for a ruler of the realm. Liu He ruled only twenty days as emperor and was removed because of his dissolute behavior. Most officials from Changyi were executed for their failure to restrain Liu He. Only Wang Ji and Gong Sui 龔遂 (ca. 142– 62 b.c.e.) escaped execution. However, they had their heads shaved and were sentenced to hard labor. wang ji 王吉 (fl. 72) 1179

Wang Ji later returned to official service as regional inspector of Yizhou 益州 (modern Yunnan and Sichuan and parts of Guizhou, Gansu, and Shaanxi). He did not take up the post because of ill health. He was then assigned to the positions of academician and grand master of remonstrance. When Emperor Xuan 宣 (r. 73.–49 b.c.e.) succeeded to the throne, he emulated the some of the living habits of Emperor Wu 武 (r. 140–87 b.c.e.). His palaces, chariots and clothing were even more extravagant than that of Emperor Zhao. At this time Wang Ji submitted a petition stating his views on current policies and practices, notably the large amount of funds expended on competitive games. Emperor Xuan was not impressed with Wang’s pedantic petition. Wang Ji then resigned from this post and returned to his ancestral home area of Langye. When Emperor Yuan 元 (r. 48–33 b.c.e.) ascended the throne, he summoned Wang Ji to the court. Wang Ji, now aged and infirm, died en route to the capital. Wang Ji’s biography in the Han shu includes three petitions: “Shang shu jian Changyi wang” 上疏諫昌邑王 (Petition remonstrating with the Prince of Changyi), “Zou shu jie Changyi wang” 奏書戒昌邑王 (Presenting a letter admonishing the Prince of Changyi), and “Shang Xuandi shu yan deshi” 上宣帝疏言得失 (Presenting Emperor Xuan a petition on the merits and demerits [of current policies and actions]). Yan Kejun also has collected them in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 12. Loewe, Bibliographical Dictionary, 527–528.

TPK

Wang Ji 王吉 (fl. 72)

Eastern Han Poet.

Little is known of Wang Ji’s life. He served as “brave as tigers” (i.e., in the imperial guard) during the reign of Emperor Ming (57–75) of the Eastern Han period. Ying Shao 應劭 (fl. 185–196) in his Fengsu tongyi 風俗通義 mentions when Emperor Ming in 72 c.e. made an inspection tour to the east a cawing crow flew over the emperor’s coach. Wang Ji shot the bird and wrote a poem “She wu ci” 射烏辭 (Song on shooting the crow). This 1180 wang ji 王吉 (fl. 72) piece is included in the Chuxue ji and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 12.

TPK

Wang Ji 王基 (190–261), zi Boyu 伯輿

Three States period Wei literatus.

Wang Ji’s ancestral home was Qucheng 曲城 in Donglai 東萊 (west of modern Zhaoyuan 招遠, Shandong). His father Wang Bao 王豹 (n.d.) died when Wang Ji was a young boy. He then went to live with his uncle Wang Weng 王翁 (n.d.) who raised him. As a young man, he was known for his filial devotion to his uncle. Wang Ji’s commandery recommeneded him for office when he was just seventeen, but he he did not take up the post. He went to the Langye 琅邪 (north of modern Linyi 臨沂, Shandong) area to study. During the Huangchu period (220–226) of the early Wei, he was recommended for the degree of filial and incorrupt, and was appointed gentleman of the interior. The regional inspector Wang Ling 王淩 (172–251) requested that Wang Ji be appointed his mounted escort. Wang Ji later was assigned to the post of assistant in the palace library, but Wang Ling requested to have him returned to his administration. Shortly thereafter, Minister of Education Wang Lang 王朗 (d. 228) wished to recruit Wang Ji to his staff, but Wang Ling refused to release him. Some time later Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251) appointed Wang Ji attendant gentleman in his administration. During the reign of Emperor Ming (r. 226–239), Wang Ji presented a petition criticizing the emperor for the construction of lavish palace buildings. During the Zhengshi reign (239–254) period of Cao Fang 曹芳 (231– 274), Prince of Qi 齊, Wang Ji was promoted to governor of Anping 安平 (modern Ji 冀 county, Hebei). He was removed from office because of an unspecified infraction. General-in-chief Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249) recruited him to his staff and then assigned him as governor of Anfeng 安豐 (modern Anhui and Henan areas), which was close to the border of the Wu state of Sun Quan 孫權 (182–252). In his role as governor Wang Ji was honest and upright, stern and unyielding. He established a solid border defense, and no armed forces of the Wu State dared to invade the Wei territory. wang ji 王基 (190–261), zi boyu 伯輿 1181

In early 248, the Wu army gathered at Jianye 建業 (modern Nanjing 南京) and planned to attack Yangzhou 揚州 (modern Shouxian 壽縣, Anhui). The regional inspector Zhuge Dan 諸葛誕 (d. 258) asked Wang Ji for help. After analyzing the situation, Wang Ji assuring Zhuge Dan that Sun Quan would not able to attack the area because he had no veteran generals. Wang Ji’s assessment of the situation proved correct. When Cao Shuang served as regent for Cao Fang, he attempted to con- centrate all court authority in his own hands. Wang Ji wrote the “Shiyao lun” 時要論 (Disquision on current necessities) to alert him to some of urgent matters that required immediate attention. In 249, Wang Ji was named governor of Henan 河南 (administrative seat Luoyang 洛陽, northeast of modern Luoyang, Henan). Wang Ji declined the appointment. When Cao Shuang was executed in 249, Wang Ji was also removed from office because of his close association with Cao Shuang. Wang Ji was later appointed imperial secretary and was assigned to the position of regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Sichuan, Hubei areas). He accompanied Wang Chang 王昶 (d. 259) on military campaigns against the Wu state. Wang Ji was able to establish Yiling 夷陵 county (modern Yichang 宜昌, Hubei) as a place to settle people from the Wu state who had surrendered to the Wei regime. He also re-organized the military and established new schools. People in the south praised him for his administrative achievements. When the Wei court planned a campaign against the Wu regime, Wang Ji was summoned to the court for consultation. Wang Ji opposed the plan, and the Wei court accepted his advice. When Sima Shi 司馬師 (208–255), the eldest son of Sima Yi, was in power, Wang Ji submitted a petition to him about governing the state. He advised Sima Shi to be “cautious and circumspect in performing one’s duties.” When the Duke of Gaogui xiang 高貴鄉公 (r. 254–260), Cao Mao 曹髦 (241–260) succeeded to the throne, Wang Ji was enfeoffed as Marquis of Changle ting 長樂亭. He was sent out to put down the rebellion led by Guanqiu Jian 毌丘儉 (d. 255) and Wen Qin 文欽 (fl. 250–255) in 255. When he and Sima Shi met at Xuchang 許昌 (southwest of modern Xuch- ang, Henan), Sima Shi asked Wang Ji what plan should be used to deal with the insurrgents. Wang Ji offered a strategy and eventually defeated the rebels. As a reward, Wang Ji was promoted to a number of new positions including General Who Defends the South, commander-in-chief of military affairs of Yuzhou 豫州 (modern Hebei area), and regional inspector of Yuzhou. He also was enfeoffed as Marquis of Anle xiang 安樂鄉. When Wang Ji’s mother passed away, he moved his deceased father’s remains to Luoyang 洛陽 and buried him with his mother. His father was posthumously awarded the position of governor of Beihai 北海 (modern Shandong area). In 259, Wang Ji was appointed commander-in-chief of 1182 wang ji 王基 (190–261), zi boyu 伯輿 military affairs of Jingzhou. He died in 261 at the age of sixty-plus years. He was posthumously awarded the position of minister of works and the noble title Marquis of Jing 景侯. Chen Shou in his critical remarks to the biography of Wang Ji in the Sanguo zhi writes: “Wang Ji’s scholarly attainments and moral conduct were solid and immaculate.” He goes on to praise him and three other men of the time as “fine courtiers of the state and outstanding menof their time.” Wang Ji was an expert in the Classics, especially the Shi jing. He closely followed the interpretation of Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) and opposed that of Zheng’s critic Wang Su 王肅 (195–256). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his Maoshi bo 毛詩駁 (Refutation of the Mao commentary) in five juan which presumably contained Wang Ji’s views on the Classic of Songs that were consistent with those of Zheng Xuan. Only fragments of this work survive. The Sui shu also lists his Donglai qijiu zhuan 東萊耆舊傳 (Traditions of venerable elders of Donglai) in one juan, which must have been a collection of biographies of eminent men from Wang’s home area. This work was lost in the Song. The Sui shu mentions Wang Ji’s Xin shu 新書 (New writings) in five juan that was recorded in a Liang period catalogue. The complete text was lost before the Tang, but Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794– 1857) has collected the fragments in his Yuhan shanfang jiyishu 玉函山房輯佚書. According to Ma, “although most of the essays concern military matters, they also contain Ruist teachings.” Ye Kejun has collected eight of Wang Ji’s prose writings, most of which are petitions, in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 27–8. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 818.

Works

a. Xin shu 新書 (New writings)

Text Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Xin shu 新書. 1 juan. In Yuhan shanfang jiyishu 玉函山房輯佚書, 67. Changsha: Changsha Langhuanguan, 1883. wang ji 王濟 (ca. 247–ca. 292), zi wuzi 武子 1183

b. Mao shi bo 毛詩駁 (Refutation of the Mao commentary)

Texts Huang Shi 黃奭, ed. Mao shi Wang Ji shen Zheng yi 毛詩王基申鄭義. 1 juan. In Huang Shi yishu kao 黃氏逸書考. Huaiquan tang 懷荃堂, 1925. Mao shi bo 毛詩駁. 1 juan. In Shi jing yaoji jicheng 詩經要籍集成. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2002.

TPK

Wang Ji 王濟 (ca. 247–ca. 292), zi Wuzi 武子

Western Jin literatus.

Wang Ji’s ancestral home was Jinyang 晉陽 in Taiyuan 太原 (modern Tai- yuan, Shanxi). He is the grandson of Wang Chang 王昶 (d. 259). His father Wang Hun 王渾 (223–297) was a distinguished statesman in the Western Jin. In 265, he married the Princess of Changshan 常山, the daughter of Emperor Wu (r. 265–290), the founding emperor of the Western Jin. He was appointed commandant-escort, the usual position granted an imperial son-in-law. He was soon promoted to palace attendant. In 271 he had to resign office to observe mourning for his mother, but returned to official service in 274 as cavalry general, followed by a promotion to general of the left army. In 275, he was named vice director of the Secretariat. In this capacity, he discussed important court matters with Emperor Wu. In 282, Emperor Wu became concerned about the ambitions of his younger brother, Sima You 司馬攸 (248–283), Prince of Qi. When he proposed to have him banished to his estate, Wang Ji objected. Displeased, the emperor had Wang transferred to the post of chancellor of the national university. In 284, Wang Ji was re-appointed to his old post of vice director of the Secretariat. In 286, Wang’s father Wang Hun held the position of vice director of the Department of State Affairs. Wang Ji and his cousin Wang You 王佑 were not on good terms. Wang You accused Wang Ji of not taking good care of his father. He was then assigned as governor of He’nan 河南 (the Luoyang area), but Wang Ji did not take up the appointment. He was then charged with flogging a government clerk, and was dismissed from office. Wang Ji then moved to an estate below the Beimang Moun- tains 北芒山 (north of Luoyang). Wang Ji was then recalled to the court as chamberlain of the imperial stud but with “commoner status.” He died soon thereafter at the age of forty-six. His father actually outlived him. 1184 wang ji 王濟 (ca. 247–ca. 292), zi wuzi 武子

One of Wang Ji’s best friends was Sun Chu 孫楚 (d. 282), who also was from Taiyuan. Sun Chu wept over Wang Ji’s corpse, and then said, “You often liked to hear me bray like a donkey. I will now bray for you.” Wang Ji was a skilled archer. He once went hunting with Emperor Wu, and he shot a ferocious beast with his bow. A wealthy man named Wang Kai had a brindled ox. Wang Ji proposed a shooting contest offering one hundred thousand cash against the ox. Wang Ji shot first and hit the bulls- eye. He then shouted to have the ox’s heart given to him, and he immediately devoured it. Wang Ji was also very fond of horses, and even claimed to understand the nature of horses. Du Yu 杜預 (222–284) called him a “horse fanatic.” At his estate in the Beimang Mountains, Wang Ji built a riding course marking the boundaries with strings of cash. The monographs on bibliograhy of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Wang Ji’s collected works in two juan. Yan Kejun collects four of his prose pieces in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli includes fragments of four of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Zhong Rong places Wang Ji in the low grade of the Shi pin. He is considered one of the fore- runners of xuanyan poetry.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Caoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wexuejia dacidian, 22–23. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 170–71.

DRK

Wang Ji 王寂 (fl. 494), zi Zixuan 子玄

Southern Qi literatus.

Wang Ji’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 (modern Shan- dong). He was the ninth son of Wang Sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485). In 494, Wang Ji planned to present his “Zhongxing song” 中興頌 (Eulogy for the restoration) to Emperor Ming (r. 494–498). His elder brother Wang Zhi 王志 (460–513) advised him, “You are rich and young, and you don’t have to worry about not being prosperous. If you are not calm and composed, I fear that your eulogy will bring you some criticism.” Wang Ji then decided not to present it to the emperor. Wang Ji’s first and only known appointment was assistant in the palace library. He died at the age of twenty-one. wang ji 王籍 (480–ca. 550), zi wenhai 文海 1185

The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Ji’s collected writings in five juan. This was lost already before the Tang. His only extant poem, “Diwu xiong Ji dao taifu Jingling wang zhu feng shi” 第五兄揖到太傅竟陵王屬奉詩 (Poem presented when my fifth brother Wang Yi arrived at the agency of the grand mentor, the Prince of Jingling), is preserved in the Wenguan cilin 文館詞林 and Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 31.

TPK

Wang Ji 王籍 (480–ca. 550), zi Wenhai 文海

Qi-Liang period writer.

Wang Ji’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂, Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the son of Wang Sengyou 王僧祐 (d. ca. 490). He was able to write compositions at the age of seven. Ren Fang 任昉 (460– 508) praised his erudition and talent. He wrote the poem “Yong zhu” 詠燭 (On the candle) at the residence of Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), and received much praise from him. At the end of the Qi he served as acting military aide to the general commanding the troops and also held a post in the Sec- tion for Outer Troops of the Ministry of War. In the early Liang he was appointed to the staff of Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 (475–518), Prince of Ancheng, the younger brother of Emperor Wu (r. 502–549). In the imperial court he served as director of the Section for the Three Excellencies in the Imperial Secretariat and supervisor of law enforcement. He also served in the local administration as magistrate of Yuhang 餘杭 (north of modern Hangzhou) and Qiantang 錢塘 (modern Hangzhou). He exposed criminal activities, but was dismissed from both posts for his willful and profligate behavior. In 519, he joined the staff of Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–555), Prince of Xiangdong. He was a member of Xiao Yi’s staff when the prince took up the position of governor of Guiji (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang). While in Guiji, Wang Ji spent much of his time wandering the mountains and admiring the scenery, sometimes for months at a time. He was eventually dismissed for an unspecified offense. Wang Ji returned to office at the imperial court where he served in the Ministry of War and held the title of grand master of palace leisure. Wang 1186 wang ji 王籍 (480–ca. 550), zi wenhai 文海

Ji participated in the compilation of the Fabao lianbi 法寶聯璧 (Linked jades of dharma treasures), a two-hundred juan collection of Buddhist writings compiled in 534 at the court of the crown prince Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551). In 535, Wang Ji joined the staff of Xiao Yi as a military aide in Jingzhou (administrative seat, Jiangling), where Xiao was serving as regional inspector. Xiao Yi appointed Wang magistrate of Zuotang 作唐 (north of modern Anxiang 安鄉, Hunan). Wang Ji did not attend to his duties, but engaged most days in long drinking bouts. He died in approximately 550 at the age of seventy-one. Xiao Yi collected Wang Ji’s writings and compiled them into a ten-juan collection, which was lost before the Tang. During his time Wang Ji was known as the most able imitator of Xie Lingyun. However, only two of his poems have been preserved. Wang Ji was famous for “You Ruoye xi” 遊若耶溪 (Roaming Ruoye creek), a poem he wrote when he was in Guiji. The couplet “The cicadas are chirping, the grove is even quieter; / The birds are singing, the mountains are more serene” is most celebrated.

Bibliography

Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 629–30.

WJ and DRK

Wang Jia 王嘉 (d. 2 b.c.e.), zi Gongzhong 公仲

Western Han statesman and prose writer.

Wang Jia’s ancestral home was Pingling 平陵 (northwest of modern Xian- yang 咸陽, Shaanxi). According to his biography in the Han shu, he received his first court appointment, gentleman of the interior, after he obtained the jia (top) rank on the imperial examination on the Classics. He was removed from office because he failed to stop an unauthorized person from entering the palace gate. The chamberlain for attendants Yu Yong 于永 (d. 21 b.c.e.) recommended him to serve as clerk on his staff. Before long, Wang Jia was appointed vice magistrate of Nanling 南陵 (southeast of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi) and commandant of Changling 長陵 (northeast of modern Xianyang 咸陽, Shaanxi). During the Hongjia period (20 b.c.e.– 17 b.c.e.) of Emperor Cheng (r. 33–7 b.c.e.), Wang Jia was summoned to the Proclamation Chamber to discuss his views on current events. Based on his outstanding performance, he was promoted to superior grand master of the palace. wang jia 王嘉 (d. 2 b.c.e.), zi gongzhong 公仲 1187

Wang Jia soon was sent to the provinces as governor of Jiujiang 九江 (modern Anhui and Henan areas) and Henan (modern Luoyang), where he earned acclaim for his able administration. He later returned to the imperial court where he served as chamberlain for dependencies, and then was assigned to the post of metropolitan governor, followed by a promotion to censor-in-chief. In 4 b.c.e., Wang Jia was named counselor-in-chief, and he was awarded the title Marquis of Xinfu 新甫. Wang Jia was straightforward but prudent in giving his advice, and earned the respect of the emperor. In his early reign Emperor Ai 哀 (7 b.c.e.–1 b.c.e.) wished to eliminate the abuses of earlier regimes in the appointment of officials. Wang Jia submitted a petition arguing that court officials should be selected based on merit, not family connections. Emperor Ai accepted his recommendation. Two imperial marquises Xifu Gong 息夫躬 (d. 1 b.c.e.) and Sun Chong 孫寵 (fl. 3 b.c.e.) together with palace attendant-in-ordinary Song Hong 宋弘 (n.d.) submitted a letter accusing Liu Yun 劉雲 (d. 4 b.c.e.), Prince of Dongping 東平, of plotting to kill Emperor Ai. After Liu Yun was executed, Emperor Ai wished to give credit to his palace attendant Dong Xian 董賢 (23 b.c.e.–1 b.c.e.) for exposing Liu Yun. He proposed rewarding him by granting him the title of marquis. Wang Jia and censor-in-chief Jia Yan 賈延 (fl. 6 b.c.e.–2 b.c.e.) jointly submitted a petition to Emperor Ai objecting to such an award. However, Emperor Ai soon conferred a marquisate on Dong Xian. A solar eclipse occurred on the first day of Yuanshou 1 (5 February 2 b.c.e.). Wang Jia used this opportunity to submit another petition reit- erating his objection to awarding Dong Xian a marquisate. Emperor Ai was quite upset. He continued to lavish Dong Xian with favors and titles. When Emperor Ai’s grandmother Empress Dowager Fu 傅 passed away, he used his grandmother’s forged will to order Emperor Cheng’s mother, Empress Dowager Wang 王, to issue an imperial edict to the censor-in- chief and counselor-in-chief, requesting that Dong Xian’s fief be increased to 2,000 households. Wang Jia returned the imperial edict to Emperor Ai and presented a petition arguing that a person must accept no reward that he does not deserve. In the meantime, the chamberlain for law enforcement Liang Xiang 梁相 (fl. 7 b.c.e.–1 b.c.e.), chief administrator of the counselor-in-chief and other high level court officials began investigating Liu Yun’s case. They suspected that Liu Yun had been wrongly accused, and they also discovered that there were many false statements in the indictment. Emperor Ai was displeased with their recommendation, and he decided to punish Liang Xiang who was stripped of his title and reduced to a commoner. 1188 wang jia 王嘉 (d. 2 b.c.e.), zi gongzhong 公仲

Wang Jia submitted a petition requesting a pardon for Liang Xiang during a period of general amnesty. Emperor Ai was furious. He sent a messenger to Wang Jia’s residence to have him arrested. When the messengers arrived at Wang Jia’s home, one of his subordinates offered him a poisoned drink so that he could commit suicide. He refused on the grounds that he was innocent. Wang Jia was then taken to prison where for twenty days he refused to eat. He died coughing blood. During the Yuanshi period (1–5 c.e.) of Emperor Ping (b.c.e.), Wang Jia was posthumously awarded the title Marquis of Loyalty 忠侯. Some of Wang Jia’s letters and petitions are preserved in his biography in the Han shu. Yan Kejun has collected nine of his prose writings in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 38. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 528–29.

TPK

Wang Jian 王鑒 (ca. 280–ca. 321, alt. 277–317), zi Maogao 茂高

Western Jin literatus.

Wang Jian’s natal place was Tang’yi 堂邑 (north of modern Luhe, Jiangsu). His father Wang Jun 王濬 (n.d.) served as palace aide to the censor-in- chief. Already in his youth Wang Jian won acclaim for his literary skill. His first official position was attendant gentleman on the staff ofSima Rui 司馬睿 (276–322), Prince of Langye, the future founding emperor of the Eastern Jin. In 311, Du Tao 杜弢 (d. 315) led an insurrection of refugees in Xiangzhou 湘州 (administrative seat Linxiang 臨湘, modern Changsha), and Luoyang fell into the hands of the armies of Liu Yao 劉曜 (d. 329) and Shi Le 石勒 (274–333). Ca. 313, Wang Jian presented a petition exhort- ing Sima Rui personally to lead a military expedition to Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat, modern Nanchang) against Du Tao. Just as Sima Rui was about to embark, he learned that Tao Kan 陶侃 (259–334) had already defeated Du Tao. When Sima Rui assumed the imperial throne in 317, Wang Jian was appointed commandant-escort and audience attendant. He was then sent out to the provinces as magistrate of Yongxing 永興 (modern Xiaoshan wang jian 王儉 (452–489), zi zhongbao 仲寶 1189

蕭山, Zhejiang). In the Daxing period (318–321) Wang Dun 王敦 (266– 324) invited him to serve on his staff as secretary, but Wang Jian died before he could take up the post. He was forty-one at the time. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Jian’s collected works in nine juan, and mentions a Liang catalogue listing of five juan. The two Tang histories record a collection in five juan. This collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun collects two of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qian Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Only one of his poems is extant. It is preserved in the Yutai xinyong.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 35–36. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxue shiliao congkan, 178–79.

Works

a. “Qixi guan zhinü shi” 七夕觀織女詩 (Viewing Weaving Maid on the Seventh Night)

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 99–100.

DRK

Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489), zi Zhongbao 仲寶

Southern Qi scholar, statesman, and writer.

Wang Jian’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂, Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His father Wang Sengchuo 王僧綽 (423–453) was killed by Liu Shao 劉劭 (ca. 426–453) during his coup against Emperor Wen (r. 424–453). Wang Jian then went to live with his father’s younger brother Wang Sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485). In 457, he inherited the noble title of Marquis of Yuning 豫寧, which had been held by his grandfather Wang Tanshou 王曇首 (394–430) and his father Wang Sengchuo. Ca. 469, Wang Jian received his first official appointment, assistant in the palace library. By this time he had gained a reputation for his diligence as a student. In 470, Yuan Can 袁粲 (421–478) recommended him to Emperor 1190 wang jian 王儉 (452–489), zi zhongbao 仲寶

Ming (r. 453–464), who arranged for Wang Jian to marry his daughter the Princess of Yangxian 陽羨公主. Wang Jian then received the usual title of an imperial son-in-law, commandant-escort. In 473, Wang was promoted to vice director of the palace library. During his tenure in this post he compiled an important book catalogue, the Yuanhui sibu shumu 元徽四部書目 (Yuanhui period four-categories book catalogue). In 473 he presented this to the court along with the Qi zhi 七志 (Seven-category bibliography), which he had compiled on his own. Wang Jian’s mother died ca. 474, and he resigned his post to observe mourning for her. After the mourning period, ca. 476, Wang Jian returned to office as an administrator on the staff of the minister of education, Yuan Can. Con- cerned about the unstable political situation at the imperial court, Wang Jian requested that Yuan Can have him assigned to the local administration. Ca. 476 Wang Jian was appointed governor of Yixing 義興 (administrative seat, modern Yixing 宜興, Jiangsu). In 477, he returned to the imperial court where he held the posts of gentleman of the palace gate and director in the Ministry of Personnel. In 478, he was recommended as probationary palace attendant, but he steadfastly declined the appointment on the grounds that his father had died while holding this position. At this time Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482), the future founder of the Qi dynasty, had been installed as defender-in-chief. Xiao appointed Wang Jian right administrator on his staff. Wang Jian became a strong supporter of Xiao Daocheng, and he often advised him on strategies for overthrowing the Song house. Xiao elevated Wang Jian to left administrator. In April 479, Xiao Daocheng had himself named counselor-in-chief and Duke of Qi. He appointed Wang Jian right vice director in the Department of State Affairs and put him in charge of the Ministry of Personnel. WangJian also composed the letter-patent conferring the “nine bestowals,” gifts that were granted to a new founder of a dynasty, on Xiao Daocheng. He also composed a petition urging Xiao Daocheng to accept the abdication of the Song emperor. Xiao Daocheng assumed the throne of the Qi dynasty on 29 May 479. He named Wang Jian Duke of Nanchang 南昌. In 480, he appointed him left director in the Department of State Affairs with authority to oversee the selection of officials. Wang Jian presented a long petition to the court requesting to be relieved of the latter responsibility. However, this may have been just a formal polite request, for it seems Wang continued in this position while concurrently serving as supervisor of the household of the heir designate, Xiao Ze 蕭賾 (440–493), the future Emperor Wu (r. 482– 493). Xiao Daocheng died on 11 April 482. Wang Jian wrote the official lament for the emperor’s passing. wang jian 王儉 (452–489), zi zhongbao 仲寶 1191

In his deathbed edict Xiao Daocheng decreed that Wang Jian be appointed palace attendant, and director of the Department of State Affairs. In 483, he was named General Who Defends the Army. He also continued to participate in the selection of officials for the Ministry of Personnel. In 484, Wang Jian was appointed chancellor of the national university and governor of Danyang 丹陽, the area that included the capital. In 485, he was given the additional position of junior tutor to the heir designate, Xiao Changmao 蕭長懋 (458–493). It was in this capacity that he gave lectures to Xiao Changmao on the Xiao jing. In the next year, Wang Jian was promoted to director of the Ministry of Personnel. In 468, he received the prestige title of Commander Unequaled in Honor. Wang Jian died at the age of thirty- eight sui in 489 while serving as secretariat supervisor. He was given the posthumous title of Taiwei 太尉 (Defender-in-chief ) and the posthumous name of Wenxian 文憲. Wang Jian was one of the most highly regarded scholars of the late Song and early Qi periods. He wrote important works on ritual and was often consulted on ritual questions by the emperor. In the early Southern Qi Wang Jian compiled the Gujin sangfu ji 古今喪服記 (Notes on mourning apparel, ancient and present day). In 479, the ritual expert Wang Qunzhi 王逡之 (d. 495) presented him with objections to eleven issues. Wang Jian’s work was extant into the early Tang. When Xiao Ze’s consort Pei Huizhao 裴惠昭 died in August 480, there were many discussions about mourning ritual practices for her funeral and burial, and Wang Jian’s views were considered authoritative. His writings on these questions are preserved in the “Monograph on Ritual” in the Nan Qi shu. Wang Jian also played a leading role in the instruction of students in the national university. In 485, Emperor Wu abolished the Zongming guan 總名觀 (Library for Complete Discernment), which had been established in 470 as the Song national university. Emperor Wu of the Qi had the school re-established in Wang Jian’s residence. Books from the imperial archives were also transferred there. Wang Jian went home once every ten days to supervise instruction. Wang Jian adopted a distinctive way of wearing his hair. He had a loose- hanging hairbun, and his hair kerchief was held in place with pins stuck at angles. Men both in the court and countryside were so taken with this fashion, they all imitated it. Wang Jian is best known for his compilation of the Qi zhi catalogue. The proper title probably was Jinshu qizhi 今書七志 (Seven-category listing of extant writings). The catalogue does not survive, but there are several sources that provide detailed accounts of it. Although there are various interpretations of these accounts, the most credible one is that Wang Jian 1192 wang jian 王儉 (452–489), zi zhongbao 仲寶 compiled a thirty-juan catalogue that he presented to the imperial court in 473. This work listed writings in the seven categories of jingdian 經典 (classics), zhuzi 諸子 (masters), wenhan 文翰 (belles lettres), jun shu 軍書 (military writings), yinyang 陰陽 (occult arts), tu pu 圖譜 (maps, charts, and catalogues), and shuyi 術藝 (technical and medical arts). Some years later, during the Qi period, he compiled a ten-juan supplement that listed works on Taoism and Buddhism. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Wang Jian’s collected works in sixty juan. This was lost in the Song. It is possible that the first collection of Wang Jian’s writings was done shortly after Wang Jian died, for there is a preface to Wang Jian’s collected works composed by Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508) that is preserved in the Wen xuan. This preface is a valuable source of biographical information about Wang Jian. Yan Kejun has collected fifty-four of his prose writings in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli includes seven of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Zhong Rong places Wang Jian in the lower grade of the Shi pin. Zhong Rong had been a student of Wang Jian’s. He comments: “As for my teacher Wang Jian, he harbored far-reaching plans for managing the state, and perhaps did not take seriously the activity of ‘literary embellishment.’ ”

Bibliography

Collection Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wang Wenxian ji 王文憲集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji.

Studies Zach, Erwin von. “Vorwort zu den Gesammelten Werken des Wang Chien.” Die Chinesische Anthologie: Übersetzungen aus dem Wen hsüan, 2: 858–67. Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press, 1958. Translation of “Wang Wenxian ji xu” 王文憲集序 by Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508). Qiao Haoqin 喬好勤. “Wang Jian lun” 王儉論. Wuhan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue) (1985: 3): 78–87. Kano Naosada 狩野直禎. “Ōken den no ichi kōsatsu” 王儉傳の一考察. In Chūgoku kizokuei no kenkyū 中國貴族制の研究, ed. Kawakatsu Yoshio 川勝義雄 and Tonami Mamoru 礪波護, 361–402. Kyoto: Kyōto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1987. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng. Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 378–82. Fan Rong 樊榮. “Wang Jian Zhong Rong yu Jiang Yan guanxi kao” 王儉、鍾嶸與江淹關係考. Xinxiang shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 17.6 (2003): 76–79. wang jian 王儉 (452–489), zi zhongbao 仲寶 1193

Sun Li 孫麗. “Wang Jian yu Nan Qi chu de ruxue fuxing” 王儉與南齊初的儒學復興. Linyi shifan xueyuan xuebao 26.5 (2004): 23–26. Xia Dongmei 夏冬梅. “Wang Jian nianpu” 王儉年譜. Yibin xueyuan xuebao 2.2 (2005): 74–81. Wang Chunhong 汪春泓. “Lun Wang Jian yu Xiao Ziliang jituan de duizhi dui Qi Liang wenxue fazhan zhi yingxiang” 論王儉與蕭子良集團的對峙對齊梁文學發展之影響. Wenxue yichan (2006: 3): 22–31. Yao Xiaofei 姚曉菲. “Lüelun Song Qi zhi ji Langye Wang Jian zhi xueshu chengjiu” 略論宋齊之際琅邪王儉之學術成就. Yangzhou daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 11.1 (2007): 125–28. Jia Yu 賈宇. “Wang Jian xingnian kao” 王儉行年考. Kong Meng xuebao 85 (2007): 193–232. Tang Mingyuan 唐明元. “Jinshu qi zhi zhi ming youlai kaobian”《今書七志》之名由來考辨. Tushuguan zazhi 26.6 (2007): 74–76, 68. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Langye Wang Jian duidai Jiangdong bentu renshi zhi taidu ji qi yuanyin kaoxi—cong yige cemian kan Song Qi zhi ji Qiao ju shizu zhi guanxi ji shehui biange” 琅邪王儉對待江東本土人士之態度及其原因考析—從一個側面看宋齊之際僑居士族之間的關係及社會變革. Xuexi yu tansuo (2008: 1): 211–16. Yang Sai 楊賽. “Wang Jian jiexuan” 王儉解選. Wenshi zhishi (2009: 1): 89–95. Yang Sai 楊賽. “Ren Fang yu Wang Jian de shenjiao 任昉與王儉的神交. Wenshi zhishi (2009: 10): 83–88. Li Lei 李磊. “Wang Jian ‘fengliu’ yu Nanchao shifeng zhi zhuanbian” 王儉 “風流” 與南朝士風之轉變. Lishi jiaoxue wenti (2009: 4): 52–55.

Works

a. “Chu Yuan bei” 褚淵碑 (Grave inscription for Qu Yuan)

Translation von Zach, Erwin. Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 993–1003.

b. Jinshu qizhi 今書七志 (Seven-category listing of extant writings)

Studies Wang Zhongmin 王重民. “Qi zhi yu Qi lu” 「七志」與「七錄」. Tushuguan jikan (1962: 1): 38–43; rpt. in Zhongguo tushu shi ziliao ji 中國圖書史資料集, ed. Liu Jiabi 劉家璧, 283–314. Hong Kong: Longmen shudian, 1974. Ruan Tingzhuo 阮廷焯. “Wang Jian Qi zhi kaolüe” 王儉七志考略. Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan 8.2 (1975): 46–49. Lai Xinxia 來新夏. Gudian muluxue qianshuo 古典目錄學淺說, 81–88. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981. Luo Yousong 羅友松. “Wang Jian Qi zhi duandai mulu shuo zhiyi” 王儉《七志》斷代目錄說質疑. Tushuguan zazhi (1983: 3): 18–19. Ren Huaiguo 任懷國 and Chi Yongman 遲永滿. “Shi lun Wang Jian Qi zhi de jiazhi” 試論王儉《七志》的價值. Shandong jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 99 (2003): 61–63. 1194 wang jian 王儉 (452–489), zi zhongbao 仲寶

Liao Mingde 廖銘德. “Wang Jian Qi zhi yu Ruan Xiaoxu Qi lu bijiao yanjiu” 王儉《七志》與阮孝緒《七錄》比較研究. Shaoguan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 26.7 (2005): 134–37. Zhu Hong 朱紅 and Tang Mingyuan 唐明元. “Guanyu Qi zhi fulu liangge wenti de zaiyanjiu” 關於《七志》附錄兩個問題的再研究. Xinan minzu daxue xuebao (Renwen sheke ban) 217 (2009): 288–91. Tang Mingyuan 唐明元. Wei Jin Nanbeichao muluxue yanjiu 魏晉南北朝目錄學研究, 133–86. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2009. Shen Dan 沈丹. “Lun mulu de zhuanluti yu Wang Jian de Qi zhi” 論目錄的傳錄體與王儉的《七志》. Chuancheng (2010: 12): 158–59.

c. Sangfu gujin ji 古今喪服記 (Notes on mourning apparel, ancient and present day)

Reconstructed text Ma Guohan 馬國翰, ed. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山房輯佚書. In Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1201: 646–48.

d. “Shi Huang taizi shidian yan shi” 侍皇太子釋奠宴詩 (Poem written while in attendance at the Crown Prince’s school sacrifice banquet)

Translation Raft, David Zebulon. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China.” Ph.D. diss., Har- vard University, 2007, 491–93.

DRK

Wang Jian 王暕 (477–523), zi Sihui 思晦

Southern Qi and Liang period literatus.

Wang Jian’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the son of Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489). At the age of twenty he married Princess Chang of Huainan of the South- ern Qi. He then was appointed instructor to the Prince of Jin’an 晉安, Xiao Zimao 蕭子懋 (472–474) and companion to the Prince of Luling 盧陵, Xiao Ziqing 蕭子卿 (468–494). Emperor Ming of Qi (r. 494–498) issued a summons to recruit men of talent. Xiao Yaoguang 蕭遙光 (468–499), Prince of Shi’an, recommended Wang Jian and Wang Sengru 王僧孺 (ca. 463– ca. 521). He singled out Wang Jian for the “purity and freshness” of his fu compositions. He was appointed an aide to the cavalry general. wang jie 王接 (267–305), zi zuyou 祖游 1195

In 502, the first year of the Liang dynasty, Wang Jian was appointed palace cadet on the staff of the one-year-old heir designate, Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). Soon thereafter he took a post at the imperial court as palace attendant. Upon imperial command he composed a poem in reply to a piece by Xie Lan 謝覽 (ca. 477–ca. 513) that earned high praise from Emperor Wu (r. 502–549). Wang Jian was then assigned as governor of Jinling 晉陵 (modern Changzhou, Jiangsu). In 511, he returned to the imperial court as minister of the Ministry of Personnel, and chancellor of the national university. Because Wang Jian came from a prestigious family, he was rather disdainful of men of lower social status. Many people considered him harsh and mean-spirited. In 512, he was dismissed from his position in the Ministry of Personnel. In 518, he was promoted to right vice director of the Department of State Affairs. In 519, he resigned office to observe mourning for his mother. However, he was allowed to shorten the mourning period to take up the position of governor of Wujun 吳郡 (modern Suzhou). In 522, Wang Jian returned to the court as palace attendant and left vice director of the Department of State Affairs. He died the next year at the age of forty-seven. The monograph on bibliography of theSui shu lists Wang Jian’s collected works in twenty-one juan, and the two Tang histories record a twenty-juan collection. This was lost in theS ong. His only extant writings are two poems that have been preserved by Lu Qinli in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. His son Wang Xun 王訓 (510–535) was a well-known poet.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 36. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 608.

DRK

Wang Jie 王接 (267–305), zi Zuyou 祖游

Western Jin scholar and writer.

Wang Jie’s natal place was Yishi 猗氏 in Hedong 河東 commandery (modern Linyi 臨猗, Shanxi). He was the tenth generation descendant of Wang Zun 王尊 (d. ca. 27 b.c.e.), who served as governor of the capital during the Former Han. His father Wang Wei 王蔚 was a distinguished scholar. 1196 wang jie 王接 (267–305), zi zuyou 祖游

Wang Jie was young when his father died, but he mourned for him to the point he wasted away beyond the point stipulated by the ritual regulations. Feng Shou 馮收, an elderly man from Wang Jie’s home area, recommended him to the governor of Hedong, Liu Yuan 劉原 (n.d.). Wang Jie refused the appointment on the grounds that he had to care for his aged mother. Wang Jie later came to know Pei Wei 裴頠 (267–300), who was quite impressed with him. After serving as a recorder in his home province, Wang Jie was employed as a functionary in the labor service, followed by a stint as regional retainer in Pingyang 平陽 (administrative seat, southwest of modern Linfen 臨汾, Shanxi). He then was appointed retainer in the Section for Justice in the Department of State Affairs. Sometime after 301, Wang Jie was appointed commander to the General Who Chastizes the Caitiffs. In 304, Xi Shao 嵇紹 (253–304) was killed at the battle of Dangyin 蕩陰 (southwest of modern Dangyin, Henan), and Wang Jie proposed that Xi Shao’s heirs be generously compensated. Wang Jie then was appointed admininstrator to the Duke of Linfen. In 305, Sima Yue 司馬越 (d. 311), Prince of Donghai, led an expedition against Sima Yong 司馬顒 (d. 306), who had abducted the Western Jin Emperor Hui (r. 290–306) and taken him to Chang’an. Emperor Hui invited Wang Jie to serve as vice director of the Palace Directorate, but he died before he could arrive at his post. He was thirty-nine years old. Wang Jie was quite learned and was an expert in the ritual texts. He also specialized in the Zuo zhuan, which he considered an especially rich source that formed “a specialized tradition of its own.” Wang Jie was very critical of the Gongyang tradition, but he he wrote a new commentary to it which included many new interpretations. He also helped edit the Ji Tumulus texts that were unearthed in 279. He also wrote seventy supplementary biographies for the Lienü zhuan.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 28. Goodman, Howard. Xun Xu and the Politics of Precision in Third-Century AD China, 360–62. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2010.

DRK wang jun 王濬 (206–285), zi shizhi 士治 1197

Wang Jin 王巾 (d. 505), zi Jianqi 簡棲

Southern Qi and Liang period writer.

Wang Jin’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery. His personal name is also written Che 屮. According to the Xingshi ying xian lu 姓氏英賢錄 cited in Li Shan’s Wen xuan commentary, Wang Jin began his official career as retainer in Ezhou 鄂州 (modern Ezhou, Hubei). In 494, while still in Ezhou, he composed a stele inscription for the Toutuo si 頭陀寺 (Dhūta Monastery), which had first been built in 461, and had just been refurbished. This is the only piece by Wang Jin. Richard Mather labels it an example of “Buddhist parallel prose” because Wang Jin skillfully writes the entire piece by pairing similar Buddhist terms in adjacent lines.

Bibliography

Works “Toutuo si beiwen” 頭陀寺碑文 (Dhūta Monastery stele inscription)

Studies Mather, Richard B. “Wang Chin’s ‘Dhūta Temple Stele Inscription’ as an Example of Buddhist Parallel Prose.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 83.3 (1963): 338–59. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxue shiliao congkao, 390–91. Cheng Zhangcan 程章燦. “ ‘Toutuo si beiwen’ suoyong Fodian yu ‘Niepan wuming lun’ zhi zhenwei”《頭陀寺碑文》所用佛典與《涅槃無名論》之真偽. Renwen Zhongguo xuebao 14 (2008): 221–36.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 1004–11. Mather, “Wang Chin’s ‘Dhūta Temple Stele Inscription,’ ” 341–59.

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Wang Jun 王濬 (206–285), zi Shizhi 士治

Western Jin statesman and literatus.

Wang Jun’s natal place was Hu 湖 in Hongnong 弘農 commandery (west of modern Lingbao 靈寶, He’nan). He was broadly read, handsome, and a 1198 wang jun 王濬 (206–285), zi shizhi 士治 man of strong resolve. He was recommended in his home area to serve as retainer in Hedong 河東 (administrative seat, Puban 蒲坂 (west of modern Yongji 永濟, Shanxi). He later served as military aide to Yang Hu 羊祜 (221–278), who held him in high regard. In 269, when plans were being made to wage a military campaign against the state of Wu, Yang Hu took command of the Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Jiangling area) military forces. He recommended Wang Jun be assigned as governor first of Baling 巴陵 (modern Yueyang 岳陽, Hunan), then Guanghan 廣漢 (administrative seat, Luo 雒 county, north of modern Guanghan, Sichuan) where Wang earned a reputation as a highly competent administrator. In 272, Wang Jun was appointed regional inspector of Yizhou 益州 (administrative seat, modern Chengdu), and was ordered to prepare a naval force to attack Wu from west. Wang had large double-hulled catamarans constructed that could hold over 2,000 men. In 279, the Jin launched its attack on Wu. Wang Jun’s naval forced moved east from Chengdu down the Yangzi River. The Wu army had placed iron spikes and a boom of iron chains in the water. Wang Jun sent men on large rafts to remove the spikes, and then set fire to the boom. His naval force was able to sail all the way to Jiankang and force the surrender of the Wu leader Sun Hao 孫皓 (242–284). Wang Hun 王渾 (223–297), who had led an army against Wu from the north, claimed that Wang Jun had not strictly followed the battle plan, and had authorities report him to the commandant of justice. However, it was decided not to prosecute him. Wang Jun was then appointed General-in-chief Who is a Bulwark of the State and was granted the noble title of Marquis of Xiangyang county. He was then named General-in-chief Who Commands the State and Com- mander Unequaled in Honor. He died in 285 at the age of eighty. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Jun’s collected works in one juan, which it describes as “fragmented.” It also mentions a two-juan collection recorded in a Liang catalogue. The two Tang histories also list a collection in two juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun collects three of his prose writings in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli preserves two of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 49. Killigrew, John W. “The Reunification of China in AD 280: Jin’s Conquest of East- ern Wu.” Early Medieval China 9 (2003): 1–34. wang jun 王浚 (253–314), zi pengzu 彭祖 1199

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Wang Jun 王浚 (253–314), zi Pengzu 彭祖

Western Jin literatus.

Wang Jun’s ancestral home was Jinyang 晉陽 in Taiyuan 太原 commandery. His father was Wang Chen 王沈 (d. 266), a distinguished statesman of the late Wei period. Wang Jun inherited his father’s noble title of commandery duke. In the Taikang period (280–289) he was appointed supernumerary cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. In the Yuankang period (291–299) he was promoted to commandant of select cavalry and general of the right army. He subsequently was assigned as governor of He’nei 河內 (administrative seat, Yewang 野王, modern Qinyang 沁陽, Henan), only to be transferred as leader of court gentlemen in the east with his headquarters in Xuchang 許昌. In 300, upon the orders of Empress Jia 賈后 (d. 300), he put to death the heir designate Sima Yu 司馬遹 (d. 300) in Xuchang. He was rewarded by being appointed regional inspector of Qingzhou 青州 (administrative seat, Linzi 臨淄, modern Zibo 淄博, Shandong) and soon thereafter was put in charge of military affairs in Youzhou 幽州 (administrative seat, modern Zhuozhou 涿州, Hebei). Concerned about the threat from the Xianbei, he married one of his daughters to the Xianbei Wuwuchen 務物塵 and a second daughter to the Xianbei Su Shuyan 蘇恕延. During the civil war among members of the Sima imperial clan, Wang Jun established his own power based in Youzhou. In 304, he joined forces with a Xianbei army in an attack on Ye 鄴 (modern Linzhang, Hebei), in which many of the Ye inhabitants were slaughtered. In 307, Wang Jun was appointed minister of the Ministry of Works. In June of 311, the Xiongnu army led by Liu Yao 劉曜 (d. 328) seized Luoyang and razed it to the ground. By this time Wang Jun had come into conflict with the Jie 羯 tribesman Shi Le 石勒 (274–333), who had his base in Xiangguo 襄國 (modern Xingtai City in southern Hebei). Wang Jun also had assumed the prerogatives of an emperor, including the authority to appoint court officials. He sent an army against Shi Le, but was defeated. On 4 April 314, Shi Le’s army overran Youzhou, sacking and burning cities. Over ten thousand people were killed, including Wang Jun. Wang Jun was sixty-two. Wang Jun has only one extant poem, “Cong xing Luoshui jian Wang- gong guiguo shi” 從幸洛水餞王公歸國詩 (Poem written while accompanying the emperor to the Luo River for a farewell banquet upon the return of the Venerable Wang to his domain). 1200 wang jun 王浚 (253–314), zi pengzu 彭祖

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 26. Lee Chun-ho 李椿浩. “Xi Jin moqi Wang Jun jituan Zhang Gui jituan xingshuai zhi bijiao” 西晉末期王浚集團、張軌集團興衰之比較. Hebei xuekan 22.1 (2002): 132–36.

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Wang Lang 王朗 (ca. 156–228), zi Jingxing 景興

Late Eastern Han early Wei period writer.

Wang Lang’s natal place was Tan 郯 in Donghai 東海 commandery (modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong). His original personal name was Yan 嚴, and he later changed it to Lang. During his youth he studied with Yang Ci 楊賜 (d. 185), who came from a family of scholars that specialized in the Shang shu. Ca. 181, based on his “command of the Classics” Wang Lang was selected as gentleman of the interior. He was next appointed magistrate of Ziqiu 菑丘 (southeast of modern Huaibei 淮北, Anhui). Ca. 185, his mentor Yang Ci died, and he resigned from office to mourn for him. In 186, Wang Lang was recommended as “filial and incorrupt,” and was invited to take office in the court, but he refused the appointment. In 187, Wang Lang joined the staff of the general-in-chief He Jin 何進 (d. 189), who was one of the most powerful officials of the day. In 190, the regional inspector of Xuzhou 徐州 (administrative seat, modern Tancheng, Shandong), Tao Qian 陶謙 (132–194), recommended Wang Lang as a “cultivated talent” and appointed him secretary in charge of central administrative affairs. Tao Qian had become successful in putting down the insurrection of the Yellow Turbans in the Xuzhou area. Wang Lang and Zhao Yu 趙昱 (d. 194) advised Tao Qian to visit the emperor in Chang’an. Tao Qian returned home with an appointment as governor and a noble title. Tao Qian appointed Wang Lang governor of Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing). Wang Lang’s son Wang Su 王肅 (195–256) was born in Guiji in 195. In 196, Sun Ce 孫策 (175–200) of Wu invaded Guiji and captured Wang Lang. He tried to induce Wang to serve him, but Wang refused. In 198, Sun Ce allowed Wang Lang to accepted an invitation to join the staff of Cao Cao, who appointed him grand master of remonstrance. Wang Lang also served as one of Cao Cao’s military advisers. In 208, he accompanied Cao Cao on his military expedition to Jingzhou in the south. In 213, Wang Lang was appointed to the important post of governor of Wei 魏 commandery, the administrative seat of which was Ye 鄴 (modern wang long 王隆 (fl. 20–30), zi wenshan 文山 1201

Linzhang, Hebei). In 217, he was promoted to chamberlain for the palace revenues. He 218, he assumed the post of chamberlain for ceremonials, followed by an assignment the next year as chamberlain for law enforcement. In 220, he was named censor-in-chief and granted the title of Marquis of Anling 安陵 neighborhood. After Cao Cao’s death in the same year, Wang Lang was one of the court officials who urged Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) to accept the abdication of the Han emperor. After the founding of the Wei dynasty, Wang Lang was appointed minister of works, and awarded the title of Marquis of Leping 樂平 township. During his tenure as minister at the Wei court, Wang Lang strongly objected to the introduction of mutilating punishments. He also proved to be a well-informed adviser on strategies of dealing with the rival state of Wu. When Emperor Ming (r. 226–239) succeeded to the throne in 226, he granted Wang Lang the noble title of Marquis of Lanling 蘭陵. Wang Lang died in 228 while serving as minister of education. Wang Lang was a leading expert in the Classics. He wrote commentaries to the Zhou yi, Chunqiu, Xiao jing, and Zhou guan, as well as the Zuoshi shi bo 左氏釋駁 (Refutations of the exegeses of the Zuo tradition). The monograph on bibliography lists Wang Lang’s collected works in thirty-four juan. The two Tang histories record a collection in thirty juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected thirty-two of his prose pieces in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Most of his extant writings are court petitions.

Bibliography

Studies Yang Yujin 楊玉金. “Ruya duocai de Wei guo situ Wang Lang” 儒雅多才的魏國司徒王朗. Linyi shizhuan xuebao (1995: 1): 48–49. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 26–27. Hao Hong 郝虹. “Wang Lang yu Jian’an rushi” 王朗與建安儒士. Shixue yuekan (2002: 6): 32–35. De Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 823.

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Wang Long 王隆 (fl. 20–30), zi Wenshan 文山

Eastern Han writer.

Wang Long’s natal place was Yunyang 雲陽 in Pingyi 馮翊 (northwest of modern Chunhua 淳化, Shaanxi). He has a short biography in the 1202 wang long 王隆 (fl. 20–30), zi wenshan 文山

“Wenyuan zhuan” 文苑傳 (Biographies of literary men) in the Hou Han shu. During the Wang Mang reign (8 b.c.e. to 23 c.e.) Wang Long received the court position of gentleman through the ren privilege of his father. During the turmoil at the end of the Former Han, he fled to the Gansu Corridor area, where he served on the staff of the general Dou Rong 竇融 (15 b.c.e.–62 c.e.). During the Jianwu period (25–56) he served as magistrate of Xinji 新汲 (southwest of modern Fugou 扶溝, Henan). Wang Long was a skilled writer. According to his biography in the Hou Han shu, he wrote twenty-two literary pieces in the genres of lyric poem, letter, and inscription. The monograph on bibliography lists his collected works in two juan. This was lost in the Tang. None of these writings has survived. Wang Long also wrote the Xiaoxue Hanguan pian 小學漢官篇 (Han offices for beginning students), which was a rhymed primer that explained Han official titles.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 31. Beck, B. J Mansvelt. The Treatises of the Later Han, 84–87, 198, 214–15. De Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 826.

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Wang Manying 王曼穎 (d. ca. 520)

Liang period scholar and story collector.

Wang Manying’s ancestral home was Taiyuan 太原 (modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). Cao Daoheng has shown that he is very likely the son of Wang Yan 王琰 (b. 451), compiler of the Buddhist tale collection Ming xiang ji 冥祥記 (Notes on signs from the tenebrous world). According to Huijiao 慧皎 (497–554), compiler of the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳, Wang Manying was well-versed in the teachings of Buddha and Confucius. Huijiao also requested him to polish up the draft of his Gaoseng zhuan. After Wang Manying died ca. 520, his friend Jiang Ge 江革 (468?–535) went to condole with his wife and children. When he discovered they did not have funds for a funeral, he informed Xiao Wei 蕭偉 (476–533), the younger brother of Emperor Wu and Prince of Jian’an. Xiao Wei sent someone to attend to the expenses of the funeral. wang meng 王濛 (309–347), zi zhongzu 仲祖 1203

The monograph on bibliography lists under his name a work inone juan, Buxu Ming xiang ji 補續冥祥記, which clearly is a supplement to the Ming xiang ji. The two Tang histories list this work in eleven juan. This is probably a version that includes the original Ming xiang ji and Wang Manying’s supplement.

Bibliography

Studies Wang Guoliang 王國良. Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhiguai xiaoshuo yanjiu 魏晉南北朝志怪小說研究, 341. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1984. Cao Daoheng. “Lun Wang Yan he tade Mingxiang ji” 論王琰和他的冥祥記. Wen xuan yichan (1992: 1); rpt. in Cao Daoheng, Zhonggu wenxue shi lunwen ji xubian, 261–80. Tang Yongtong 湯用彤, ed. and comm., Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳, 552–53. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1992. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 29. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 642–43. Ji Bin 紀斌. Huijiao Gaoseng zhuan yanjiu 慧皎《高僧傳》研究, 33–34. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2009.

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Wang Meng 王濛 (309–347), zi Zhongzu 仲祖

Eastern Jin conversationalist and poet.

Wang Meng’s ancestral home was Jinyang 晉陽 (modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). His daughter Wang Muzhi 王穆之 (d. 365) was the consort of Emperor Ai (r. 361–365) of the Eastern Jin. His great-grandfather Wang An 王黯 held high office in the Wei, but his father Wang Na 王訥 seems to have risen no higher than a magistrate. During his youth, Wang Meng was rather wild and undisciplined, and was held in low esteem by members of his home area. As he matured, he acted in a more controlled fashion, and was acclaimed for his urbane manner (fengliu). He was skilled in qing tan 清談, and was considered the equal of Liu Tan 劉惔 (d. 347) and Yin Hao 殷浩 (306–356). He often joined them at gatherings hosted by Sima Yu 司馬昱 (321–372) before he became emperor in 371. He also served on the staff of Wang Dao 王導 (276–339), and as magistrate of Changshan 長山 (modern Jinhua, Zhejiang). His final post was secretariat director. Wang Meng died of illness in 347 at the age of thirty-nine. 1204 wang meng 王濛 (309–347), zi zhongzu 仲祖

The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Wang Meng’s collected works in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Zhong Rong mentions him in the Shi pin as one of the earliest writers of xuanyan poetry. However, none of his poetic works has survived. Yan Kejun collects four of his prose works in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists under his name the Lun yu yi 論語義 (Meaning of the Lun yu) in one juan. This work was lost in the Tang.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 47–48.

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Wang Meng 王猛 (325–375), zi Jinglüe 景略

Sixteen States period Former Qin writer.

Wang Meng’s ancestral home was Ju 劇 in Beihai 北海 (modern Shouguang 壽光, Shandong), but his family lived in Wei commandery 魏郡 (southwest of modern Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei). He grew up poor. He sold wicker hods for a living. According to Wang Meng’s biography in the Jin shu, he was quite handsome, and had a serious and stern manner. He did not concern himself with petty matters and rarely engaged in social intercourse. He was broadly learned, and had a strong interest in military works. When as a young man he traveled to capital of Ye, no one appreciated him except for Xu Tong 徐統 (n.d.), who tried to recruit him to serve in the Labor Section of his administration. Wang Meng did not respond to this offer and went into hiding. He eventually became a recluse in the Huayin 華陰 Mountains (southeast of modern Huayin, Shaaxi). However, he hoped one day to be of service to the state. In the meantime, he kept a low pro- file and waited for the right opportunity. When the Eastern Jin strong- man Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373) entered the mountain pass near Huayin, Wang Meng went to welcome him. Rather than being overawed by such an important person, Wang Meng casually chatted with him while picking lice from his clothes. Before returning home, Huan Wen gave Wang Meng a chariot and horses, and offered him the position of protector-general. Wang Meng declined the appointment. wang meng 王猛 (325–375), zi jinglüe 景略 1205

Before Fu Jian 苻堅 (338–385) took the throne of the Former Qin, he sent the high-level court official Lü Polou 呂婆樓 (n.d.) to recruit Wang Meng for his administration. The two men had a pleasant conversation about state affairs and other matters. When Fu Jian was installed as emperor in 357, he appointed Wang Meng vice director of the Secretariat. At that time, a large number of migrants from the west had moved into Shiping 始平 (northeast of modern Xingping 興平, Shaanxi). The area was teeming with bandits and ruffians. Fu Jian appointed Wang Meng governor of Shiping. He resorted to draconian measures to punish the criminals. As a reward for his exemplary service, Fu Jian appointed Wang Meng left vice director of the Department of State Affairs, administrator of Xian- yang 咸陽 (modern Jingyang 涇陽, Shaanxi), and metropolitan governor. He soon was assigned to a number of new positions, including minister of the Ministry of Personnel, supervisor of the household of the heir designate, and vice director on the left of the Department of State Affairs. He was promoted five times within a year. At that time, Wang Meng was only thirty-six years old. Shortly thereafter, he received further appointments, including director of the Imperial Secretariat, grand mentor to the heir designate, and cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Wang Meng was the most trusted and powerful official in Fu Jian’s court. In 370, Wang Meng assisted Fu Jian in defeating troops of the Former Yan. In 375, Wang Meng fell ill. He died right after counseling Fu Jian how to proceed with a military campaign againt the Jin. He was fifty-one. Wang Meng was a prolific writer. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Meng’s collected works in nine juan. This was lost in the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected nine of his prose writings, including “Shang shu rang fuguo jiangjun” 上疏讓輔國將軍 (Petition declining the appointment of General Who Defends the State), “Wei Ye shang shu” 圍鄴上疏 (Petition concerning surrounding Ye), “Shang shu rang sikong” 上疏讓司空 (Petition declining the appointment of minister of works), and “Yi Zhang Tianxi shu” 遺張天錫書 (Letter to Zhang Tianxi), in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Rogers, Michael C. The Chronicle of Fu Chien: A Case of Exemplar History. Berke- ley: University of California Press, 1968. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 30.

TPK 1206 wang min 王珉 (351–388), zi jiyan 季琰

Wang Min 王珉 (351–388), zi Jiyan 季琰

Eastern Jin calligrapher and poet.

Wang Min’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His grandfather was the statesman Wang Dao 王導 (276–339). His father was Wang Dao’s third and most distinguished son Wang Qia 王洽 (323–358). He is the younger brother of Wang Xun 王珣 (349–400). In 368, Wang Min was invited to serve as recorder in his local area, but he declined the appointment. About this same time he married a daughter of Xie An 謝安 (320–385). He later served as editorial director in the palace library, gentleman cavalier attendant, professor in the national university, gentleman attendant at the palace gate, and palace gentleman. In 386, when Wang Xianzhi 王獻之 (344–386) died, Wang Min replaced him as zhongshu ling 中書令 (secretariat director). Wang Xianzhi was thereafter known as da ling 大令 (senior director), and Wang Min was referred to as xiao ling 小令 (junior director). Wang Min died in 388 at the age of thirty-eight. He was posthumously granted the position of chamberlain for ceremonials. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Min’s collected works in ten juan. This was lost already in the Tang.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 20. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Dong Jin wenyi zonghe yanjiu 東晉文藝綜合研究, 181–82. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 2001.

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Wang Ningzhi 王凝之 (d. 399), zi Shuping 叔平

Eastern Jin calligrapher and poet.

Wang Ningzhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the second son of Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (303–361). He was born around 334. In 353, he participated in the Lan ting gathering hosted by his father. He married the niece of Xie An 謝安 (320–385), Xie Daoyun 謝道韞 (before 340–after 399). Ca. 390, Wang Ningzhi was appointed regional inspector of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative wang qunzhi 王逡之 (d. 495), zi xuanyue 宣約 1207 seat Xunyang 尋陽, southeast of modern Huangmei 黃梅, Jiangxi). During this time the famous scholar Fan Ning 范寧 (339–401) was serving as governor of Yuzhang 豫章 (administrative seat, modern Nanchang, Jiangxi). Wang Ningzhi expended large amounts of public resources on local schools. Wang Ningzhi impeached him on the grounds of extravagance. Wang Ningzhi was then summoned to the imperial court where he was appointed capital protector. Ca. 399, he was sent out as general of the left and administrator of Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing). In the eleventh lunar month of this year Sun En 孫恩 (d. 402) led an attack on Shangyu 上虞 and Guiji. Wang Ningzhi was a devout believer in the Heavenly Master Taoist sect. Believing that the Great Way would exorcize the rebel soldiers, he did not prepare a defense. He was killed by Sun En. Wang Ningzhi was a master of the cursive and clerical styles of calligraphy. Although he was a skilled writer, only a small number of his compositions have survived. One is a fragment of a “Feng fu” 風賦 (Fu on the wind).

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 47. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 221–22.

DRK

Wang Qunzhi 王逡之 (d. 495), zi Xuanyue 宣約

Liu-Song and Southern Qi literatus.

Wang Qunzhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). During the reign of Emperor Xiaowu of the Song (r. 453–464) he began his official career as attendant gentleman and military aide to the Prince of Jiangxia, Liu Yigong 劉義恭 (413–465). Ca. 465, he was appointed military aide to Liu Xiuyou 劉休祐 (435–471), Prince of Shanyang. He also concurrently served as secretarial censor. Later, he was assigned as chamberlain for attendants on the staff of Liu Zhun 劉準 (469–479), Prince of Ancheng, the future Emperor Shun (r. 477–479). He also held the post of magistrate of Wu 吳. Ca. 479, the last year of the Song dynasty, Wang Qunzhi was appointed left assistant director in the Department of State Affairs. Upon the recommendation of Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489) he participated in the drafting of the state ritual for the Qi princedom headed by Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482), the founder of the Southern Qi dynasty. 1208 wang qunzhi 王逡之 (d. 495), zi xuanyue 宣約

After the founding of the Southern Qi in 479, Wang Qunzhi presented a petition to the court recommending the establishment of the national university. Wang was appointed professor and editorial director in the palace library. In 483, he presented a petition recommending the impeachment of Xie Chaozong 謝超宗 (d. 483), Xie Lingyun’s grandson. He also compiled the diary of the emperor’s activities during the Yongming period (483–493). Toward the end of his career Wang Qunzhi held a variety of posts including commander of the imperial guard, General Who Pacifies the North, superior grand master of the palace, and grand master for splendid happiness. He died in 495. Wang Qunzhi was a ritual specialist. When Wang Jian compiled the Gujin sangfu jiji 古今喪服集記 (Collected notes on mourning apparel, ancient and present day), Wang Qunzhi wrote objections to eleven entries. He wrote an additional work, the Sangfu shixing yaoji 喪服世行要記 (Essential notes on mourning apparel practice throughout the ages). This work was lost in the Tang. Only one of Wang Qunzhi’s writings survives, his petition impeaching Xie Chaozong.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 27. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 447–48.

DRK

Wang Rong 王融 (468–494), zi Yuanchang 元長

Southern Qi period writer.

Wang Rong’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the grandson of Wang Sengda 王僧達 (423–458). Wang Rong’s father Wang Daoyen 王道琰 (d. ca. 476) died when Wang Rong was a young boy. He was raised by his mother née Xie 謝, who was a daughter of Xie Huixuan 謝惠宣, the younger brother of Xie Huilian 謝惠連 (407–433). Because his father had not obtained high office, Wang Rong was determined from a young age to rise to high position and raise the prestige of his family. Wang Rong received the “cultivated talent” degree ca. 483, the first year of the Yongming 永明 period (483–493). In 485 or 486, he joined the staff of the Prince of Jin’an 晉安, Xiao Zimao 蕭子懋 (472–494) as an acting wang rong 王融 (468–494), zi yuanchang 元長 1209 military aide. However, he was dismissed from his post for commiting an offense. He returned to office in 486 as a military aide to the Prince of Jing ling 竟陵, Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494). Wang Rong was an active member of the group of literary men known as the “Eight Friends of Jingling.” Many of his extant works come from this period. In 487, while serving as secretary to the heir designate, Xiao Chang- mao 蕭長懋 (458–493), Wang Rong presented a petition to the emperor requesting to be assigned to a higher position. He was then promoted to vice director of the palace library. In 488, he was apppointed as an aide to the governor of Danyang 丹陽, which was the area that included the capital. In 491, Wang Rong returned to the imperial court in the post of director of the Secretariat. During this time the Northern Wei sent emissaries to the Southern Qi court requesting books. A court conference of officials recommended against compling with the request, but Wang Rong argued that giving the books would facilitate the “civilizing” of the “Xiongnu” (i.e., the Xianbei). Although the Qi emperor Wu (r. 482–493) was sympathetic to Wang Rong’s view, he did not act on it. However, he gained increasing respect for Wang Rong, who was only twenty-five sui at the time. Emperor Wu actually wished to launch a military expedition against the Northern Wei. He had Mao Huixiu 毛惠秀 prepare a painting of “Emperor Wu of Han’s northern expedition.” Wang Rong was put in charge of overseeing the project. Wang also presented a fu about the painting. He also submitted a petition strongly supporting Emperor Wu’s proposed northern expedition, and in this way Wang Rong was able further to ingratiate himself with the emperor. Thus, during the period 491–493, Wang Rong composed the examination essay questions used to select officials. Wang Rong was quite ambitious, and was determined to obtain the post of “Excellency” before he was thirty. After obtaining the Excllency post of director of the Secretariat at the age of twenty-five sui, he was overheard sighing, “Deng Yu would laugh at me!” Deng Yu 鄧禹 (2–58) was an early supporter of the Eastern Han ruler Emperor Guangwu in restoring the Han dynasty. Guangwu had named Deng Yu an Excellency when Deng was twenty-four sui. In 493, the court was about to send out a force to punish the regional inspector of Yongzhou 雍州 (administrative seat Xiangyang), Wang Huan 王奐 (435–493), who had killed a local administrator. Wang Rong presented a petition to the emperor offering his services. On 26 February 493, the heir designate Xiao Changmao suddenly died at the young age of thirty-six. On 15 May 493, Emperor Wu named Xiao Changmao’s eldest son Xiao Zhaoye 蕭昭業 (473–494) heir designate. At this same time the Northern 1210 wang rong 王融 (468–494), zi yuanchang 元長

Wei had sent an army south to the northern banks of the Yangzi River. Invasion appeared to be imminent. Emperor Wu had commisioned Xiao Ziliang to muster a military force at Dongfu 東府 (south of modern Jiming- shan 雞鳴山, Nanjing). Xiao Ziliang appointed Wang Rong General Who Brings Repose to the North and army commander. Wang Rong recruited several hundred “Chu ruffians” from the western Yangzi area. In August of this same year, there were rumors that Emperor Wu was severely ill and had stopped breathing. Xiao Ziliang, who had been appointed regent, ordered Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Fan Yun 范雲 (451– 503) and others to serve as commanders of the imperial escort. Wang Rong wished to have Xiao Ziliang installed on the throne instead of Xiao Zhaoye. Wang Rong, dressed in a military uniform, would not allow Xiao Zhaoye’s entourage to advance beyond the portico of the Secretariat. The emperor suddenly recovered, and Xiao Zhaoye was finally able to gain entry into the palace. By this time the court power was now in the hands of Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452–498), the second son of Emperor Gao’s older brother, and the future Emperor Ming (494–498). Emperor Wu passed away on 27 August 493, and Xiao Luan immediately installed Xiao Zhaoye on the imperial throne. Xiao Ziliang was unwilling to take any action against him. Seeing that his scheme had failed, Wang Rong removed his military uniform and returned to the Secretariat. Ten days after assuming the throne, Xiao Zhaoye ordered Wang Rong arrested and put into prison. Kong Zhigui 孔稚珪 (447–501) wrote the petition recommending Wang Rong’s impeachment. After his arrest, Wang Rong had requested assistance from Xiao Ziliang, but the prince was afraid to intercede on his behalf. Wang Rong was granted permission to commit suicide in prison. He died at the age of twenty-seven. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Wang Rong’s collected works in ten juan. The Song shi records a nine-juan collection. The collection seems to have been lost in the Yuan. Later collections are reconstructions done in the Ming. Yan Kejun has collected twenty-eight of Wang Rong’s prose pieces in Quan shanggu San- dai Qin Han Sangjo Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli preserves 107 of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Wang Rong, along with Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) and Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499) are commonly regarded as the major creators of what was called the “Yongming style,” a form in which the poets took great care with tonal prosody. Wang Rong had a strong interest in prosodics and music. Accord- ing to Zhong Rong, Wang Rong had wished to write a “Zhi yin lun” 知音論 (Disquisition on tonality), but died before he could complete it. He also said that Wang Rong was the first to introduce the concepts of “tone” and “prosodic defect” in the writing of verse, and that Shen Yue and Xie Tiao wang rong 王融 (468–494), zi yuanchang 元長 1211 followed after him. However, Zhong Rong placed Wang Rong in the lower grade of his Shi pin. Wang Rong wrote many pieces at the literary gatherings hosted by Xiao Ziliang during the Yongming period. He also participated in the compilation of the large 1,000-juan compendium Sibu yaolüe 四部要略 (Essential digest in four categories) that Xiao Ziliang ordered compiled 487. Wang Rong wrote in a variety of poetic forms. His extant pieces include fourteen yuefu titles, some of which were written as part of a composition in a group. For example, his “Wushan gao” 巫山高 (Mount Wu is high) was done for a group composition hosted by Xiao Ziliang in the spring of 491. Shen Yue, Xie Tiao, and others wrote poems on this title. The poem is an example of the newly emerging quatrain form. Another quatrain written for the same occasion is “Bi mei” 彼美 (That lovely girl), which is on an erotic theme that is typical of the gongti 宮體 or “palace style” form that was coming into fashion in this period. One quatrain, “Jiang gao qu” 江皋曲 (Song on the banks of the Yangzi), is on a landscape theme. Wang Rong had a profound knowledge of Buddhism. He wrote two sets of Buddhist poems, “Jingzhuzi song” 淨住子頌 (Hymns on the devotee’s entrance into the pure life) and “Fale ci” 法樂辭 (Songs of religious joy). His extant verse also includes some “poetic game” pieces including huiwen 回文 (palindrome), lihe 離合 (anagram), and shuangsheng 雙聲 (alliterative poem). In later times, Wang Rong is most admired as a writer of parallel prose. His best known piece is “Sanyue sanri qushui shi xu” 三月三日曲水詩序 (Preface for the third month third day circular waterway gathering poems). In 491, Emperor Wu hosted a feast in the Fanglin 芳林 Garden for members of his court to celebrate the Lustration Festival that took place in the third day of the third month. The emperor had Wang Rong compose the preface for the poems that were written by the participants. This work, which was included in the Wen xuan, is regarded as one of the best pieces of parallel prose written in the Southern Dynasties. His preface was even well known in the Northern Wei court.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wang Ningshuo ji 王寧朔集. 4 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wang Ningshuo ji 王寧朔集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Xu Xiaofang 徐曉方, ed. and comm. “Wang Rong shige jiaozhu” 王融詩歌校注. M.A. Thesis, Xibei daxue, 2010. 1212 wang rong 王融 (468–494), zi yuanchang 元長

Studies Fujii Mamoru 藤井守. “Rikuchō bunjin den—Ō Yū (Nansei jo)” 六朝文人傳–王融 (南齊書). Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 14 (1980). Yuan Shishuo 袁士碩. “Wang Rong” 王融. In Shandong gudai wenxuejia pingzhuan 山東古代文學家評傳, ed. Yuan Shishuo, 361–85. Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1983. Bao Caihua 包才華. “Lun Wang Rong shige de qingli” 論王融詩歌的清麗. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (1995 supplement): 68–70. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 45–46. Su, Juilung. “Wang Jung.” In Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Litera- ture, volume 2, 178–81. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. “Wang Rong nianpu” 王融年譜. Zhonggu wenxue lungao 中古文學論稿. Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 1992; rpt. in Liuchao zuojia nianpu jiyao 六朝作家年譜輯要, ed. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進 and Fan Ziye 范子燁, 467–94. Ha’erbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, 2: 289–469. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 393–97. Goh, Meow Hui. “Wang Rong’s (467–493) Poetics in the Light of the Invention of Tonal Prosody.” Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2004. Goh, Meow Hui. “Tonal Prosody in Three Poems by Wang Rong.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 124.1 (2004): 59–68. Goh, Meow Hui. Sound and Sight: Poetry and Courtier Culture in the Yongming Era (483–493). Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010.

Works

a. “Ce xiucai wen” 策秀才文 (Examination essay questions for cultivated talents)

Study Fujii Mamoru 藤井守. “Ōyū ‘Saku shūsai bun’ ni tsuite” 王融の「策秀才文」について. In Obi hakushi taikyū kinen ronbunshū Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 小尾博士退休紀念論文集, ed. Obi hakushi taikyū kinen ronbunshū henshū iinkai 小尾博士退休記念論文集編集委員会. Kyoto: Dai’ichi gakushusha, 1976.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 652–660.

b. “Sanyue sanri qushui shi xu” 三月三日曲水詩序 (Preface for the third month third day circular waterway gathering poems)

Study Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Ōyū ‘Sangatsu mika kyokusui shi no jo’ 王融「三月三日曲水詩序」. Obi hakushi koki kinen Chūgoku bungaku ronbunshū 小尾博士 wang rui 王叡 (434–481), zi luocheng 洛城 1213

古稀記念論文集, ed. Obi hakushi koki kinen jigyōkai 小尾博士古稀記念集委會, 257–74. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1983.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 851–58.

c. “Jingzhuzi song” 淨住子頌 (Hymns on the devotee’s entrance into the pure life)

Translation and study Mather, Richard B. “Wang Jung’s ‘Hymns on the Devotee’s Entrance into the Pure Life.’ ” Journal of the American Oriental Society 106.1 (1986): 79–98. Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, Volume II, 392–446.

d. “Fale ci” 法樂辭 (Songs of religious joy)

Translation and study Mather, Richard B. “The Life of the Buddha and the Buddhist Life: Wang Jung’s (468–93) ‘Songs of Religious Joy’ (Fa-le tz’u).” Journal of the American Oriental Society 107.1 (1987): 31–38. Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, Volume II, 378–91.

e. Poems

Translations Birrell, New Songs, 125–26, 273 (9 poems). Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, Volume II, 289–469 (complete). Wu Fusheng. Written at Imperial Command, 105, 108 (two poems). Goh, Sound and Sight, 34–35, 51, 52, 68 (four poems).

DRK

Wang Rui 王叡 (434–481), zi Luocheng 洛城

Northern Wei statesman.

Wang Rui’s ancestral home was Jinyang 晉陽 in Taiyuan 太原 (southwest of modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). His sixth generation ancestor Wang Heng 王橫 (n.d.) served as chief administrator under Zhang Gui 張軌 (255–314), minister of education and palace attendant during the Western Jin period. Wang Heng’s descendants left Jinyang and moved to Guzang 姑臧 in Wuwei 武威 (modern Wuwei, Gansu) during the wars at the end of the Western Jin. 1214 wang rui 王叡 (434–481), zi luocheng 洛城

Wang Rui’s father Wang Qiao 王橋 (d. 466) was an expert in astronomy and divination. When he moved to the capital Pingcheng 平城 (modern Datong), he supported the family as a diviner. He later was appointed attendant courtier. He posthumously received the title of Marquis of Xian- mei 顯美. Wang Rui was noted for his handsome looks. The crown prince Tuoba Huang 拓跋晃 (428–451) often remarked on his striking appearance. Wang Rui followed in his father’s profession of diviner. In 452, Wang Rui was appointed courtier in the Imperial Diviner Office, and soon was promoted to director of the same unit. He also served as grand astrologer. Empress Dowager Wenming 文明 (442–490), who in 475 was named regent for her young grandson Emperor Xiaowen (r. 471–499), took a special interest in Wang Rui. She had him promoted out of sequence directly to palace steward. In the next few years, Wang was promoted to cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, palace attendant, and minister of the Ministry of Personnel. Some court officials expressed concern about the special favor Wang Rui received from the empress dowager. In 478, the emperor and empress dowager entertained court visitors by taking them for a view of the tiger pen. A tiger escaped and advanced toward the seats of the emperor and empress. The imperial guards were terrified and were paralyzed with fear. Wang Rui seized a halberd and subdued the animal. This act earned Wang Rui even more favor and trust from the emperor and empress dowager. In 480, he was promoted to director of the Imperial Secretariat and conferred the title Prince of Zhongshan, and was named General Who Defends the East. In 481, the Buddhist monk Faxiu 法秀 (d. 481) led an uprising against the imperial court in Pingcheng. After the rebels were subdued, Wang Rui said, “I would rather pardon the guilty than kill the innocent. The chief plotters should be decapitated and have their heads hung on a pole as a warning to all. The rest should be freed.” Emperor Xiaowen accepted his recommendation. More than a thousand people were pardoned. As a favorite of the imperial family Wang Rui was free to go in and out of the palace at any time. The empress often privately bestowed him rare treasures and silk fabrics. He had the treasures taken out of the palace at night in covered carriages. Wang Rui accumulated innumerable riches over the years. In his old age, Wang Rui became ill. Emperor Xiaowen and the empress dowager often went to visit him. When he was on his deathbed, Wang submitted to the emperor a petition in which he outlined five principles of governance: (1) Exercise prudence in administering punishments; (2) recruit men of virtue and talent; (3) hold close the loyal and trustworthy; (4) keep slan- derers and sycophants at a distance, (5) impelement a system of promotion and demotion. Wang Rui died shortly after he presented the petition. He wang sengchuo 王僧綽 (423–453) 1215 was forty-eight. Wang Rui was such a handsome man, women in the capital area composed new songs and tunes in his honor titled “Zhongshan wang ye” 中山王樂 (Music for the Prince of Zhongshan). Wang Rui’s only extant writing is his deathbed petition which is preserved in his biography in the Wei shu and Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Li Ping 李憑. “Bei Wei Taihe zhi chu de shuanghuang zhuanzhi” 北魏太和之初的雙簧專制. Xueshu yanjiu (2012: 7): 95–104.

TPK

Wang Sengchuo 王僧綽 (423–453)

Liu-Song period writer.

Wang Sengchuo’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂, Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the oldest son of Wang Tanshou 王曇首 (394–430), who was a great-grandson of the Eastern Jin statesman Wang Dao 王導 (276–339). In 426 Wang Tanshou supported Emperor Wen of Song (r. 424–453) in removing Xu Xianzhi 徐羨之 (364–426) and Xie Hui 謝晦 (390–426) from their posts of power at the court. Upon his death Wang Tanshou was granted the posthumous title of Marquis of Yuning 豫寧. At the age of thirteen Wang Sengchuo was received at court by Emperor Wen, who wept uncontrollably upon seeing the son of one of his loyal courtiers. It was at this time that Wang Sengchuo inherited the title of Marquis of Yuning. Wang Sengchuo also married Emperor Wen’s eldest daughter, the Princess of Dongyang 東陽, Liu Ying’e 劉英娥. Like his father, Wang Sengchuo was not pretentious, and despite his superior intelligence and learning, he was not condescending to other people. His first official post was as an aide to Liu Yigong 劉義恭 (413–465), Prince of Jiangxia 江夏, who held the post of minister of education. He then joined the staff of Liu Jun 劉濬 (429–453), Prince of Shixing 始興, followed by an appointment as secretary to the heir designate. In 449, Wang Sengchuo was promoted to director of the Bureau of Personnel in the Department of State Affairs. In this capacity he participated in the selection of officials for the court. In 451, he was appointed palace attendant, and became one of Emperor Wen’s closest advisers. Emperor Wen wished to appoint him to an important post, but Wang Sengchuo’s elder cousin Wang Wei 王微 1216 wang sengchuo 王僧綽 (423–453)

(415–453) advised him to decline. Wang Sengchuo then requested to be posted either to Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou) or Guangzhou 廣州, but his request was not approved. When Emperor Wen’s brother Liu Shao 劉劭 (425–453) plotted a coup against Emperor Wen, Wang Sengchuo informed the emperor about it. Liu Shao assassinated Emperor Wen in March of 453. Upon learning that Wang Sengchuo had informed on him, Liu Shao had him killed. He was only thirty-one at the time. His son Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489) became one of the most distinguished scholars of the Liu-Song and Southern Qi eras. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Sengchuo’s collected works in one juan. This was lost in the Tang. It also lists a Song ji 頌集 (Collection of eulogies) in twenty juan. This presumably was an anthology of eulogies. This was also lost in the Tang. None of his writings has survived.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 40.

DRK

Wang Sengda 王僧達 (423–458)

Liu-Song period writer.

Wang Sengda’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commndery. He was the youngest son of Wang Hong 王弘 (379–432), who was one of the most distinguished court officials at the beginning of the Song dynasty. Emperor Wen had heard that Wang Sengda was precocious, and he summoned him to an interview in the Deyang Hall. He was so impressed with his learning, he arranged to have him married to the daughter of Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444), Prince of Linchuan. Wang Sengda began his official career in 441 as a military aide to Liu Jun 劉濬 (429–453), Prince of Shixing 始興. He was then promoted to secretary on the staff of the heir designate. However, Wang Sengda spent much of his time watching fighting ducks, flying falcons, and racing hounds. He also liked to butcher cows. Claiming his family was poor, he requested to be assigned to a commandery post. Emperor Wen recommended that he be assigned to Qin commandery 秦郡 (administrative seat north of modern Luhe 六合, Jiangsu), but the director of the Ministry of Personnel, wang sengda 王僧達 (423–458) 1217

Yu Bingzhi 庾炳之 (388–45) objected on the grounds that “Sengda was not capable of overseeing the people.” The emperor decided not to appoint him to any commandery post. Wang Sengda was then promoted to librarian in the editorial service of the heir designate. However, he soon had to resign his post to observe mourning for his mother. At the conclusion of the mourning period, Wang Sengda was appointed governer of Xuancheng 宣城 (modern Xuancheng, Anhui). Instead of attending to his duties, he spent much of his time hunting and going out on rambles for days at a time. He often heard cases in the hunting grounds. In 448, the Northern Wei army invaded the area north of the Yangzi River. Wang Sengda volunteered to join in the defense of the capital. After the Wei army withdrew, Wang returned to his post in Xuancheng. Soon thereafter he was transferred to the position of governor of Yixing 義興 (modern Yixing 宜興, Jiangsu). In 453, when Liu Jun 劉駿 (430–464), the future Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453– 464), led his troops to attack his older brother Liu Shao 劉劭 (ca. 426–453), who murdered his father, Emperor Wen, Wang Sengda went south to welcome Liu Jun. Liu Jun appointed Wang Sengda to high-ranking positions at court when Liu Jun ascended the throne. Owing to his distinguished family background and vast learning, Wang Sengda acted in an overbearing, imperious manner that offended Emperor Xiaowu. Emperor Xiaowu punished him with five demotions in one year. He then had him assigned as governor of Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou). While serving in this post he expropriated large sums of money from wealthy Buddhist monks. In 456, Wang Sengda returned to the court as chamberlain for ceremonials. He also was removed from this position because of insubordination, but he was soon appointed governor of Lin- huai 臨淮 (modern Xuyi 眙貽, Jiangsu). In 457, Wang Sengda returned to the imperial court as general of the guards and supervisor of the palace cadets in the household of the crown prince. He also was awarded the title Marquis of Ningling 寧陵 county. In 458, he was promoted to secretariat director. During this time Wang Sengda offended Lu Qiongzhi路瓊之 , the nephew of Empress Dowager Lu 路太后 (412–466), and was accused of planning a coup against the imperial house. He was allowed to commit suicide in prison. Emperor Xiaowu personally wrote the biography of Wang Sengda for the Song history that was being compiled during that time. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu, the two Tang histories, and the Song shi list Wang Sengda’s collected works in ten juan. This was lost in the Yuan. 1218 wang sengda 王僧達 (423–458)

Wang Sengda was an accomplished poet. Zhong Rong places his verse in the middle grade of the Shi pin. One of his best known compositions is “Ji Yan Guanglu wen” 祭顏光祿文 (Offering for Grand Master for Splendid Happiness Yan), which he wrote upon the death of Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 (384–456). Yan Kejun collected seven of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli preserves six of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 359–60. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 39.

Works

a. “Ji Yan Guanglu wen” 祭顏光祿文 (Offering for Grand Master for Splendid Happiness Yan)

Study Berkowitz, Alan. “The Last Piece in the Wen xuan, Wang Sengda’s ‘Offering for Impe- rial Household Grandee Yan.” Early Medieval China 10–11, Part I (2004): 203–226; Chinese trans., Xu Haoran 許浩然. Gudian wenxian yanjiu 14 (2011): 396–413.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesischen Anthologie, 2: 1042–43.

b. “Da Yan Yannian” 答顏延年 (Replying to Yan Yanzhi)

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesischen Anthologie, 1: 438–39.

c. “He Langye Wang yi gu” 和琅邪王依古 (Matching [a poem by] the Prince of Langye, following the style of the ancient poems)

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesischen Anthologie, 1: 578–79.

WJ and DRK wang sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485) 1219

Wang Sengling 王僧令 (fl. 450)

Southern Qi poet.

Nothing is known of Wang Sengling’s life. Based on his name, he very likely was from the Wang family of Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪. The Wenguan cilin 文館詞林 preserves one poem, “Huang taizi shidian hui shi” 皇太子釋奠會詩 (Poem written for the Crown Prince’s school sacrifice gathering).

Work

a. “Huang taizi shidian hui shi” 皇太子釋奠會詩 (Poem written for the Crown Prince’s school sacrifice gathering)

Translation Raft, David Zebulon. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China.” Ph.D. diss., Har- vard University, 2007, 446–48.

DRK

Wang Sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485)

Song and Southern Qi period calligrapher, scholar, and writer.

Wang Sengqian’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂, Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the son of Wang Tanshou 王曇首 (394–430), who was a prominent statesmen in the early Song. By the time he reached adulthood, he had mastered the clerical style of calligraphy. Emperor Wen of the Song (r. 424–453) was quite fond of him and had him appointed assistant in the palace library and secretary to the heir designate. During this time he was on good terms with Yuan Shu 袁淑 (408–453) and Xie Zhuang 謝莊 (421–466). In the late Yuanjia period (424–453), Wang Sengqian served as academician to Liu Chang 劉昶 (436–497), Prince of Yiyang 義陽, followed by a term as librarian in the editorial service of the heir designate. He later was appointed to the staff of Liu Yigong 劉義恭 (413–465), Prince of Jiangxia 江夏, who held the post of minister of education. In 453, Wang Sengqian’s older brother Wang Sengchuo 王僧綽 (423– 453) was killed by Liu Shao 劉劭 (ca. 426–453) during his coup against Emperor Wen (r. 424–453). Wang Sengqian then took over the responsibility of raising Sengchuo’s son Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489). 1220 wang sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485)

In that same year, Wang Sengqian was appointed governor of Wuling 武陵 (administrative seat northwest of modern Zhushan 竹山, Hubei). He soon returned to the court where he served as secretariat director, gentleman of the palace gates, and palace cadet in the household of the heir designate Liu Ziye 劉子業 (449–465). During this time Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464) prided himself on his calligraphy. Wang Sengqian deliberately wrote in an awkward style so as not to offend the emperor. Ca. 458, Wang Sengqian was assigned as administrator on the staff of Liu Zishang 劉子尚 (451–456), Prince of Xiyang 西陽. Soon thereafter he was promoted to cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. In 461, he joined the staff of Liu Ziluan 劉子鸞 (456–465), regional inspector of Nan Xuzhou 南徐州 (administrative seat Jingkou 京口, modern Zhenjiang). However, the prince was only five years old, and Wang Sengqian had primary responsibility for the administration of the province. During this time he also served as governor of Nandonghai 南東海 (administrative seat modern Dantu 丹徒, Jiangsu). Shortly thereafter he took up the post of administrator in Yuzhang 豫章 (administrative seat modern Nanchang, Jiangxi). He then returned to the imperial court to serve as palace attendant and palace aide to the censor-in-chief. In the Taishi period of Emperor Ming (465–471), Wang Sengqian served as governor of Wuxing 吳興 (admnistrative seat Wucheng 屋程, south of modern Huzhou 胡州, Zhejiang). This was a position once held by another member of the Langye Wang family, the famous calligrapher Wang Xianzhi 王獻之 (344–386). A number of Wang Sengqian’s contemporaries remarked on the appropriateness of two accomplished calligraphers from the same family occupying this post. Wang’s next position was governor of Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing). Ruan Tianfu 阮佃夫 (427–477), one of Emperor Ming’s most favored courtiers, came to Guiji on a visit. Wang Sengqian refused to receive him, and Wang was dismissed from office. In 471, Wang Sengqian returned to the imperial court with “non-official status” and was appointed palace attendant. He subsequently was assigned as governor of Wu commandery 吳郡 (administrative seat modern Suzhou). He was also given the title General Who Establishes Military Might. In this capacity he had charge of administrative affairs in Xiangzhou 湘州 (administrative seat Linxiang 臨湘, modern Changsha). He eventually was appointed regional inspector of Xiangzhou. In 476, Wang Sengqian was recalled to the imperial court where he was appointed head of the Ministry of Personnel. In 477, he was promoted to vice director of the Secretariat. When the Qi dynasty was founded in May of 479, Wang Sengqian was named General of the Pacification Army, and appointed governor of Danyang 丹陽, which is the administrative zone that included the capital. wang sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485) 1221

The following year he was offered the title General Defender of the Left, but he declined it. In 482 he was conferred the title of grand master for splendid happiness. Later in that same year he was again appointed regional inspector of Xiangzhou. Shortly after Emperor Wu took the Qi throne in 482, Wang Sengqian developed arthritis, and he requested to be relieved of his official post. He was granted the prestige titles of grand master of splendid happiness and commander unequalled in honor. Wang Sengqian died in 485. Wang Sengqian was one of the most skilled calligraphers of the Southern Dynasties. He wrote a treatise on calligraphy that is conventionally titled “Lun shu” 論書 (Discussing calligraphy). Cong Wenjun (see bibliography below) has shown that this work actually consists of two letters, one that is a reply to Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), Prince of Jingling, and another that Wang presented to Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482), Emperor Gao of Qi. Wang Sengqian also wrote “Shu fu” 書賦 (Fu on calligraphy), of which a short extract has been preserved. Xiao Daocheng was an accomplished calligrapher. He once asked Wang Sengqian who was the best calligrapher. Wang replied, “Your humble servant is number one, and Your Majesty is also number one.” Wang Sengqian was also an expert in music. He had a strong interest in the “Qing shang” 清商 (Pure shang) music. In 478, he presented a petition to the court in which he objected to the playing of popular tunes, meaning the new “Wu Songs” and “Western Songs,” in the court. He proposed to recollect old “Qing shang” 清商 tunes and have these pieces performed instead. Although some new pieces were discovered, many were lost. In 481, the Qi established diplomatic relations with the Northern Wei. Wang Sengqian proposed that it might be possible to retrieve some of these songs from the north. However, nothing came of his suggestion. Wang Sengqian compiled the Daming sannian yanyue ji lu 大明三年宴樂技錄 (Catalogue of the musical arts: the banquet music of Daming 3), frequently abbreviated as Ji lu 技錄 (Catalogue of the musical arts). Although this work has not survived intact, it is often cited in the Yuefu shiji and other works. It is a valuable source for the study of early medieval Chinese music and songs. Wang Sengqian’s biographies in the Nan Qi shu and Nan shi do not mention his collected works. There is also no listing in the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu. Yan Kejun has collected fifteen of his prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. One of his best known pieces is “Jie zi shu” 誡子書 (Letter of warning to my son). He probably wrote this as a monitory piece for his eldest son Wang Ci 王慈 (451–491), who was also an accomplished calligrapher. 1222 wang sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485)

Bibliography

Studies Wang Chunhong 汪春泓. “Lun Wang Sengqian yu Nanchao wenyi” 論王僧虔與南朝文藝. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (2005: 2): 59–65. Zhuo Guojun 卓國浚. “Wang Sengqian shuxue lilun tixi” 王僧虔書學理論體系. Zhonghua shudao 50 (2005): 9–28. Huang Dun 黃惇. Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shufa shi 秦漢魏晉南北朝書法史, 298–302. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2009. Zeng Zhi’an 曾智安. Qingshang quci yanjiu 清商曲辭研究, 40–44. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2009.

Works

a. “Lun shu” 論書 (Discussing calligraphy)

Text Pan Yun’gao 潘運告, ed. Han Wei Liuchao shuhua lun 漢魏六朝書畫論, 160–71. Changsha: Hunan meishu chubanshe, 1997.

Studies Cong Wenjun 叢文俊. “Wang Sengqian ‘Lun shu’ kao” 王僧虔《論書》考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2001: 4): 9–13. Cong Wenjun 叢文俊. “Wang Sengqian ‘Lun shu’ ” 王僧虔《論書》. Zhonghua shudao 35 (2002): 42–48. Ōno Shūsaku 大野修作. “Ō Sōken ‘Ronsho’ yori Hōshō yōroku o mi-naosu” 王僧虔「論書」より《法書要錄》を見直す. Shogaku shodō shi kenkyū 16 (2006): 17–27.

b. “Jie zi shu” 誡子書 (Letter of warning to my son)

Studies Yasuda Jirō 安田二郎. “Ō Sōken ‘Kaishi sho’ kō” 王僧虔「誡子書」考. Nihon bunka kenkyūjo kenkyū hōkoku 17 (1981): 103–52. Ochi Shigeaki 越智重明. “Ō Sōken no Kaishi sho o megutte” 王僧虔の誡子書をめぐって. Tōhōgaku 63 (1982): 30–43. Yu Ying-shih 余英時. “Wang Sengqian ‘Jie zi shu’ yu Nanchao qingtan kaobian” 王僧虔《誡子書》與南朝清談考辨. Zhongguo wenhua (1993: 1): 22–31; Zhong- guo wenzhe yanjiu jikan 3 (1993): 173–96.

DRK wang sengru 王僧孺 (ca. 463–ca. 521), zi sengru 僧儒 1223

Wang Sengru 王僧孺 (ca. 463–ca. 521), zi Sengru 僧儒

Southern Qi, Liang period writer.

Wang Sengru’s ancestral home was Tan 郯 in Donghai 東海 commandery (modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong). He was the eighth generation descendant of Wang Su 王肅 (195–256). His great-grandfather Wang Ya 王雅 (334–400) was a high official during the Eastern Jin, and his grandfather Wang Zhun 王準之 (fl. 423) served as assistant in the Ministry of Education. Wang Sengru showed a gift for writing and scholarship at an early age. His family was poor, and Wang Sengru helped support his mother by copying texts for other people. He began his official career in the early Southern Qi as an attendant-in-ordinary to a prince. He then served as a professor in the national university. In 488, Wang Yan 王晏 (d. 497), governor of Danyang 丹陽, which included the capital area, appointed him to the personnel evaluation section of the commandery administration. He also commisioned him to compile the Donggong xinji 東宮新記 (New notes on the Eastern Palace), which though lost probably was a set of protocols for the residence of the crown prince. His next posting was acting military aide to Xiao Yi 蕭嶷 (444–492), Prince of Yuzhang 豫章, who at this time (ca. 489) was serving as commander-in-chief. When Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494), Prince of Jingling 竟陵, began to invite scholars to join his salon at the Western Villa in the captial, Wang Sengru, Yu Xi 虞羲 (fl. 482–502), and Jiang Hong 江洪 (d. ca 517) were among the most favored younger members of his entourage. Wang Sengru also became good friends with Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508) at this time. In 493, Wang Yan’s son Wang Deyuan 王德元 (d. 497) was appointed governor of Jin’an 晉安 (admininstrative seat, modern Fuzhou, Fujian). Wang Sengru was assigned as assistant administrator, and then appointed magistrate of Houguan 候官 (modern Fuzhou). Ca. 497, Xiao Yaoguang 蕭遙光 (468–499), Prince of Shi’an 始安, recommended Wang Sengru for a court position. He was assigned to the post of adviser in the Secretariat. He was soon apppointed magistrate of Qiantang 錢唐 (modern Hangzhou). Upon his departure to his post, Ren Fang presented him a poem. At the beginning of the Liang (ca. 502), Wang Sengru served as military aide to Xiao Hong 蕭宏 (473–526), Prince of Linchuan 臨川, who was the younger brother of Emperor Wu (r. 502–549). He was also assigned as an expectant appointee in the Wende sheng 文德省 (Department of the Learned and Virtuous). In 503, he was sent out to the provinces to serve as governor of Nanhai 南海 (admininstrative seat, modern Guangzhou). 1224 wang sengru 王僧孺 (ca. 463–ca. 521), zi sengru 僧儒

After serving there a year (or two years according to the Nan shi), Wang Sengru was summoned back to the imperial court where he was appointed vice director of the Secretaritat and put in charge of editorial and compilation work. During this time he was assigned to the Wende sheng where he compiled the Zhongbiao bu 中表簿 (Roster of maternal and fraternal cousins) and Qiju zhu 起居注 (Diary of imperial activity). Wang Sengru was then promoted to left vice director of the Department of State Affairs and palace aide to the censor-in-chief. During this time Emperor Wu composed the “Chunjing mingzhi shi” 春景明志詩 (Poem clarifying intent at a spring scene) in 500 characters. He commanded court officials from Shen Yue on down to compose matching poems. Wang Sengru’s composition was deemed the best of the pieces composed for the occasion. Wang Sengru next was promoted to chamberlain for the palace revenues, followed by a posting as governor of Wu commandery 吳郡 (modern Suzhou). He returned to the court as vice director of the Personnel Section in the Department of State Affairs, but was not assigned any duties. In 510, Wang Sengru was sent out as administrator to Xiao Ji 蕭績 (505–529), Prince of Nankang 南康, who was then serving as regional inspector of Nan Xuzhou 南徐州 (administrative seat, modern Zhenjiang). Wang Sengru had de facto charge of the administrative affairs of the region. The seven- year-old prince’s most trusted adviser was his document clerk Tang Daomin 湯道愍. According to the Liang shu, Wang Sengru tried to curtail Tang Daomin’s authority, and Tang filed a grievance against Wang. The Nan shi records that a friend had left one of his concubines in his care while traveling. When the friend returned, she was pregnant. Tang Daomin filed charges against Wang. It is difficult to judge which account is correct. In any case, the result was that Wang Sengru was removed from his official post and remained out of office for a number of years. Wang Sengru’s friend He Jiong 何炯 was still on the prince’s staff. Wang sent him a long letter in which he complains of his plight of being unemployed and threat- ened with punishment. Ca. 515 Wang Sengru returned to official service. Between then and 520, he served in a succession of posts: military aide to the Prince of Ancheng 安成, Xiao Xiu 蕭秀 (475–518); secretary to Xiao Dan 蕭憺 (478–522), Prince of Shixing 始興; and consultant to the Prince of Nankang, Xiao Ji. Ca. 520, Wang Sengru returned to the imperial court where he was assigned to the Secretariat and put in charge of compilation. According to the Liang shu he died in Putong 3 (522) at the age of fifty-eight sui. The Nan shi gives the year of his death as Putong 2 (521). Wang Sengru was an avid book collector. His library contained over ten thousand juan and included many rare works. He also read widely, wang sengyou 王僧祐 (d. ca. 490), zi yinzong 胤宗 1225 and reputedly “there was nothing that he had not perused.” He also was a skilled calligrapher. He had a vast knowledge of ancient lore and genealogy. Emperor Wu also assigned him the task of establishing a correct version of the Baijia pu 百家譜 (Genealogies of the hundred families). Among the works credited to him include Shiba zhou pu 十八州譜 (Geneaologies of the eighteen regions) in 710 juan, Baijia pu jichao 百家譜集抄 (Collected extracts from the genealogies of the hundred families) in 15 juan, and the Dongnan pu jichao 東南譜集抄 (Collected extracts from the genealogies of the southeast). He also compiled the collected works of He Xun 何遜 (466–519). Wang Sengru’s biographies in the Liang shu and Nan shi and the monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and two Tang histories mention his collected works in thirty juan. This was lost in the Song.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 40–41. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 518–19.

Works

a. “Yu He Jiong shu” 與何炯書 (Letter to He Jiong)

Translation Richter, Antje. Letters & Epistolary Culture in Early Medieval China, 69. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2013.

DRK

Wang Sengyou 王僧祐 (d. ca. 490), zi Yinzong 胤宗

Southern Qi period writer.

Wang Sengyou’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂, Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was a paternal elder cousin of Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489), who was one of the most distinguished scholars and statesmen of this period. As a youth he showed unusual intelligence, and his uncle Wang Wei 王微 (415–453) once patted his head and said, “This boy is gifted and has a mind of his own. He will not be an ordinary person.” 1226 wang sengyou 王僧祐 (d. ca. 490), zi yinzong 胤宗

Wang Sengyou did not curry favor with people of high status, including members of his family. One time Wang Jian went to call on him, and he refused to see him. During the Yongming period (483–493), Emperor Wu (r. 482–493) staged a military review. Wang Sengyou presented the “Jiang wu fu” 講武賦 (Fu on the military review). Wang Jian asked to see the piece, but Wang Sengyou refused to give it to him. Wang Sengyou once gave Wang Jian the following quatrain: “Your house is at the market gate, /My house is in the southern suburbs. /Your house is filled with guests, /My house has many birds.” At the end of the Yongming period, Wang Seng you was appointed secretary to the heir designate. He died while serving as gentleman of the palace gate. Wang Sengyou was a man of broad learning and had a strong interest in Laozi and Zhuangzi. He was a skilled calligrapher in the clerical and cursive styles, and was an accomplished zither player. His collection once consisted of ten juan, but this was lost before the Tang. Only one of his poems is extant, the quatrain that is cited above.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 39. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 378.

DRK

Wang Shao 王劭 (550–ca. 610), zi Junmao 君懋

Sui dynasty historian and writer.

Wang Shao’s ancestral home was Jinyang 晉陽 in Taiyuan 太原 (modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). His father Wang Songnian 王松年 (n.d.) was senior recorder for comprehensive duty during the Northern Qi. The vice director of the imperial secretariat Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572) recruited Wang Shao to serve on his staff. He later was assigned as secretary in the household of the heir designate. During this time he also served as expectant official at the Wenlin guan 文林館 (Institute of Letters). Eminent scholars such as Zu Xiaozheng 祖孝徵 (n.d.), Wei Shou, and Yang Xiuzhi 陽休之 (d. 582) enjoyed getting together to discuss ancient events or historical matters. When they could not recall something, they often called on Wang Shao, who was able to cite detailed information and their sources. Wang Shao’s wang shao 王劭 (550–ca. 610), zi junmao 君懋 1227 contemporaries also praised him for his extensive and profound learning. When the Northern Qi fell in 577, Wang Shao went to serve in the North- ern Zhou court. However, he was not appointed to any position. After Yang Jian 楊堅 (541–604) established the Sui dynasty in 581, Wang Shao was appointed assistant editorial director in the palace library. He resigned from office when his mother died. He stayed at home compiling the Qi shu 齊書 (History of the Qi dynasty). However, private persons were not permitted to compile a dynastic history. Director of the Secretariat Li Yuancao 李元操 (n.d.) reported him to Yang Jian, Emperor Wen 文 (r. 581–604). Emperor Wen was furious and confiscated his Qi shu drafts. However, after reading the text, Emperor Wen was pleasantly surprised, and he appointed him supernumerary gentleman cavalier attendant. He was then assigned to compile the imperial diary. Wang Shao ingratiated himself with Emperor Wen by pointing out his unusual physiognomy that indicated he was fated to be an emperor. Emperor Wen rewarded him with lavish gifts and promoted him to editorial director in the palace library. Shortly thereafter, Wang Shao presented a petition to the imperial court in which he discussed the numerous propitious omens that appeared before or after an emperor received his mandate from Heaven. He mentioned the discovery in Emperor Wen’s early reign of a stone turtle on which was carved an inscription that read: “The Son of Heaven will endure for a thousand years. This is greatly auspicious.” Emperor Wen was again very pleased, and he bestowed him generous gifts. Wang Shao soon followed with another petition in which he used prognostication texts to confirm his “auspicious omens” theory. Emperor Wen was again very pleased. During the Renshou period (601–604), Emperor Wen’s wife Empress Xian 獻 (544–602) passed away. Wang Shao wrote the “Shang yan Wenx- ian huanghou shengtian” 上言文獻皇后生天 (Submitting a written statement in regard to Empress Wenxiang’s being born in Heaven) to express his condolences. He compared Empress Xian with Miaoshan Pusa 妙善菩薩 “Bodhisattva of Wonderful Goodness.” After reading the piece, Emperor Wen had feelings of both grief and joy. In 604, Emperor Wen told Wang Shao that he had dreamed of trying unsuccessfully to climb a high mountain. General Cui Peng 崔彭 (545–607) held his feet, and General Li Sheng 李盛 (n.d.) held his elbows and pushed him upward. Wang Shao said, “This dream is very auspicious. Climbing a high mountain clearly indicates that you enjoy sublime peace, and you are like the mountain which endures forever. Peng refers to Peng Zu 彭祖 [who lived 800 years], and Li refers to Laozi surnamed Li. Having the 1228 wang shao 王劭 (550–ca. 610), zi junmao 君懋 assistance of Peng and Li is a sign of longevity.” Emperor Wen beamed with delight. However, Emperor Wen died in the same year. General Cui Peng died three years later. After Emperor Wen’s death, his second son Yang Guang 楊廣 (569–618) succeeded to the throne. This was Emperor Yang 煬 (r. 604–618). Yang Liang 楊諒 (fl. 581), the Prince of Han 漢, who was Emperor Wen’s fifth son, staged a coup to overthrow Yang Guang. Yang Guang was reluctant to execute his brother. Hoping to curry favor with Yang Guang, Wang Shao presented a petition recommending that Yang Liang be executed. Yang Guang did not follow his advice. Wang Shao was then transferred to the position of vice director of the palace library. A few years later, Wang Shao died in office. Wang Shao was a prolific writer. He spent almost twenty years compiling the history of Sui. This work was in eighty juan. However, he included many oral edicts and cited fantastic tales. According to Wang Shao’s biography in the Sui shu, “The language lacks unity and coherence, and the work is not worth reading.” Wang Shao had earlier compiled the Qi zhi 齊誌 (Qi chronicle), an annal- istic history of the Northern Qi in twenty juan. He later expanded it to a 100-juan work that included biographies. This was titled Qi shu 齊書 (His- tory of the Northern Qi). He also wrote the Ping zei ji 平賊記 (Notes on pacifying the rebels) in three juan. The compilers of Wang Shao’s Sui shu biography remarked about this work: “the language is vulgar. The unusual stories are shocking and appalling. Any learned man would sneer at this type of writing.” Another of his works was the Dushu ji 讀書記 (Reading notes) in thirty juan. All of these works have been lost. His extant writings consist of nine prose pieces, most of which are the petitions mentioned above. He also has a long Buddhist text, the Sheli ganying ji 舍利感應記 (Notes on śarīra [Buddhist relics]) and auspicious signs) in three juan, which is preserved in the Guang hongming ji 廣弘明記.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 16. Xiong, Victor Cunrui. Emperor Yang of the Sui Dynasty: His Life, Times, and Leg- acy, 31, 153. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006.

TPK wang shaozhi 王韶之 (380–435), zi xiutai 休泰 1229

Wang Shaozhi 王韶之 (380–435), zi Xiutai 休泰

Liu-Song period historian and literary man.

Wang Shaozhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His father, Wang Weizhi 王偉之, served as secretariat director in the Song. Wang Shaozhi’s family was poor. His father served as magistrate of Wucheng 烏程 (modern Wuxing 吳興, Zhe- jiang), and Wang Shaozhi established his residence in Wucheng county. Wang Weizhi had made hand-copies of the decrees, commands, and petitions of the late Eastern Jin era. He also made a full record of the events of the Taiyuan (376–396) and Long’an (397–401) periods. Wang Shaozhi began his official career as a military aide to the general of the guards Xie Yan 謝琰 (d. 400). He used his father’s chronicle to compile the Jin An di yangqiu 晉安帝陽秋 (Annals of Emperor An of Jin). This was a history of the penultimate Eastern Jin ruler Emperor An (r. 396–418). His contemporaries considered this work of high quality. The distinguished historian Xu Guang 徐廣 (352–425) recommended that he be appointed assistant editorial director in the palace library. Wang then continued his chronicle to the end of Emperor An’s reign. He was subsequently promoted to director of the Ministry of Sacrifices in the Depart- ment of State Affairs. In 415, Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422), who would eventually found the Liu-Song dynasty in 420, was impressed by Wang Shaozhi’s learning, appointed him court gentleman for comprehensive duty and put him in charge of affairs in the Secretariat. Wang Shaozhi soon rose to the position of vice director of the Secretariat. This gave him close access to the emperor. Liu Yu had Wang Shaozhi poison Emperor An in 418. Under the last Eastern Jin ruler, Emperor Gong (r. 419–420), Wang Shaozhi served as gentleman attendant at the palace gate, court compiler, and continued his duties in the Secre- tariat. During this period all of the imperial edicts issued from the court were written by Wang Shaozhi. When Liu Yu assumed the imperial throne in 420, he appointed Wang Shaozhi cavalry general. He also continued to draft imperial edicts and served as rectifier, in which capacity he determined the rank of men from his home commandery. With the accession of Emperor Shao (r. 422–424), Wang Shaozhi became an ally of Fu Liang 傅亮 (374–426) and Xu Xianzhi 徐羨之 (364–426). Shaozhi proposed to draft an edict ordering the murder of their co-regent Xie Hui 謝晦 (390–426), but was dissuaded from doing so by Fu Liang. 1230 wang shaozhi 王韶之 (380–435), zi xiutai 休泰

In 423, Wang Shaozhi was sent out to serve as governor of Wuxing 吳興 (administrative seat Wucheng, modern Huzhou 湖州, Zhejiang). Under Emperor Wen (424–453), both Fu Liang and Xu Xianzhi were executed in 426. Fearing that he might suffer the same fate, Wang Shaozhi established a close relationship with Emperor Wen’s favorite courtier, Wang Hua 王華 (385–537). He also performed his duties so diligently in the commandery of Wuxing, he was praised as an “excellent governor.” In 433, Wang Shaozhi returned to the imperial court as minister of the Ministry of Sacrifices. Shortly thereafter he was dismissed from his post for a minor offense. In 435, he returned to official service as governor of Wuxing. He died that same year at the age of fifty-six. His granddaughter was selected as a concubine of Xiao Changmao 蕭長懋 (485–493), heir designate in the Southern Qi. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Wang Shaozhi’s collected works in twenty-four juan. This was lost in the Song. Wang Shaozhi was known for his learning and elegant writing style. In 520, he composed the lyrics for three sets of ceremonial hymns. These are preserved in the monograph on music of the Song shu. He also wrote on behalf of the last Jin emperor the decree ordering his abdication to Liu Yu. In addition to the Jin Andi yangqiu, of which only fragments are extant, he also compiled Jin Song za zhao 晉宋雜詔 (Diverse edicts from the Jin and Song). According to Wang Shaozhi’s biography in the Nan shi he wrote a Xiaozi zhuan 孝子傳 (Traditions of filial children) in three juan. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a work by this title under his name in three juan. The Jiu Tang shu records this work in fifteen juan, while the Xin Tang shu lists it as having fifteen juan, plus three juan of zan 讚 (encomia). Some sources attribute to him two local histories, Shenjing ji 神境記 (Notes on the divine borderlands?) and Shixing ji 始興記 (Notes on Shixing), but these may be by Wang Xinzhi 王歆之 (the first character of his personal name resembles Shao 韶).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacian, 41–42. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 244–45. Hao Runhua 郝潤華. Liuchao shiji yu shixue 六朝史籍與史學, 112–13. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 111–12. Li Jianhua 李建華. “Jin Andi ji yu Dong Jin Andi chao shishu guanxi yanjiu”《晉安帝紀》與東晉安帝朝史書關係研究. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2008: 5): 16–19. wang shuzhi 王叔之, zi muzhong 穆仲 1231

Works

a. Xiaozi zhuan 孝子傳 (Traditions of filial children)

Texts Mao Panlin 茆泮林, ed. Wang Shaozhi Xiaozi zhuan 王韶之孝子傳. 1 juan. In Shizhong gu yishu 十種古逸書. Gaoyou Maoshi Meirui xuan 高郵茆氏梅瑞軒, 1840. Zheng Guoxun 鄭國勳, ed. Wang Shaozhi Xiaozi zhuan 王韶之孝子傳. 1 juan. In Longxi jingshe congshu 龍溪精舍叢書.

b. Jin Andi ji 晉安帝紀 (Annals of Emperor An of Jin) Huang Shi 黃奭 (19th cent.), ed. Jin Andi ji 晉安帝紀. 1 juan. Huaiquan tang 懷荃堂, 1925. Qiao Zhizhong 喬治忠, ed. Zhongjia biannianti Jin shi 眾家編年體晉史. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1989.

DRK

Wang Shuzhi 王叔之, zi Muzhong 穆仲 (late fourth, early fifth century)

Eastern Jin and early Liu-Song period writer.

Wang Shuzhi does not have a biography in the standard histories. His name is also variously written Wang Shuzhi 王淑之, Wang Shuyuan 王叔元, Wang Shuyuan 王淑元, and Wang Xuzhi 王敘之. However, there is an account of him in the Jingdian shiwen 經典釋文 preface, which says that his ancestral home was Langye, and that he was a recluse scholar during the Jin and Song. Yan Kejun has collected nine of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. These include an excerpt from the “Dizhi fu” 翟雉賦 (Fu on the longtailed pheasant), and zan (encomia) on a boat, an official’s tablet, and the sweet-peel orange. Excerpts from two poems, “You Luofu shan shi” 遊羅浮山詩 (Poem on roaming Mount Luofu), and “Ni gu shi” 擬古詩 (Imitating an ancient poem) are extant.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 17.

DRK 1232 wang siyuan 王思遠 (452–500)

Wang Siyuan 王思遠 (452–500)

Liu-Song and Southern Qi literatus.

Wang Siyuan’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His father Wang Luoyun 王羅雲 (d. 460) died when Siyuan was eight years old. Wang Siyuan’s younger cousin was Wang Yan 王晏 (d. 497), who was a powerful official during the early Southern Qi. Wang Siyuan’s paternal grandfather Wang Hongzhi 王弘之 and his maternal grandfather Yang Jingyuan 羊敬元 were both recluses, and thus during his youth Wang Siyuan had little interest in pursuing an official career. Wang Siyuan first entered official service as recorder on the staff of the Prince of Jianping, Liu Jingsu 劉敬素 (452–476). In 476, Liu Jingsu rose in revolt against the imperial throne and was killed. Wang Siyuan attended to Liu Jingsu’s burial and even presented a petition to the court pleading for the exoneration of the prince. He also provided for the support of Liu Jingsu’s daughter. In the period 473–477, Wang Siyuan served as military aide to Liu Xie 劉燮 (fl. 470–477), Prince of Jinxi, and Liu Zhun 劉準 (469– 479), the future Emperor Shun (r. 477–479). At the beginning of the Southern Qi, ca. 480, Wang Siyuan joined the staff of Xiao Huang 蕭晃 (460–490), Prince of Changsha. He was then appointed vice director of the Palace Directorate. Ca. 483, he joined the staff of the Prince of Jingling, Xiao Ziliang 蕭子良 (460–494). He was on especially good terms with Xiao Ziliang and the heir designate Xiao Changmao 蕭長懋 (458–493). After serving as admininstrator of Jian’an 建安 (modern Jian’ou 建甌, Fujian), he returned to the imperial court as director of the Secretariat. At the end of the Yongming period (483–493), Wang Siyuan served in various posts including adviser in the Ministry of Education, and gentleman of the palace gate. In 494, the court had planned to appoint him regional inspector of Guangzhou 廣州 (modern Guangzhou and Guangxi), but he never took up this position. While the future Emperor Ming Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452–498) was serving as regent, he wished to appoint Wang Siyuan minister of the Ministry of Personnel, but Wang declined the appoinment on the grounds that his cousin Wang Yan held a position in the same unit. He accepted instead a position as left senior administrator in the Ministry of Education. During this period he frequently urged his cousin Wang Yan to commit suicide rather than risk removal from office or assassination. After Wang Yan was killed in 497, Wang Siyuan was appointed palace attendant. In 500, Wang Siyuan was promoted to minister of revenue, but he died before he could take up the appointment. wang su 王肅 (195–256), zi ziyong 子雍 1233

Wang Siyuan was on good terms with Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) and Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499). He exchanged poems with them. Only one of his poems is extant, a piece he composed for a school sacrifice ceremony. Only one of his prose pieces has survived, his petition declining the appointment to the Ministry of Personnel.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 21.

Works

a. “Huang taizi shidian shi” 皇太子釋奠詩 (Poem written for the Crown Prince’s school ceremony)

Translation Raft, David Zebulon. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China.” Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 2007, 494–96.

DRK

Wang Su 王肅 (195–256), zi Ziyong 子雍

Writer and scholar of Cao-Wei period.

Wang Su’s ancestral home was Tan 郯 in Donghai 東海 commandery (modern Tancheng 郯城, Shandong). He was the son of Wang Lang 王郎 (ca. 156–228). Wang Su was born in Guiji (modern Shaoxing). In 213, at the age of eighteeen he studied the Taixuan jing 太玄經 of Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–18 c.e.) with Song Zhong 宋忠 (200–208), who founded an academy in Jingzhou 荊州 during this period. Ca. 220, Wang Su served as cavalier attendant and gentleman attendant at the palace gate. In 228 he succeeded to his father’s title of Marquis of Lanling 蘭陵, and in 229 was appointed cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. He later was assigned as director of the palace library and chancellor of the Chongwen guan 崇文觀 (Institute for the Veneration of Culture). In the Jingchu period (237–239), Emperor Ming (r. 226–239) had constructed so many palaces, the state resources were severely drained. Wang Su presented a petition admonishing him for his extravagance as well as excessive application of capital punishment. 1234 wang su 王肅 (195–256), zi ziyong 子雍

In 240, Wang Su was sent out to serve as governor of Guangping 廣平 (administrative seat, southest of modern Jize 鷄澤, Hebei). He was later summoned back to the court where he was appointed court gentleman for consultation, palace attendant, capital commandant, and cavalier attendant- in-ordinary. During this time Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249) served as regent for the Wei ruler Cao Fang 曹芳 (232–274) and granted much authority to He Yan 何晏 (d. 249) and Deng Yang 鄧颺 (d. 249) over court matters. Wang Su criticized them, labelling them the contemporary equivalent of Hong Gong 弘恭 (fl. 60–46 b.c.e.) and Shi Xian 石顯 (fl. 50–32 b.c.e., two corrupt eunuchs of the late Western Han. In the early 253, he was assigned as governor of Henan 河南 (modern Luoyang). In 254, he supported Sima Shi 司馬師 (208–255) in deposing Cao Fang. Wang Su died in 256 at the age of sixty-two. Wang Su was the leading Ruist scholar during the Cao-Wei period. He wrote commentaries to a number of the Classics, including Shang shu, Shi jing, Zhou li, Yi li, Li ji, Lun yu and Zuo zhuan. His annotation to the classics incorporates his own understanding and does not follow the interpretation of one particular school. Towards the end of the Eastern Han, the scholarship of Zheng Xuan 鄭玄 (127–200) was in vogue, but Wang Su did not accept Zheng’s views. His debates with followers of the Zheng Xuan school are recorded in the Sheng zheng lun 聖證論 (Disquistion citing evidence of proof from the Sage [Confucius]). The Wei court, perhaps in part because of Wang Su’s status as Sima Zhao’s father-in-law, accepted his interpretations. Wang Su is probably the author of the Kongzi jiayu 孔子家語 (Family sayings of Confucius) and Kongcongzi 孔叢子 (Kong family master’s anthology). Some scholars have also claimed he fabricated the Guwen Shangshu zhuan 古文尚書傳 (Commentary on the Old Text version of the Shangshu). The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Wang Su’s collected works in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected thirty-five of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Wang Su composed on his own ini- tiative the lyrics for twelve ancestral temple hymns. However, these were not performed by court singers.

Bibliography

Studies Kramers, R. P. K’ung tzu chia yü. The School Sayings of Confucius. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1950. Itō Fumisada 伊藤文定. “Ōshuku no kenkyū” 王肅研究. Shizuoka daigaku kyōiku hōkoku 7 (1957). wang su 王肅 (195–256), zi ziyong 子雍 1235

Huang Qingxuan 黃慶萱. “Wang Su ji qi Zhou yi zhu” 王肅及其周易注. Youshi xuezhi 10.1 (1972): 1–27. Kang Yiyong 康義勇. “Wang Su zhi Shi jing xue” 王肅之詩經學. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 18 (1974): 513–644. Xu Chunxiong 許春雄. “Wang Su zhi Shangshu xue” 王肅之尚書學. Taipei shang- zhuan xuebao 6 (1975): 41–117. Li Zhenxing 李振興. Wang Su zhi jingxue 王肅之經學. Taipei: Jiaxin shuini gongsi wenhua jijinhui, 1980. Ariel, Yoav. K’ung-ts’ung-tzu: The K’ung Family Masters’ Anthology. A Study and Translation of Chapters 1–10, 12–14. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989. Ariel, Yoav. K’ung-ts’ung-tzu: A Study & Translation of Chapters 15–23 with a Reconstruction of the Hsiao Erh-ya Dictionary. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1996. Hao Hong 郝虹. “Wang Su yu Wei Jin lifa zhi zhi” 王肅與魏晉禮法之治. Dongyue luncong 22.1 (2001): 44–47. Yue Shengkui 樂勝奎. “Wang Su Yi xue chuyi” 王肅易學芻議. Zhou yi yanjiu (2002: 4). Liu Yunhao 劉運好. “Wang Su xingzhuang yu zhushu kaolun” 王肅行狀與著術考論. Wenxian (2002: 2): 45–52. Yue Shengkui 樂勝奎. “Wang Su lixue chutan” 王肅禮學初探. Kongzi yanjiu (2004: 1): 53–59. Ren Huaiguo 任懷國. “Shilun Wang Su de jingxue gongxian” 試論王肅的經學貢獻. Guanzi xuekan (2005: 1): 70–73. Zhang Huanjun 張煥君. “Cong Zheng Xuan Wang Su de sangqi zhi zheng kan jingdian yu shehui de hudong” 從鄭玄、王肅的喪期之爭看經典與社會的互動. Qinghua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 21.6 (2006): 66–76. Wang Jixun 王繼訓. “Lun Zheng Xuan, Wang Su dui Hanmo ruxue de gaizao yu chuangxin” 論鄭玄、王肅對漢末儒學的改造與創新. Ji’nan daxue xuebao 17.1 (2007): 78–81. Liu Yanxia 劉艷霞. “Ma Guohan ji Wang Su Shi jing xue zhushu kao” 馬國翰輯王肅《詩經》學著術考. Shenyang gongcheng xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 3.2 (2007): 239–41. Li Dongmei 李冬梅. “Lun Wang Su shen Mao bo Zheng de Shi xue guan” 論王肅申毛駁鄭的《詩》學觀. Jiang Han luntan (2007: 4): 104–7. Hao Guimin 郝桂敏. “Wang Su dui Zheng Xuan Shi xue de fandong, yuanyi ji xueshu shi yiyi” 王肅對鄭玄《詩》學的反動、原因及學術史意義. Shehui kexue jikan 174 (2008): 174–78. Sun Bao 孫寶. “Wang Su de rujia wenyi guan yu Cao Wei wentan” 王肅的儒家文藝觀與曹魏文壇. Tianzhong xuekan 23.3 (2008): 60–64. Zou Chunmin 鄒純敏. Zheng Xuan Wang Su Shi jing xue bijiao yanjiu 鄭玄王肅《詩經》學比較研究 . Taipei: Hua Mulan wenhua chubanshe, 2009. Liu Bohong 劉柏宏. Kaichuang yu yingxiang: Wang Su lixue yili ji zhonggu chuanbo licheng 開創與影響：王肅禮學義理及中古傳播歷程. Banqiao: Daoxiang, 2009. Hao Hong 郝虹. “Kongzi jiayu shifou Wang Su weizuo wenti xintan”《孔子家語》是否王肅偽作問題新探. Kongzi yanjiu (2010: 1): 89–97. Hao Guimin 郝桂敏. “Wang Su Shi jing wenxian shichuan shijian ji yuanyin kaoshu” 王肅《詩經》文獻失傳時間及原因考述. Shehui kexue jikan 191 (2010): 258–60. Hao Guimin 郝桂敏. “Wang Su xingnian kao” 王肅行年考. In Hao Guimin. Zhonggu Shi jing wenxian yanjiu 中古《詩經》文獻研究, 187–205. Beijing: Zhonggui shehui kexue chubanshe, 2012. 1236 wang su 王肅 (195–256), zi ziyong 子雍

Hao Guimin 郝桂敏. “Wang Su dui houshi de yingxiang 王肅對後世的影響. In Wang Guimin. Zhonggu Shi jing wenxian yanjiu, 206–17. Hao Guimin 郝桂敏. “Wang Su zhushu kao” 王肅著述考. In Wang Guimin. Zhonggu Shi jing wenxian yanjiu, 218–35.

WJ and DRK

Wang Su 王素 (410–463), zi Xiuye 休業

Liu-Song period literatus and recluse.

Wang Su’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His father Wang Yuanhua 王元化 served only as a local official. Wang Su came from a poor family, and he had to care for his aged mother. His first official post was attendant gentleman in the administration of Liu Shao 劉紹 (432–452), Prince of Luling 廬陵. He had to resign from office to observe mourning for his mother before continuing his official career. In 433, the Prince of Luling was assigned as regional inspector of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat, Xunyang 尋陽, southwest of modern Huangmei 黃梅, Hubei). Wang Su’s relatives and friends urged him to take up his former position with Liu Shao, but Wang instead went to Dongyang 東陽 (modern Jinhua, Zhejiang) where he took up a life of reclusion. He never served in office again. When Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464) assumed the throne, he issued an edict seeking recluses to serve at his court. He named Wang Su secretary to the heir designate. During the Daming period (457–464) Liu Yigong 劉義恭 (413–465), Prince of Jiangxia, wished to appoint Wang Su an administrator in the Granaries Section. In 470, Emperor Ming (r. 465–472) offered him a position as secretary to the heir designate. Wang Su declined all of these appointments. Wang Su died in 463 at the age of fifty-four. The mountains where Wang Su lived had millipedes. They had long bodies and made an annoying shrill sound. Wang Su wrote the “Xian fu” 蚿賦 (Fu on the millipede) in which he compared himself to this insect. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Su’s collected works in sixteen juan. This was lost already in the Tang. His only extant work is a poem in imitation of the style of Ruan Ji.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 25. wang su 王肅 (464–501), zi gongyi 恭懿 1237

Works

a. “Xue Ruan Bujing ti” 學阮步兵體 (Imitating the style of Ruan Ji)

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 119–20.

DRK

Wang Su 王肅 (464–501), zi Gongyi 恭懿

Northern Wei statesman and writer.

Wang Su’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyin, Shandong). He was a descendant of the Eastern Jin minister Wang Dao 王導 (276–339). His father Wang Huan 王奐 (d. 493) served as vice director of the Department of State Affairs in the Southern Qi. He was executed in 493. Wang Su began his official career in the Southern Qi. He served as editorial director, secretary to the heir designate, and director of the palace library. After the execution of his father in 493, he fled tothe Northern Wei court. In an audience with Emperor Xiaowen (r. 471–499), Wang Su discussed with him methods of governance and plans for dealing with the Qi. The emperor named him General Who Defends the State and granted him the noble title of Earl of Kaiyang. Wang Su declined the noble title. In 495, Emperor Xiaowen commanded Wang Su to lead a military expedition against the Southern Qi power behind the throne Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452–498) at Yiyang 義陽 (administrative seat Pingyang 平陽, modern Xinyang 信陽, Henan). As a reward for his victory Wang Su was named regional inspector of Yuzhou 豫州 (administrative seat, Shangcai 上蔡, modern Runan 汝南, Henan), Dong Yuzhou 東豫州 (administrative seat, Guanglingcheng 廣陵城, modern Xi 息 county, Henan), and Dong Ying- zhou 東郢州 (administrative seat, Shetingcheng 社亭城, modern Fuyang 阜陽, Anhui). In 496, he was summoned to the imperial court, where he discussed the matter of a prolonged drought with Emperor Xiaowen. After Emperor Xiaowen died in 499, Wang Su was appointed director of the Imperial Secretariat as decreed in the emperor’s deathbed will. He also served as an adviser to a number of the Wei princes including Yuan Xi 元禧 (d. 501), Prince of Xianyang. In 500, Wang Su was put in charge of all military affairs south of the Yangzi and named chariot and horse general and general-in-chief of cavalry. He led a successful expedition against the 1238 wang su 王肅 (464–501), zi gongyi 恭懿

Southern Qi and was rewarded with the title of commander unequaled in honor and granted the noble title of Marquis Kaiguo of Changguo county. Soon thereafter he was appointed cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and was put in charge of all military affairs south of the Huai River. He also was appointed regional inspector of Yangzhou 揚州 (administrative seat Shoucun 壽春, modern Shou 壽 county, Anhui). Wang Su died in 501 at the age of thirty-eight. When Wang Su was still in the south he married a daughter of Xie Zhuang 謝莊 (421–466). Upon his arrival in the north, Wang married the Princess of Chenliu 陳留, who was the younger sister of Emperor Xiaowen. Wang Su wrote “Bei Pingcheng” 悲平城 (Mourning Pingcheng), a poem that describes the dreary northern landscape near the original Xianbei capital of Pingcheng 平城 (modern Datong, Shanxi). The prosodic form of a trisyllabic line followed by three pentasyllabic lines was probably derived from the southern folk song “Huashan ji” 華山畿 (The slopes of Mount Hua).

Bibliography

Studies Wang Yi-t’ung, trans. A Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Lo-yang, 139–43. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 19–20. Sun Li 孫麗. “Langye Wangshi yu Nanbei wenhua jiaoliu” 瑯琊王氏與南北文化交流. Linyi shifan xueyuan xuebao 25.5 (2003): 19–22. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Lun Bei Wei Xiaowen di renyong nanshi ji qi dui Nanchao wenhua zhi jiyin” 論北魏孝文帝任用南士及其對南朝文化之汲引. Xuexi yu tansuo (2009: 5): 234–40. Yin Yushan 尹玉珊. “Xieshi ‘Zeng Wang Su xin’ bianxi” 謝氏《贈王肅信》辨析. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan yanjiushengyuan xuebao 176 (2010): 108–11.

DRK

Wang Suzhi 王肅之 (fl. 353–384)

Eastern Jin poet.

Wang Suzhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the fourth son of Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (303–361). Little is known of the events of his life. He served as director of the Secretariat. He also participated in the Lan ting gathering of 353 hosted by his father in Guiji. When ca. 384, Fu Lang 苻朗 (d. 389) of the Former wang tai 王泰 (ca. 480–ca. 524), zi zhongtong 仲通 1239

Qin state visited Jiankang, he became annoyed with Wang Suzhi, who pep- pered him with questions about various people of the Central Plain area. The monograph on bibliography lists WangS uzhi’s collected works in three juan. This was lost in the Tang. Only two of his literary works survive, two pieces he composed for the Lan ting gathering.

DRK

Wang Tai 王泰 (ca. 480–ca. 524), zi Zhongtong 仲通

Liang period writer.

Wang Tai’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His childhood nickname was Ju 炬 (Torch). He was the grandson of Wang Sengqian 王僧虔 (426–485). As a young child he was a diligent student, and he hand-copied over two thousand scrolls. At the end of the Southern Qi he was appointed assistant in the palace library and then promoted to master of ceremonies in the eastern hall of the Ministry of Education. In 502, at the beginning of the Liang, Wang Tai was appointed vice director of the palace library. He presented to the court a petition requesting to collate the scattered remains of the texts in the Qi archives. He was promoted to vice director of the Secretariat and took charge of matters for the director of the Ministry of Personnel. He was praised for the fairness of his appointment recommendations. Wang Tai was subsequently assigned to the post of attendant gentleman of the palace gates. He often participated in banquets hosted by Emperor Wu (r. 502–549), who much enjoyed the poems that Wang Tai composed for these occasions. Wang was then sent out to serve as governor of Xin’an 新安 (administrative seat west of modern Chun’an 淳安, Zhejiang). In 517, he was appointed governor of Nan Lanling 南蘭陵 (northeast of modern Changzhou, Jiangsu), and administered affairs for Xiao Ji 蕭績 (505–529), Prince of Nankang 南康. He next served as administrator for Xiao Zong 蕭綜 (480–528), Prince of Yuzhang, when Xiao held the post of leader of court gentlemen. Ca. 521, Wang Tai returned to the court as minister of the Section for Justice in the Department of State Affairs. While serving as minister of the Ministry of Personnel, Vice Director of the Department of State Affairs Xu Mian 徐勉 (466–535) wished to marry his son to Wang Tai’s daughter. After Wang Tai refused, Xu Mian saw to it that Wang Tai had his position changed to that of cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Wang did not take up the appointment. He died at the age of forty-five. 1240 wang tai 王泰 (ca. 480–ca. 524), zi zhongtong 仲通

Lu Qinli preserves one poem by Wang Tia in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxue shiliao congkao, 608–9.

DRK

Wang Taiqing 王臺卿 (fl. 518–522)

Liang period poet.

Wang Taiqing’s natal place and dates are not known. Little is known about his life. He was a member of the staff of the young Prince of Nanping 南平, Xiao Ke 蕭恪 (d. 552), when the prince was serving as regional inspector of Yongzhou 雍州 (admininstrative seat Xiangyang, modern Xiangfan, Hubei) from 518–523. Because of his youth, Xiao Ke relied almost exclusively on older officials such as Wang Taiqing. Wang accmuluated so much wealth from bribes he was known as “New Chariot Wang.” When Emperor Wu (r. 502–549) learned of this corrupt practice, he recalled Xiao Ke to the capital. However, Wang Taiqing seems to have remained in Yongzhou. Wang Taiqing wrote poems to match pieces by Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), and thus may have served under him in Yongzhou when Xiao Gang was stationed there (523–526) and in the capital after 530, when Xiao Gang was named heir designate. The Yutai xinyong places him after Yu Jianwu 庾肩吾 (487–551) and before Liu Xiaoyi 劉孝儀 (484–550). Thus, he must have died ca. 550. Seventeen of his poems are extant. Many of them are in the palace style that was then in vogue.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 11–12.

Translations Birrell, New Songs, 291.

DRK wang tanshou 王曇首 (394–430) 1241

Wang Tanshou 王曇首 (394–430)

Late Eastern Jin, early Liu-Song literatus.

Wang Tanshou’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His older brother was Wang Hong 王弘 (379–432), a prominent statesman of the early Liu-Song period. When Wang Tanshou and his brother divided up the family inheritance, Tan- shou took only books. In his youth, Wang Tanshou was appointed editorial director in the palace library, but he did not take up the position. He later was assigned to the staff of Sima Dewen 司馬德文 (385–421), Prince of Langye, who at that time was serving as commander-in-chief. Sima Dewen is Emperor Gong (r. 418–420), the last ruler of the Eastern Jin. However, Wang Tanshou was also a supporter of Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422), who eventually overthrew the Eastern Jin to found the Liu-Song dynasty. In 418, Liu Yu hosted a gathering of literati at the Xima Terrace in Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu). He had each of the participants compose a poem, and Wang Tan- shou was the first to complete his composition. After the founding of the Song in 420, Wang Tanshou joined the staff of Liu Yilong 劉義隆 (407–453), the future Emperor Wen (r. 424–453). Liu Yu regarded Wang as a man who had “counselor-in-chief talent.” In 424, Emperor Shao (r. 422–424) died, and Wang Tanshou was one of the court officials who urged Liu Yilong to seek the succession. When Liu Yilong took the throne, he appointed Wang Tanshou palace attendant, left general of the guards, and general of the imperial guard. In 426, he played an important role in forcing the ouster and execution of Xu Xianzhi 徐羨之 (364–426) and Fu Liang 傅亮 (374–426). He also was instrumental in quashing the attempted coup by Xie Hui 謝晦 (390–426). Wang Tanshou died in 430 at the age of forty-seven. He was granted the posthumous position of grand master for splendid happiness and the posthumous title of Marquis of Yuning. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Tanshou’s collected works in two juan, which it says were lost. However, both Tang histories record a two-juan collection. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun collects two of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. 1242 wang tanshou 王曇首 (394–430)

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 18.

DRK

Wang Tanzhi 王坦之 (328–375), zi Wendu 文度

Eastern Jin writer and statesman.

Wang Tanzhi’s ancestral home was Jinyang 晉陽 in Taiyuan 太原 (modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). He is the son of Wang Shu 王述 (303–368), who was a prominent statesman in the early Eastern Jin period. Wang Tanzhi already achieved acclaim by the age of twenty. Both he and Xi (or Chi) Chao 郗超 (336–377) were both praised by their contemporaries. In 349, Sima Yu 司馬昱 (320–372), Prince of Guiji and General Who Controls the Army, appointed him an assistant on his staff. In 358, Jiang Ban 江虨 (d. ca. 370) was in charge of selecting officials for the imperial court. He wished to appoint Wang Tanzhi as secretarial court gentleman. Upon hearing of this, Wang objected on the grounds that only “second rate men” were selected for this post. He instead was promoted to military aide and cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Ca. 364, he was appointed senior administrator to Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373). In 368, he resigned his post to observe mourning for his mother. After the mourning period, he returned to office as palace attendant. When Sima Yu assumed the imperial throne in 371, he named Wang Tanzhi rectifier for his home area. In this capacity Wang recommended officials for court positions. In 372, the emperor was considering naming Huan Wen regent, but after hearing Wang Tanzhi’s objections, he gave up the idea. After Sima Yu died in August 372, Huan Wen plotted to assassinate Wang Tanzhi and Xie An 謝安 (320–385) at Xinting, but Xie An was able to foil his plot. Huan Wen died in 373, and Wang Tanzhi and Xie An served as advisers to the young Emperor Xiaowu (r. 372–396). Wang Tan- zhi was promoted to secretariat director, and was assigned as governor of Danyang 丹陽, which had charge of the capital area. He shortly thereafter was named regional inspector of the provinces of Xuzhou 徐州 (administrative seat, modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu) and Yanzhou 兗州 (administrative seat, Guangling), with his headquarters at Guangling 廣陵 (modern Yangzhou). He died while serving in this position in 375 at the age of forty-six. wang wei 王偉 (d. 552) 1243

Wang Tanzhi had four sons: Wang Kai 王愷 (d. ca. 400), Wang Yu 王愉 (d. 404), Wang Guobao 王國寶 (d. 397), and Wang Chen 王忱 (d. 392). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Tanzhi’s collected works in seven juan. It also mentions a listing in a Liang period catalogue in five juan with a table of contents in one juan. The two Tang histories record a collection in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has preserved six of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Wang Tanzhi was opposed to the dissipated lifestyle of some of his contemporaries. However, he was not a staunch Ruist and had some interest in Buddhism. He composed “Fei Zhuang lun” 廢莊論 (Disquisition on repudiating Zhuangzi), in which he concurs with the negative assessment of Zhuangzi by Xun Qing 荀卿 (ca. 314–217 b.c.e.), Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 b.c.e.–b.c.e.), and He Yan 何晏 (189?–249). He detested the Buddhist monk Zhidun 支遁 (314–366), but was not anti-Buddhist. After his death, his estate in Jiankang was donated to the Anle Monastery.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 17.

DRK

Wang Wei 王偉 (d. 552)

Northern Wei and Liang period literatus.

Wang Wei’s ancestral home was Lüeyang 略陽 (modern Tianshui 天水, Gansu). He lived in Yingchuan 潁川 when his father served as magistrate of Xuchang 許昌 (east of modern Xuchang, Henan) during the Northern Wei period. He was a talented writer and well versed in the Zhou yi. Wang Wei served in the Branch Department of State Affairs during the Northern Wei period. He also served as a subordinate of Hou Jing 侯景 (d. 552). In 547, Hou Jing revolted against Northern Wei and defected to the Liang. In the same year, Gao Ceng 高澄 (521–549), Prince of Wenxiang of Bohai 渤海文襄王, sent Hou Jing a letter trying to recruit him. Hou Jing had Wang Wei answer the letter on his behalf. Wang Wei was a skilled writer. According to his brief biography in the Liang shu, Wang Wei composed most of the petitions, communications, letters, and proclamations issued in the name of Hou Jing. 1244 wang wei 王偉 (d. 552)

Wang Wei was also Hou Jing’s strong supporter when he sought to seize the Liang imperial throne. In 551, Hou Jing, with Wang Wei’s direct involvement, murdered Emperor Jianwen (550–551). Hou Jing awarded Wang Wei the title of Unequaled In Honor, and the position of vice director of the left in the Department of State Affairs. After Hou Jing was defeated in 552, Wang Wei was captured by the forces of Wang Sengbian 王僧辯 (d. 555) and was sent to Jiangling 江陵 (modern Jiangling county, Hubei) where he was put into prison. He wrote numerous poems to high-level Liang officials. He also wrote a 500-character poem to Emperor Yuan 元 (r. 552–555) of the Liang. Moved by Wang Wei’s poem, Emperor Yuan considered pardoning him. After hearing objections from his court officials, Emperor Yuan had Wang Wei executed. Yan Kejun has collected Wang Wei’s prose pieces that he composed for Hou Jing in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. He has two extant poems, “Yu zhong zeng ren shi” 獄中贈人詩 (Poem sent to a friend while in prison) and “Zai Weiyang fu shi” 在渭陽賦詩 (Poem written at Weiyang), which are preserved in the Shi ji of Feng Weine and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wencuejia dacidian, 12.

TPK

Wang Wei 王微 (415–453), zi Jingxuan 景玄

Liu-Song period calligrapher, painter, and writer.

Wang Wei’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂, Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the son of Wang Ru 王儒, a younger brother of Wang Hong 王弘 (379–432), who was one of the most distinguished court officials at the beginning of the Song dynasty. During Wang Wei’s youth he was a hard-working student, and he acquired expertise in music, medicine, and the occult arts. Ca. 431 he began his official career on the staff of the Prince of Pengcheng 彭城, Liu Yikang 劉義康 (409–451). Some time later he joined the entourage of Liu Jun 劉濬 (429–453), Prince of Shixing 始興. He also served as secretary to the heir designate. When Wang Wei’s father died, he resigned from office to observe mourning for wang wei 王微 (415–453), zi jingxuan 景玄 1245 him. After the mourning period, he returned to official service as an aide to Liu Shuo 劉鑠 (431–453), Prince of Nanping 南平. Although he served in various positions in his youth, Wang Wei had little interest in pursuing an official career. Thus, he declined many invitations to take office. Ca. 452, Director of the Ministry of Personnel Jiang Zhan 江湛 (408–453) recommended Wang Wei for the position of vice director of the Ministry of Personnel. Wang Wei sent Jiang a letter refusing the invitation. His letter is interesting, for it is written in imitation of the famous letter Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–263) sent to Shan Tao 山濤 (205–283), in which Xi Kang rebukes Shan Tao and breaks off friendship with him for recommending him for a position at the court. Wang Wei led a simple life, and spent much of his time collecting books and ancient artifacts. In 453, Wang Wei’s younger brother Wang Sengqian 王僧謙 (414–453) died of illness. Wang Wei blamed himself for giving him an ineffective herbal medicine, and he died forty days after his brother at the age of thirty-nine. Wang Wei preferred to write in cadenced ancient-style prose rather than the parallel prose form that was then in vogue. Yuan Shu 袁淑 (408–453), whose father’s older sister was married to Wang Wei’s uncle Wang Hong, remarked that Wang Wei’s writings were “complaints voicing grievances.” Wang then wrote a letter to his younger cousin Wang Sengchuo 王僧綽 (423–453) in which he replied that “if writing does not contain complaint and criticism, it is bland and insipid.” Zhong Rong ranked Wang Wei’s poetry in the middle grade of his Shi pin. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list his collected works in ten juan. This was lost in the Song. Zhong Rong mentions the Hong bao 鴻寶 (Vast treasure), which may be the same as a ten-juan work of the same title with no named author listed in the monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu. This is no longer extant. It seems to have been a set of notes on literature. Yan Kejun has collected ten of Wang Wei’s prose works in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, and Lu Qinli has included his five extant poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. The Wen xuan contains one of his poems titled “Za shi” 雜詩 (Unclassified poem). Wang Wei’s best known prose work is “Xu hua” 敘畫 (Explaining painting). The received version is probably not complete. It actually is a reply to a letter Wang Wei had received from Yan Yanzhi 顏延之 (384–456), who had stated that painting is more than just the work of an artisan, but belongs to the same realm as the “images” (xiang 象) of the Classic of Changes. Wang Wei devotes his essay to explaining how painting is not limited to drawing maps or pictures of landforms and waterways, but 1246 wang wei 王微 (415–453), zi jingxuan 景玄 involves the fusing of the “numinous” (ling 靈) and “form” (xing 形). He proceeds to mention many of the subjects of landscape painting, especially famous mountains. In the final paragraph Wang claims that painting natural scenes ultimately involves a “descent of the spirit” into the painting and perhaps even the painting itself.

Bibliography

Studies Acker, William R. B. Some T’ang and Pre-T’ang Texts on Chinese Painting, Volume Two, Part One, 129–37. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1974. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 37–38. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 321–22. Zhang Yibin 張義賓. “Zong Bing, Wang Wei meixue sixiang de benti yiyi” 宗炳、王微美學思想的本體意義. Dongnan daxue xuebao 7.5 (2005): 51–54.

Works

a. “Xu hua” 敘畫 (Explaining painting)

Texts and Commentaries Chen Chuanxi 陳傳席, trans. and comm. Wu Zhuo 吳焯, coll. Xu Hua 敘畫. Bei- jing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 1985. Chen Chuanxi 陳傳席, ed. Liuchao hualun yanjiu 六朝畫論研究, 143–78. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1991. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. Yu Weigang 俞慰剛, trans. Lidai minghua ji yizhu 歷代名畫記譯注, 328–32. Gangcun Fan quanji 岡村繁全集, Vol. 6. Shanghai: Shang- hai guji chubanshe, 2002.

Studies He Chuxiong 何楚熊. “Wang Wei yu ‘Xu hua’ ” 王微與《敘畫》. Wenyi lilun yu piping 2 (1995): 98–103. Chen Chuanxi 陳傳席, ed. Liuchao hualun yanjiu 六朝畫論研究, 165–77. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1991. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 282, 322. Tian Li 田力. “Chongjue Wang Wei ‘Xu hua’ de meixue jiazhi” 重掘王微《敘畫》的美學價值 . Yishu tansuo 18.4 (2004): 39–40. Bush, Susan. “The Essay on Painting by Wang Wei 王微 (415–453) in Context.” In Chinese Aesthetics: The Ordering of Literature, the Arts, and the Universe in the Six Dynasties, ed. Zong-qi Cai, 60–80. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2004. wang xi 王錫 (499–534), zi gongjia 公嘏 1247

Translations Sakanishi, Shio. The Spirit of the Brush, 42–45. 1939; rpt. London: John Murray, 1957. Sirén, Osvald. The Chinese on the Art of Painting, 17–18. 1936; rpt. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1963. Acker, Some T’ang and Pre-T’ang Texts on Chinese Painting, 2: 130–31. Delahaye, Hubert. Les premiers peintures de paysage en Chine: aspects religieux. Paris: Ecoles française d’Extrême orient, 1981. Bush, Susan and Hsio-yen Shih, ed. Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 38–39. Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press, 1985.

b. Poems

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 550. Birrell, New Songs, 103–4.

WJ and DRK

Wang Xi 王錫 (499–534), zi Gongjia 公嘏

Liang period writer.

Wang Xi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His father Wang Lin 王琳 was married to the Princess of Yixing, Xiao Lingyi 蕭令嫕, the younger sister of Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Emperor Wu (r. 502–549) of Liang. As a child of seven or eight he visited his mother in the imperial palace where he made a fine impression on Emperor Wu. As a youth he was quite intelligent and was a diligent student. At the age of twelve he became a student at the national university, and at age fourteen he was appointed assistant in the palace library. Wang Xi and Zhang Zuan 張纘 (499–549), who was another prodigy, were assigned to the staff of the crown prince Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531). Emperor Wu ordered them to serve as the prince’s mentors and companions. About this time Wang Xi was granted the noble title of Marquis of Yong’an. He was also assigned as companion for the Prince of Jin’an, Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551), but Wang declined the post on the grounds of illness. In January 521, the Northern Wei court sent Liu Shanming 劉善明 as an envoy to the Liang court. Liu Shanming requested to meet Wang Xi and Zhang Zuan. Liu was much impressed with their knowledge of the Classics and histories, as well as their wit. In 522, Wang Xi was promoted to director of the Bureau of Personnel. Because he was a member of the 1248 wang xi 王錫 (499–534), zi gongjia 公嘏 consort clan, he received many honorific titles, which he was not able to accept because of a chronic illness. Wang Xi dismissed his attendants and refused to receive guests. He died in 534 at the age of thirty-six. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list Wang Xi’s collected works in seventeen juan. This was lost in the Song. His only extant works are “Sushan si fu” 宿山寺賦 (Fu on the Sushan Monastery), and two poems that he composed to match pieces by Xiao Tong.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 33. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Fu Gang 傅剛. Xiao Tong pingzhuan 蕭統評傳, 172. Nan- jing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2001.

Works

a. “Dayan shi” 大言 (Magniloquence) and “Xiyan shi” 細言詩 (Diminiloquence)

Translations Wang Ping. “Culture and Literature in an Early Medieval Court: The Writings and Literary Thought of Xiao Tong (501–531.” Ph.D. dissertation, University of Washington, 2006, 19. Wang Ping. The Age of Courtly Writing, 29.

DRK

Wang Xi 王晞 (511–581), zi Shulang 叔朗

Northern Qi writer.

Wang Xi’s ancestral home was Ju 劇 in Beihai 北海 (southeast of modern Shouguang 壽光, Shandong). His childhood name was Shami 沙彌. His sixth-generation ancestor Wang Meng 王猛 (325–365) served as counselor- in-chief to Fu Jian 苻堅 (338–385), Emperor Shizu 世祖 (r. 357–385) of the Former Qin. Wang Xi’s family lived in Fucheng 鄜城 in Huashan 華山 (southeast of modern Luochuan 洛川, Shaanxi). His father Wang Yun 王雲 (d. 517) was a court official during the Northern Wei period, and his elder brother Wang Xin 王昕 (d. 559) held office in the Northern Wei, Eastern Wei and Northern Qi periods. wang xi 王晞 (511–581), zi shulang 叔朗 1249

As a child, Wang Xi was known for his prudence and filial piety. He also was an indefatigable student. Toward the end of the Northern Wei, Wang Xi moved with his mother and brothers to the eastern seacoast. During the Yong’an period (528–530) of Emperor Xiaozhuang 孝莊 (r. 528–530) of the Northern Wei, Wang Xi was recommended for the positions of supernumerary gentleman cavalier attendant and administrator in the Personnel Evaluation Section in the administration of the Prince of Guangping. Wang Xi felt obliged to care for his aged mother, and he declined the appointment. After his mother passed away, he traveled to the areas of Gong 鞏 (southwest of modern Gong county, Henan) and Luo 洛 (northeast of Luoyang, Henan) where he enjoyed the scenic views of the rivers and mountains. He then went to the Tianling 天陵 Mountains (west of Xingyang 荥陽, Henan) where he planned to live for the remainder of his life. However, about this same time General Dugu Xin 獨孤信 (503–557) of the Western Wei (535–556) came to Luo and tried to recruit him to serve as a secretary on his staff. Wang Xi declined the offer on the grounds that he was suffering from a severe dog bite. He even wrote a letter to the general explaining his condition. Dugu Xin accepted his explanation. Wang Xi then returned to Ye. He accompanied Gao Huan 高歡 (496–547) during his visit to Jinyang 晉陽 (southwest of modern Taiyuan 太原, Shanxi). He also at this time became close friends with Gao Yan 高演 (535–561), Prince of Changshan 常山. Gao Yan was Gao Huan’s sixth son. He was the future Emperor Xiaozhao (r. 560–561) of the Northern Qi. In 550, Gao Yang 高洋 (529–559), Gao Huan’s second son, formally established the Northern Qi dynasty. He is known by his posthumous title of Emperor Wenxuan 文宣 (r. 550–559). Wang Xi was assigned to take charge of administrative affairs in Taiyuan 太原 commandery (administrative seat Jinyang 晉陽, southwest of modern Taiyuan, Shanxi). Emperor Wenxuan was not an effective ruler, and his younger brother Gao Yan often admonished him. Emperor Wenxuan suspected that Wang Xiwas encouraging his brother’s criticism of him, and he proposed to have Wang executed. Gao Yan privately told Wang Xi, “I am going to do something tomorrow to save your life and also to save myself. I hope you will understand my ulterior motives and not blame me.” The next day Gao Yan had Wang Xi flogged in public. Upon hearing of this, Emperor Wenxuan decided not to execute Wang Xi. However, he ordered Wang Xi punished by having his head shaved and chaining his neck like a convict. Three years later, Gao Yan again began to admonish Emperor Wenxuan. The emperor had Gao Yan severely beaten. Gao Yan at this point refused to eat. Their mother was extremely worried about his health. Emperor Wen xuan told his close assistant: “If my younger brother dies, what am I going to do with my mother?” He told Gao Yan, “Make an effort to eat. I shall 1250 wang xi 王晞 (511–581), zi shulang 叔朗 return Wang Xi to you.” Wang Xi was released and was appointed overseer of the Imperial Secretariat. Emperor Wenxuan died suddenly of illness on 25 November 559. His son Gao Yin 高殷 (545–561) succeeded him on 28 November. Wang Xi was appointed chief administrator of Bingzhou 并州 (administrative seat Jinyang 晉陽, modern Taiyuan), and Gao Yan was named grand counselor- in-chief and commander-in-chief of military affairs. Gao Yan appointed Wang Xi defender-in-chief and put him charge of military matters. Gao Yin was deposed on 8 September 560, and Gao Yan was installed as emperor the same day. Gao Yan was a diligent and effective ruler. He reduced taxes and corvée, and he personally attended to court matters. However, Gao Yan died on 24 November 561 from injuries suffered after falling from a horse during a hunt. Gao Xi grieved for him to the point he became weak and emaciated. On December 3 561, Gao Zhan 高湛 (537–568), Gao Huan’s ninth son, succeeded to the throne. His postumous title was Emperor Wucheng 武成 (r. 561–565). Wang Xi was appointed regional inspector of Xuzhou 徐州 (administrative seat Peng 彭 county, modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu) and director of the palace library. On 8 June 565, Emperor Wucheng abdicated the throne to his son Gao Wei 高緯 (556–577). This was Emperor Houzhu 後主 (565–576). During his reign Wang Xi served as chamberlain for dependencies and was granted the title of Unequaled in Honor. He also had charge of compiling the imperial diary. The Northern Qi ended in 577 when it was defeated by the Northern Zhou. Emperor Wu 武 (r. 561–578) of the Northern Zhou appointed Wang Xi grand master of remonstrance for the heir designate Yuwen Yun 宇文贇 (559–580). Wang Xi died in 581, the first year of the Sui dynasty. He was seventy-one years old. Wang Xi lived a simple life and had few material desires. Despite his demanding schedule, he found time to enjoy visits to scenic areas. When he was residing in Bingzhou, he often took time off from his military duties to roam the mountains and rivers. The local people called him Wuwai Sima 物外司馬 or Defender-in-chief Who Has Transcended Worldly Concerns. One of his favorite haunts was Jinci 晉祠 (southwest of modern Taiyuan, Shanxi) about which he wrote a poem that contained these two lines: “The sun is setting and I should return, /But the fish and birds make me linger here.” His only extant prose piece, “Yu guren shu” 與故人書 (Letter to an old friend), is included in Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han San- guo Liuchao wen. wang xiang 王象 (d. ca. 223), zi xibo 羲伯 1251

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 29.

TPK

Wang Xiang 王象 (d. ca. 223), zi Xibo 羲伯

Late Eastern Han, early Wei literatus.

Wang Xiang’s natal place was Henei 河內 (modern Wuzhi 武陟, Henan). His father died when Xiang was a child, and he grew up in poverty. During his teens Wang Xiang was indentured to someone as a sheepherder. He was beaten when caught reading books while tending his flock. Ca. 196, Yang Jun 楊俊 (d. 222) from his home area took pity on him, bought him out of servitude, and arranged a marriage for him. In 206, the regional inspector of Bingzhou, Liang Xi 梁習 (d. 230) recommended him and Xun Wei 荀緯 (182–223), who also was from Henei, to Cao Cao, who appointed them county administrators. In 211, when Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) was named heir designate, Wang Xiang became a member of Cao Pi’s entourage. After the death of Wang Can 王粲 (177–217), Chen Lin 陳琳 (d. 217), and Lu Cui 路翠 (d. 219), Wang Xiang was regarded as the most talented literary man on Cao Pi’s staff. When Cao Pi assumed the throne as emperor of the Wei dynasty in 220, he appointed Wang Xiang gentleman cavalier attendant. He was then promoted to attendant-in-ordinary, and received the noble title of adjunct marquis. In 222, Cao Pi traveled to Yuan 宛, the administrative seat of Nanyang commandery where Yang Jun was serving as governor. Cao Pi had detested Yang Jun because of his friendship with Cao Zhi 曹植 (192– 232), who had been Cao Pi’s rival as Cao Cao’s heir. Finding the gate to the marketplace of Yuan closed, Cao Pi had Yang Jun arrested. Wang Xiang made an emotional appeal to Cao Pi to have Yang Jun released, but to no avail. Yang Jun committed suicide. Wang Xiang soon became ill and died. He was about forty-five at the time. Wang Xiang was the principal editor of the literary compendium Huang lan 皇覽 (Imperial conspectus) compiled between 220–222. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Xiang’s collected works in one juan. This was lost in the Tang. Only one of his writings survives, a petition recommending Yang Jun to the Wei court. 1252 wang xiang 王象 (d. ca. 223), zi xibo 羲伯

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonguo wenxuejia dacidian, 30. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxue shiliao congkao, 23. De Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 836.

DRK

Wang Xianzhi 王獻之 (344–386), zi Zijing 子敬

Eastern Jin calligrapher and writer.

Wang Xianzhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the seventh son of Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (303–361). Already by the age of seven he showed unusual talent as a calligrapher. Ca. 368 he was selected as administrator in his local province. Later he was appointed assistant in the palace library and vice director of the palace library. Xie An 謝安 (320–385) thought very highly of him. When Xie An was serving as vice director of the Imperial Secretariat he had Wang Xianzhi appointed an administrator on his staff. In 381, Wang Xianzhi was named General Who Establishes Awe and governor of Wux- ing 吳興 (administrative seat, modern Pucheng 蒲城, Fujian). In 385, he was promoted to secretariat director. When Xie An died in 385, Wang Xianzhi deeply mourned for him. Wang Xianzhi died of illness in 386 at the age of forty-three. He was granted the posthumous title of grand master for splendid happiness. Wang Xianzhi was first married to Xi (or Chi) Daomao 郗道茂, a daughter of Xi (or Chi) Tan 郗曇 (320–361). He later divorced her, and in 371 married the Princess of Xin’an 新安, Sima Daofu 司馬道福, daughter of Emperor Jianwen (r. 371–372). Their daughter Wang Shen’ai 王神愛 (384– 412), became the wife of Emperor An (r. 397–418). The famous entertainer Taoye 桃葉 may have been Wang Xianzhi’s concubine. In 386, when Wang Xianzhi died, Wang Min 王珉 (351–388) replaced him as zhongshu ling 中書令 (secretariat director). Wang Xianzhi was thereafter known as da ling 大令 (senior director), and Wang Min was referred to as xiao ling 小令 (junior director). Wang Xianzhi was almost as famous as his father Wang Xizhi as a calligrapher. Seventy-six of his tie 帖 (notes) have been preserved in the Song wang xianzhi 王獻之 (344–386), zi zijing 子敬 1253 collection Chunhua ge tie 淳化閣帖. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in ten juan. This was lost in the Tang.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wang Daling ji 王大令集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Dai Xiaojing 戴小京, ed. Wang Xizhi Wang Xianzhi quanji 王羲之王獻之全集. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1994.

Studies Liu Xing 劉星. “Wang Xianzhi nianpu” 王獻之年譜. Linyi shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1991: 4): 73–88. Guo Lianfu 郭廉夫. Wang Xianzhi pingzhuan 王獻之評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1996. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 34. Guo Lianfu 郭廉夫. Wang Xizhi Wang Xianzhi nianbiao yu Dong Jin dashi ji 王羲之王獻之年表與東晉大事記. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 2001. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 219–21. Wang Yuchi, “Wang Xianzhi—Artistic Innovator.” In Ouyang Zongshi and Wen C. Fong, ed., Chinese Calligraphy, 161–65. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008.

Works

a. (Attributed) “Qingren Taoye ge” 情人桃葉歌 (Song for my loved one Taoye)

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 266.

b. “Baomu zhi” 保母志 (Grave memoir for a nanny)

Study Wang Lichun 王力春. “Cong Jianshang shijue kan Wang Xianzhi ‘Baomu zhi’ zhi wei” 從鑒賞視角看王獻之《保母志》之偽. Liaoning shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 34.2 (2011): 82–85.

DRK 1254 wang xin 王昕 (d. 559), zi yuanjing 元景

Wang Xin 王昕 (d. 559), zi Yuanjing 元景

Northern Wei and Qi writer.

Wang Xin’s ancestral home was Ju 劇 in Beihai 北海 (southeast of modern Shouguang 壽光, Shandong). His sixth-generation ancestor Wang Meng 王猛 (325–365) was counselor-in-chief of Fu Jian 苻堅 (338–385), Emperor Shizu 世祖 (r. 357–385) of the Former Qin. Wang Xin’s family resided in Fucheng 鄜城 in Huashan 華山 (southeast of modern Luochuan 洛川, Shaanxi). His father Wang Yun 王雲 (d. 517) was a court official of the northern Wei period, and his younger brother Wang Xi 王晞 (511–581) served during the Northern Wei and Northern Qi. As a young man, Wang Xin devoted his entire time to study. Recog- nized for his broad learning, he was appointed administrator for cavalry by Defender-in-chief Yuan Yue 元悅 (d. 532), Prince of Runan 汝南. He later was promoted to governor of Donglai 東萊 (administrative seat in modern Laizhou 萊州, Shandong). Wang Xi was a serious and upright person, and even Emperor Xiaowu (r. 532–534) feared him. Emperor Xiaowu was fond of sitting at court with his chest bared sporting with his favored courtiers. However, whenever Wang Xin entered the court, he would immediately sit up, put his clothes on properly, and assume a serious expression. Wang Xin was a devoted son. Although on the obese side, he became gaunt and emaciated after his parents passed away. Minister of the Min- istry of Personnel Yang Yin 楊愔 (511–560) admired him and had him appointed director of the palace library. Wang Xin was a skilled conversationalist. He never used vulgar language in his speech. However, Emperor Wenxuan (r. 550–559) disliked him, regarding him as a man who was unable to restrain himself and incapable of managing state affairs. He even said that Wang Xin came from “a good family, but had an evil body.” After someone spoke ill of Wang Xin to Emperor Wenxuan, he ordered him banished to Youzhou 幽州 (administrative seat Ji 薊 county, southwest of modern Beijing). Some time later Wang Xin was summoned back to the imperial court where he was appointed grand master of imperial entertainments with silver seal and blue ribbon, as well as supervisor of the Ministry of Sacri- fices. Wang Xin aroused Emperor Wenxuan’s wrath after he assigned two court officials to serve as slaves to other members of the court. Cavalier attendant-in-ordinary Zheng Yi 鄭頤 (d. 560) privately told Wang Xin that “Since antiquity, no court official has ever served as a slave.” Wang Xin replied, “[Minister] Jizi 箕子served as a slave [in the Yin dynasty under King Zhou]. How can you say there was none?” Zheng Yi reported this to wang xiuzhi 王秀之 (442–494), zi bofen 伯奮 1255

Emperor Wenxuan, saying: “Wang Xin compared you to King Zhou of the Yin.” Emperor Wenxuan was furious. Some time later Emperor Wenxuan hosted a banquet. Wang Xin did not attend the banquet because he was ill. Emperor Wenxuan sent the cavalry to arrest him. He had him executed in front of the imperial throne. His body was thrown into the Zhang River. The year was 559. According to Wang Xin’s biography in the Bei Qi shu, he had a collection of writings in twenty juan. None of his writings has survived.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 18.

TPK

Wang Xiuzhi 王秀之 (442–494), zi Bofen 伯奮

Southern Qi writer.

Wang Xiuzhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His grandfather Wang Yu 王裕 (360–447) was a distinguished statesmen during the Liu-Song period. His father Wang Zanzhi 王瓚之 (fl. 450–460) held high office during the reign of Emperor Xiaowu (r. 453–464). During his youth, his grandfather took a strong liking to Wang Xiuzhi. Wang Xiuzhi began his official career as assistant editorial director in the palace library. He then was appointed secretary on the staff of the heir designate. After the death of his father, he built a mourning hut at his father’s grave site and observed mourning for nearly three years. When Wang Xiuzhi returned to official service, the director of the Ministry of Person- nel, Chu Yuan 褚淵 (435–482), wished to have Xiuzhi marry his daughter. Xiuzhi rejected the proposal, and for some years the only employment he was able to obtain was military aide in the section for outer troops of the Ministry of War and the Department of State Affairs. Eventually he was appointed librarian on the staff of the heir designate, and to a post in the western section of the Ministry of Education. In 473, Wang Xiuzhi was selected as aide to Liu Xiufan 劉休範 (448–474), Prince of Guiyang. Know- ing that Liu Xiufan was plotting to rebel, Wang declined the position on the grounds of illness. 1256 wang xiuzhi 王秀之 (442–494), zi bofen 伯奮

Wang Xiuzhi then was assigned as governor of Jinping 晉平 (in modern Guangxi). After serving in this post for a year, he said, “This area has bountiful soil, and my income is always abundant. Although my salary is sufficient, how can I remain here and hinder my official career?” He then requested to be replaced. His contemporaries said about him: “Wang Jin- ping is afraid of returning home rich.” Wang Xiuzhi was appointed adviser to the Prince of Ancheng, Liu Zhun 劉準 (469–479), the future Emperor Shun (r. 477–479). In 477, he joined the staff of Xiao Daocheng 蕭道成 (427–482), who eventually founded the Southern Qi dynasty. The following year, Wang Xiuzhi was appointed administrator to Xiao Daocheng’s second son, Xiao Yi 蕭嶷 (444–492). He also was assigned as governor of Xunyang 尋陽 (administrative seat southwest of Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi). When Xiao Yi was named regional inspector of Jingzhou, Wang Xiuzhi continued to serve as his chief administrator, and was also assigned as governor of Nanjun 南郡 (administrative seat, Jiangling). When Xiao Daocheng assumed the throne of the Southern Qi in 479, Xiao Yi was named Prince of Yuzhang. Wang Xiuzhi was appointed superior administrator on his staff. He also was assigned as governor of Hedong, but he declined the position. Wang was also offered several positions in the imperial court, but he also did not accept them. When Xiao Yi established an academy in Jingzhou, he appointed Wang Xiuzhi its chancellor. After serving on the staff of the Qi princes Xiao Zhaoye 蕭昭業 (473–494) and Xiao Huang 蕭晃 (460–490), he returned to the imperial court in 482 upon the accession of Emperor Wu (r. 482–493), where he served as palace cadet to the heir designate and vice director of the Ministry of Personnel. He was then promoted to chancellor of the palace attendants, and minister of the Section for Justice of the Department of State Affairs. In 490, he was appointed administrator to Xiao Zilong 蕭子隆 (474–494), Prince of Sui, who had just taken up his post as regional inspector of Jingzhou. Xiao Zilong had on his staff a man named Gou Pi 苟㔻, also known as Xun Pi 荀丕. He sent a letter to Wang Xiuzhi requesting to meet him, but Wang declined the invitation. Xun Pi sent a letter to Wang denouncing him as an arrogant, pompous person. In 493, Wang Xiuzhi was offered an appointment at the imperial court as palace attendant, but he did not take up the post, and continued as admininstrator under Liu Zilong. He was then assigned as governor of Wuxing 吳興 (administrative seat, south of modern Huzhou 湖州, Zheji- ang). His grandfather Wang Yu had retired to Wuxing, and Wang Xiuzhi was content to enjoy his service in Wuxing as “an official in reclusion.” He died in this post in 494. wang xizhi 王羲之, zi yishao 逸少 1257

When Wang Xiuzhi was serving in Jingzhou under Xiao Zilong, he became acquainted with Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499). Wang wrote a poem, “Wo ji xu yi” 臥疾敘意 (Lying in bed ill, stating my thoughts), declaring his desire to go into reclusion. This is the only literary piece of Wang’s that has been preserved. Xie Tiao wrote a poem to match Wang’s piece. When Wang Xiuzhi returned to the capital, he informed the emperor that Xie Tiao was a bad influence on the young prince. Xie Tiao was immediately recalled to the court.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 15. Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, 2: 80–83.

DRK

Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (303–361, alt. 321–379, 305–363, 307–365), zi Yishao 逸少

Eastern Jin writer and calligrapher.

Wang Xizhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery. His studio name was Danzhai 澹齋, and his childhood personal name was A’tu 阿菟. He is also known as Wang Youjun 王右軍, derived from his highest official title, Youjun jiangjun 右軍將軍 (general of the right army). Scholars have debated the year of Wang Xizhi’s dates, but a good argument can be made for 303–361, for this is the date given in the commentary to the Zhen gao 真誥 of Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 (456–536). Wang Xizhi’s great-grandfather Wang Lan 王覽 (206–278) was the younger brother of the paragon of filial piety Wang Xiang 王祥 (185–269). His grandfather Wang Zheng 王正 was Wang Lan’s fourth son. Wang Lan’s oldest son Wang Cai 王裁 was the father of the famous statesman Wang Dao 王導 (276–339). Wang Xizhi’s father Wang Kuang 王曠 (fl. 305–318) was a supporter of Sima Rui 司馬睿 (276–322) when in 307 he established his regime south of the Yangzi. Wang Kuang’ younger brother Wang Yi 王廙 (276–322) was married to Sima Rui’s sister. He was a famous painter and calligrapher and was one of Wang Xizhi’s teachers. When Wang Xizhi was young, he was clumsy in speech, but as he aged, he became quite skilled at oral argument and debate. At age thirteen he visited the eccentric celebrity Zhou Yi 周顗 (269–322), who was quite 1258 wang xizhi 王羲之, zi yishao 逸少 impressed with him. Wang Xizhi’s father’s cousin Wang Dun 王敦 (266– 324) and Wang Dao also regarded him highly. When Xi (or Chi) Jian 郗鑒 (269–339) was seeking a husband for his daughter Xi Xuan 郗璿 (d. 405), he selected Wang Xizhi. Xi Xuan was also a skilled calligrapher. Wang Xizhi’s first official position was assistant in the palace library ca. 324. Ca. 327, he became a you 友 (companion) of Sima Rui’s youngest son Sima Yu 司馬昱 (320–372), Prince of Gui. In this capacity he was responsible for giving advice to the young prince, who was only seven at the time. Ca. 334, General Who Chastizes the West, Yu Liang 庾亮 (289– 340), appointed Wang Xizhi his military aide. In 336, he was assigned as governor of Linchuan 臨川 (modern Linchuan, Jiangxi). Ca. 338, Wang Dao repeatedly invited Wang Xizhi to take the posts of palace attendant and director of the Department of Personnel, but Wang refused to serve. In 340, when Yu Liang was on his deathbed, he recommended Wang Xizhi as “pure and noble, a man with discriminating judgment.” Ca. 342, Wang Xizhi was named General Who Brings Repose to the Distance and regional inspector of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat Xunyang 尋陽, southeast of modern Huangmei 黃梅, Hubei). In 346, he was apppointed General Who Defends the Army, but delayed quite some time before he took up his post. He only did so after urging from his friend Yin Hao 殷浩 (306–356). Wishing to serve as a local official, Wang Xizhi requested to be assigned as administrator of Xuancheng 宣城 (modern Xuancheng, Anhui). This request was not granted, but he was instead named General of the Right Army and appointed administrator of Guiji. In 352, Yin Hao, who had now become general of the central army, led an expedition to recover the north to thwart the ambitions of Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373). Wang Xizhi wrote a letter to Yin urging him to combine forces with Huan Wen, but Yin did not heed his advice. His expedition was a failure. On the third day of the third lunar month of 353, Wang Xizhi hosted a gathering of prominent men at Lan ting 蘭亭 post station in Shanyin 山陰 (modern Shaoxing). Each person was required to compose a poem. Those who could complete a poem had to drink a penalty toast. Wang Xizhi’s preface that he composed for the occasion is one of the most famous pieces of Chinese calligraphy. In 355, Wang Xizhi went to his parent’s grave to announce that he was quitting official service for good. The immediate cause for his decision was having to serve under his nemesis Wang Shu 王述 (303–368), who had just been appointed regional inspector of Yangzhou 揚州, which had jurisdic- tion over Guiji where Wang Xizhi was serving as governor. Not being able wang xizhi 王羲之, zi yishao 逸少 1259 to bear the prospect of working under Wang Shu, Wang Xizhi decided to resign his post. He never served in office again. Wang Xizhi spent his remaining years in Jinting 金庭 of Shan 剡 county (modern Sheng 剩 county, Zhejiang), where he enjoyed sightseeing, fishing, and gathering medicinal herbs. He died in 361 at the age of fifty-nine. He had at least seven sons and two daughters. His second son Wang Ning- zhi 王凝之 (d. 399) was a skilled calligrapher and poet. Ningzhi was married to Xie Daoyun 謝道韞 (before 340–after 399), the niece of Xie An 謝安 (320–385). She was a well known poet and calligrapher. Wang Xizhi’s most distinguished progeny was his seventh son Wang Xianzhi 王獻之 (344–385). One of Wang Xizhi’s daughters was married to Xie Huan 謝瑍, the father of Xie Lingyun 謝靈運 (385–433). Wang Xizhi is commonly regarded as the foremost calligrapher in Chi- nese history. In addition to the preface that he composed for the Lan ting gathering, Wang Xizhi is credited with almost 700 notes (shu tie 書帖), many of which may be in his original hand. Most of the notes are addressed to relatives and friends. They include letters of recommendation and condolence, requests for medical cures and herbs, inquiries about another person’s illness, and thank-you notes for presents. One famous piece is a lament about the destruction of the Wang family tombs. A substantial number of notes are complaints about Wang’s own illnessnes. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Xizhi’s collected works in nine juan. It also mentions a collection in a Liang period catalogue in ten juan with a table of contents in one juan. The two Tang histories record a collection in five juan. This was lost in the Song. Received versions of his collection are reconstructions done in the Ming.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Jin Wang Youjun ji 晉王右軍集. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫 and Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行, ed. Ō Gishi zenshokan 王羲之全書翰. 1987; rpt. Tokyo: Hakuteisha: 1996. Dai Xiaojing 戴小京, ed. Wang Xizhi Wang Xianzhi quanji 王羲之王獻之全集. Shanghai: Shanghai shuhua chubanshe, 1994.

Studies Yahata Seikitarō 八幡關太郎. “Ō Gishi nempu” 王羲之年譜. In Shinga geien kō 之藝苑考. Tokyo: Kokon shoin, 1939. 1260 wang xizhi 王羲之, zi yishao 逸少

Zhu Jieqin 朱傑勤. “Wang Xizhi pingzhuan 王羲之評傳. Changsha: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1940. Shen Zishan 沈子善, ed. Wang Xizhi yanjiu 王羲之研究. Shanghai: Zhengzhong shuju, 1948. Wang Xun 王遜. “Wang Xizhi fu xiong kao” 王羲之父兄考. In Zhou Shutao xian sheng liushi shengri jinian lunwen ji 周叔弢先生六十生日紀念論文集, 77–99. Hong Kong: Longmen shudian, 1951. Zhang Xiuyao 張秀銚. “Wang Xizhi mudi kaolüe” 王羲之墓地考略. Shaoxing wenli xueyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (1981: 2): 80–83. Zhang Zhongjin 張忠進. “Wang Xizhi ji ta zhonglao Shanxian de ruogan shiliao” 王羲之及他終老剡縣的若干史料. Shaoxing wenli xueyuan xuebao (Sheke ban) (1985: 4): 96–99, 56. Liu Bo 劉波. “Wang Xizhi” 王羲之. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (Xubian), 1: 319–27. Sun Wei 孫瑋. “Guanyu Wang Xizhi chusheng nian kao” 關於王羲之出生年考. Linyi shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1989: 4): 56–58. Pan Zuyan 潘祖炎. “Wang Xizhi shengzu nian bianzheng” 王羲之生卒年辨證. Shaoxing shizhuan xuebao (1989: 4): 43–46. Wang Rutao 王汝濤. Wang Xizhi 王羲之. Jinan: Shandong wenyi chubanshe, 1989. Wang Rutao 王汝濤. “Wang Xizhi jiashi wenti zhong de yichong yi’an” 王羲之家世問題的一重疑案. Wen shi zhe (1990: 6): 92–94, 3. Wang Rutao 王汝濤 and Liu Maochen 劉茂辰, ed.-in-chief; Shandong Linyi Wang Xizhi yanjiuhui 山東臨沂王羲之研究會, ed. Wang Xizhi yanjiu 王羲之研究. Jinan: Shandong wenyi chubanshe, 1990. Wang Yuchi 王育池. Wang Xizhi 王羲之. Beijing: Zijincheng chubanshe, 1991. Zhang Jialin 張嘉霖. “Wang Xizhi nianpu kao” 王羲之年譜考. Hebei keji tuyuan 12 (1991): 47–52. Zhang Zhongjin 張忠進. “Wang Xizhi mudi jianjie” 王羲之墓地簡介. Linyi shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1991: 4): 89–93. Wang Rutao 王汝濤. “Shusheng Wang Xizhi yu Wang Xizhi guli guju” 書聖王羲之與王羲之故里故居. Hangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (1991: 4): 54–61. Li Wenchu 李文初. “Wang Xizhi shengzu nian zhushuo kaoping” 王羲之生卒年諸說考評. Jinan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1992: 3): 120–25, 143; rpt. in Li Wenchu. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue yanjiu 漢魏六朝文學研究, 168–80. Guang- zhou: Guangdong renmin chubanshe, 2000. Bao Xianlun 鮑賢倫, ed. Wang Xizhi yanjiu lunwenji 王羲之研究論文集. Hang- zhou: Zhejiang meishu xueyuan she, 1993. Cao Wenzhu 曹文柱. “Lun zhengzhi shenghuo zhong de Wang Xizhi” 論政治生活中的王羲之. Hanzhong shiyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1993: 1): 24–30. Liu Maochun 劉茂辰. “Wang Xizhi de qizi ersun kaosuo” 王羲之的妻子兒孫考索. Linyi shizhuan xuebao (1994: 1): 47–51. Guo Lianfu 郭廉夫. Wang Xizhi pingzhuan 王羲之評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1996. Wang Ruigong 王瑞功. “You Zhen gao zhu zhi kexinxing lun Wang Xizhi shengzu nian wenti” 由《真誥》注之可信性論王羲之生卒年問題. Wenxian (1997: 1): 156–70. wang xizhi 王羲之, zi yishao 逸少 1261

Wang, Eugene Y. “The Taming of the Shrew: Wang Hsi-chih (303–361) and Cal- ligraphic Gentrification in the Seventh Century.” In Character and Context in Chinese Calligraphy, ed. Cary Y. Liu et al., 132–73. Princeton: The Art Museum, Princeton University, 1999. Harrist, Robert E. “A Letter from Wang Hsi-chih and the Culture of Chinese Cal- ligraphy.” In The Embodied Image: Chinese Calligraphy from the John B. Elliott Collection, ed. Robert E. Harrist and Wen C. Fong, 240–59. Princeton: The Art Museum, Princeton University, 1999. Wang Ningbang 王寧邦. “Shusheng Wang Xizhi zuren qianju Jiangning kao” 書聖王羲之族人遷居江寧考. Yishu baijia (2000: 1): 114–18. Guo Lianfu 郭廉夫. Wang Xizhi Wang Xianzhi nianbiao yu Dong Jin dashi ji 王羲之王獻之年表與東晉大事記. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 2001. Hu Baijin 胡百金, ed. Jinting Wangshi zupu 金庭王氏族譜. Shengxian: Shengxian dang’an guan, 2006. Qi Xiaochun 祁小春. Mai shi zhi feng: Youguan Wang Xizhi ziliao yu renwu de zonghe yanjiu 邁世之風：有關王羲資料與人物的綜合研究. Taipei: Shitou chubanshe, 2007. Luo Sangui 駱三桂. Wang Xizhi pingzhuan 王羲之評傳. Beijing: Renmin meishu chubanshe, 2007. Kieser, Annette. “ ‘Laid to Rest There Among the Mountains He Loved So Well?’ In search of Wang Xizhi’s Tomb.” Early Medieval China 17 (2011): 74–94.

a. The Lan ting Poems

Studies Sang Shichang 桑世昌 (fl. ca. 1224). Lan ting kao 蘭亭考. 12 juan. Preface dated 1209. Congshu jicheng. Obi Kōchi 小尾郊一. “Rantei shi kō” 蘭亭詩考. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 7 (1955): 224–49. Bischoff, Friedrich. The Songs of the Orchis Tower. Wiesbaden: Otto Harrasowitz, 1985. Wen Yongze 文永澤. “Wang Xizhi bianguo ‘Lan ting shiji’ ma?—‘Lan ting ji xu’ zhiyi” 王羲之編過 “蘭亭詩集” 嗎？—《蘭亭集序》質疑. Guangxi minzu xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1989: 2): 14–16. Cheng Yu-yu 鄭毓瑜. “You xiu xi shi lun Lan ting shi Lan ting xu ‘da’ yu ‘weida’ de yiyi” 由修褉事論蘭亭詩、蘭亭序「達」與「未達」的意義. Hanxue yanjiu 12 (1994): 251–73. Wang Zhongling, Zhongguo zhonggu shige shi, 506–13. Zhao Hailing 趙海嶺. “ ‘Lan ting shi’ yu Dong Jin wenren de shanshui ziran guan” 《蘭亭詩》與東晉文人山水自然觀. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (Autumn 2002): 119–25. Wu Wenlin 伍文林. “Lun Dong Jin Lan ting shi de dingwei wenti” 論東晉蘭亭詩的定位問題. Zhuzhou shifan gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 9.6 (2004): 53–55. Swartz, Wendy. “Revisiting the Scene of the Party: A Study of the Lanting Collec- tion.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 132.2 (2012): 275–300. 1262 wang xizhi 王羲之, zi yishao 逸少

b. The “Lan ting Preface”

Studies Lan ting lun bian 蘭亭論辨. Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1973. Chen Jiaotong 陳焦桐. “Lan ting zhenwei de zhiyi 蘭亭真偽的質疑. Mingbao 8 (May 1973): 22–25. Xu Fuguan 徐復觀. “Lan ting zhenglun de jiantao” 蘭亭爭論的檢討. Mingbao 8 (August 1973): 2–9; (September 1973): 5–66. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Ō Gishi ‘Rantei jo’ funyūsen mondai no kentō” 王羲之「蘭亭序」不入選問題の檢討. Gakurin 20 (1994): 48–86; rpt. in Shimizu Yoshio. Shin Monzengaku: Monzen no xinkenkyū 新文選學:《文選》の新研究, 324–71. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1999. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Cong Jin shu de bianzuan kan ‘Lan ting xu’ de zhenwei” 從《晉書》的編纂看《蘭亭序》的真偽. Xinan minzu xueyuan xuebao (1996: 3): 19–25. Holzman, Donald. “On the Authenticity of the ‘Preface’ to the Collection of Poetry Written at the Orchid Pavilion.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 117.2 (1997): 306–11. Hua Rende 華人德. “Eastern Jin Epitaphic Stones: With Some Notes on the ‘Lant- ing Xu’ Debate,” Early Medieval China 3 (1997): 30–88. Ho Ch’un-hsing. “The Ting-wu Rubbings of the Preface of to the Orchid Pavilion Gathering at the National Palace Musuem.” National Palace Musuem Bulletin 34.4 (1999): 1–24. Knechtges, David R. “Jīngŭ and Lántíng: Two (or Three?) Jìn Dynasty Gardens.” In Studies in Chinese Language and Culture: Festschrift in Honour of Christoph Harbsmeir on the Occasion of His 60th Birthday, ed. Christoph Anderl and Hal- vor Eifring, 395–405. Oslo: Hermes Academic Publishing, 2006. Liu Qinghua 劉慶華. “Cong ‘Jinggu shi xu’ ‘Lan ting ji xu’ kan Liang Jin wenren de shengchun xuanze yu wenxue xuanze” 從《金谷詩序》《蘭亭集序》看兩晉文人的生存選擇與文學選擇. Guangzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 5.3 (2006): 91–96.

c. Letters and notes Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫 and Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. Ō Gishi zen shokan 王羲之全書翰. Tōkyō: Hakuteisha, 1996. Richter, Antje. “Beyond Calligraphy: Reading Wang Xizhi’s Letters.” T’oung Pao 96 (2010): 370–407. Tian Xiaofei. Visionary Journeys: Travel Writings from Early Medieval and Nine- teenth-Century China, 69–73. Richter, Antje. Letters & Epistolary Culture in Early Medieval China.

DRK wang xun 王珣 (349–400), zi yuanlin 元琳 1263

Wang Xuanzhi 王玄之 (mid-fourth century)

Eastern Jin poet.

Wang Xuanzhi’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery. He was the eldest son of Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (303–361. He died young. Little is known about his life. In 353, he participated in the Lan ting 蘭亭 gathering of literati hosted by Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361; alt. 303–36) on the third day of the third lunar month in the scenic Guiji 會稽 area of Zhejiang. His only extant piece is the poem he composed for the Lan ting gathering.

TPK

Wang Xun 王珣 (349–400), zi Yuanlin 元琳

Eastern Jin poet and calligrapher.

Wang Xun’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). His childhood names were Fahu 法護 and Azhao 阿欔. His grandfather was the statesman Wang Dao 王導 (276–339). His father was Wang Dao’s third and most distinguished son Wang Qia 王洽 (323–358). Wang Xun was the elder brother of Wang Min 王珉 (351–388). Wang Xun began his official career on the staff of Huan Wen 桓溫 (312– 373), first as clerk and then administrator. One of his colleagues wasXi (or Chi) Chao 郗超 (336–377). Xi Chao had many whiskers, and Wang Xun was quite short. Their contemporaries made up the following ditty about them: “The bewhiskered military aide, /The short recorder, /Are able to make His Excellency happy, /And are able to make him angry.” In 369–370, Wang Xun distinguished himself in Huan Wen’s military expedition against Yuan Zhen 袁真 (d. 370). As a reward for his service he was granted the title Marquis of Dongting. Wang Xun subsequently served as military aide to the general of the capital army, and companion to the ten-year-old Sima Daozi 司馬道子 (364– 402), Prince of Langye. Ca. 380, he was promoted to supervising secretary and director of the palace library. In 383, he composed two hymns for the ancestral temple hymns. In 386, Wang Xun was promoted to palace attendant and became a close adviser to Emperor Xiaowu (r. 372–396). In 387, he was sent out as admininstrator in the princedom of Wu 吳. In 390, he was recalled to the court where he was appointed right vice director of the 1264 wang xun 王珣 (349–400), zi yuanlin 元琳

Department of State Affairs and put in charge of the Ministery of Personnel. The next year he was promoted left vice director of the Department of State Affairs. By this time Wang Xun had gained the trust of Emperor Xiaowu, and the emperor consulted him on important matters of state. Emperor Xiaowu had a strong interest in literature, and he often consulted with literary men such as Wang Xun, Yin Zhongkan 殷仲堪 (d. 400), Xu Miao 徐邈 (344–397), Wang Gong 王恭 (d. 398), and Xi Hui 郗恢 (d. 399). In 395, Wang Xun was named supervisor in the household of the heir designate, Sima Dezong 司馬德宗 (382–418), the future Emperor An (r. 396–418). In 396, when Emperor Xiaowu died, Wang Xun composed a lament and took charge of determining his posthumous title. During the reign of Emperor An, Wang Xun continued to hold high positions at the imperial court. In 397, he was promoted to director of the Department of State Affairs upon the recommendation of Wang Guobao 王國寶, a son-in-law of Xie An 謝安 (320–385). Wang Guobao was an unscruplous sort who curried the favor of Sima Daozi. Wang Gong pressed to have him punished, and Wang Guobao was about to retaliate against Wang Gong and Wang Xun when Sima Daozi turned against him and had him put into prison where he was allowed to commit suicide. In 400, Wang Xun became ill and resigned from office. He died soon thereafter at the age of fifty-two. He was granted the posthumous title of Chariot and Horse General. Wang Xun was married to a daughter of Xie Wan 謝萬 (d. 361), and Wang Min was married to a daughter of Xie An. Both brothers divorced their wives, and from this time on there was bad blood between the Wang and Xie families. However, when Xie An died in 385, Wang Xun went to weep at his grave. One of Wang Xun’s most famous pieces of calligraphy is “Boyuan tie” 伯遠帖 (Note to Boyuan), which is still extant. Emperor Qianlong 乾隆 of the Qing dynasty treasured it along with Wang Xizhi’s “Kuaixue shiqing tie” 快雪時晴帖 (Note on a clear day after sudden snow) and Wang Xianzhi’s “Zhongqiu tie” 中秋帖 (Note on mid-autumn) as one of his “Three Rari- ties” (san xi 三希). The monograph on bibliography of theSui shu lists Wang Xun’s collected works in eleven juan. It also mentions a Liang catalogue that recorded a version in ten juan plus a one-juan table of contents. The two Tang histories record a collection in ten juan. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun collects seven of Wang Xun’s prose pieces in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. His two ritual hymns and two fragmentary lines of a poem can be found in Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbe- ichao shi. wang xun 王訓 (510–535), zi huaifan 懷範 1265

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 24–25. Zhang Keli 張可禮. Dong Jin wenyi zonghe yanjiu 東晉文藝綜合研究, 180–81. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 2001.

WJ and DRK

Wang Xun 王訓 (510–535), zi Huaifan 懷範

Liang period poet.

Wang Xun’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He was the grandson of Wang Jian 王儉 (452–489). Already in his youth Wang Xun showed unusual intelligence and earned the praise of the recluse scholar He Yin 何胤 (446–531). Wang Xun’s father died when Xun was thirteen sui. Xun became so emaciated from grief his family members reputedly could not recognize him. At the age of sixteen Wang Xun was summoned to an audience with Emperor Wu (r. 502–549) in the Wende Hall. The emperor was so impressed, he commented to Zhu Yi 朱异 (487–549), “One can say that the counselor-in-chief ’s clan has a counselor-in-chief.” Wang Xun was then selected as a student in the national university. He obtained one of the highest scores on an examination and was appointed assistant in the palace library. He was soon promoted to secretary to the heir designate Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531) and vice director of the palace library. Wang Xun was subsequently assigned as instructor and companion to the Prince of Xuancheng 宣城, Xiao Daqi 蕭大器 (524–551), as well as palace cadet in the household of the heir designate Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551). Within a short time he was promoted to palace attendant. Emperor Wu asked He Jingrong 何敬容 (d. 549), “How old was Chu Yuan 褚淵 [435– 482] when he became counselor-in-chief?” He replied, “Just barely over thirty. Our Wang Xun does not lag behind Chu Yuan.” In 534, Emperor Wu hosted a banquet for his courtiers in the Leyou Park. He commanded Wang Xun and Chu Xiang 褚翔 (505–548) to compose twenty-couplet poems within a time limit of three “quarters” (ke 刻) or about forty-five minutes. Wang Xun suddenly became ill, and died in 535 at the young age of twenty-six. Wang Xun was handsome and a highly skilled writer. He was often referred to as the “leader of the junior members of the court.” He was especially favored by the crown princes Xiao Tong and Xiao Gang. 1266 wang xun 王訓 (510–535), zi huaifan 懷範

Wang Xun wrote in the palace style that was fashionable during this time. Only six of his poems have survived.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 11. Works

a. “Fenghe shuai’er you yong shi” 奉和率爾有詠詩 (Extemporaneously composed matching poem)

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 214.

DRK

Wang Yan 王晏 (d. 497), zi Shiyan 士彥, alt. Xiumo 休默

Liu-Song period and Southern Qi period literatus.

Wang Yan’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery (modern Linyi, Shandong). He is the grandson of Wang Hongzhi 王弘之 (365–427), and the son of Wang Puyao 王普曜. Ca. 464, Wang Yan began his official career as an attendant on the staff of Liu Zichan 劉子產 (d. 466), Prince of Linhe 臨賀. In 471, he was appointed military aide to the Prince of Baling, Liu Xiuruo 劉休若 (448–471). He soon joined the staff of Liu Zhun 劉準 (469–479), the future Emperor Shun (r. 477–479). In 475, he was appointed recorder for Liu Xie 劉燮 (fl. 470–477), Prince of Jinxi, who then was serving as regional inspector of Yingzhou. At this time, Xiao Ze 蕭賾 (440–493), who was to be the second emperor of the Southern Qi dynasty, was serving as a senior adminstrator on Liu Xie’s staff. Wang Yan became a close friend of Xiao Ze’s. Wang Yan eventually became a member of Xiao Ze’s entourage. He loyally served him when Xiao Ze established his headquarters at Pencheng 盆城 in 478. Wang Yan also accompanied him when he returned to the capital in 479. When the Southern Qi was founded in 479, Wang Yan was appointed palace cadet in the household of the heir designate, Xiao Ze, the future Emperor Wu (r. 482–493). When Xiao Ze assumed the imperial throne in 482, he appointed Wang Yan administrator and palace attendant. In 483, Wang Yan was assigned to the post of infantry commandant, but had to wang yan 王延 (fl. 491) 1267 resign to observe mourning for his mother. He returned to office as Gen- eral Who Defends the State and left senior administrator in the Ministry of Education. He left the post for several years to observe mourning for his father. Upon his return to the court, Wang Yan continued in his post in the Ministry of Education and was also honored with the title of General Com- manding the Troops. He was soon appointed to chamberlain for the palace garrison. In 488, he was assigned as governor of Danyang 丹陽, which was the admininstrative area around the capital Jiankang. In 489, he was appointed minister of the Ministry of Personnel. In 493, he was promoted to right vice director of the Department of State Affairs. In his deathbed edict Emperor Wu commanded Wang Yan and Xu Xiaoxi 徐孝嗣 (453– 499) jointly to administer affairs of the Department of State Affairs. He was promoted to left vice director of this unit. In 494, Wang Yan supported Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452–492), the future Emperor Ming (r. 494–498), in deposing Xiao Zhaoye 蕭昭業 (474–494), Prince of Yulin. He was then named general-in-chief of the cavalry army, but Wang Yan was not satisfied with this appointment. Emperor Ming became fearful of Wang Yan. The Prince of Shi’an, Xiao Yaoguang 蕭遙光 (468–499) also disliked him, and he had Wang Yan killed in 497. Although Wang Yan wrote poetry, only one line of his verse has survived. Yan Kejun has collected eight of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. All of these are petitions he presented to the imperial court.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 25–26.

DRK

Wang Yan 王延 (fl. 491)

Southern Qi poet.

TheGuwen yuan (Sibu congkan 9.7a) includes under the name of Wang Yan the poem “Bie Xiao ziyi” 別蕭諮議 (Parting from Administrative Adviser Xiao). Lu Qinli (see Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi 2: 1377) suggests that Wang Yan is the same as Wang Yanzhi 王延之 (421–482). How- ever, Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng point out that this poem was written 1268 wang yan 王延 (fl. 491) in 491 for the departure of Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549) from Jiangling in 491. Since Wang Yanzhi died in 482, this Wang Yan must be someone else.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 391–93.

DRK

Wang Yanshou 王延壽 (ca. 118–ca. 138), zi Wenkao 文考

Late Eastern Han writer.

Wang Yanshou’s ancestral home was Yicheng 宜城 in Nan commandery 南郡 (south modern Yichang, Huei). The Hou Han shu has a brief note on Wang Yanshou appended to the biography of his father Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 130–140). It mentions during his youth Wang traveled to Lu and composed the “Lu Lingguang dian fu” 魯靈光殿賦 (Fu on the Palace of Numi- nous Brilliance). Later, Cai Yong 蔡邕 (133–192) started to write a fu on this topic, but he was so impressed with Wang Yangshou’s work that he did not complete his poem. Wang Yanshou once had a strange dream, and he composed the “Meng fu” 夢賦 (Fu on a dream) “to reinvigorate himself.” The last piece of information the biography reports is that Wang Yanshou drowned in a river at the age of “over twenty.” Guo Weisen (see bibliography below) argues that Wang Yanshou was born between 112 and 117 and thus died between 133 and 138 Wang Yanshou is attributed with a stele inscription titled “Tongbo miao bei” 桐柏廟碑 (Stele inscription on Tongbo Temple). The earliest attribution to Wang Yanshou is in the Guwen yuan. Both the nine-juan and twenty-one-juan editions assign this piece to Wang Yangshou. The inscription bears the date eighth day of the first month of the year Yanxi 延熹 6 (28 February 163). The temple was located south of the Tongbo Dafu Mountains 桐柏大復山, which was the western chain of the Huaiyang Mountain Range that runs along the border between modern Hebei and Hubei. According to the Shui jing zhu, there were two stele inscriptions erected here in the Yanxi period. However, it does not mention who composed them other than to say that the writing was clumsy and hardly worth reading. Ouyang Xiu 歐陽修 (1007–1072) records the stele inscription in his Ji gu lu 集古錄, but he does not mention any author. In Ouyang Xiu’s transcription there are missing characters that are included in the Guwen wang yanshou 王延壽 (ca. 118–ca. 138), zi wenkao 文考 1269 yuan version. Hong Shi 洪適 (1117–1184) in his Li shi 隷釋 also does not credit authorship to anyone. If someone as well known as Wang Yangshou had written the inscription, the two leading Song authorities on ancient inscriptions would have mentioned this piece of information. Guo Weisen thus concludes that the “Tongbo miao bei” is not by Wang Yangshou. If Guo’s conclusion is correct, one cannot use the date of this inscription to date events in Wang Yanshou’s life. The most secure attribution to Wang Yanshou is the “Fu on the Hall of Numinous Brilliance in Lu.” The complete text of this piece is preserved in the Wen xuan. The Hall of Numinous Brilliance was constructed by the Han king, Liu Yu 劉餘, King Gong 恭 of Lu (r. 154–129/128 b.c.e.). The palace continued to be used by Lu kings in the Later Han. The southern gateway of the hall was five hundred paces (693 meters) southeast of the Confucian temple in Qufu 曲阜, Shandong. Wang Yanshou visited the hall with his father when they went to the Mount Tai area to study computation with Bao Zizhen 鮑子真. This fu is a masterpiece of description and provides the most detailed literary record of a Han palace’s construction and architectural features. There are two other shorter fu attributed to Wang Yangshou, the “Meng fu” 夢賦 (Fu on a dream), and “Wangsun fu” 王孫賦 (Fu on the macaque). The most complete texts of these pieces are inthe Guwen yuan. If these works are genuine, they show Wang Yangshou’s precocious originality as a fu writer. In “Fu on a Dream,” the poet poetically exorcises a horde of demons that had appeared to him in a dream at night. The “Fu on the Macaque” is a yongwu poem about the primate known in English as rhesus macaque or rhesus monkey (Macaca mulatta). The poet uses colorful and unusual rhyming and alliterative binomes to describe the eyes, nose, mouth, ears, teeth, and other bodily features of this remarkable animal that lives in a dense forest deep in the mountains. There it romps and plays with other macaques, who seem impossible to catch. Their only weakness is wine. A hunter sets out a bowl of wine, and the macaques race each other to drink it up. They then fall asleep in a drunken stupor and are taken away to a stable where onlookers gape at them.

Bibliography

Collection Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wang Shushi ji 王叔師集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan jia ji. 1270 wang yanshou 王延壽 (ca. 118–ca. 138), zi wenkao 文考

Studies

Lu Kanru 陸侃如. “Wang Yanshou de shengzu” 王延壽的生卒. Lu Kanru gudian wenxue lunwenji 陸侃如古典文學論文集, 535–37. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Farmer, Michael J. “Wang Yen-shou.” In The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, volume 2, 187–88. Liu Kunyong 劉昆庸. “Bingcai guiying, tihan feidong—lun Wang Yanshou fu” 稟才瑰穎，體含飛動—論王延壽賦. Wen shi zhe (2000: 1): 49–52. Jiang Fang 蔣方. “Yan Kejun Wang Yi ji jiyi buzheng” 顏可均《王逸集》輯佚補正. Wenxue yichan (2006: 6): 87. Zhou Shenghong 周聖弘. “Wang Yanshou he tade fu” 王延壽和他的賦. Hubei guangbo dianshi daxue xuebao 27.5 (2007): 53–56. Wu, Sujane. “Wang Yanshou.” Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 206–9. Detroit: Gale, 2011.

Works

a. “Lu Lingguang dian fu” 魯靈光殿賦 (Fu on the Palace of Numinous Brilliance)

Studies He Xinwen 何新文. “Wang Yanshou he tade ‘Lu Lingguang dian fu’ 王延壽和他的《魯靈光殿賦》. In He Xinwen. Cifu sanlun 辭賦散論, 105–117. Beijing: Dong- fang chubanshe, 2000.

Translation Waley, The Temple, 95–97 (partial). Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 263–79.

b. “Meng fu” 夢賦 (Fu on a dream)

Studies Harper, Donald. “Wang Yen-shou’s Nightmare Poem.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 47 (1987): 239–83. Guo Weisen 郭維森. “Wang Yanshou ji qi ‘Meng fu’ 王延壽及其《夢賦》. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Zhexue renwen kexue shehui kexue) 37 (2000): 96–104; Cifu wenxue lunji 辭賦文學論集, ed. Nanjing daxue Zhongwen xi 南京大學中文系, 196–212. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. wang yi 王逸 (fl. 130–140), zi shushi 叔師 1271

Translations Waley, The Temple, 91–94. Waley, Chinese Poems, 72–74. Harper, “Wang Yen-shou’s Nightmare Poem.”

c. “Wangsun fu” 王孫賦 (Fu on the macaque) Harper, Donald. “Poets and Primates: Wang Yanshou’s Poem on the Macaque.” Asia Major 14.2 (2001): 1–25.

Translations Waley The Temple, 88–90. Waley, Chinese Poems, 74–77. Harper, “Poets and Primates.”

DRK

Wang Yi 王逸 (fl. 130–140), zi Shushi 叔師

Eastern Han writer and scholar.

Wang Yi’s ancestral home was Yicheng 宜城 in Nan commandery 南郡 (south of modern Yichang, Hubei). He is best known for his commentary to the Chu ci. In the Yuanchu period (114–120) he went to Luoyang to present the accounts from his home commandery. Ca. 116, he obtained a position as collator of texts in the imperial archives. Wang Yi may have earned his appointment by virtue of presenting his commentary to the Chu ci to the court at this time. Wang Yi possibly participated in the editorial work on the Eastern Han history sponsored by Empress Dowager Deng. Ca. 135, Wang Yi was promoted to palace attendant. Lu Kanru dates Wang Yi’s “Jiu si” 九思 (Nine longings) to this year on the evidence of the title “palace attendant” attached to his name as author of this piece, which is included as the last chapter of the Chu ci. However, this is not conclusive proof of the date of composition, for the official title could have been added by a later editor. According to the Tang scholar Lu Shanjing 陸善經, who is cited in the Tang manuscript of the Wen xuan jizhu 文選集注, Wang Yi later served as governor of Yuzhang 豫章 (administrative seat, modern Nanchang, Jiangxi). Lu Kanru dates this appointment in 163 based on the “Tongbo Huaiyuan Temple Stele” attributed to his son Wang Yanshou 王延壽 (ca. 118–ca. 138). The date of the stele is 163. However, it is doubtful that Wang Yanshou is the author of this inscription (see the discussion in the 1272 wang yi 王逸 (fl. 130–140), zi shushi 叔師 entry on Wang Yangshou). Lu Kanru claims that Wang Yanshou committed suicide in 163 at the age of more then twenty. Guo Weisen argues that this date is too late. He points out that if Wang Yanshou had been born in 143, as Lu Kanru argues, Wang Yi would have been over fifty when Wang Yanshou was born. Guo also notes that the Bowu zhi cited in the Hou Han shu commentary mentions Wang Yanshou accompanied his father to Mount Tai to study calculation with Bao Zizhen 鮑子真. Guo observes that Wang Yi must have gone to Mount Tai before taking up his post as palace attendant in 135. Thus, Wang Yanshou must have been born some years before 143. Lu Kanru places Wang Yi’s death date in 165, but he bases his conclusion on the premise that Wang died shortly after taking up his position in Yuzhang in 163. However, as Guo Weisen points out, Wang Yanshou must have died long before this. There is no way to determine when Wang Yi died. Wang Yi’s biography in the Hou Han shu mentions he composed twenty- one pieces in the genres of fu, dirge, letter, disquisition, and informal prose. It also credits him with 123 poems that he included in a work title Han shi 漢詩 (Poems on the Han?). This work is lost, and we have no way of know- ing what these poems were like. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Yi’s collected works in two juan. This was lost already in the Tang. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu also lists in the Rujia category the Zhengbu lun 正部論 in eight juan that was listed in a Liang period catalogue. This was already lost before the Tang. It is not clear what the title means. Only a few excerpts have survived. Wang Yi’s best-known work is his commentary to the Chu ci, the Chu ci zhangju 楚辭章句. However, this does not survive in its original form and is only available as cited in the Li Shan 李善 (d. 689) version of the Wen xuan and in the Song dynasty edition of the Chu ci, the Chu ci buzhu 楚辭補注 by Hong Xingzu 洪興祖 (1070–1135). Wang Yi’s commentary is poetic. In many places, he uses rhyme to paraphrase the original text. Wang Yi also is credited with two fu, both of which are not complete. The longest fragment is “Ji fu” 機賦 (Fu on the loom), which is a yongwu piece on the weaver’s loom. The second fragment attributed to Wang Yi is “Lizhi fu” 荔支賦 (Fu on the litchee). This is the most famous fruit of the south, and Wang Yi’s fu is the earliest known poetic description of it.

Bibliography

Studies Jiang Tianshu 蔣天樞. “Hou Han shu ‘Wang Yi zhuan’ kaoshi” 後漢書王逸傳考釋. Zhongguo lieshi wenxian yanjiu jikan 2 (1981): 105–15; rpt. in Jiang Tianshu. Chu ci lunwen ji 楚辭論文集, 195–212. Taipei: Songgao shushe, 1985. wang yi 王逸 (fl. 130–140), zi shushi 叔師 1273

Jiang Tianshu. “Lun Chu ci zhangju” 論楚辭章句. In Jiang Tianshu. Chu ci lunwen ji, 213–27. Lu Kanru 陸侃如. Zhonggu wenxue xinian 中古文學繫年. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1985. Wang Jizhou 王齊洲. “Wang Yi he Chuci zhangju” 王逸和《楚辭章句》. Wenxue yichan (1995: 2): 23–30. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. “Ō I Soji shoku o megutte: Kandai shōku no gaku no ichi sokumen” 王逸楚辭章句おめぐって漢代章句の學の一側面. Tōhō gakuhō 63 (1991): 61–114. Xu Jie 許結. “Lun Wang Yi Chuci xue de shidai xinyi” 論王逸楚辭學的時代新義. Jiang Han luntan (1991: 3): 42–46. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. Liu Ping 劉萍, trans. “Wang Yi Chuci zhangju zai Handai zhushi shang de diwei” 王逸《楚辭章句》在漢代注釋上的地位. Guji zhengli yu yanjiu 6 (1991): 277–85. Schimmelpfennig, Michael. “Der Kommentar von Wang Yi zu den Liedern von Chu (Chu-ci).” Ph.D. diss., University of Heidelberg, 1995. Chan, Tim. “The Jing/Zhuan Structure of the Chuci Anthology: A New Approach to the Authorship of Some of the Poems.” T’oung Pao 84 (1998): 293–327. Wang Dehua 王德華. “Hong Xingzu Chuci buzhu ben Wang Yi Chuci zhangju gepian xiaoxu yuanmao zhiyi” 洪興祖《楚辭補注》本王逸《楚辭章句》各篇小序原貌質疑. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 59 (1999): 245–66. He Xinwen 何新文. “Wang Yi de Chu ci zhangju ji qi cifu” 王逸的《楚辭章句》及其辭賦. In He Xinwen. Cifu sanlun 辭賦散論, 99–104. Beijing: Dongfang chubanshe, 2000. Kominami Ichirō 小南一郎. Soji to sono chūshakushatachi 楚辭とその注釋たち. Kyoto: Hōyū shoten, 2003. Huang Linggen 黃靈庚. “Guanyu Wang Yi Chu ci zhangju de jiaoli” 關於王逸《楚辭章句》的校理. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (Summer 2003): 54–62. Zheng Yating 鄭雅婷. “Wang Yi ‘Li sao zhu’ yanjiu” 王逸《離騷注》研究. Shixin Zhongwen yanjiu jikan 3 (2007): 149–78. Deng Shengguo 鄧聲國. Wang Yi Chu ci zhangju kaolun 王逸《楚辭章句》考論. Beijing: Guojia tushuguan, 2011. Chan, Timothy Wai Keung. Considering the End: Mortality in Early Medieval Chi- nese Poetic Representation, 7–40. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2012.

Works

a. “Jiu si” 九思 (Nine longings)

Translations Hawkes, Songs of the South, 307–21. Mathieu, Rémi. Élégies du Chu, 271–86. Paris: Gallimard, 2004.

b. “Lizhi fu” 荔支賦 (Fu on the litchee)

Translation Waley, Chinese Poems, 71–72. 1274 wang yi 王逸 (fl. 130–140), zi shushi 叔師

c. “Ji fu” 機賦 (Fu on the loom)

Study Zou Jingheng 鄒景衡. “Xunzi Can fu Wang Yi Ji fu jianshi” 荀子蠶賦‧王逸機賦箋釋. Dalu zazhi 57.2 (1978): 1–8.

d. Zhengbu lun 正部論

Text Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山房輯佚書. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, 1204: 130.

DRK

Wang Yun 王蘊 (330–384), zi Shuren 叔仁

Eastern Jin statesman and poet.

Wang Yun’s ancestral home was Guanghan 廣漢 (south of modern She- hong 射洪, Sichuan). His alternative name was Wang Yunzhi 王蘊之. His father was Wang Meng 王濛 (309–347), a famous Eastern Jin conversationalist and poet. His daughter Wang Fahui 王法慧 (360–380) was the empress of Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 (r. 373–396). Wang Yun’s first official appointment was assistant to the editorial director in the palace library. He later was promoted to vice minister of the Ministry of Personnel in the Department of State Affairs. Wang Yun was a gentle and fair person. Whenever there were vacancies in the court, numerous applicants would come to him requesting his support in obtaining a recommendation for a post. He treated all applicants equally. He also informed Sima Yu 司馬昱 (320–372), Prince of Guiji 會稽, who was assisting with court affairs at the time, about the specific abilities of each person. Thus those who were not successful in seeking court positions did not blame him. Wang Yun later was appointed governor of Wuxing 吳興 (administrative seat Wucheng 烏程 county, modern Wuxing, Jiangsu). When he first took office, the land was overgrown with weeds, and the people livedin dire poverty. Wang Yun opened up the state granaries to feed the hungry. His admininstrative assistant advised him to petition the court for permission to do this. Wang Yun replied, “Now that the people are moaning for wang yun 王蘊 (330–384), zi shuren 叔仁 1275 food, and famished refugees are everywhere, if I first have to present a petition, how I can possibly save the starving victims who are on the point of death. If the arbitrary decision I make is a mistake, then it is my fault. If I fail to be a good governor because I implement a benevolent and righ- teous policy, I shall have no regrets!” For violating official protocol by not requesting permission to open the granaries, Wang Yun was removed from office. Numerous scholars as well as commoners pleaded to the court on his behalf. He was then demoted to governor of Jinling 晉陵 (administrative seat Jinling, modern Changzhou 常州, Jiangsu). When Wang Yun’s daughter Wang Fahui formally was installed as Empress Ding, he was promoted to grand master for splendid happiness, minister of the five armed forces, and grand rectifier of his homecom- mandery. He was also enfeoffed as Marquis of Jianchang county. Wang Yun believed that he was awarded these titles and positions because he was the father-in-law of the emperor, not because of his own achievements. He decided to decline them. He was instead appointed commander-in-chief of Jingkou 京口 (modern Zhenjiang 鎮江, Jiangsu) where he had charge of military affairs. He was also assigned as regional inspector of Xuzhou 徐州 (administrative seat Pengcheng 彭城 county, modern Xuzhou city, Jiangsu). He also refused these positions. He accepted them only after Xie An 謝安 (320–385) urged him to do so. Within a short time, Wang Yun was promoted to vice director of the Imperial Secretariat. Because he was an imperial relative, he preferred to serve outside of the court, and thus he requested to be reassigned to a pro- vincial post. He was appointed commander-in-chief of five commanderies in Eastern Zhejiang, defender-general of the army, and chamberlain for the capital. Wang Yun was very fond of drinking, especially in his old age. He was drunk most of the time while he served in Guiji. He died in 384 at the age of fifty-five. He was posthumously awarded the honorary titles of Grand Master for Splendid Happiness of the Left and Commander Unequalled in Honor. Most of Wang Yun’s writings have been lost. In 353, Wang Yun participated in the Lan ting 蘭亭 gathering of literati hosted by Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361; alt. 303–36) on the third day of the third lunar month in the scenic Guiji area of Zhejiang. His only extant poem is the piece he composed for the Lan ting gathering.

TPK 1276 wang yun 王筠 (481–549), zi yuanli 元禮, derou 德柔

Wang Yun 王筠 (481–549), zi Yuanli 元禮, Derou 德柔

Liang period writer.

Wang Yun’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 commandery. His childhood name was Yang 養. He was the grandson of Wang Seng qian 王僧虔 (426–485). In his youth Wang Yun was an avid scholar, and at a young age he hand-copied passages from the Zuo zhuan, Zhou li, Yili, Guoyu, Erya, Shanhai jing, and Bencao 本草 (Materia medica). At age sixteen Wang Yun composed the “Shaoyao fu” 芍藥賦 (Fu on the herbaceous peony), a piece that was known for its elegance and grace. This piece is no longer extant. Both he and his cousin Wang Tai 王泰 (480?–524?) were equally celebrated as talented youths. Ca. 504, Wang Yun began his official career as a military aide to Xiao Hong 蕭宏 (473–526), Prince of Linchuan 臨川, who was the younger brother of Emperor Wu (r. 502–549). He then became a secretary on the staff of the crown prince Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531), followed by an app- pointment as palace administrator in the Imperial Secretariat. Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513) admired Wang Yun’s compositions and chanted them with great enthusiasm asserting that he Shen could never match him. He considered Wang Yun’s poetry comparable to that of Wang Can 王粲 (177–217) and Xie Tiao 謝朓 (464–499). Shen had someone inscribe ten poems Wang had written about plants and trees on the wall of his studio on his country estate. Shen also deemed Wang a man who truly understood his poetry and had a special gift for prosody. Shen let Wang Yun read aloud the draft of his “Jiao ju fu” 郊居賦 (Fu on dwelling in the suburbs). When Wang intoned the line “I ride the winding curve of the female rainbow” 駕雌霓之連卷, Shen Yue clapped his hands excitedly when he heard Wang read the word “rainbow” in the enterting tone pronunciation *ngiek rather than the expected level tone *ngiei. Shen Yue even offered to give his entire book collection to Wang Yun, just as Cai Yong 蔡邕 (132–192) had promised his library to the young Wang Can. From about 516, Wang Yun joined the entourage of literary men who attended the crown prince Xiao Tong in the Eastern Palace. He held a succession of appointments on Xiao Tong’s staff including librarian and palace secretary. He also had charge of the administration of the Eastern Palace. Xiao Tong especially admired the literary talent of Wang Yun and Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539). As he strolled through the Park of Mys- tery, with one hand on Wang Yun’s sleeve and the other on Liu Xiaochuo’s shoulder, he would say, “This is what is called ‘The left grasping Fuqiu’s sleeve, /The right patting Hongya’s shoulder.’ ” Xiao Tong was quoting wang yun 王筠 (481–549), zi yuanli 元禮, derou 德柔 1277 here from Guo Pu’s 郭璞 (276–324) “Youxian shi.” Fuqiu and Hongya are names of famous immortals. After serving as governor of Danyang 丹陽 (the capital district), adviser to the northern leader of court gentleman, and vice director of the Secre- tariat, in 517 Wang Yun joined the staff of the Prince of Xiangdong 湘東, Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–554). Xiao Yi at this time was serving as governor first of the emigré commandery of Langye 琅邪 (administrative seat Jincheng 金城, north of modern Jurong 句容, Jiangsu) and then Pengcheng 彭城 (admininstrative seat, modern Zhenjiang). Wang Yun had charge of most of the prince’s administrative affairs. He also continued on Xiao Yi’s staff when the prince was assigned as governor of Guiji in 519. In 520, Wang Yun resigned from his post to observe mourning for his mother. After the mourning period, ca. 522, he was appointed household provisioner for the crown prince Xiao Tong. In 525, he was promoted to director of the Appointments Section of the Ministry of State Affairs. Soon thereafter he was assigned as palace secretary to Xiao Tong. It was during this time that the Wen xuan was being compiled, and Wang Yun may have been one of the compilers. In 530, Wang Yun was appointed left administrator in the Ministry of Education. Xiao Tong died in 531, and Wang Yun composed a lament for him. In 531, Wang Yun was sent out of the capital to serve as governor of Lin- hai 臨海 (administrative seat Zhang’an 章安, southeast of modern Linhai, Zhejiang). During his service here, he was charged with extorting property from people, and was dismissed from office. He did not return to official service until 535, when he was appointed to the staff of Xiao Huan 蕭歡 (d. 540), Prince of Yuzhang, the oldest son of Xiao Tong. Soon thereafter he returned to the imperial court as director of the imperial library. In 539, he was appointed chamberlain for the palace revenues, and in 540, minister of revenue. At this time he became good friends with the distinguished scholars and writers Liu Zhilin 劉之遴 (477–548), Zhang Zuan 張纘 (499–549), and Jiang Zong 江總 (519–594). In 546, Wang Yun was assigned as governor of Yongjia 永嘉 (modern Wenzhou). He had to decline the post on the grounds of illness. He returned to office as grand master for splendid happiness and left administrator in the Ministry of Education. In 549 Wang Yun was appointed supervisor of the household of the crown prince Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551). Soldiers from the army of Hou Jing 侯景 (503–552) invaded the captial and burned down his house. He took refuge in the house of Xiao Ziyun 蕭子雲 (487–549), a renowned 1278 wang yun 王筠 (481–549), zi yuanli 元禮, derou 德柔 scholar and writer. One night when bandits attacked the house he jumped into a well and was killed. Wang Yun was rather homely and short in appearance. He was quite proud of his family heritage, especially in writing. He wrote a letter to his sons boasting of the number of literary men and collections there were in the Wang clan. Unlike the Cui family of Anping or the Ying family of Ru’nan, who had only two or three generations of the literary men, for seven generations every member of the Wang clan of Langye had a literary collection. Wang Yun compiled his own collections. He compiled a ten-juan collection for most of the offices he held including librarian in the editorial service of the crown prince, vice director of the Secretariat, director of the Appointments Section, palace secretary, left admininstrator in the Ministry of Education, governor of Linhai, and chamberlain for the palace revenues. During his service as minister of revenue, he compiled a collection in thirty juan. Thus, his collections were an astounding 100 juan. Six of these collections are listed in the monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories. They disappeared in the Song. Despite the large size of Wang Yun’s collected works, a relatively small portion of his writings has survived. Lu Qinli preserves forty-six poems in his Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, and Yan Kejun has collected eighteen prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. The bulk of the prose compositions are petitions and letters. Wang Yun’s verse is more diverse. Wang Yun was known for his prosodic experi- mentations. For example, his “Chu fei yin” 楚妃吟 (Song of the Chu consort) is written in a combination of trisyllabic and pentasyllabic lines, a form that Bao Zhao had introduced. A number of Wang Yun’s poems are pieces written to match other poets’ compostions. He exchanged poems with his uncle Wang Zhi 王志 (460–513), Wu Jun 吳均 (469–520), Xiao Zifan 蕭子範 (486–549), Kong Xiuyuan 孔休源 (469–532), Yuan Faseng 元法僧 (454–536), Xiao Gang, Yu Jianwu 庾肩吾 (ca. 487–551), and Yin Jun 殷鈞 (484–532). Wang Yun wrote upon the command of Emperor Wu of the Liang the “Kaishan si Baozhi dashi beiwen” 開善寺寶志大師碑文 (Grave inscription for the Great Teacher Baozhi of the Kaishan Monastery). Wang Yun composed this piece in 515 for the establishment of the Kaishan Monastery in honor of the Buddhist master Baozhi 寶志 (also written 保志) who had died the previous year. This inscription does not survive. One of Wang’s most famous pieces is “Zhaoming taizi aice wen” 昭明太子哀冊文 (Lament for Crown Prince Zhaoming). As mentioned above, Wang Yun composed this piece upon the death of Xiao Tong in 531. It has been preserved intact in the Liang shu biography of Xiao Tong. wang yun 王筠 (481–549), zi yuanli 元禮, derou 德柔 1279

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wang zhanshi ji 王詹事集. 2 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wang zhanshi ji 王詹事集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

Studies Mather, Richard B. The Poet Shen Yüeh, 215–17. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 631–33. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Fu Gang 傅剛. Xiao Tong pingzhuan 蕭統評傳, 158–63. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2001. Huang Dahong 黃大宏. “Lun Liangdai shiren Wang Yun” 論梁代詩人王筠. Xi’nan daxue xuebao 5 (2008).

Works

a. “Zixu” 自序 (Account of myself )

Translation Tian, Xiaofei. Beacon Fire and Southern Star, 82–83.

b. “He Wu zhubu shi” 和吳主簿詩 (Matching recorder Wu)

Translation Birrell, Anne. New Songs, 209–11.

c. “Xinglu nan” 行路難 (Traveling the road is hard)

Translation Birrell, Anne. New Songs, 260.

d. “You suosi” 有所思 (Someone I love) Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 176.

WJ and DRK 1280 wang zan 王讚 (d. 311), zi zhengchang 正長

Wang Zan 王讚 (d. 311), zi Zhengchang 正長

Western Jin poet.

Wang Zan’s personal name is also written Zan 贊. Wang Zan’s natal place was Yiyang 義陽 (north of modern Xinyang 信陽, Henan). According to the Jin shu 晉書 of Zang Rongxu 臧榮緒 (415–488), he was broadly learned, and ca. 276 served as an assistant in the Ministry of Education. Sometime before 282, he was appointed secretary to the heir designate, Sima Zhong 司馬衷 (259–306), the future Emperor Hui (r. 290–306). In 283, after the Minister of Education Li Yin 李胤 (d. 282) died, the prince ordered Wang Zan to compose a dirge for him. During the reign of Emperor Hui, Wang Zan served as attendant gentleman and editorial director in the palace library. He then was sent out as governor of Chenliu 陳留 (east of modern Kaifeng). In 307, when Liu Ling 劉靈 (d. 310) raided the areas of Zhao and Wei (modern Hebei and Henan), Wang Zan led an army to subdue him. In 310, Shi Le 石勒 (274–333) surrounded Wang Zan’s forces at Cangyuan 倉垣 (northeast of modern Kaifeng), but Wang Zan eventually defeated him. In 311, upon the orders of Xun Xi 荀晞 (d. 311), Wang Zan went to Xiangcheng 項城 (modern Shenqiu 沈丘, Henan) to compel Sima Yue 司馬越 (d. 311), Prince of Donghai, who had established his headquarters here, to return to the capital and surrender. In the tenth lunar month of this same year, Xun Xi and Wang Zan were captured by Shi Le. She Le appointed Wang Zan retainer adviser. A month later, Shi Le had Wang Zan put to death for plotting a coup against him. He was over fifty years old at the time. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Zan’s collected works in five juan. This was lost already before the Tang. Zhong Rong places Wang Zan in the middle grade of the Shi pin. He singles out lines from his “Za shi” 雜詩 (Unclassified poem), which was also included in the Wen xuan. Lu Qinli collects five of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi, three of which he composed for gatherings hosted by the Crown Prince Sima Zhong in 289. Another piece he probably composed for this same gathering is “Li shu song” 梨樹頌 (Eulogy for the pear tree).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 46. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 175–76. Works wang zhen 王貞 (fl. 581–610), zi xiaoyi 孝逸 1281

a. “Za shi” 雜詩 (Unclassified poem)

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 535.

DRK

Wang Zhen 王貞 (fl. 581–610), zi Xiaoyi 孝逸

Sui dynasty writer.

Wang Zhen’s ancestral home was Chenliu 陳留 in Liang 梁 commandery (modern Henan). He was a child prodigy who began the study of the Classics and Masters writings when he was seven. He was also a skilled writer and amused himself reciting texts. During the early Kaihuang period (581–600) of Emperor Wen (r. 581–604) of Sui, the regional inspector of Bianzhou 汴州 (administrative seat Junyi 浚儀, northwest of modern Kaifeng 開封, Henan) Fan Shulüe 樊叔略 (536–594) recruited him to serve as administrator on his staff. He also nominated him for the degree of cultivated talent and wished to appoint him district defender. However, Wang Zhen had no interest in official service and declined the offer on grounds on illness. At the beginning of the reign of Emperor Yang (r. 605–617), Yang Jian 楊暕 (584–618), Prince of Qi 齊, served as area commander-in-chief in Jiangdu 江都 (modern Yangzhou 揚州). He sent Wang Zhen a letter inviting him to visit him in Jiangdu. In the letter, Yang specifically asked about Wang’s literary collection. When Wang Zhen arrived in Jiangdu, Yang Jian treated him with great courtesy. He also asked for a copy of Wang’s literary collection. Wang sent the prince a thank-you-note (qi 啟) written in elegant parallel prose and presented him a copy of his collection in thirty- three juan. The prince reciprocated by giving him four fine horses. Wang Zhen later presented Yang Jian the “Jiangdu fu” 江都賦 (Fu on Jiangdu). The prince rewarded him with a gift of 100,000 cash and two horses. Shortly after this Wang Zhen fell ill, and he returned to Chenliu. He died at home ca. 610 at an unknown age. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu does not list Wang Zhen’s collected works. His “Jiangdu fu” has not survived. Wang Zhen’s “Xie Qi wang qi” 謝齊王啟 (A note expressing gratitude to Prince of Qi) is preserved in his biography in the Sui shu. 1282 wang zhen 王貞 (fl. 581–610), zi xiaoyi 孝逸

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 12.

TPK

Wang Zhongxiong 王仲雄 (d. 498)

Southern Qi poet, musician.

Wang Zhongxiong’s ancestral home was Nansha 南沙 in Jinling 晉陵 (north of modern Changshu 常熟, Jiangsu). He was the eldest son of Wang Jingze 王敬則 (435–498) who held office during the Song and Southern Qi periods. During the reigns of the Southern Qi rulers Emperor Gao 高 (r. 479– 482) and Emperor Wu 武 (r. 482–493), Wang Jingze served as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary, governor of Wuxing, and governor of Guiji. In 494, Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452–498) installed himself as emperor after killing two short-lived rulers, the Prince of Yulin 鬱林 (r. 493–494) and Prince Gong 恭 (r. 494–494). Xiao Luan’s posthumous imperial title is Emperor Ming (r. 494–498). In this perilous time, Wang Jingze became concerned about his fate. Emperor Ming sent Jingze’s son Wang Zhongxiong to comfort his father. Wang Zhongxiong was a skilled zither player. On one occasion he performed the tune “Aonao qu ge” 懊儂曲歌 (Song of vexation) before Emperor Ming. In 498, Wang Jingze staged a coup against Emperor Ming and was defeated. Wang Zhongxiang and his father were both executed. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng claim that the Wang shizi 王世子 (The Prince’s heir Wang) addressed in the “Da Wang Shizi shi” 答王世子詩 (Replying to the poem of the Prince’s heir Wang) by Xie Tiao 謝眺 (464–499) is Wang Zhongxiong. However, it is more likely that this person is Xiao Zixiang 蕭子響 (469–490) or Xiao Zilian 蕭子廉 (d. 493), both of whom were heirs at different times to Xiao Ni 蕭嶷 (444–492), Prince of Yuzhang. Wang Zhongxiong’s only extant poem is the “Aonao qu ge”

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 13. Mather, The Age of Eternal Brilliance, 7., n. 1.

TPK wang zhou 王冑 (558–613), zi chengji 承基 1283

Wang Zhou 王冑 (558–613), zi Chengji 承基

Chen and Sui period literatus.

Wang Zhou’s ancestral home was Linyi 臨沂 in Langye 琅邪 (modern Linyi, Shandong). His grandfather Wang Yun 王筠 (481–549) was a distinguished official and literary figure during the Liang. His father WangXiang 王祥 (n.d.) served at the Chen court as gentleman attendant at the palace gate. Wang Zhou was a child of exceptional ability and talent. During the Chen dynasty, he first was appointed an administrator in the Law Section in the household of the Prince of Poyang 鄱陽, Chen Boshan 陳伯山 (550–589). He later served as secretary on the staff of the heir designate, and instructor for the Prince of Dongyang 東陽, Chen Quan 陳恮 (fl. 587–589). In the early Sui dynasty, while Yang Guang 楊廣 (569–618) was Prince of Jin 晉, he recruited Wang Zhou as a member of his large group of academicians. Toward the end of the Renshou 仁壽 reign (601–604) of Emperor Wen, Wang Zhou accompanied General Liu Fang 劉方 (d. 605) on a military expedition against Linyi 林邑 (south-central region of modern Viet- nam). He was awarded the title commander-in-chief for his meritorious service. In the early years of the Daye 大業 reign (605–617) of Emperor Yang 煬 (r. 604–617), he was recalled to the imperial court where he served as assistant editorial director in the palace library. Emperor Yang especially admired Wang Zhou for his literary talent. On one occasion, after Emperor Yang returned to the capital of Daxingcheng 大興城 (modern Xi’an 西安, Shaanxi) from Dongdu 東都 (modern Luoyang 洛陽, Henan), he invited his courtiers to a lavish banquet at which he composed a five-syllable line poem. He ordered Wang Zhou to write a matching piece. Emperor Yang remarked about Wang’s poem: “Its spirit is lofty and its affect is far-reaching.” Wang Zhou did not have many friends, but he was on good terms with the eminent scholar and writer Yu Chuo 虞綽 (561–614). They both enjoyed equal renown at that time. Their writings set the standard for all junior scholars. In 612, Wang Zhou accompanied Emperor Yang on his military campaign against Liaodong 遼東 (administrative seat, Tongding 通定, northeast of modern Xinmin 新民, Liaoning), and he was rewarded with the title Grand Master for Closing Court. Around this time Wang Zhou had become a close associate of Yang Xuangan 楊玄感 (d. 613), the son of Yang Su 楊素 (d. 606). Yang Xuangan staged a revolt against Emperor Yang in July 613. Wang Zhou and Yu Chuo were both banished to the northern frontier. 1284 wang zhou 王冑 (558–613), zi chengji 承基

Wang Zhou then went into hiding in the southeast. He was captured by a local official and executed. He was fifty-six at the time of his death. According to Wang Zhou’s biography in the Sui shu, he had a straightforward manner but was quite conceited. However, he was often despondent because he occupied positions that he regarded as not commensurate with his talent. He often in a fit of pique humiliated his colleagues at court. The powerful editorial director Zhuge Ying 諸葛穎 (539–615) was jealous of Wang Zhou and frequently slandered him to Emperor Yang. However, Emperor Yang never punished him. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wang Zhou’s collected works in ten juan as do the two Tang histories. This collection was lost during the Song. Lu Qinli has collected twelve of Wang Zhou’s poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. They include “Bai ma pian” 白馬篇 (Ballad of the white horse), “Dunhuang yue” 敦煌樂 (Music of Dunhuang), and the two-part piece “Ji Liaodong” 紀遼東 (Record of Liaodong). One prose piece, “Wo ji Minhai Jianyong fashi shixu” 臥疾閩海簡顒法師詩序 (Preface to my poem for Dharma Master Jianyong when I fell ill at Minhai), is preserved in Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 21. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 767–68.

TPK

Wei Biao 韋彪 (d. 89), zi Mengda 孟達

Eastern Han writer.

Wei Biao’s natal place was Pingling 平陵 in Fufeng 扶風 (north of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). Wei Biao came from an influential family. His great- grandfather Wei Xian 韋賢 (d. 67 b.c.e.) was counselor-in-chief during the reign of Emperor Xuan 宣 (r. 73 b.c.e.–49 b.c.e.), and his grandfather Wei Shang 韋賞 (fl. 28–6 b.c.e.) served as commander-in-chief during the reign of Emperor Ai 哀 (r. 6 b.c.e.–1 b.c.e.). Wei Biao was an exemplar of filial piety. When his parents passed away, he remained in the mourning hut for three years. He became so frail and emaciated it took him several years to restore his health. wei biao 韋彪 (d. 89), zi mengda 孟達 1285

Toward the end of Jianwu period (25–56) of the Eastern Han, Wei was nominated to the degree of filial and incorrupt and was appointed gentleman of the interior. He became ill and was unable to take up the position. He returned home and took up teaching. Despite poverty, he was content with his simple life style. Many scholars in the Chang’an area all held him in high esteem. In 63, Emperor Ming (r. 58–75) appointed Wei Biao receptionist. He also was assigned three times as governor of Wei commandery 魏郡 (admininstrative seat, Ye 鄴, modern Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei). Ca. 76, Wei Biao had to resign from his post on grounds of illness. He returned to office as leader of court gentleman of the left and chamberlain of the palace garrison at Changle 常樂. Wei Biao was a generous and benevolent administrator. When he was appointed commandant-in-chief of chariots, a 2000 bushel rank, he often distributed his wealth and gave away imperial gifts tohis relatives. In 82, Emperor Zhang (r. 75–88) made an inspection tour to the west, a voyage that included Wei’s home area near Chang’an. He had Wei Biao accompany him in the capacity of chamberlain for ceremonials. The emperor was eager to consult Wei Biao about old traditions and customs of the Western Han capital region. Wei Biao used the opportunity to suggest while visiting the old capital, Emperor Zhang should present the descendants of meritorious officials of Emperors Gao and Xuan with honors and titles. Emperor Zhang accepted his advice. He also gave Wei Biao a large amount of cash and rare delicacies. He also allowed Wei Biao to return to his ancestral home in Pingling to visit the family gravesite. After Wei Biao returned to the capital Luoyang, he was appointed chamberlain for dependencies. Concerned that the recruitment system at the commandery level was not producing high quality candidates, Wei Biao submitted two petitions to improve the selection process. Emperor Zhang accepted his recommendations. In the spring of 85, Emperor Zhang made an inspection tour to the east. He had Wei Biao accompany him as acting minister of education. About this time Wei Biao requested to resign from office on the grounds of illness. Emperor Zhang sent eunuchs to bring him food and report on his condition. As his condition worsened, Wei Biao was finally allowed to retire in 88. Wei Biao died in 89. Despite his poverty, Wei Biao was known for his generosity. He gave away all his assets and possessions. His biography in the Hou Han shu mentions he wrote the Wei Qing zi 韋卿子 (Master Minister Wei) in twelve pian. This seems to a collection of Wei Biao’s expository writings. It is not listed in the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu, and thus probably 1286 wei biao 韋彪 (d. 89), zi mengda 孟達 was lost before the Sui shu was compiled. Wei Biao has three petitions preserved in his Hou Han shu biography and Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 56. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 849–50.

TPK

Wei Dan 韋誕 (179–253), zi Zhongjiang 仲將

Late Eastern Han and Wei period writer and calligrapher.

Wei Dan’s ancestral home was Jingzhao 京兆 (modern Xi’an). His father was Wei Duan 韋端 who served as regional inspector of Liangzhou in 199. Wei Dan began his official career ca. 199 as a minor functionary. In 209, he went to the capital as commandery accounts clerk, and was then appointed gentleman of the interior at the imperial court. Ca. 220, he participated in the compilation of the Huang lan 皇覽 (Imperial conspectus) compendium. In 231, Wei Dan was appointed governor of Wudu 武都 (administrative seat, west of modern Cheng 成 county, Gansu). He was soon recalled to the imperial court where he was appointed palace attendant. During this time he compiled the Wei shu 魏書 (History of the Wei). In 232, Emperor Ming (r. 226–239) constructed the Jingfu Palace in Xuchang 許昌. Wei Dan was one of several court officials who composed fu to commerate the occasion. In 248, he was promoted to secretariat supervisor. He also may have been appointed chief minister for dependencies. In 252 he was named grand master for splendid happiness. Shortly thereafter he decided to retire. He died at home in 253 at the age of seventy-five. Wei Dan was one of the most respected calligraphers of his time. He wrote most of the inscriptions for the objects and placards in the Wei palaces. On one occasion, Emperor Ming ordered him to write an inscription on a placard that was hanging at the top of the Lingxiao Belevedere 陵霄觀. He had to be hoisted up to the placard in a basket pulled by a windlass. Wei Dan was so frightened, he warned his sons and grandsons never to become calligraphers. While serving as chief minister of dependencies ca. 250, the historian Yu Huan 魚豢 (early third cent.) asked Wei Dan to evaluate five prominent wei dan 魏澹 (ca. 540–ca. 604), zi yanyuan 彥淵 1287 figures from the Jian’an period: Wang Can 王粲 (177–217), Po Qin 繁欽 (ca. 170–218), Ruan Yu 阮瑀 (ca. 167–212), Chen Lin 陳琳 (d. 217), and Lu Cui 路粹 (d. 219). Wei replied with laconic unflattering characterizations of each of them. Wei Dan was also a skilled writer. The monograph on bibliography mentions his collected works in three juan that was recorded in a Liang catalogue. This was lost before the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected eight of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Two of these are fu, the “Jingfu dian fu” 景福殿賦 (Fu on the Jingfu Hall) mentioned above, and “Xu zhi fu” 敘志賦 (Fu recounting my aims), which he wrote upon his retirement from official service. There is also a recipe for making ink, and instructions for making a writing brush.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 55. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 76–77. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 851. Huang Dun 黃惇. Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shufa shi 秦漢魏晉南北朝書法史, 188. Nanjing: Jiangsu meishu chubanshe, 2009.

DRK

Wei Dan 魏澹 (ca. 540–ca. 604), zi Yanyuan 彥淵

Sui period historian and writer.

Wei Dan’s ancestral home was Xiaquyang 下曲陽 in Julu 巨鹿 commandery (modern Jin 晉 county, Hebei). His father Wei Jijing 魏季景 (fl. 530–538) was a younger cousin of Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572). When Wei Dan was fifteen his father died. He then turned all of his energy into intense study and read widely in the Classics and histories. He also became a skilled writer. During the Northern Qi, Wei Dan served as secretary on the staff of Gao Ji 高濟 (d. 569), Prince of Boling. During the Wuping era (570–576), he was assigned as armor section administrator for Gao Yan 高儼 (548–571), Prince of Langye. He soon was named palace censor. Wei Dan, Wei Shou, Yang Xiuzhi 陽休之 (509–582), and Xiong Ansheng 熊安生 (fl. 498–478) were put in charge of regularizing the Five Rituals. He also participated in the compilation of the Xiuwen dian yulan 修文殿御覽 (Imperial conspectus of the Xiuwen Hall), one of the most important compendia of the pre-Tang 1288 wei dan 魏澹 (ca. 540–ca. 604), zi yanyuan 彥淵 period. After this work was completed, Wei Dan was appointed director of the palace administration and drafter in the Secretariat. In the early Northern Zhou (ca. 577), Wei Dan servced as interocutor middle class. With the founding of the Sui in 581, he was sent out as vice director of the Bureau of Rites of the Branch Department of State Affairs. In 583, Wei Dan was dispatched as emissary to the Chen court. Upon his return he was appointed secretary to the heir designate Yang Yong 楊勇 (d. 604), who treated Wei with great respect and deference. Yang Yong commissioned him to prepare a commentary to the collected works of Yu Xin 庾信 (513–581). He also compiled two literary collections, the Xiao yuan 笑苑 (Garden of laughter), and Ci lin ji 詞林集 (Collection of belles lettres). Neither of these works is otherwise known. Wei Dan also participated in the compilation of the famous rhyme dictionary Qie yun 切韻. Emperor Wen of Sui (r. 581–604) was dissatisfied with the Wei shu compiled by Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572) in the Northern Qi. He ordered Wei Dan to compile a new version. The main reason for compiling a new history is that Wei Shou’s history regarded the Eastern Wei was the legitimate successor of the Northern Wei, while the Sui house traced its origins back to the Western Wei. Assisting him in this work were Yan Zhitui 顏之推 (531–591) and Xin Deyuan 辛德源 (d. 601). Wei Dan’s Wei shu in ninety- two juan consisted of twelve annals, seventy-eight biographical chapters, and one juan devoted to the historian’s evaluations and statement of editorial principles. Shortly after Wei Dan completed this work he died at the age of sixty-five. Wei Dan’s biography in the Bei shi mentions a collection of his writings in thirty juan. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a collection in only three juan, and the two Tang histories record a four-juan collection. This was lost in the Song. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wei Dan’s Wei shu in 100 juan. The Jiu Tang shu only lists a Wei shu by Zhang Daxu 張大素, while the Xin Tang shu records Wei Dan’s Wei shu in 107 juan. All that remains of his work is the statement of editorial principles recorded in the Bei shi and Sui shu.

Bibliography

Studies Zhang Menglun 張孟倫. “Suidui shixue” 隋代史學. Shixue shi yanjiu (1982: 3): 21–26. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 504–5. Dien, Albert E. “Wei Tan and the Historiography of the Wei-shu.” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History: In Honor of Richard B. wei ji 衛覬 (ca. 155–229), zi boru 伯儒 1289

Mather & Donald Holzman, ed. Paul W. Kroll & David R. Knechtges, 399–466. Provo, Utah: T’ang Studies Society, 2003. Wang Zhaoyi 王昭義. “Suichao chongxiu Wei shu shulüe” 隋朝重修《魏書》述略. Longdong xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 18.1 (2007): 83–85.

DRK

Wei Ding 韋鼎 (514–592), zi Chaosheng 超盛

Chen and Sui period writer.

Wei Ding’s ancestral home was Duling 杜陵 in the capital area of Chang’an (east of modern Xi’an). Both Wei’s grandfather and father served at the Liang court. Wei Ding began his official career as military aide to Xiao Yi 蕭繹 (508–554). After the fall of Jiangling 江陵 in 554, he went to join Chen Baxian 陳霸先 (503–559), the future founder of the Chen dynasty, in Nan Xuzhou 南徐州 (administrative seat, modern Zhenjiang). He subsequently served at the court of the Chen and the Sui until his death in 592. Wei Ding has one extant poem, “Chang’an ting baishe niao shi” 長安聽百舌鳥詩 (Listening in Chang’an to the bush warbler), which can be found in juan 92 of Yiwen leijü and in juan 329 of the Wenyuan yinghua. Lu Qinli includes the poem in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 56.

Wei Ji 衛覬 (ca. 155–229), zi Boru 伯儒

Late Eastern Han, early Wei period writer and calligrapher.

Wei Ji’s natal place was Anyi 安邑, Hedong 河東 commandery (modern Xia 夏 county, Shanxi). Already in his youth Wei Ji displayed unusual intelligence. In 178, he wrote “Han Jincheng taishou Yin Hua bei” 漢金城太守殷華碑 (Grave inscription for Yin Hua, governor of Jincheng in the Han), and in 179 he composed “Xiyue Huashan ting bei” 西嶽華山亭碑 (Grave inscription for the lodge at the Western Marchmount Mount Hua). At the beginning of the Jian’an period (196–220), Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220) summoned him to serve as his assistant. It was about this time that Wei Ji 1290 wei ji 衛覬 (ca. 155–229), zi boru 伯儒 began his official career in the area of Hongnong 弘農 (administrative seat, north of modern Lingbao 靈寶, Henan). Around 196, he joined the staff of Cao Cao, first serving as an assistant in the Ministry of Works. He also was assigned as magistrate of Maoling 茂陵 (northeast of modern Xingping 興平, Shaanxi). He subsequently returned to the court where he served as secretarial court gentleman. In 199, Cao Cao sent him as an emissary to Liu Zhang 劉璋 (d. 219), regional inspector of Yizhou 益州 (administrative seat, Chengdu), to persuade him to support Cao Cao against Liu Biao 劉表 (142–208) in Jingzhou 荊州 (administrative seat, Xiangyang), the province east of Yizhou. Wei Ji made it as far as Chang’an where he found the road blocked. He remained in the Guanzhong area for a brief time until he was summoned back to Luoyang where he was appointed imperial secretary. In 216, Cao Cao established the Wei Kingdom, and he appointed Wei Ji palace attendant. He and Wang Can 王粲 (177–217) drafted the ritual regulations for the Wei court. In the final years of the Eastern Han, Wei Ji served at the court of the last Han ruler, Emperor Xian (r. 189–220). He composed most of the edicts urging Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) to accept Emperor Xian’s abdication of the imperial throne to him. During the early Wei, Wei Ji and Miao Xi 繆襲 (186–245) were commisioned to write the annals and biographies of a Wei history. This uncompleted work became the basis of the Wei shu compiled by Wang Chen 王沈 (d. 266). When Emperor Ming (226–239) assumed the throne in 226, he granted Wei Ji the noble title of Marquis of Wenxiang 閺鄉, which provided him income from 300 households. He presented a petition to the court urging the emperor to follow a course of moderation and reform the legal system. Wei Ji died in 229 at the age of over seventy. Wei Ji was the author of Wei guanyi 魏官儀 (Protocol of the Wei bureaucracy) and several dozen prose pieces. Yan Kejun has collected seventeen of his prose writings in the Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Wei Ji was an expert in calligraphy. He was a master of guwen 古文 (ancient-style script), niao zhuan 鳥篆 (bird-style seal script), and clerical script. He also wrote the first draft of the “Si ti shu shi” 四體書勢 (Con- figurations of the four forms of calligraphy), which was completed by his grandson Wei Heng 衛恆 (d. 291).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 6. Goodman, Howard L. Ts’ao P’i: The Political Culture of Dynasty-Founding in China at the End of the Han, 61–69. Seattle: Scripta Serica, 1998. wei meng 韋孟 (ca. 228–ca. 156 b.c.e.) 1291

Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 32. De Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 852–53.

Works

a. “Wei Han di shanwei Wei wang zhao” 爲漢帝禪位魏王詔 (Edict written for the Han emperor ceding the imperial throne to the King of Wei)

Translation Goodman, Ts’ao P’i, 63–64.

b. “Zou qing zhi lü boshi” 奏請置律博士 (Petition to request the establishment of professors of law codes)

Translation Fang, Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 298.

c. “Qing xu diaokui ba yiwu shu” 請恤凋匱罷役務疏 (Petition requesting showing compassion for suffering and privation, and ending labor service)

Translation Fang, Chronicle of the Three Kingdoms, 527–28.

WJ and DRK

Wei Meng 韋孟 (ca. 228–ca. 156 b.c.e.)

Western Han official, scholar, and poet.

Wei Meng’s natal place was Pengcheng 彭城 (modern Xuzhou 徐州, Jiangsu). During the Qin period, Wei refused to serve in office and made a living as a farmer. At the beginning of the Han, he served as tutor to Liu Jiao 劉交, King Yuan 元 of Chu (d. 179 b.c.e.). Liu Jiao was a younger brother of Liu Bang. Liu Jiao was quite scholarly and studied the Shi jing under Fuqiu Bo 浮丘伯. His fellow students included Mu Sheng 穆生, Bai Sheng 白生, and Shen Pei 申培, also known as Shen Gong 申公 (Venerable Shen). Liu Bang named him King of Chu in 201 b.c.e. Wei next served as tutor to Liu Jiao’s son, King Yi 夷 (d. 177 b.c.e.), and his grandson Liu Wu 1292 wei meng 韋孟 (ca. 228–ca. 156 b.c.e.)

劉戊 (d. 154 b.c.e.). Because Liu Wu “was dissolute and did not follow the proper kingly path,” Wei composed the tetrasyllabic “Fengjian shi” 諷諫詩 (Poem of admonition) to reprimand him. Liu Wu joined the insurrection of the Seven Kingdoms in 154 b.c.e. Before the insurrection, Wei Meng resigned his position and moved to Zou 鄒 (south of modern Zoucheng, Shandong), where he composed another tetrasyllabic poem titled “In Zou.” Both of these poems are contained in Wei Meng’s biography in the Han shu (Han shu 73.3101–6). According to the Han shu (73.3107), one of Wei Meng’s descendants wrote these poems “to recount Wei Meng’s aims and aspirations.” Thus, some scholars have doubted the attribution to Wei Meng.

Bibliography

Studies Zhang Kan 張侃. “Wei Meng Wei Xuancheng shi zhi yasong yufeng yu fuhua qingxiang” 韋孟韋玄成詩之雅頌餘風與賦化傾向. Lanzhou daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 29.3 (2001): 67–71. Raft, David Zebulon. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China.” Ph.D. Diss., Har- vard, 2007, 33–143. Raft, Zeb. “The Beginning of Literati Poetry: Four Poems from First-century BCE China.” T’oung Pao 96 (2010): 74–124. Xu Jie 許結. “Xi Han Weishi jiaxue shi yi kao” 西漢韋氏家學詩義考. Dibajie Handai wenxue yu sixiang xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji 第八屆漢代文學與思想學術研討會論文集, 81–98. Taipei: Guoli Zhengzhi daxue Zhongguo wenxue xi and Guowen jiaoxue shuoshi zaizhi zhuanban, 2012; Wenxue yichan (2012: 4): 4–14.

Works “Fengjian shi” 諷諫詩 (Poem of admonition)

Texts Han shu 73.3101–5. Wen xuan 19.916–921. There is a Dunhuang manuscript in the St. Petersburg collection Ф242. See: Mengliefu 孟列夫 (L. N. Menshikov) and Qian Bocheng 錢伯城, eds.-in-chief. E cang Dunhuang wenxian 俄藏敦煌文獻. 15 vols. 4: 343–49. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1992–.

For a transcription and annotations see: Luo Guowei 羅國威, Dunhuang ben Zhaoming wen xuan yanjiu 敦煌本《昭明文選》研究, 127–38. Harbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. wei shou 魏收 (506–572, alt. birthdate 507, 502), zi boqi 伯起 1293

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 273–76. Raft, “Four-syllable Verse,” 49–56. Raft, “The Beginning of Literati Poetry,” 91–107.

DRK

Wei Pang 魏滂 (mid-third cent.)

Eastern Jin poet.

Little is known of Wei Pang’s life. In 353, Wei Pang participated in the Lan ting 蘭亭 gathering of literati hosted by Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (321–361; alt. 303–36) on the third day of the third lunar month in 253 in the scenic Guiji 會稽 area of Zhejiang. His only extant piece is the poem he composed for the Lan ting gathering.

TPK

Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572, alt. birthdate 507, 502), zi Boqi 伯起

Northern Qi writer and historian.

Wei Shou’s natal place was Xiaquyang 下曲陽 in Julu 巨鹿 commandery (west of modern Jin 晉 county, Hebei). His childhood name was Fozhu 佛助. His father was Wei Zijian 魏子建 (409–533), who was a prominent military leader during the Northern Wei. During his youth Wei Shou accompanied his father on frontier expeditions and acquired skill as a horseman and archer. At that time he even aspired to pursue a military career. However, by the age of fifteen he had aquired considerable learning and was able to write literary compositions. After someone teased him for engaging in military arts, Wei Shou devoted himself exclusively to reading books. Ca. 527, at the age of twenty-one, Wei Shou was appointed professor at the national university. Soon thereafter, upon the recommendation of the minister of the Ministry of Personnel, Li Shenjun 李神儁 (478–541), Wei Shou was appointed secretary in the Ministry of Education. In 530, he was assigned as director of the Section of Northern Relations in the Department of State Affairs. In 531, Emperor Jiemin (r. 531–532) sought to select talented men for his personal entourage. He tested Wei Shou by having him extemporaneously compose a “Fengshan shu” 封禪書 (Essay on the feng and shan sacrifices). Wei Shou immediately completed the 1294 wei shou 魏收 (506–572, alt. birthdate 507, 502), zi boqi 伯起 composition of more than a thousand characters, and very little of it needed correcting. Impressed with Wei Shou’s writing skill, the emperor promoted him to gentleman cavalier attendant. He also put him in charge of compiling the imperial diary and the state history. Wei Shou also concurrently held the post of vice director of the Secretariat. Wei Shou was only twenty-six at this time. During this time the imperious official Cui Ling 崔㥄 (d. 554) came to the imperial court. Wei Shou criticized a line in an imperial edict Cui composed on behalf of the emperor, and Cui tried to have Wei Shou impeached, but a colleague intervened, and Wei Shou was not punished. In January 534, Emperor Xiaowu (r. 532–534) staged an elaborate winter hunt at Mount Shaoshi 少室 in the Song Mountains 嵩山 south of Luoyang. Wei Shou wanted to admonish him for this, but was afraid to do so directly. He presented the emperor with a poem, “Nan shou fu” 南狩賦 (Fu on the southern winter hunt) in which he subtly criticized the event. However, the emperor was quite impressed with the beautiful style of the work and presumably was unaware of the criticism directed at him. Wei Shou was next appointed to the staff of Emperor Xiaoxu’s nephew Yuan Zan 元贊 (fl. 532–543), Prince of Guangping. He concurrently held the post of secretarial drafter. However, during this time Emperor Xiaowu came into conflict with the powerful minister Gao Huan 高歡 (496–547). Not wishing to involve himself in this dangerous political struggle, Wei Shou resigned office on grounds of illness. In 539, Wei Shou and Wang Xin 王昕 (d. 559) were sent as emissaries to the Liang court. The Liang Emperor Wu and his courtiers were greatly impressed with them. When Wei Shou and Wang Xin returned to the Wei court, the vice director of the Department of State Affairs Gao Longzhi 高隆之 (494–554) requested some of the goods they had acquired in the south. When they did not comply with his request, he had them confined under house arrest in the Censorate for a long time. In 540, upon the recommendation of Sima Ziru 司馬子如 (487–551), Wei Shou was appointed to the staff of Gao Huan in Jinyang 晉陽 (modern Taiyuan). However, he was not satisfied with his career of being basically a “literary man,” and he requested to be assigned the task of compiling the state history. Upon the recommendation of Cui Qu 崔暹 (d. 559), who was one of Gao Huan’s favorites, Wei Shou was appointed cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and put in charge of compiling the Wei history. In 544, he was assigned as full regular attendant and served as vice director of the Secretariat. In 547, Gao Huan died, and his eldest son Gao Cheng 高澄 (521–549) took the post of regent for Emperor Xiaojing (r. 534–550). wei shou 魏收 (506–572, alt. birthdate 507, 502), zi boqi 伯起 1295

While in Jinyang, Gao Cheng commanded Wei Shou to compose over fifty sheets of proclamations. When he completed the task in one day, he was so impressed, he declared that Wei was superior to both Wen Zisheng 溫子昇 (495–547) and Xing Shao 邢劭 (b. 496), the two most acclaimed writers of the Wei court. In 548, the Liang sent Xu Ling 徐陵 (507–583) and Xie Ting 謝珽 (fl. 548–549) as emissaries to the Eastern Wei court. Wei Shou, as minister of receptions, hosted them at a banquet. It was a very hot day, and Wei Shou remarked to Xu Ling, “Today’s heat must have been brought here by Attendant-in-ordinary Xu.” Xu Ling replied, “When in the past Wang Su arrived here, he for the first time created rites and culture for the Wei. Today on my visit, you sir, know the seasons.” Wei Shou was very ashamed. Gao Cheng had him confined to prison for some days as punishment for his verbal miscue. When Gao Cheng died in 549, his son Gao Yang 高洋 (529–559), the future founder of the Northern Qi dynasty (550–577), went to Jinyang to appoint Wei Shou, Cui Jishu 崔季舒 (fl. 550–559), Gao Dezheng 高德政 (d. 559), and others to take charge of critical state affairs. When Gao Yang assumed the throne of the Northern Qi in 550, Wei Shou composed the edicts and decrees authorizing him to accept the abdication of the Eastern Wei emperor. Gao Yang also appointed Wei Shou secretariat director and also put him in charge of editorial work. In 551, he was officially commissioned with the duty of compiling the Wei history. He presented the completed work to the court in 554. At the end of 554, Wei Shou was assigned as regional inspector of Liang- zhou 梁州 (administrative seat, modern Kaifeng). In 557, Wei Shou was appointed junior mentor to the heir designate and put in charge of compiling the Northern Qi history. He also participated in writing the North- ern Qi law code. In 559, Gao Yang granted Wei Shou the honorific title Unequaled in Honor. In 560, Wei Shou was promoted to palace attendant and right grand master for splendid happiness. He also was assigned the position of right vice director of the Department of State Affairs.I n 563, Li Gongtong 李公統 (d. 563) was executed for supporting the rebellion of Gao Guiyan 高歸彥 (d. 562). Li’s mother née Cui 崔 falsely reported her age as over sixty in order to avoid punishment. She was the younger sister of Wei Shou’s wife. Wei Shou aided her in concealing her actual age and was impeached by the Prince of Pengcheng, Gao You 高浟 (533–564). He was punished by having his name removed his name from the register of officials. In 564, Wei Shou return to office as governor of Qingdu 清都 (southwest of modern Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei), and in 565, he was named left grand 1296 wei shou 魏收 (506–572, alt. birthdate 507, 502), zi boqi 伯起 master for splendid happiness. In 566 and 567 he served as acting regional inspector of Qizhou 齊州 (administrative seat, modern Jinan, Shandong). In 567, Wei Shou returned to the imperial court with the title of commander. He concurrently served as secretarial supervisor until 569, when he was appointed right vice director of the Department of State Affairs. In 572, he participated in the compilation of the compenium Yulan 御覽 (Imperial conspectus). He died that same year at the age of sixty-six. According to Wei Shou’s biography in the Bei Qi shu, he had a collection of writings in seventy juan. Although the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collection in sixty-eight juan, both Tang histories record it as a seventy-juan work. This collection was lost in the Song. Later collections are reconstructions done in the Ming. Yan Kejun has collected fifteen of his prose pieces in Quan shangdu Sandai Qin Han Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi contains fourteen poems. The poems are mostly in the palace style. Wei Shou was considered to be a dissolute, superficial, overbearing man, and this negative evaluation of his character has influenced the reception of his literary works. Even some of his contemporaries did not think highly of his writing. For example, in 555, Xu Ling was allowed to return to the south. Upon his departure, Wei Shou gave Xu Ling a copy of his writings so they he could circulate them in the south. When Xu Ling reached the Yangzi River, he threw the collection into the water. When questioned about this, Xu replied, “I am doing Lord Wei the favor of hiding his ineptitude.” One common view of Wei Shou as a writer is that he was too heavily indebted to the southern prose writer Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508). On one occasion Xing Shao reputedly said about Wei, “The literary style of Ren Fang from south of the Yangzi is basically crude. Wei Shou not only imitates him, but largely plagiarizes him.” Wei Shou was quite proud of his skill at writing fu. Noting that Wen Zisheng had not written a single fu, and that Xing Shao had composed only one or two pieces, he remarked that fu writing is not one of their strengths. He often said, “One must be able to compose fu in order to become a great man of talent.” Although we know the names of four of Wei Shou’s fu, none of these pieces has survived. Wei Shou was best known in his day for the writings he composed upon imperial command at the Eastern Wei and Northern Qi court. Accord- ing to Wei Shou’s biography in the Bei Qi shu, from 544 on, Wei Shou composed all of the important state decrees and writings emanating from military commands. Whenever there was an urgent matter, Wei completed the piece within moments after receiving the order. wei shou 魏收 (506–572, alt. birthdate 507, 502), zi boqi 伯起 1297

Wei Shou is best known for his Wei shu, which despite its reputation as an “abominable, salacious history,” became one of the standard histories. Another much admired prose work is “Zhenzhong pian” 枕中篇 (Writings for the pillow), which Wei Shou composed late in life as admonitions for younger members of his family.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wei Teijin ji 魏特進集. 3 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wei Tejin ji 魏特進集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

Studies Ware, James R. “Wei Shou on Buddhism.” Thesis, Harvard University, 1932. Ware, James R. “Wei Shou on Buddhism.” T’oung Pao, Second Series 30 (1933): 100–181. Zhou Yiliang 周一良. “Wei Shou zhi shixue” 魏收之史學. Yanjing xuebao 18 (1935): 107–46; rpt. in Zhou Yiliang. Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi lunji 魏晉南北朝史論集, 256–92. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Tsukamoto Zenryū 塚本善隆. “Gi Shū to bukkyō” 魏收と佛教. Tōhōgaku hō 31 (1961): 1–34. Tsukamoto Zenryū 塚本善隆. Gisho Shaku-Rō shi no kenkyū 魏書釈老志の研究. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, 1974. Yajima Tetsusuke 矢嶋徹輔. “Gi Shū no bungaku keikō ni tsuite” 魏收の文學傾向について. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 4 (1974): 34–44. Miao Yue 謬鉞. “Wei Shou nianpu” 魏收年譜. Sichun daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue) (1957: 3): 1–39; rpt. in Miao Yue. Du shi cungao 讀史存稿, 161–206. 1963; rpt. Hong Kong: Sanlian shudian, 1978. Tong Chao 童超. “Wei Shou” 魏收. In Zhongguo shixuejia pingzhuan 中國史學家評傳, ed. Chen Qinquan 陳清泉, et al., 261–74. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1985. Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Wei Shou” 魏收. In Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu 中國古代史學人物, ed. He Ziquan 賀茲全 and Zhao Lisheng 趙儷生, 1: 95–101. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988; rpt. Taipei: Guowen tiandi zazhi she, 1989. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 503–4. Zhou Jianjiang 周建江. Beichao wenxue shi 北朝文學史, 208–11. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1997. Li Jiandong 李建棟. “Wei Shou sanlun” 魏收三論. M.A. Thesis, Xibei daxue, 2003. Li Jiandong 李建棟 and Chen Xirong 陳希榮. “Wei Shou shengnian buzheng” 魏收生年補正. Kaifeng daxue xuebao 17.1 (2003): 21–25.

DRK 1298 wei shu 魏書 (history of the wei)

Wei shu 魏書 (History of the Wei)

History of the Northern Dynasties from 386–550.

The Wei shu compiled by Wei Shou 魏收 (506–572) is mainly a history of the Northern Wei (386–534) and Eastern Wei (534–550) with some information on the Western Wei (534–557) and Northern Qi (550–577). In 551, the Northern Qi emperor commissioned Wei Shou to compile a Wei shu. He completed the annals and biographies in 554 and presented them to the court. He submitted ten monographs shortly thereafter. The work consists of 114 juan. There are ten annals, ninety-two biographical chapters, and ten monographs. Wei Shou had access to a number of earlier works including the Dai ji 代紀 (Annals of Dai) by Deng Yuan 鄧淵 (fl. 386–409), and sequels to this titled Guo shi 國史 (State history) by Cui Hao 崔浩 (d. 450), and Guo ji 國紀 (State annals) by Gao Yun 高允 (390–487), Liu Mo 劉模, and others. These were all chronicles. Beginning in 487, Li Biao 李彪 (444–501), Cui Guang 崔光 (451–523) and others began to compile a Wei history that included both annals and biographies. Wei Shou compiled his history during the Northern Qi. The Northern Qi was the successor to the Eastern Wei, and thus Wei Shou’s account is biased toward a ruling legitimacy beginning with the Eastern Wei. He is especially favorable toward the founder of the Northern Qi ruling house Gao Huan 高歡 (496–547). For this and other reasons Wei Shou’s Wei shu was called in his own time a hui shi 穢史 or “salacious, abominable history.” In response to the severe criticism Wei Shou revised the Wei shu twice, first in 560, and again in 568. In 560, he had copies placed in Jinyang and Ye so that scholars could consult and copy them. Wei Shou’s original version was in 131 juan. During the Northern Song, the table of contents and twenty-nine juan of the annals, biographies, and monographs were lost. Song scholars replaced the missing Taizong annals and two juan of the monograph on astronomy with chapters taken from the Wei shu of the Sui scholar Wei Dan 魏澹 (ca. 540–ca. 604) and the Tang scholar Zhang Taisu 張太素. The other missing parts were supplied from the Bei shi, the Xiao shi 小史 of Gao Jun 高峻 (fl. 807–820), and the Xiuwen yulan 修文御覽. The received version is in 114 juan. wei shu 魏書 (history of the wei) 1299

Bibliography

Editions Wei shu 魏書. 114 juan. Song ke Song Yuan Ming dixiu 宋刻宋元明遞修 ed. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Photoreprint in Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2006. Wei shu 魏書. 114 juan. Guozi jian 國子監. Between 1595–1606. Wei shu 魏書. 114 juan. Qinchuan Mao shi Jigu ge 琴川毛氏汲古閣. Between 1628 and 1661. Wei shu 魏書. 114 juan. Siku quanshu. Wei shu 魏書. 114 juan. Jinling shuju 金陵書局, 1874. Wei shu 魏書. 114 juan. Wuying dian 武英殿 ed., 1739. Wei shu 魏書. 114 juan. Bona ben Ershi si shi 百衲本二十四史. Wei shu 魏書. 114 juan. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1972.

Notes and Commentaries Lu Wenchao 盧文弨. Wei shu jiaobu 魏書校補. 1 juan. Baojing tang congshu. Wang Xianqian 王先謙. Wei shu jiaokan ji 魏書校勘記. Guangya congshu (1891). Li Ciming 李慈銘. Wei shu zhaji 魏書劄記. 1 juan. Yueman tang dushi zhaji 越縵堂讀史劄記.

Index Nishijima Sadao 西島定生, ed. Gisho goi sakuin 魏書語彙索引. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1999.

Studies Li Zhengfen 李正奮. “Wei shu yuanliu kao” 魏書源流考. Guoxue jikan 2.2 (1929): 362–82. Ware, James R. “Wei Shou on Buddhism.” Thesis, Harvard University, 1932. Ware, James R. “Notes on the History of the Wei shu.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 52.1 (1932): 35–45. Zhou Yiliang 周一良. “Wei Shou zhi shixue” 魏收之史學. Yanjing xuebao 18 (1935): 107–46; rpt. in Zhou Yiliang. Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi lun ji 魏晉南北朝史論集, 256–92. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1997. Uchida Gimpū 內田吟風. “Gisho no seiritsu ni tsuite” 「魏書」の成立について. Tōyōshi kenkyū 2.6 (1937): 531–40. Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Wei Shou nianpu” 魏收年譜. Sichuan daxue xuebao (1957: 3); rpt. in Miao Yue. Du shi cungao 讀史存稿. Beijing: Sanlian shudian, 1963. Tsukamoto Zenryū 塚本善隆. Gisho Shaku-Rō shi no kenkyū 魏書釈老の研究. Tokyo: Daitō shuppansha, 1974. Tong Chao 童超. “Wei Shou” 魏收. In Zhongguo shixuejia pingzhuan 中國史學家評傳, ed. Chen Qingquan 陳清泉, et al., 1: 261–74. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1985. 1300 wei shu 魏書 (history of the wei)

Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Wei Shou” 魏收. In Zhongguo gudai shixue renwu 中國古代史學人物, ed. He Ziquan 賀茲全 and Zhao Lisheng 趙儷生, 1: 95–101. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988; rpt. Taipei: Guowen tiandi zazhi she, 1989. Qu Lindong 瞿林東. “Shuo Wei shu fei ‘Hui shu’ ” 說《魏書》非 “穢書”. Jiang Han luntan (1985: 5): 70–76; rpt. in Qu Lindong, ed. Jin shu Ba shu Er shi yanjiu 晉書、『八書』、『二史』研究, 145–57. Beijing: Zhongguo da baike quanshu chubanshe, 2009. Eberhard, Wolfram. Das Toba-Reich Nordchinas, 346–52. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1949. Chen Lianqing 陳連慶. “Wei shu” 魏書. In Zhongguo shixue mingzhu pingjie 中國史學名著評介, Cang Xiuliang 倉修良, ed., 1: 303–33. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1990. Li Shaoyong 李少雍. “Shizhuan wenxuejia Wei Shou” 史傳文學家魏收. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1999: 3): 69–73. Dien, Albert E. “Wei Tan and the Historiography of the Wei-shu.” In Studies in Early Medieval Chinese Literature and Cultural History: In Honor of Richard B. Mather & Donald Holzman, ed. Paul W. Kroll & David R. Knechtges, 399–466. Provo, Utah: T’ang Studies Society, 2003. Li Jiandong 李建棟 and Chen Xirong 陳希榮. “Wei Shou shengnian buzheng” 魏收生年補證. Kaifeng daxue xuebao 17.1 (2003): 21–25. Zhang Li 張莉. “Wei shu bianzhuan xingzhi kaolun”《魏書》編撰性質考論. Jin- yang xuekan (2006: 1): 81–84. Zhang Li 張莉. “Wei shu yanjiu”《魏書》研究. Ph.D. diss., Beijing shifan daxue, 2006.

Translations Ware, James R. “Wei Shou on Buddhism.” T’oung Pao, Second Series 30 (1933): 100–81. Tsukamoto Zenryū 塚本善隆, trans. Gisho Shaku-Rō shi no kenkyū 魏書釈老志の研究. Tokyo: Heibonsha, 1990. Hurvitz, Leon, trans. Treatise on Buddhism and Taoism. An English Translation of the Original Chinese Text of Wei-shu CXIV and the Japanese Annotation of Tsukamoto Zenryū. Kyoto: Jimbunkagaku Kenkyusho, Kyoto University, 1956.

Baihua Translations Zhou Guolin 周國林, ed. Wei shu 魏書. In Ershisi shi quanyi 二十四史全譯. 4 vols. Shanghai: Hanyu dacidian chubanshe, 2004. Yang Shiwen 楊世文 and Zheng Ye 鄭曄, trans. and comm. Wei shu xuan yi 魏書選譯. Nanjing: Fenghuang chubanshe, 2011.

DRK wei xiao 韋謏 (d. 350), zi xiandao 憲道 1301

Wei Xiao 韋謏 (d. 350), zi Xiandao 憲道

Later Zhao writer.

Wei Xiao’s ancestral home was Jingzhao 京兆 (modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). He had a strong interest in Ruist learning, was a gifted writer, and read broadly in a wide variety of works. He served as gentleman of the palace gate at the court of Liu Yao 劉曜 (d. 328) of the Former Zhao. He later served as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary during the reign of Shi Jilong 石季龍 (295–349) of the Later Zhao. While serving in seven different commanderies he attained a good reputation for the moral example he set for the local inhabitants. Wei Xiao later was appointed chamberlain for law enforcement and grand mentor of the heir designate. He also was enfeoffed as Duke of Jingzhao. Wei Xiao had a very straightforward manner, and he frequently stated his views on matters rather directly. Nevertheless, most of his advice was accepted by the imperial court. Wei was not a modest person, and he often boasted about his family background. According to his biography in the Jin shu, Wei Xiao composed a work titled Fu lin 伏林 (Groves of hidden writings?) of some 3,000 characters. This work was expanded into the Dian lin 典林 (Grove of normative writings?) in twenty-three pien. This is a collection of all of Wei Xiao’s notes on contemporary matters. Neither of these works has survived. Wei Xiao has two works preserved in Shi Jilong’s biography in the Jin shu. The first is “Bo Hanshi yi” 駁寒食議 (Refuting the opinion on [ban- ning] the Cold Food Festival) in which he stated that the occurrence of natural disasters such as hailstorms should not determine whether the Cold Food Festival or sacrifices should be held. The other piece is “Jian Shi Hu weixing” 諫石虎微行 (Admonishing Shi Hu on traveling incognito), in which he advised Shi Jilong to curtail his participation in imperial hunts. Yan Kejun has also collected his “Qi jian Ran Ming” 啟諫冉閔 (Communi- cation admonishing Ran Min) in his Qun shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 56.

TPK 1302 wei xiong 韋夐 (502–578), zi jingyuan 敬遠

Wei Xiong 韋夐 (502–578), zi Jingyuan 敬遠

Northern Zhou writer.

Wei Xiong’s ancestral home was Duling 杜陵 in Jingzhao 京兆 (east of modern Xi’an, Shaanxi). Wei Xiong came from an influential family. His grandfather Wei Zhishan 韋直善 (n.d.) served as governor of Pingyi 馮翊 (modern Shaanxi area) and Fufeng 扶風 (northeast of modern Xingping 興平, Shaanxi) during the Northern Wei. His father Wei Xu 韋旭 (d. 529) held the posts of governor of Wuwei 武威 (modern Gansu), assistant director of the right at the Branch Department of State Affairs, and bulwark- general of the state. Wei Xiong’s younger brother Wei Shuyu 韋叔裕 (509–580) was a great general who served in the Northern Wei, Western Wei, and the Northern Zhou. Wei Xiong was an affable, simple, and honest person. He had no interest in the pursuit of wealth and honor. At the age of twenty he was summoned to serve as retainer in Yongzhou 雍州 (modern Shaanxi area). He did not enjoy his work in this position and resigned office on grounds of illness. He later refused ten invitations to serve in other posts. Before the Northern Zhou dynasty was formally established, the founder Yuwen Tai 宇文泰 (505–556) already had occupied the Guanzhong 關中 area. He tried to recruit Wei Xiong numerous times for his future new regime, but was not successful. Wei Xiong enjoyed reading texts and playing the zither. Content with living a simple life, he was little concerned about worldly affairs. When Emperor Ming (r. 557–560) succeeded to the throne, he treated Wei Xiong with unusual courtesy. Wei Xiong reciprocated by sending him a poem. The emperor rewarded him with a gift of wine. He called him Xiaoyao gong 逍遙公 or Venerable Man Who Wanders with Carefree Ease. When the Southern Chen court sent the imperial secretary Zhong Hong- zheng 周弘正 (496–574), a celebrated scholar and writer, on a diplomatic visit to the Northern Zhou court, he asked to meet Wei Xiong. They very much enjoyed each other’s company, and Zhou presented Wei with a poem. Wei Xiong is praised in his Wei shu biography for his frugality. Emperor Wu (r. 561–578) once invited him to a banquet and gave him a large number of silks. Wei Xiong took only one bolt of silk to show his appreciation. This act earned him the emperor’s increased respect. On one occasion Wei Xiong visited his younger brother Wei Shuyu who was serving as area commander-in-chief in Yanzhou. When Wei Xiong was about to depart for home, Wei Shuyu gave his brother his own horse which was decorated with a beautiful saddle and bridle. Wei Xiong smiled and said to his brother, “In the past, the reason people did not discard old hairpins wei xuancheng 韋玄成 (d. 36 b.c.e.), zi shaoweng 少翁 1303 or throw away shoes is because they disliked going with them to a place and being unable to go back with them. My horse is not as fancy as yours, but it is not my wish to discard the old for the new.” Xiong rode his own old horse back home. Emperor Wu once asked Wei Xiong to give his opinion on Buddhism, Taoism and Ruism. Wei Xiong said that these three “religions” are different but fundamentally are same in promoting goodness. He then wrote the “Sanjiao xu” 三教序 (Account of the Three Religions). Emperor Wu was quite pleased with this piece. His biography in the Wei shu characterizes Wei Xiong as even-tempered and unexcitable. When he learned on the same day that his son had died of illness and that his nephew had been killed in battle, he was calm and collected while other family members deeply grieved. He said to them: “Life and death are predestined by fate. They come and go. There is nothing to be sad about.” He then took out his zither and played as usual. According to his biography in the Zhou shu, Wei Xiong was fond of history and literature from a young age, and he intently focused on writing. He copied out tens of thousands of words of his compositions. In his old age, Wei adopted a clam, serene attitude, and his only goal was “to comprehend the Way and understand truth.” He reviewed his old writings and destroyed most of them. Thus, not many of his works were left even during his lifetime. Wei Xiong died in the second month of 578 at the age of seventy-seven. During the Jiande period (572–578) of Emperor Wu, Wei Xiong wrote the “Jie zi Shikang deng” 戒子世康等 (Admonishing my sons Shikang at al.) in which he instructed his sons that he wished to buried simply. This piece is preserved in Wei Xiong’s biography in the Zhou shu and Yan Kejun’s Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 57.

TPK

Wei Xuancheng 韋玄成 (d. 36 b.c.e.), zi Shaoweng 少翁

Former Han poet and statesman.

Wei Xuancheng’s ancestral home was Zou 鄒 in the Kingdom of Lu (modern Zoucheng, Shandong). He was the youngest of the four sons of Wei 1304 wei xuancheng 韋玄成 (d. 36 b.c.e.), zi shaoweng 少翁

Xian 韋賢 (147–66 b.c.e.), a learned scholar who rose to the position of counselor-in-chief during the reign of Emperor Xuan (r. 73–48 b.c.e.). Already in his youth, Wei Xuancheng followed his father’s devotion to scholarship. His first position was grand master of remonstrance atthe imperial court. When Wei Xian died his noble title of Marquis of Fuyang 扶陽 should have passed to Wei Xian’s eldest son, Wei Hong 韋弘. How- ever, Hong had committed a number of minor crimes and was deemed unworthy of succeeding to the title. Wei Xuancheng then inherited the title. To avoid accepting the title, Wei Xuancheng pretended to be mad and did not reply to the summons. Only after repeated urgings by friends did Wei Xuancheng accept the noble title. Wei Xuancheng soon thereafter was appointed governor of Henan 河南 (west of modern Luoyang). He returned to the capital in 58 b.c.e. where he served first as chamberlain for the Weiyang Palace garrison and then as chamberlain of ceremonials. However, because of his close association with Yang Yun 楊惲, who was executed ca. 53 b.c.e., he was dismissed from office. Soon thereafter, he was charged with an offense and had his rank reduced to that of noble of the interior. However, Emperor Xuan appointed him an adviser to his son Liu Qin 劉欽 (d. 27 b.c.e.), King of Huaiyang 懷陽. He also participated in the debates on the classics held in the Shiqu 石渠 Gallery in 51 b.c.e. In 48 b.c.e. Wei was appointed chamberlain for the palace revenues. In 45 b.c.e. he was assigned as grand mentor to the heir designate. In 41 b.c.e. he rose to the post of counselor-in-chief and also had his fief in Fuyang restored. Although he was the victim of an attack by Zhu Yun 朱雲 (fl. 47–36 b.c.e.), he continued in office with his reputation intact. Wei Xuancheng is best known in the history of Chinese literature for two tetrasyallbic poems that are contained in the Han shu. The first piece was composed at the time he lost his noble title, and is designated as a poem of “self-accusation.” The second poem is a piece designed to offer warning to his descendants.

Bibliography

Studies Loewe, Michael. “The Imperial Tombs of the Former Han Dynasty and Their Shrines.” T’oung Pao 78 (1992): 309, 327–28; rpt. in Micheal Loewe, Divination, mythology, and monarchy in Han China, 272–74, 288. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 579–80. Raft, David Zebulon. “Four-syllable Verse in Medieval China.” Ph.D. Diss., Har- vard, 2007, 33–143. wei zhangxian 魏長賢 (fl. 550–577) 1305

Raft, Zeb. “The Beginning of Literati Poetry: Four Poems from First-century BCE China.” T’oung Pao 96 (2010): 74–124. Xu Jie 許結. “Xi Han Weishi jiaxue shi yi kao” 西漢韋氏家學詩義考. Dibajie Han- dai wenxue yu sixiang guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwen ji 第八屆漢代文學與思想國際學術研討會論文集, 81–98. Taipei: Guoli Zhengzhi daxue Zhongguo wenxue xi and Guowen jiaoxue shuoshi zaizhi zhuanban, 2012; Wenxue yichan (2012: 4): 4–14.

Works

a. “Zi he shi” 自劾詩 (Poem of self rebuke)

Translations Raft, “Four Syllable Verse,” 57–61. Raft, “The Beginning of Literati Poetry,” 108–14.

b. “Jie zisun shi” 誡子孫詩 (Poem admonishing my descendants)

Translations Raft, “Four Syllable Verse,” 61–64. Raft, “The Beginning of Literati Poetry,” 115–18.

DRK

Wei Zhangxian 魏長賢 (fl. 550–577)

Northern Qi writer.

Wei Zhangxian’s ancestral home was Xiaquyang 下曲陽 in Julu 巨鹿 (west of modern Jin 晉 county, Hebei). He was the uncle of Wei Shou 魏收 (506– 572) and the son of Wei Yan 魏彥 (ca. 448–ca. 516). He first studied at Luoyang and later moved to Ye 鄴 (southwest of modern Linzhang 臨漳, Hebei) when Emperor Xiaojing 孝靜 (534–550) of Eastern Wei moved the capital from Luoyang 洛陽 to Ye. Wei Zhangxian was widely read in the Classics and history and was a skilled writer who composed in a refined and elegant style. At the end of the Northern Wei (ca. 530), Wei Zhangxian was recommended for the cultivated talent degree and was appointed administrator to Yuan Yue 元悅 (d. 532), Prince of Runan 汝南. After the fall of the Northern Wei in 534, he was appointed administrator at the Law Section in the administration of Gao Yan 高淹 (d. 564), Prince of Pingyang 平陽 of 1306 wei zhangxian 魏長賢 (fl. 550–577) the Eastern Wei. He later was appointed assistant editorial director in the palace library. During this time he began writing the Jin shu 晉書 (History of the Jin), a work that his father Wei Yan had left unfinished. During the Heqing 河清 period (562–565) of Emperor Wucheng of the Northern Qi, Wei Zhangxian submitted a petition in which he made critical comments on current court affairs. Many powerful officials were offended. The emperor ordered him transferred to the position of magistrate of Tunliu 屯留 (northeast of modern Tunliu, Shanxi) in Shangdang 上黨 commandary. His relatives and friends blamed him for his insensitiv- ity, and they sent him letters of reprimand. Wei Zhangxian replied in a letter known under the title “Da qingu shu” 答親故書 (A letter answering relatives and old friends) in which he candidly stated that he felt it was his obligation to as he put it “remove a single evil to plant a single good.” When Wei’s letter was made known, his friends were quite worried about his plight. Wei remained calm and unperturbed. During the Wuping period (570–576) of Emperor Houzhu, Wei Zhang xian resigned from office on the grounds of illness. In 577, Emperor Wu (r. 561–578) of the Northern Zhou defeated the last emperor of the Northern Qi, and he tried to recruit Wei Zhangxian to serve in his administration, but Wei refused the invitation. Wei Zhongxian died at the age of seventy-four. Wei Zhangxian’s only extant writing is the “Da qingu shu,” which is included in his biography in the Bei shi (56. 2041–2) and Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 503.

TPK

Wei Zhao 韋昭 (201–273), zi Hongsi 弘嗣

Eastern Wu scholar and writer.

Wei Zhao’s ancestral home was Yunyang 雲陽 in Wu commandery (modern Danyang 丹陽, Jiangsu). Wei Zhao’s name is given as Wei Yao 韋曜 in Sanguo zhi. Chen Shou says his original name was Zhao 昭, and that the historian changed it to Yao to avoid the taboo on the personal name of Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265), father of the first emperor of the Western Jin dynasty. However, Liang Zhangju 梁章鉅 (1775–1849) cites Qian Daxin wei zhao 韋昭 (201–273), zi hongsi 弘嗣 1307

錢大昕 (1728–1804), who notes that elsewhere in the Sanguo zhi the taboo on the name Zhao is not avoided. He speculates that Yao might be a second personal name. Wei Zhao showed a devotion to learning and skill in writing from a young age. He began his career as a minor functionary on the staff of the counselor-in-chief. Ca. 232, he was assigned as magistrate of Xi’an 西安 (east of modern Huantai 桓台, Shandong). In 237, he was called to the court where he was appointed secretarial court gentleman. In 242. he served as palace cadet in the household of the heir designate Sun He 孫和 (224–253). In 250. Sun He was deposed as heir designate, and Wei Zhao was named gentleman attendant of the palace gate. When Sun Liang 孫亮 (243–260) assumed the throne in 252, he appointed Wei Zhao grand astrologer. Wei along with Hua He 華覈 (219–278), Xue Ying 薛瑩 (d. 282), and others were assigned to compile a Wu shu 吳書 (History of the Wu). When Sun Xiu 孫休 (235–264) took the Wu throne in 258, Wei Zhao was appointed vice minister of the Department of State Affairs and chancellor of professors. He was assigned to edit the texts held in the palace library. He also presented to the court twelve “Guchui nao ge” 鼓吹鐃歌 (Nao-bell songs for orchestra). Sun Hao 孫皓 (242–283) became emperor in 264, and he granted Wei Zhao the noble title of Marquis of Gaoling neighborhood. He was also promoted to vice director of the Department of State Affairs and palace attendant. During this time he was put in charge of compiling the state history. Wei Zhao frequently disagreed with Sun Hao, who became increasingly irritated with him. Wei Zhao requested to resign from office so as to devote himself to writing and scholarship. Sun Hao refused his request. In 273, Sun Hao ordered Wei Zhao put into prison. Hua He presented a petition to the court requesting him to be released, but Wei Zhao died in prison soon thereafter at the age of seventy-three. Wei Zhao was a prolific scholar. He is the co-author of the Mao shi da za wen 毛詩答雜問 (Replies to various questions about the Mao version of the Songs), which was lost before the Tang. However, excerpts from it have survived. Wei Zhao is probably best known for his commentary to the Guo yu 國語, which is still extant. He also wrote a seven-juan comentary to the Han shu, portions of which survive. His Wu shu 吳書 (History of Wu) is listed in the monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu as a work of fifty-five juan. It is cited frequently in Pei Songzhi’s commentary to the Sanguo zhi. Wei Zhao compiled another historical work, the Dong ji 洞紀 (Comprehensive chronicle) in four juan (the Jiu Tang shu listing in nine juan may be an error). This was a chronicle of Chinese history beginning with Fuxi and ending in 222. 1308 wei zhao 韋昭 (201–273), zi hongsi 弘嗣

The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions Wei Zhao’s collected works that was listed in a Liang period catalogue. This was lost before the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected five of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. His most famous piece is “Boyi lun” 博奕論 (Disquisition on boyi), which Wei Zhao wrote in 242 while he was on the staff of Sun He. One of his colleagues Cai Ying 蔡穎 was obsessed with the board game of boyi. Sun He considered this a waste of time, and he ordered Wei Zhao to write an essay on it. This piece was included in the Wen xuan. Wei Zhao’s twelve “Guchui” songs are still extant. They probably were inspired by the “Songs for the Nao-bell” composed for the Wei court by Miao Xi繆襲 (186–245). Wei Zhao’s songs celebrate the glories of the Wu state.

Bibliography

Studies Liang Zhangju 梁章鉅 (1775–1849), comm. Yang Yaokun 楊耀坤, coll. Sanguo zhi pangzheng 三國志旁證, 30.834. Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2000. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 55–56. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Sun Wu shiqi Jiangdong zhi jingxue fengshang kaolun” 孫吳時期江東之經學風尚考論. Shixue jikan (2003: 4): 7–8. Zhang Zixia 張子俠. “Wu shu zuozhe kaobian”《吳書》作者考辨. Shixue shi yanjiu 130 (2008): 110–13.

Works

a. “Boyi lun” 博奕論 (Disquisition on boyi)

Studies Wang Yongping 王永平. “Sun Wu zhongqi shifeng de bianhua yu qiao jiu shifeng de chayi tuilun—du Sanguo zhi Wu shu ‘Sun He zhuan’ Wei Zhao ‘Boyi lun’ ” 孫吳中期士風的變化與僑舊士風的差異推論—讀《三國志‧吳書‧孫和傳‧韋昭《博奕論》 . Nanjing ligong daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 18.2 (2005): 5–13; rpt. in Wang Yongping. Sun Wu zhengzhi yu wenhua shi lun 孫吳政治與文化史論, 375–93. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Tan Jiajian 譚家健. “Dong Wu zuojia Wei Zhao de ‘Boyi lun’ ” 東吳作家韋昭的《博奕論》 . Liuzhou shizhuan xuebao 51.1 (2000): 1–4. Lien, Y. Edmund. “Wei Yao’s Disquisition on boyi.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 126.4 (2006): 567–78. wen qiao 溫嶠 (288–329), zi taizhen 太真 1309

b. Wu shu 吳書 (History of Wu)

Studies Chen Bo 陳博. “Shilun Wei Zhao Wu shu de tedian ji qi jiazhi” 試論韋昭《吳書》的特點及其價值. Lishi wenxian yanjiu 6 (1995): 127–38. Chen Bo 陳博. “Wei Zhao Wu shu kao” 韋昭《吳書》考. Wenxian (1996: 3): 68–77. Mitsuda Takeshi 滿田剛. “Ishō Gosho ni tsuite” 韋昭『吳書』について. Sōka daigaku jinbun ronshū 16 (2004): 235–85.

c. “Guchui qu” 鼓吹曲

Baihua Translation Gao Qiao 高橋 and Kang Hao 康浩. “Wei Zhao ‘Wu guchui qu’ yizhu” 韋昭「無鼓吹曲」譯注. Sanguo zhi yanjiu 3 (2008): 94–107.

d. Mao shi da za wen 毛詩答雜問 (Replies to various questions about the Mao version of the Songs) Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Mao shi da za wen 毛詩答雜問. Yuhan shanfang ji yishu 玉函山房輯佚書, 15.

DRK

Wen Qiao 溫嶠 (288–329), zi Taizhen 太真

Jin dynasty writer and minister.

Wen Qiao’s natal and ancestral home was Qi 祁 in Taiyuan (modern Qi county, Shanxi). He and his six brothers were all distinguished officials. The were called the Six Dragons. Already in his youth Wen Qiao was known for his intelligence and erudition. At the age of seventeen his local commandery summoned him to office, but he did not take up the appointment. He later was recommended as a flourishing talent and was appointed master of ceremonies in the East- ern Hall. He next served as magistrate of Lu 潞 in Shangdang 上黨 (northeast of modern Lucheng 潞城, Shanxi). Wen Qiao was the maternal nephew of Liu Kun 劉琨 (271–318). When Liu Kun was named commander-in-chief in Bingzhou 并州 (administrative seat, Jinyang 晉陽, modern Taiyuan, Shanxi) in 314, he appointed Wen Qiao to various positions including governor of Shangdang. Liu Kun also 1310 wen qiao 溫嶠 (288–329), zi taizhen 太真 gave him a military command, and Wen led the army in several successful battles against Liu Cong 劉聰 (d. 318) and Shi Le 石勒 (274–333). On 11 December 316, the Xiongnu Liu Yao 劉曜 (d. 328) captured Emperor Min and took him to Pingyang 平陽 (modern Datong), where he was forced to work as a servant. The Jin house had in effect lost its control of north China. However, already in 314, Sima Rui 司馬睿 (276–322) had established a Jin loyalist regime in Jiankang. From the time of Emperor’s surrender to the Xiongnu to the end of March of 317, Liu Kun presented a series of petitions urging Sima Rui to assume the throne. Liu Kun appointed Wen Qiao administrator on the left and dispatched him to take the petitions to the Jin court in Jiankang. According to the Shishuo xinyu, when Wen Qiao was about to leave for the south, Liu Kun said to Wen Qiao, “Ban Biao knew that the Liu clan would rise again, and Ma Yuan knew that Emperor Guangwu was worth assisting. Although the fortunes of the Jin rule are waning, the mandate of Heaven has not been changed. I wish to accomplish good deeds north of the Yellow River, and have you spread your fame south of the Yangzi. Can you do this?” Wen replied, “Although I am not intelligent, and my talent does not measure up to men of the past, since Your Excellency has the qualities of Dukes Huan and Wen, and wishes to attain merit in rescuing and reestablishing the dynasty, how can I dare refuse?” Liu Kun was executed in May or June of 318. In 319, Lu Chen, Cui Yue 崔悅, and other officials presented a petition to Emperor Yuan demanding posthumous exoneration for Liu Kun. Wen Qiao also presented a petition to the court supporting their request. Wen Qiao remained in the south for the remainder of his life. He became something of a celebrity in Jiankang. In 318, he was appointed gentleman cavalier attendant. In 319 Wen Qiao joined the staff of Wang Dao 王導 (276–339), who was the chief adviser to Sima Rui. In 320, he was appointed palace cadet in the household of the heir designate Sima Shao 司馬紹 (299–325). During this time he presented several petitions admonishing the young prince for his profligate ways. In Feburary 322, Wang Dun 王敦 (266–324) rose in revolt in Wuchang 武昌 (administrative seat, modern Echeng 鄂城, Hubei). Wen Qiao was initially ambivalent about Wang Dun’s ambitions. When Wang Dun led his army into Jiankang and proposed deposing Sima Shao, Wen Qiao dissuaded him from doing so. Emperor Yuan died on 3 January 323. Sima Shao (Emperor Ming) succeeded him the following day. Emperor Ming appointed Wen Qiao secretariat director, but fearing occupying this important post would arouse the suspicions of Wang Dun, Wen presented the emperor with a petition requesting to resign. Wang Dun then had Wen Qiao appointed wen qiao 溫嶠 (288–329), zi taizhen 太真 1311 governor of Danyang 丹楊 (east of modern Dangtu 當塗, Anhui). In 324, Wang Dun led another revolt, and this time Wang sent an army against Wen Qiao, threatening “to pluck out his tongue.” Wen Qiao took personal command of the Jin army and defeated forces led by Wang Dun’s elder brother Wang Han 王含. Wen Qiao was rewarded with the title of Duke of Jianning 建寧 county, and granted 5,400 cloth measures of silk. When Emperor Ming died in October 325, Wen Qiao, who was still serving as governor of Danyang, was one of seven officials to receive the emperor’s testamentary edict. In the early reign of Emperor Ming’s successor, Emperor Cheng (r. 325–342), the de facto power at the court was held by Yu Liang 庾亮 (289–340), who was the elder brother of the Empress Dowager Yu. In December 327, Su Jun 蘇峻 (d. 328) rose in revolt from his base in Liyang 歷陽 (modern He 和 county, Anhui). In March 328, he invaded Jiankang and took the young Emperor Cheng prisoner. Loyal- ists led by Yu Liang mounted a counter-attack. Wen Qiao, who had been appointed regional inspector of Jiangzhou (modern Jiangxi and Fujian, parts of Hubei and Hunan), was one of several military commanders who succeeded in defeating Su Jun’s forces at Jiankang in October 328. In 329, he was rewarded with the title of Duke of Shi’an 始安 commandery. He returned to his headquarters located at Wuchang in Jiangzhou. He died there on 7 June 329. Wen Qiao was first buried in Wuchang. However, later his son Wen Fangzhi 溫放之 (fl. 358–359) brought his remains to Jiankang so thathe could be buried north of the mausoluem of Emperor Yuan. In February 2001 a Wen Family Cemetary was discovered in Guojiashan 郭家山 in the northern suburbs of Nanjing. One of the graves has been considered that of Wen Qiao. However, there is disagreement among scholars which grave is Wen Qiao’s. Among the remains found in the cemetary is a grave memoir for Wen Qiao. Although Wen Qiao distinguished himself with his military achievements, he also had a strong interest in the teachings of Laozi and Zhuangzi. During his residence in the capital, he was able to hold his own with the formidable scholars of the day. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wen Qiao’s collected works in ten juan. A collection of the same size is mentioned in both Tang histories. This was lost in the Song. Wen Qiao is best known for his petitions, inscriptions, and admonitions. Yan Kejun has collected twenty-two of his prose pieces in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Two fragmentary lines have survived from a palindrome “Huiwen xuyan shi” 回文虛言詩 (Abstract words poem in palindrome form), which is one of the earliest palindromes. 1312 wen qiao 溫嶠 (288–329), zi taizhen 太真

Bibliography

Studies Shen Gan 沈淦. “Dong Jin zhongxing mingshi Wen Qiao” 東晉中興名士溫嶠. Lishi yuekan 113 (1997): 110–15. Nanjing shi bowuguan 南京市博物館. “Nanjing beijiao Dong Jin Wen Qiao mu” 南京北郊東晉溫嶠墓. Wenwu (2002: 7): 19–33. Yang Yinglin 楊映琳. “Nanjing chutu de Dong Jin Wen Qiao mu pingxi” 南京出土的東晉溫嶠墓評析. Guangxi shehui kexue (2003: 5): 151–53. Nanjing bowuguan 南京博物館. “Nanjing shi Guojiashan Dong Jin Wenshi jiazu mu” 南京市郭家山東晉溫氏家族墓. Kaogu (2008: 6): 3–25. Wang Zhigao王志高. “Shilun Wen Qiao” 試論溫嶠. Dongnan wenhua (2002: 9): 38–44. Wang Zhigao 王志高. “Wen Qiao kao lüe 溫嶠考略, Beichao shi yanjiu 北朝史研究, ed. Yin Xian 殷憲, 32–44. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2004. Wei Zheng韋正. “Nanjing Dong Jin Wen Qiao jiazu mudi de muzhu wenti” 南京東晉溫嶠家族墓地的墓主問題. Kaogu (2010: 9): 87–96.

WJ and DRK

Wen Li 文立 (d. 279), zi Guangxiu 廣休

Three States Shu and Western Jin literatus.

Wen Li’s ancestral home was Linjiang 臨江 in Ba 巴 commandery (modern Zhong 忠 county, Sichuan). He was a diligent and bright student who studied the Mao shi and the three ritual Classics at the national university in the Shu state. His teacher was the famous Shu scholar Qiao Zhou 譙周 (200–270). The regional inspector Fei Yi 費禕 (d. 253) recruited Wen Li as an administrator on his staff. Wen Li later was promoted to imperial secretary. In Taishi 2 (263), he was recommended for the degree of cultivated talent and was named gentleman of the interior. In the eleventh month (18 December–17 January) of this same year, Shu was defeated by the Wei. In 265, Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290) deposed the last Wei ruler and founded the Jin dynasty. In 266, the Jin court appointed Wen Li governor of Jiyin 濟陰 (modern Shandong). In 267, he was assigned as palace cadet in the household of the heir designate. At that time, the children and grandchildren of the Shu statesmen Zhu Liang 諸葛亮 (181–234), Jiang Wan 蔣琬 (d. 246) and Fei Yi had moved to the Luoyang area but had no permanent residences. Wen Li presented a petition to Emperor Wu requesting that they be granted ranks and positions. Emperor Wu approved Wen Li’s request. In 274, Wen Li was appointed wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1313 cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and later promoted to chamberlain for the palace garrison. Wen Li was highly respected by officials of the court for his prudent and respectful manner. He requested to retire from office on the grounds of old age, but he was not allowed to do so. Wen Li died in 279 at the age about seventy. He was buried in Shu. The Huayang guozhi 華陽國志 (Geographical treatise on the states south of Mt. Hua) lists ten petitions, several dozen poems, fu writings, lun- disquisitions, and songs under his name. None of these is extant. Yan Kejun has collected three of Wen Li’s petitions and a fragment from his “Shu du fu” 蜀都賦 (Fu on the Shu capital) in his Quan Shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 61. Farmer, J Michael. The Talent of Shu: Qiao Zhou and the Intellectual World of Early Medieval Sichuan, 53–6. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007.

TPK

Wen Xing 溫邢 (Wen and Xing)

This phrase refers to Wen Zisheng 溫子昇 (495–547) and Xing Shao 邢劭 (b. 496), two of the most prominent writers of the Eastern Wei and North- ern Qi.

DRK

Wen xuan 文選 (Selections of refined literature)

Sixth century anthology.

The Wen xuan compiled at the court of the Liang prince Xiao Tong 蕭統 (501–531) is the earliest extant Chinese anthology arranged by genre. It is one of the most important sources for the study of Chinese literature from the Warring States period to the Qi and Liang. During the early medieval period, many genre anthologies were compiled. The “Jingji zhi” 經籍志 (Monograph on bibliography) of the Sui shu records the titles of 249 anthologies that were compiled from the Western Jin to the Sui period 1314 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

(265–618). Nearly all of these works have been lost. The Wen xuan and Yutai xinyong 玉臺新詠, a small verse anthology, are the only collections from that period to survive intact.

A. Content

The Wen xuan contains 761 pieces of prose and verse by 130 writers. The most commonly used version divides the works into thirty-seven genres: fu 賦 (exposition or rhapsody), shi 詩 (lyric poetry), sao 騷 (elegy), qi 七 (sevens), zhao 詔 (edict), ce 策 (patent of enfeoffment), ling 令 (command), jiao 教 (instruction), cewen 策文 (examination question), biao 表 (petition), shang shu 上書 (letter presented to a superior), qi 啟 (communication), tanshi 彈事 (accusation), jian 箋 (memorandum), zouji 奏記 (note), shu 書 (letter), xi 檄 (proclamation), duiwen 對文 (dialogue), shelun 設論 (hypothetical discourse), ci 辭 (song/rhapsody), xu 序 (preface), song 頌 (eulogy), zan 贊 (encomium), fuming 符命 (mandate to rule based on prophetic signs), shi lun 史論 (disquisition from the histories), shi shu zan 史述贊 (evaluation and judgment from the histories), lun 論 (disquisition), lianzhu 連珠 (epigram), zhen 箴 (admonition), ming 銘 (inscription), lei 誄 (dirge), ai 哀 (lament), beiwen 碑文 (epitaph, stele inscription) muzhi 墓志 (grave memoir), xingzhuang 行狀 (conduct description), diaowen 弔文 (condolence), jiwen 祭文 (offering). Some versions of the Wen xuan have thirty- eight categories with the addition of yi 移 (dispatch) between shu and xi. In the woodblock edition of Chen Balang 陳八郎 of the Southern Song a thirty-ninth category, the nan 難 (refutation) is added. The fu and shi sections, which are divided into subcategories, contain the most pieces. Thefu section has fifteen subcategories: “Jingdu”京都 (Metrop- olises and Capitals), “Jiao si” 郊祀 (Sacrifices), “Geng ji” 耕籍 (Plowing the imperial field), “Tianlie” 田獵 (Hunting), “Ji xing” 紀行 (Recounting travel), “You lan” 遊覽 (Sightseeing), “Gong dian” 宮殿 (Palaces and halls), “Jiang hai” 江海 (Rivers and seas), “Wuse” 物色 (Natural phenomena), “Niao shou” 鳥獸 (Birds and animals), “Zhi” 志 (Aspirations and feelings), “Ai shang” 哀傷 (Laments), “Lun wen” 論文 (Literature), “Yue 樂 (Music), and “Qing” 情 (Passions). The shi section has twenty-three subcategories: “Bu wang shi” 補亡詩 (Supplying lost poems), “Shu de” 述德 (Recounting virtue), “Quan li” 勸勵 (Exhortation and encouragement), “Xian shi” 獻詩 (Poems presented to another person), “Gong yan” 公讌 (Lord’s feast), “Zu jian 祖餞 (Farewell banquet), “Yong shi” 詠史 (Poems on historical themes), “Bai yi” 百一 (One of one hundred), “You xian” 遊仙 (Wandering immortals), “Zhao yin” 招隱 (Summoning the recluse), “Fan zhao yin” 反招隱 (Contra summoning the recluse), “Youlan” 遊覽 (Sightseeing), “Yong huai” 詠懷 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1315

(Expressing one’s feelings), “Aishang” 哀傷 (Laments), “Zeng da” 贈答 (Exchange poems), “Xinglü” 行旅 (Travel), “Jun rong” 軍戎 (Military campaigns), “Jiao miao” 郊廟 (Suburban and temple sacrifices), “Yuefu” 樂府 (Ballads), “Wan ge” 挽歌 (Funeral songs), “Za ge” 雜歌 (Unclassified Songs), “Za shi” 雜詩 (Unclassified Lyric Poems), and “Za ni” 雜擬 (Diverse imitations). Works in each genre are arranged chronologically.

B. Compilation

In his preface to the Wen xuan, Xiao Tong explains the principles of compilation and the standards of selection. Four kinds of writing were excluded: (1) the works traditionally attributed to the Duke of Zhou and Confucius, that is works that are usually included in the jing 經 or “classics” category; (2) the writings of Laozi, Zhuangzi, Guanzi, and Mencius, meaning the works of the zi 子 or Masters group; (3) the speeches of worthy men, loyal officials, political strategists, and sophists, which are found in such works as Guo yu 國語, Zhanguo ce 戰國策, and historical works; (4) historical narratives and chronicles. The last two types belong to the shi 史 or “history” category. Xiao Tong makes a clear distinction between what he called wen 文 or “literary” works and non-literary works. By literary, he meant writing that displays “verbal coloration intricately arranged” and “literary ornament carefully organized,” or works “whose matter is the product of profound thought, and whose principles belong to the realm of literary elegance.” He considered the style of the Classics, histories, and Masters plain and simple, and their function primarily practical. Some later scholars faulted Xiao Tong for a much too narrow a definition of literature. The Wen xuan in fact does contain some pieces that belong to the excluded categories. For example, such works as “Preface to the Shang shu,” “Preface to the Mao Version of the Classic of Songs,” and the “Preface to the Zuo shi Chunqiu” by Du Yu 杜預 (222–284) all are from the standard version of the Classics. The Wen xuan was compiled in the Eastern Palace, which was the residence of Xiao Tong. Xiao Tong had a large library, which must have contained numerous collections of individual writers’ works as well as earlier anthologies such as the Wenzhang liubie ji 文章流別集 compiled in the Western Jin by Zhi Yu 摯虞 (d. 312). Much of the work of compiling the Wen xuan probably was done by members of Xiao Tong’s staff. The most likely participants include Liu Xiaochuo 劉孝綽 (481–539), Wang Yun 王筠 (481–549), and Liu Xie 劉勰 (ca. 465–532). The Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論 by the Japanese Buddhist monk Kūkai 空海 (774–835) cites the early Tang scholar Yuan Jing 元兢, who says that Xiao Tong, Liu Xiaochuo, and others 1316 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) compiled the Wen xuan. The Song dynasty catalogue, Zhongxing guange shumu 中興館閣書目, compiled 1178, mentions Xiao Tong’s co-compilers as “He Xun 何遜 (d. ca. 518), and others.” Most modern scholars believe that it is very likely that Liu Xiaochuo participated in the compilation of the Wen xuan. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫 has strenuously argued that Liu Xiaochuo is the primary compiler. It is unlikely that He Xun was involved in the project, for he died in 518 or 519, before the compilation of the Wen xuan began. According to Dou Chang 竇常 (756–825), who is cited in the Song dynasty private catalogue Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志, the compilers of the Wen xuan include in the anthology only writings by persons who were no longer living. The most recently deceased writer included in theWen xuan is Lu Chui 陸倕, who died in 526. Thus, many scholars believe that the final compilation of the Wen xuan could not have been earlier than 526 or 527. Some scholars date it as late as 528. Recently, Wang Liqun 王立群 has published a book-length study in which he argues that the Wen xuan was compiled, somewhat earlier, between 522 and 526.

Compilation of the Wen xuan Miao Yue 繆鉞. “Wen xuan yu Yutai xinyong”〈文選〉與〈玉臺新詠〉. Yishi bao (25 June 1942): 37–39; rpt. in Miao Yue. Shici sanlun 詩詞散論, 18–20. Xi’an: Shaanxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2008. He Rong 何融. “Wen xuan bianzhuan shiqi ji bianzhe kaolüe” 文選編撰時期及編者考略. Guowen yuekan, no. 76 (10 February 1949): 22–28; rpt. in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 102–117. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Monzen hensan no shuhen” 文選の編纂周邊. Ritusmei- kan bungaku 377–88 (1976): 207–27; Chinese trans. by Han Jiguo 韓基國. “Wen xuan bianji de zhouwei” 文選編輯的周圍. In Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 962–77. Shimizu Yoshio. “Shōmei taishi Monzen jo kō” 昭明太子文選序考. Gakurin (1983): 75–90. Okamura Shigero 岡村繁. Monzen hensan no jittai to hensan tōsho no Monzen hyōka” 『文選』編纂の実態と編纂当初の『文選』評価. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 38 (1986): 135–55, rpt. Monzen no kenkyū, 47–81. Chinese trans. by Liu Yufei 劉玉飛. “Wen xuan bianzuan de shiji qingkuang yu chengshu chuqi suoshou dao de pingjia”《文選》編纂的實際情況與成書初期所受到的評價, Zhong- wai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 1046–74; Wen xuan zhi yanjiu, 59–95. Shimizu Yoshio. “Guanyu Wen xuan zhong Liang dai zuopin de zhuanlu wenti” 關於文選中梁代作品的撰錄問題. In Zhaoming wenxuan yanjiu lunwen ji, 157–64. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡 and Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. “Youguan Wen xuan bianzuan zhong jige wenti de nice” 有關文選編纂中幾個問題的擬測. Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu lunwen ji, 32–42; rpt. in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 328–53. wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1317

Gu Nong 顧農. “Yu Qingshui Kaifu xiansheng lun Wen xuan bianzhe wenti” 與清水凱夫先生論文選編者問題. Qi Lu xuekan (1993: 1): 39–45; rpt in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 492–504. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Guanyu Wen xuan zhong liupian zuopin de xiezuo niandai” 關於《文選》中六篇作品的寫作年代. Wenxuan yichan (1996: 2): 26–28; rpt. in Cao Daoheng. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji 漢魏六朝文學論集. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 1999. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Jiu Wen xuan bianzhe wenti da Gu Nong xiansheng” 就《文選》編者問題答顧農先生. In Wen xuan xue xinlun 文選學新論, edited by Zhongguo xuanxue yanjiuhui 中國選學研究會 and Zhengzhou daxue guji zhengli yanjiusuo 鄭州大學古籍整理研究所, 34–50. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1997. Cao Daoheng. “Guanyu Xiao Tong he Wen xuan de jige wenti” 關於蕭統和文選的幾個問題. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1995: 5): 206–14. Gu Nong 顧農. “Ping Qingshui Kaifu ‘Xin Wen xuan xue’ ” 評清水凱夫 “新文選學”. Qi Lu xuekan (1996: 3): 22–27; rpt. Wen xuan yu Wen xin, 41–52. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初. “Wen xuan chengshu guocheng nice”《文選》成書過程擬測. Wenxuan xue xinlun, 61–77. Wang Xiaodong 王曉東. “Wen xuan xi cangcu chengshu shuo”《文選》系倉促成書說. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 78–90. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. “ ‘Xin Wen xuan xue’ chuyi” “新文選學” 芻議. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 51–60. Mu Kehong 穆克宏. “Wen xuan xue yanjiu jige wenti” 文選學研究幾個問題. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 1–25 (esp. 1–13). Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan de bianzhe wenti” 關於《文選》的編者問題. Wenxue pinglun (2000: 2): 101–7. Xu Yimin 許逸民. “Cong Xiao Tong de muluxue sixiang kan Wen xuan de xuanlu biaozhun” 從蕭統的目錄學思想看《文選》的選錄標準. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 72–83. Wang Liqun 王立群. “ ‘Zhaoming taizi shi xueshi’ yu Wen xuan bianzuan” “昭明太子十學士與《文選》編纂. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 110–29. Xu Yimin 許逸民. “Wen xuan bianzhuan niandai xinshuo”《文選》編撰年代新說. Wenxue yichan (2000: 4): 33–42. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Wen xuan dui Wei Jin yilai wenxue chuantong de jicheng he fazhan”《文選》對魏晉以來文學傳統的繼承和發展. Wenxue yichan (2000: 1): 48–58. Fu Gang 傅剛, “Wen xuan de bianzuan”《文選》的編纂, Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu 昭明文選研究, 153–70. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2000. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Gujin shi yuan yinghua de bianzhe wenti—jian shuo wu yi dongyao Wen xuan wei Zhaoming taizi suo duzhuan shuo” 關於《古今詩苑英華》的編者問題—兼說無以動搖《文選》為昭明太子所獨撰說. Zhaoming Wen xuan yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua, 144–49. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu ‘Wen xuan xu’ yu Wen xuan zhi jiazhi quxiang de chayi wenti—jian lun Wen xuan fei cangcu er cheng ji qi ‘xu’ fei chu zi yishou” 關於《文選序》與《文選》之價值取向的差異問題—兼論《文選》非倉卒而成及其《序》非出自異手. Wenxun pinglun (2002: 2): 138–44. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan bianmu cidi de ‘shixu’ wenti—Wen xuan bianci zuojia ‘shixu’ yu ‘bici shizhao’ xianxiang yanjiu zhi yi” 關於《文選》編目次 1318 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

第的 “失序” 問題—《文選》編次作家 “失序” 與 “彼此失照” 現象研究之一. Zhong- guo shehui kexueyuan yanjiushengyuan xuebao (2004: 1): 90–95. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan bianmu cidi de ‘shixu’ wenti—Wen xuan bianci zuojia ‘shixu’ yu ‘bici shizhao’ xianxiang yanjiu zhi er” 關於《文選》編目次第的 “失序” 問題—《文選》編次作家 “失序” 與 “彼此失照” 現象研究之二. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 40.1 (2004): 61–65. Lizhi 力之. “Wen xuan yanjiu siti”《文選》研究四題. Huanggang shifan xueyuan xuebao 25.2 (2005): 20–25. Lizhi 力之. “Zonglun Wen xuan de bianzhe wenti—cong wenxian kexindu ceng- mian shang bian ‘yu Liu Xiaochuo deng zhuan’ shuo buneng chengli” 綜論《文選》的編者問題—從文獻可信度層面上辨 “與劉孝綽等撰” 說不能成立. Jiang Han daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) 24.1 (2005): 33–40; 24.6 (2005): 41–48. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan de xuanwen fanwei yu biaozhun wenti” 關於《文選》的選文範圍與標準問題 . Henan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 45.3 (2005): 64–69. Wang Liqun 王立群. Wen xuan chengshu yanjiu《文選》成書研究. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2005. Han Hui 韓暉. Wen xuan bianji ji zuopin xinian kaozheng《文選》編輯及作品繫年考證. Beijing: Qunyan chubanshe, 2005. Lizhi 力之. “Zhu Yizun ‘Wen xuan chucheng wen you qianjuan’ shuo buneng chengli bian—jian lun He Rong Wen xuan ‘fei yiren suoneng wancheng’ shuo zhi wei weide” 朱彝尊 “《文選》初成聞有千卷” 說不能成立辨—兼論何融《文選》 “非一人所能完成” 說之未為得. Huanggang shifan xueyuan xuebao 26.5 (2006): 15–30. Lizhi 力之. “Wen xuan fei ‘shang wei zuihou jiagong dinggao zhi shu’ bian—Wen xuan suolu zuopin de xuwen yanjiu zhi er”《文選》非 “尚未最後加工定稿之書” 辨—《文選》所錄作品的序文研究之二. Dongfang congkan (2007: 1): 208–24. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan de shan, zeng, yi yu qi wenzi zhi wu deng wenti— jian lun Wen xuan fei cangcu chengshu” 關於《文選》的刪、增、移與其文字之誤等問題—兼論《文選》非倉促成書. Qinzhou xueyuan xuebao 22.2 (2007): 31–37. Lizhi 力之. “Wen xuan bukeneng shoudao Wenzhang yuanqi de shen·me ying xiang”《文選》不可能受到《文章緣起》的什麽影響. Hubei jiaoyu xueyuan xuebao 24.11 (2007): 5–8. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan suolu shiwen zhi laiyuan wenti—jian lun Wen xuan nai he shouxuan yu zaixuan wei yiti zhi shu” 關於《文選》所錄詩文之來源問題—兼論《文選》乃合首選與再選為一體之書. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 43.4 (2007): 7–12. Lin Po-chien (Lin Boqian 林伯謙). “You ‘Wen xuan xu’ bianxi xuanxue ruogan yi’an” 由〈文選序〉辨析選學若干疑案. Dong Wu Zhongwen xuebao 13 (2007): 75–107. Lizhi 力之. “Zonglun Wen xuan fei cangcu chengshu—jian yu Yiwen leiju (qian shijuan) bijiao” 綜論《文選》非倉促成書—兼與《藝文類聚》(前十卷) 比較. Nei Menggu shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 37.2 (2008): 82–88. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan xuanwen de xiaxian wenti—“Tianjian shier nian’ shuo yu “zhi qujue yu shiwen de zuonian” shuo yiyi 關於《文選》選文的下限問題—“天監十二年” 說與 “只取決於詩文的作年” 說異議. Jiang Han daxue xuebao (Renwen kexue ban) 27.2 (2008): 47–51. wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1319

Lizhi 力之. “Lun Wenzhang liubie ji ji qi yu Wenzhang zhi di guanxi—‘Wen xuan chengshu kaoshuo zhi yi’ ” 論《文章流別集》及其與《文章志》的關係《〈文選〉成書考說》之一. Shaoguan xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue) 29.5 (2008): 1–6. Lizhi 力之. “Wen xuan yu Wenzhang liubie ji bijiao—‘Wen xuan chengshu kaoshuo zhi er’ ”《文選》與《文章流別集》比較—〈文選〉成書考說》之二. Changchun shifan xueyuan xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 27.4 (2008): 49–55. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan zushi yu ji yishi yiti zhi yi—jian lun Wen xuan fei changcu chengshu” 關於《文選》組詩與《集》一詩一題之異—兼論《文選》非倉促成書. Sanxia daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 30.4 (2008): 44–48. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan yu ji tongwen yiti wenti—jian lun Wen xuan fei changcu chengshu” 關於《文選》與《集》同文異題問題—兼論《文選》非倉促成書. Beifang luncong 211 (2008): 28–30. Lizhi 力之. “Dou Chang zhi Wen xuan ‘suolu jie qianren zuo’ shuo kexin bian” 竇常之《文選》“所錄皆前人作” 說可信辨. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 44.4 (2008): 26–30. Lizhi 力之. “Wen xuan Liu Xiaobiao Xu Fei zuopin zhi zuo shi bian—‘Guanyu Wen xuan zhong liupian zuopin de xiezuo niandai’ yiyi ji qita”《文選》劉孝標徐悱作品之作時辨—《關於〈文選〉中六篇作品寫作年代》異議及其他. Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 45.3 (2009): 6–11. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Wen xuan bianzuan yanjiu《文選》編纂研究. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2009. Lin Dazhi 林大志. “Xiao Tong yu Wen xuan yanjiu santi” 蕭統與《文選》研究三題. Hefei shifan xueyuan xuebao 27.2 (2009): 17–21. Wang Shucai 王書才. “Cong Xiao Tong he Liu Xiaochuo dengren dui Wen xuan zuopin de jieshou kan Wen xuan de bianzhe wenti” 從蕭統和劉孝綽等人對《文選》作品的接受看《文選》的編者問題. Chuxiong shifan xueyuan xuebao 24.1 (2009): 1–6. Lizhi 力之. “Yu Lin Boqian xiansheng lun Wen xuan bianzhe wenti—“You ‘Wen xuan xu’ bianxi xuanxue ruogan yi’an” 與林伯謙先生論《文選》的編者問題— 《由〈文選序〉辨析選學若干疑案》 . Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 46.2 (2010): 6–12. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan ‘zhe shi ci yi wei xu’ de shifei wenti—Wen xuan suolu zuopin de xuwen yanjiu zhi yi” 關於《文選》“摘史辭以為序” 之是非問題—《文選》所錄作品的序文研究之一. Gudian wenxian yanjiu 13 (2010): 92–107. Lizhi 力之. “Wen xuan chengshu shijian gejia shuo bianxi—Wen xuan chengshu shijian yanjiu zhi yi”《文選》成書時間各家說辨析—《文選》成書時間研究之一. Jinggang daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 31.4 (2010): 103–17. Liu Baochun 劉寶春. “Lun Xu Mian dui Xiao Tong Wen xuan bianzuan de ying xiang” 論徐勉對蕭統《文選》編纂的影響. Wenxue yichan (2010: 5): 17–25. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan zhong wu bieji zuojia zuopin de laiyuan wenti” 關於《文選》中無別集作家作品的來源問題. Wenyi pinglun (2011: 12): 124–28. Lizhi 力之. “Wen xuan shilei bianlu shou Huanlin bian lüe zhongyao yingxiang shuo boyi”《文選》事類編錄受《華林遍略》重要影響說駁議. Henan shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue bao) 39.2 (2012): 195–200. 1320 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Xiao Tong’s court Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. “ ‘Zhaoming taizi shi xueshi’ shuo” “昭明太子十學士” 說. Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu lunwen ji, 149–56. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Monzen hensan no shuhen” 文選の編纂周邊. Ritusmei- kan bungaku 377–88 (1976): 207–27; Han Jiguo 韓基國, trans. Wen xuan bianji de zhouwei” 文選編輯的周圍. In Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 962–77; Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji, 31–46. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Monzen chū no Ryōdai sakuhin senroku mondai ni tsuite” 文選中の梁代作品撰錄問題について. Gakurin (1983:1); Han Jiguo 韓基國, trans. “Guanyu Wen xuan zhong Liang dai zuopin de zhuanlu wenti”關於文選中梁代作品的撰錄問題. In Zhaoming wenxuan yanjiu lunwen ji, 157–64; Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji, 19–30. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Monzen senja kō—Shōmei taishi to Ryū Kōshaku” 文選撰者考—昭明太子と劉孝綽. Gakurin (1984: 3): 46–64; Han Jiguo 韓基國, trans. “Wen xuan zhuanzhe kao—Zhaoming taizi he Liu Xiaochuo”《文選》撰者考— 昭明太子和劉孝綽. Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji, 1–18. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Monzen hensan jikkyō no kyūmei”《文選》編纂實況の研明. Gakurin 19 (1993). Zhou Wenhai 周文海, trans. “Wen xuan bianzuan shikuang yanjiu”《文選》編纂實況研究. Qingshui kaifu Shi pin Wen xuan lunwen ji, 196–222. Wang Liqun 王立群. Wen xuan chengshu yanjiu, 123–39.

Xiao Tong’s literary thought Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Xiao Tong de wenxue sixiang he Wen xuan” 蕭統的文學思想和《文選》. Guangming ribao (August 27, 1961); rpt. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 118–30. Guo Shaoyu 郭紹虞. “Wen xuan de xuanlu biaozhun he ta yu Wenxin diaolong de guanxi” 文選的選錄標準和他與文心雕龍的關係. Guangming ribao (November 5, 1961); rpt. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 131–38. Yin Menglun 殷孟倫. “Ruhe lijie Wen xuan bianxuan de biaozhun” 如何理解《文選》編選的標準 . Wen shi zhe (1963: 1); rpt. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 205–23. Mo Lifeng 莫礪鋒. “Cong Wenxin diaolong yu Wen xuan zhi bijiao kan Xiao Tong de wenxue sixiang” 從《文心雕龍》與《文選》之比較看蕭統的文學思想. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu 10 (1985). Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Wen xuan xuanlu zuopin de fanwei he biaozhun” 文選選錄作品的範圍和標準. Fudan xuebao (1988: 6); rpt. in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 258–76. Obi Kōichi 小尾郊一. “Zhaoming taizi de wenxue guan—yi Wen xuan xu wei zhongxin” 昭明太子的文學觀—以《文選》序為中心. Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu lunwen ji, 13–18. Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. “Cong Zhaoming Wen xuan suoxuan shige kan Xiao Tong de wenxue sixiang” 從《昭明文選》所選詩歌看蕭統的文學思想. Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu lunwen ji, 27–31. Chen Fuxing 陳復興, “Jiang Wentong ‘Zati shi sanshi shou’ yu Xiao Tong de wenxue piping” 江文通《雜體詩三十首》與蕭統的文學批評. Wen xuan xue lunji, 187–99. wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1321

Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Zhaoming taizi yu Liangdai wenxue fugu sichao” 昭明太子與梁代文學復古思潮. Wen xuan xue lunji, 246–61. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Cong Wen xuan xuanpian kan bianzuanzhe de wenxue guan” 從《文選》選篇看編纂者的文學觀. Wen xuan xue lunji. 200–15. Fu Gang 傅剛, “Xiao Tong Donggong xueshi de wenxue guan ji chuangzuo shiji” 蕭統東宮學士的文學觀及創作實績, Zhaoming wen xuan yanjiu, 139–49. Ma Zhengxue 馬正學. “Cong Wen xuan kan Xiao Tong de wenxue guan” 從《文選》看蕭統的文學觀. Xibei shifan daxue (Shehui kexue ban) 33.2 (1996): 31–35. Knechtges, David R. “Culling the Weeds and Selecting the Prime Blossoms: the Anthology in Early Medieval China.” Culture and Power in the Reconstitution of the Chinese Realm 200–600. Harvard East Asian Monographs, 200. Scott Pearce, Audrey Spiro, and Patricia Ebrey, eds., 200–41, 322–34. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2000. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Sairon Monzen to Bunshin chōryū to eikyō kankei” 再論『文選』と『文心雕龍』との影響關係. Gaukurin 32 (2000): 20–51; Chinese trans. by Jin Chengyu 金程宇 and Zhang Tao 張淘. Gudian wenxian yanjiu 14 (2011): 281–304. Lizhi 力之. “Wenxin diaolong dui Wen xuan bukeneng chansheng taida de ying xiang—Wen xuan yu Wenxin diaolong bijiao” (shang)《文心雕龍》對《文選》不可能產生太大的影響—《文選》與《文心雕龍》比較 (上). Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 41.4 (2005): 71–76. Lizhi 力之. “Guanyu Wen xuan yu Wenxin diaolong wenxueguan de tongyi wenti— Wen xuan yu Wenxin diaolong bijiao (xia)” 關於《文選》與《文心雕龍》文學觀的同異問題—《文選》與《文心雕龍》比較 (下). Guangxi shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 42.3 (2006): 61–66.

C. Transmission and early history of the text

Almost immediately after its compilation, the Wen xuan began to circulate widely. The original version was arranged in thirty juan. The earliest known commentary to the Wen xuan was actually done by a member of the Xiao family, Xiao Gai 蕭該 (2nd half, 6th century). Xiao Gai was the grandson of Xiao Hui 蕭恢 (476–526), who was a younger brother of Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), Xiao Tong’s father. Thus, Xiao Gai would have been a nephew of Xiao Tong. Xiao Gai participated in the compilation of the famous dictionary Qie yun 切韻. Xiao Gai wrote a commentary to the Wen xuan titled Wen xuan yin yi 文選音義. Although it is no longer extant, based on the title it must have been a philological commentary that explained the meaning and pronunciation of words in the text. Wang Zhongmin 王重民 claimed to have discovered a fragment of this work among the Dunhuang manuscripts, but Zhou Zumo 周祖謨 has disputed Wang’s conclusion. See: Zhou Zumo 周祖謨. “Lun Wen xuan yin canjuan zhi zuozhe ji qi fangyin” 論文選音殘卷之作者及其音反. Furen xuezhi 8.1 (1939): 113–25; rpt. as “Lun Wen 1322 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

xuan yin canjuan zhi zuozhe ji qi fangyin” 論文選音殘卷之作者及其方音. In Wenxue ji 問學集, 2 vols., 1: 177–91. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1966; rpt. in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 45–58. For a reproduction of the Dunhuang manuscript of the Wen xuan yin, see Jao Tsung-i, Dunhuang Tulufan ben Wen xuan, 101–11 (see below). Pro- fessor Jao keeps the question open whether or not this work is by Xiao Gai. See Jao’s article on Tang dynasty Wen xuan studies below. Already in the Sui and early Tang Wen xuan scholarship began to flour- ish. The first important Wen xuan expert in this period was Cao Xian 曹憲 (fl. 605–649), a famous scholar from the Yangzhou area. He also wrote a commentary to the work titled Wen xuan yinyi 文選音義. During the Tang, candidates for the jinshi (presented scholar) examinations were tested on their ability to compose fu and shi. Because the Wen xuan contained model examples of these two forms, it became one of the most important texts studied by degree candidates. Cao Xian taught the Wen xuan to younger scholars, including Xu Yan 許淹, Gongsun Luo 公孫羅, and Li Shan 李善 (d. 689). Li Shan divided the Wen xuan into sixty chapters. He also wrote a detailed commentary in which he cites from over 1,700 books. Li Shan wrote a preface to his version of the Wen xuan, but he does not state there his principles of explication. However, he did insert in his commentary at appropriate places remarks about his method of citation. One of Li’s chief concerns was to illustrate the meaning of a particular graph or phrase by citing parallel examples from other texts. In most places, Li’s commentary consists of providing the locus classicus so as to show the “origin” of a term. Li Shan also makes use of earlier commentaries on certain pieces. Accord- ing to the Zixia ji 資暇集 of Li Kuangwen 李匡文 (late ninth century), Li Shan’s commentary went through four revisions. He presented the final version to Emperor Gaozong in 658. During the Tang, the Wen xuan was a very popular text. Du Fu, for example, urged his son “thoroughly to master the principles of the Wen xuan,” and the Chaoye qianzai 朝野簽載 by Zhang Zhuo 張鷟 (ca. 660–ca. 740) mentions even rural schools gave instruction in the Wen xuan. Although Li Shan’s commentary provides detailed explanations of names, difficult words, and unusual terms, it does not contain extended paraphrases of the general meaning of many passages. Thus, other scholars in theT ang wrote a new commentary that consists of a paraphrase that in effect “translates” the Wen xuan into Tang-dynasty Chinese. In 718 Lü Yanzuo 呂延祚 presented to Emperor Xuanzong a commentary that consisted of the commentary of five scholars: Lü Xiang 呂向, Lü Yanji 呂延濟, Liu Liang 劉良, Zhang Xian 張銑, and Li Zhouhan 李周翰. This work, which was titled Wuchen zhu wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1323

五臣注 or Jizhu Wen xuan 集注文選, was more widely used than Li Shan’s commentary, at least until the eleventh or twelfth centuries. Other versions of the Wen xuan are preserved in Japan. The most important of these is the Wen xuan jizhu or Monzen shūchū 文選集注. The work originally consisted of 120 juan, but only twenty-four juan survive. During the Song, the Wuchen and Li Shan commentaries were combined into a single work known as Liuchen zhu Wen xuan 六臣注文選. This is now regarded as a printing with many defects, the most serious of which was the frequent mingling of the Li Shan and Wuchen commentaries to the point that Li Shan’s original commentary often could not be identified. There was, however, one carefully prepared edition of Li Shan’s commentary printed by the Song scholar You Mao 尤袤 (1127–1181) in 1181. This edition became the basis for the standard edition of the Li Shan commentary prepared under the direction of Hu Kejia 胡克家 (1757–1816) in 1809. This version is generally regarded as the standard citation edition of the Wen xuan. For studies of the textual history see: Shiba Rokurō 斯波六郎. “Monzen shohon no kenkyū” 文選諸本研究, Monzen sakuin 文選索引, 4 vols. Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku jimbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1959, 1: 3–105; translation into Chinese by Dai Yan 戴燕.“Dui Wen xuan gezhong banben de yanjiu” 對《文選》各種版本的研究. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 849–961; and Huang Jinhong 黃錦鋐 and Chen Shunü 陳淑女, trans. Wen xuan zhuben zhi yanjiu 文選諸本之研究. Taipei: Fayan chubanshe, 2003. Fu Gang 傅剛. Wen xuan banben yanjiu 文選版本研究. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2000. Fan Zhixin 范志新. Wen xuan banben lungao 文選版本論稿. Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 2003.

D. Newly discovered manuscripts

Dunhuang and Turfan manuscripts

Portions of the Wen xuan have been preserved among the manuscripts discovered in Dunhuang and Turfan. These are now held in Great Britain in the British Library, in France at the Bibliothèque nationale de France, in Russia at the Institute of Oriental Studies (St. Petersburg), and in several locations in Germany and especially Japan. For surveys of this material, see: Fu Gang. “Wen xuan Dunhuang xieben yanjiu”《文選》敦煌寫本研究. Wen xuan banben yanjiu, 312–49. Wang Liqun 王立羣. “Dunhuang Tulufan xieben yanjiu” 敦煌吐魯番寫本研究. Xiandai Wen xuan xue shi, 289–306. 1324 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Texts Huang Yongwu 黃永武, ed.-in-chief. Dunhuang xieben Wen xuan 敦煌寫本文選. Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban gongsi, 1982. Wang Zhongmin 王重民, orig. ed.; Huang Yongwu 黃永武, new ed. Dunhuang guji xulu xinbian 敦煌古籍敘錄新編, Vol. 16. Taipei: Xin wenfeng chuban youxian gongsi, 1986. Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan lishi yanjiusuo 中國社會科學院歷史研究所, ed. Ying cang Dunhuang wenxian: Hanwen fojing yiwai bufen 英藏敦煌文獻：漢文佛經以外部分. 8 vols. Chengdu: Sichuan renin chubanshe, 1990–1992. E cang Dunhuang wenxian 俄藏敦煌文獻. L. N. Menshikov and Qian Bocheng 錢伯城, eds.-in-chief. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe and The Central Depart- ment of Oriental Literature, “NAUKA” Publishing House, 1993. See also the International Dunhuang Project website: http://idp.bl.uk Shanghai tuji chubanshe 上海古籍出版社 and Faguo guojia tushuguan 法國國家圖書館, ed. Faguo guojia tushuguan cang Dunhuang Xiyu wenxian 法國圖書館藏西域文獻. 7 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1994–. Beijing daxue tushuguan cang Dunhuang wenxian 北京大學圖書館藏敦煌文獻. 2 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1995. Zhang Xihou 張錫厚, ed. Dunhuang fu hui 敦煌賦彙. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1996. Fu Junlian 伏俊連, ed. and comm. Dunhuang fu jiao zhu 敦煌賦校注. Lanzhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1994. Ren Jiyu 任繼愈, ed.-in-chief. Zhongguo guojia tushuguan cang Dunhuang yishu 中國國家圖書館藏敦煌遺書. 100 vols. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1999. Luo Guowei 羅國威. Dunhuang ben Zhaoming wenxuan yanjiu 敦煌本昭明文選研究. Harbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1999. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. Dunhuang Tulufan ben Wen xuan 敦煌吐魯番本文選. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2000. Luo Guowei 羅國威. Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu jianzheng 敦煌本《文選注》箋證. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2000.

Studies of specific manuscripts

1. the Eisei bunko 永青文庫 manuscript

This is a fragment of a commentary on the Wen xuan that some scholars believe predates the Li Shan commentary. It includes the “Yu Ba Shu xi” 喻巴蜀檄 (Proclamation to Ba and Shu) by Sima Xiangru 司馬相如 (179– 117 b.c.e.), “Wei Yuan Shao xi Yuzhou” 為袁紹檄豫州 (Proclamation to Yuzhou on behalf of Yuan Shao) by Chen Lin 陳琳 (b. ca. 160, d. 217), the “Xi Wu jiangxiao buqu wen” 檄吳將校部曲文 (Proclamation to the generals, officers, and troops of Wu) by Chen Lin, the“Xi Shu wen” 檄蜀文 (Proclamation to Shu) by Zhong Hui 鍾會 (225–264), and “Nan Shu fulao” 難蜀父老 Refuting the elders of Shu ) by Sima Xiangru. wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1325

Text Tonkō-bon Monzen chū 敦煌本文選注. Tokyo: Eisei bunko, 1965.

Studies Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Hosogawa-ke Eisei bunko zō Donkoben Monzen chū ni tsuite—Tōdai shoki Monzen chūkai hen-ei” 細川家永青文庫藏『敦煌本文選注』について—唐代初期『文選』注解片影—. Shūkan Tōyōgaku 14 (1965): 1–26; rpt. in Okamura Shigeru. Monzen no kenkyū 文選研究, 129–59. Tokyo: Iwanami, 1999. Chinese trans. by Lu Xiaoguang 陸曉光. “Riben Hosogawa-ke Eisei bunko cang Dunhuang Wen xuan zhu—Tangdai chuqi Wen xuan zhujie de ceying” 日本細川家永青文庫藏《敦煌本文選注》唐代初期《文選》注解的側影. Iin Gang- cun Fan quanji, 2: 144–81. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Tonkō-bon Monzen chū kōshaku”《敦煌本文選注》校釋. Tōhoku daigaku kyōiku gakubu (Jinbun kagaku hen) 4 (1966): 194–249. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Eisei bunko zō Tonkō-bon Monzen chū sentei” 永青文庫藏敦煌本《文選注》箋訂. Kurume daigaku bungakubu kiyō 3 (1993): 53–86; 11 (1997): 15–64.

These two are reprinted in Okamura Shigeru, Monzen no kenkyū under title “Eisei bunko zō Tonkō-bon Monzen chū sentei” 永青文庫藏敦煌本《文選注》箋訂, 161–289; Chinese trans. by Lu Xiaoguang 陸曉光. “Eisei bunko cang Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu jianding” 永青文庫藏敦煌本《文選注》箋訂. Gangcun Fan quanji, 2: 182–316; see also trans. by Luo Guowei 羅國威, “Yongqing wenku cang Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu jianding” 永青文庫藏敦煌本《文選注》箋訂. Xueshu jilin 14 (1998): 133–73 and 15 (1999): 170 233; rpt. Luo Guowei. Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu jianding, 75–211.

2. Yonglong manuscript of “Xijing fu”

The earliest extant version of the Li Shan commentary is a hand-written copy of the “Xijing fu” 西京賦 (Fu on the Western Capital) by Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139) written at the Hongji 弘濟 monastery in Chang’an in the second month of Yonglong 永隆 (681). It is now held at the Bibliothèque nationale (Pelliot # 2528). For a photographic reproduction of this text see Jao Tsung-i, Dunhuang Tulufan ben Wen xuan, 2–20. For transcriptions see: Luo Guowei, Dunhuang ben Zhaoming wen xuan yanjiu, 1–117. Fu Junlian, Dunhuang fu jiaozhu, 1–97. Zhang Xihou, Dunhuang fu hui, 1–96. 1326 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Studies of this manuscript include: Liu Shipei 劉師培. “Dunhuang xinchu Tang xieben tiyao” 敦煌新出唐寫本提要. Guocui xuebao 77 (1911), “Tong lun” 通論, 6a–11b; rpt. Chen Xinxiong and Yudacheng, eds., Zhaoming wenxuan lunwen ji, 85–92. Jao Tsung-i. “Dunhuang ben Wen xuan jiaozheng, pt. 1” 敦煌本文選斠證. Xinya xuebao 3 (1958): 333–403; rpt. Chen Xinxiong and Yu Dacheng, eds., Zhaoming wenxuan lunwen ji, 101–66. Luo Guowei, Dunhuang ben Zhaoming wenxuan yanjiu, 1–117. Fu Junlian, Dunhuang fu jiaozhu, 1–97. Fu Gang, “Yonglong ben ‘Xijing fu’ fei jin chu Li Shan ben shuo” 永隆本《文選》非盡出李善本說,” Zhonghua wenshi luncong 60 (1999): 210–21; rpt. Fu Gang, Wen xuan banben yanjiu, 240–49.

3. tianjin Library manuscript

This manuscript is similar to the Eisei bunko Dunhuang manscript. It contains only commentary, no main text. It includes the “Yu Xi Maoqi shu” 與嵇茂齊書 by Zhao Zhi 趙至, “Yu Chen Bozhi shu” 與陳伯之書 (Letter to Chen Bozhi) by Qiu Chi 丘遲 (464–508), “Zhongda Liu Moling Zhao shu” 重答劉秣陵沼書 (Letter replying to Liu Zhao of Moling) by Liu Jun 劉峻 (462–521), the “Yishu rang taichang boshi” 移書讓太常博士 (A letter reprimanding the professors of the Ministry of Ceremonies) by Liu Xin 劉歆 (d. 23), and “Beishan yiwen” 北山移文 (Proclamation on Northern Mountain) by Kong Zhigui 孔稚桂 (447–501). Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Tianjin yishuguan cang Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu jianzheng” (Part 1) 天津藝術館藏敦煌本《文選注》箋證. Wen shi 49 (1999): 255–71; (Part 2) Wen shi 50 (2000): 237–56. Luo Guowei 羅國威. Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu jianzheng, 1–74. Liu Ming 劉明. “Tianjin yishu bowuguan cang 107 hao Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu jiaoyi 天津藝術博物館藏107號敦煌本《文選注》校議. Dunhuang xue yanjiu (2006: 1); (2006:2). Zhao Jiadong 趙家棟. “Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu zici kaobian” 敦煌本《文選注》字詞考辨. Ningxia daxue xuebao 32.3 (2010): 13–17. Gong Zejun 龔澤軍. “Dunhuang ben Wen xuan zhu bujiao” 敦煌本《文選注》補校. Dunhuang xue jikan (2010: 4): 76–79.

4. the St. Petersburg Dunhuang manuscript

The Russian Indologist Sergei F. Oldenbourg, during the second Central Asian expedition that he led in 1914–1915, was able to acquire a large number of Dunhuang manuscripts. These are now held by the Institute of Oriental Studies at the Russian Academy of Sciences in St. Petersburg. There is one important manuscript ofa Wen xuan commentary that is wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1327 called the Φ242 manuscript. There is an excellent photographic reprint of this in: Mengliefu 孟列夫 (L. N. Menshikov) and Qian Bocheng 錢伯城, eds.-in-chief. E cang Dunhuang wenxian 俄藏敦煌文獻. 15 vols., 4: 338–58. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1992–2000. See also Jao Tsung-i, ed., Dunhuang Tulufan ben Wen xuan, 35–46.

Studies Schmitt, Gerhard. “Aufschlüsse über Wenxuan in seiner frühsten Fassung duch ein Manuskript aus der Tang-Zeit.” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Orientfor- schung (Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin) 14.3 (1968): 481–88; Chinese trans. Xu Meide 徐美德. “Dunhuang Tang xieben Wen xuan jieshuo” 敦煌唐寫本《文選》解說. Gudian wenxian yanjiu 14 (2011): 305–11. Luo Guowei 羅國威. “E cang Dunhuang ben Φ242 Wen xuan zhu de wenxian jiazhi” 俄藏敦煌本 Φ242《文選注》的文獻價值. Guji zhengli yanjiu yuekan (1998: 2): 11–14. Fu Gang 傅剛. “E cang Dunhuang ben Φ242 hao Wen xuan zhu fafu” 俄藏敦煌本 Φ242 號《文選注》發覆. Wenxue yichan (2000: 4): 43–54; rpt. Wen xuan banben yanjiu, 276–94. Fan Zhixin 范志新. “E cang Dunhuang ben Φ242 hao Wen xuan zhu yu Li Shan Wuchen Lu Shanjing zhujia zhu de guanxi” 俄藏敦煌本 Φ242 號《文選注》與李善五臣陸善經諸家注的關係. Dunhuang yanjiu 80 (2003): 68–73; rpt. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 665–77; rpt. Fan Zhixin. Wen xuan banben lungao, 205–16. Fan Zhixin 范志新. “Zai lun E cang Dunhuang xieben Φ242 Wen xuan zhu de chengshu niandai—yi huizi wei li” 再論俄藏敦煌寫本 Φ242《文選注》的成書年代—以諱字為例. Wen xuan banben lun gao, 217–22. Ye Aiguo 葉愛國. “E cang Φ242 hao Dunhuang xieben Wen xuan wanyu Li Shan zhu ji Wuchen zhu zhi tiezheng” 俄藏Φ242 號敦煌寫本《文選注》晚於李善注及五臣注之鐵証. Dunhuang yanjiu (2004: 2): 86. Xu Yunhe 許雲和. “E cang Dunhuang xieben Φ242 hao Wen xuan zhu can juan kao bian” 俄藏敦煌寫本 Φ242 號《文選》注殘卷考辨.” Xueshu yanjiu (2007: 11): 116–22; Han Wei liuchao wenxue kaolun 漢魏六朝文學考論, 100–18. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006. Liu Ming 劉明. “E cang Φ242 hao Wen xuan zhu xiejuan yikao” 俄藏敦煌Φ242號《文選注》寫卷臆考. Wenxue yichan (2008: 2): 30–39. Liu Ming 劉明. “E cang Φ242 hao Wen xuan zhu xiejuan jiaoshi” 俄藏敦煌Φ242號《文選注》寫卷校釋. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2008: 6): 28–38. Xu Mingying 徐明英 and Xiong Hongju 熊紅菊. “E cang Φ242 hao Dunhuang xieben Wen xuan zhu de bihui yu niandai” 俄藏Φ242號敦煌寫本《文選注》的避諱與年代. Dunhuang xue jikan (2010: 4): 109–14. Huang Weihao 黃偉豪. “E cang Φ242 hao Dunhuang xieben Wen xuan zhu zhuzuo niandai bian” 俄藏Φ242號敦煌寫本《文選注》著作年代辨. Wenxue yichan (2012: 1): 140. Xu Hua 徐華. “E cang Dunhuang Φ242 hao Wen xuan kaoyi—jian lun xiejuan di banben xitong ji zuozhu niandai” 俄藏敦煌Φ242號寫本《文選》考異—兼論寫卷的版本系統及作注年代. Dunhuang yanjiu 132 (2012: 2): 89–96. 1328 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Manuscripts Preserved in Japan

The Wen xuan was well known in Japan from at least the seventh century. Valuable manuscript versions of the Wen xuan have been preserved.

1. Wen xuan jizhu 文選集注

The Wen xuan jizhu 文選集注 is a 120-juan manuscript version of the Wen xuan that has been preserved in Japan. This version divided each juan of the 60-juan version into two parts. For example, the “Shudu fu” 蜀都賦 and “Wudu fu” 吳都賦 are juan 4 and 5 respectively of the 60-juan version, and juan 8 and 9 respectively in the Wen xuan jizhu. Only 24 juan of the 120 juan are extant. In addition to citing the commentaries of Li Shan and the Wuchen, the Wen xuan jizhu also preserves commentaries titled Chao 鈔, Yin jue 音決, and one by the Tang scholar Lu Shanjing 陸善經 (fl. 742–758). These commentaries are sometimes followed by notes usually headed by the words jin an 今案 (we now note). These remarks presumably are from the hand of the compiler. The extant manuscripts do not have a title for the work. The only titles are those affixed toeach juan, which reads Wen xuan juan di X 文選卷第 X Zhaoming taizi zhuan 昭明太子撰 jizhu 集注. The earliest bibliographical notice of the Wen xuan jizhu is in the Keisei hōkoshi 經籍訪古志 compiled by Shibue Chūsai 澀江抽齋 (1805–1858) and Mori Risshi 森立之 (1807–1885). They list three hand-copied juan that had been held in the Shiro bunko 賜蘆文庫. The Shiro bunko was the library of Shinmi Masamichi 新見正路 (1791–1848). These manuscripts had once belonged to the Kanazawa bunko 金澤文庫 located in modern day Yoko- hama. Other portions of the work that have been collected appear to have come from the Kanazawa bunko holdings. The first Chinese scholar to see the manuscripts was Dong Kang 董康 (1867–1947) who saw 32 juan at the Kanazawa bunko around 1908. Luo Zhenyu 羅振玉 (1866–1940) made a facsimile reproduction of sixteen juan which he issued in his Jiacao xuan congshu 嘉草軒叢書 in 1918. There was a printing in Japan of 23 juan under the title Kyūshōbon Monzen shūchū zankan 旧鈔本文選集注殘卷, which appeared as volumes 3–9 of Kyōto teikoku daigaku bungakubu keiin kyūshōbon 京都帝國大學文學部景印旧鈔本 (Kyoto: Kyōto teikoku daigaku bungakubu, 1934–41). In 2000 the Shanghai guji chubanshe published all of the known manuscripts under the editorship of Zhou Xunchu 周勛初 of Nanjing University under the title Tang chao Wen xuan jizhu huicun 唐鈔文選集注彙存. In addition to the 23 juan issued in Kyoto, this collection also includes juan 98 which is wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1329 held in the Taiwan Guojia tushuguan, portions of juan 48 which are held by the Tianjin yishu bowuguan, a long section of juan 73 from the Zhong- guo guojia tushuguan, and juan 61 from the Ochanomizu toshokan 御茶之水圖書館, Seikidō bunko 成簣堂文庫. For a listing of the extant portions and their history of transmission see: Yokoyama Hiroshi 橫山弘. “Jiu chaoben Wen xuan jizhu chuancun (liuchuan) gai lüe” 舊鈔本《文選集注》傳存(流傳)概略. Zhaoming Wen xuan yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua, 123–25. Juan Xueyan 雋雪艷. “Xiancun Wen xuan jizhu yi lanbiao” 現存《文選集注》一覽表. Tang chao Wen xuan jizhu huicun, 891–92. Scholars do not agree on the date and provenance of this edition of the Wen xuan. At one time it looked as if there was a definite early Chinese provenance for the text when the Taiwan scholar Ch’iu Ch’i-yang 邱棨陽 in 1971 discovered in juan 68 (the “Qi qi” 七啟 by Cao Zhi 曹植) what he thought were the seals of the famous Song dynasty book collector Tian Wei 田偉. However, Professor Zhou Xunchu 周勛初 of Nanjing University has shown that the person named Tian whose seals were affixed to the first two pages of this juan was not Tian Wei, but a man named Tian Qian 田潛 (1870–1926). Tian had been a student in Japan in 1898. In 1901 he accompanied Luo Zhenyu to Japan to investigate Japanese education. He remained in Japan until 1911. During this time he purchased several juan of the Wen xuan jizhu. He eventually sold most of these manuscripts to purchasers in Japan. Zhou Xunchu has argued that Wen xuan jizhu is a Tang dynasty work. He notes that it only avoids taboos on the names of the first two Tang emperors Li Yuan 李淵 (Gaozu) and Li Shimin 李世民 (Taizong), but not Li Xian 李顯 (Zhongzong) or Li Longji 李隆基 (Xuanzong), and it does not avoid taboos on the names of any Song emperors. In addition, the writing of certain characters such as bi 閉 ‘close’ (written 閇) and e 惡 ‘odi- ous’ (written 悪) is consistent with Tang scribal practice. Thus, Professor Zhou concludes that the Wen xuan jizhu is a product of the Mid-Tang. His essay on this subject serves as an introduction to the reproduction of the remaining portions of the work (twenty-four juan) that was published by the Shanghai guji chubanshe in 2000. However, Fan Zhixin (see below) has disputed Zhou Xunchu’s evidence on taboo characters and Tang scribal practice. He concludes that the received version of the Wen xuan jizhu is a transcription done in Japan during the Heian period. Recently, Professor Chen Chong 陳翀 of Kyushu University, who has examined the reception history of the Wen xuan in Japan, has proposed that the compiler was the Heian period poet-scholar Ōe no Masahira 大江匡衡 (952–1012). 1330 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Texts Luo Zhenyu 羅振玉 (1866–1940), ed. Tang xie Wen xuan jizhu canjuan 唐寫文選集注殘卷. Jiacao xuan congshu 嘉草軒叢書, 1918. Kyūshōbon Monzen shūchū zankan 旧鈔本文選集注殘卷. Vol. 3–9 in Kyōto teikoku daigaku bungakubu keiin kyūshōbon 京都帝國大學文學部景印旧鈔本. Kyoto: Kyōto teikoku daigaku bungakubu, 1934–1941. Tianjin shi Yishu bowuguan Dunhuang wenxian 天津市藝術博物館敦煌文獻, vol. 7, supplement 14. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1998. Zhou Xunchu周勛初, ed. Tang chao Wen xuan jizhu huicun 唐鈔文選集注彙存. 3 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000.

Studies Kanō Naoki 狩野直喜. “Tō shōhon Monzen zanpen hatsu” 唐鈔本文選殘篇跋. Shi- nagaku 5.1 (1929). Okai Shingo 岡井慎吾. “Monzen shūchū no reihen ni tsukite” 文選集注の零片につきて. Shoshigaku 1.4 (1933). Seki Yasushi 關靖 (1877–1958). “Futatabi Kyōraku ni tabishite” 再び京洛に旅して. Shoshigaku 3.5 (1934). Niimi Hiroshi 新美寬. “Shinkaku Monzen shūchū dankan” 新獲文選集注斷簡. Tōhō gakuhō (Kyoto) 8 (1937): 7. Niimi Hiroshi 新美寬. “Riku Zankei no jiseki ni tsukite” 陸善經の事迹に就いて. Shinagaku 9.1 (1937): 18. Shiba Rokurō 斯波六郎, “Monzen shūchū ni tsukite” 文選集注に就いて. Shinagaku 9.2 (1938): 17–55. Xiang Zonglu 向宗魯. “Shu Lu Shanjing shi—ti Wen xuan jizhu hou” 書陸善經事—題文選集注後. Siwen banyuekan 3.2 (1943): 14; rpt. in Nan Jiangtao 南江濤, ed. Wen xuan xue yanjiu, 1: 462. Pan Chonggui 潘重規. “Riben cang Wen xuan jizhu canjuan zhuiyu” 日本藏〈文選集注〉綴語. Zhongyang ribao (January 12, 1975). Hanabusa Hideki 花房秀樹, “Monzen kan dai kyūjūhachi ni tsuite” 文選巻第九十八について. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū: Obi hakushi taikyū kinen 中国文学論集：小尾博士退休記念, 379–408. Tokyo: Daiichi gakushūsha, 1976. Tōno Haruyuki 東野治之. “Nara jidai ni okeru Monzen no fukyū” 奈良時代における『文選』の普及. In Tōno Haruyuki. Shōsōin monjo to mokkan no kenkyū 正倉院文書と木簡の研究, 189–224. Tokyo: Hanawa shobō, 1977. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫 and Tominaga Kazutaka 富永登一. “Monzen shūchū shoin Shō ni tsuite” 文選集注所引「鈔」について. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 29 (1977): 91–105. Fujii Mamoru 藤井守. “Monzen shūchū ni mieru Riku Zankei chū ni tsuite” 文選集注見陸善經注. Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 37 (1977): 287–301. Ch’iu Ch’i-yang 邱棨鐊. “Tang xieben Wen xu jizhu dijiushiba juan ba—Wen xuan jizhu wei Tang xieben zaizheng” 唐寫本《文選集注》第九十八卷跋—《文選集注》為唐寫本再證. Huagang wenke xuebao 11 (1978): 201–73; rpt. in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 826–48. Ch’iu Ch’i-yang 邱棨鐊. “Riben Gongneiting cang ‘Jiu chaoben Wen xuan Chushi biao juan’ ba” 日本宮內廳藏〈舊鈔本文選出師表卷〉跋. Muduo 7 (1978): 115–26. wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1331

Ch’iu Ch’i-yang 邱棨鐊. “Wen xuan jizhu xieben niandai xukao” 文選集注寫本年代續考. Wenxue lunji (1978): 226–40. Ch’iu Ch’i-yang 邱棨鐊. Wen xuan jizhu yanjiu 文選集注研究. Taipei: Wenxuan xue yanjiuhui, 1978. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Monzen shūchū to Sō Min hankō no Ri Zen chū” 『文選集注』と宋明版行の李善注 . Kaga hakushi taikan kinen Chūgoku bunshitet- sugaku ronshū 加賀博士退官記念中國文史哲學論集, 607–36. Tokyo: Kōdansha, 1979; rpt. Monzen no kenkyū, 311–42; Chinese translation: Wen xuan zhi yanjiu, 339–73. Trans. Guo Feiying 郭斐映. “Wen xuan jizhu yu Song Ming banben de Li Shan zhu”《文選集注》與宋明版本的李善注. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 978–99; Wen xuan zhi yanjiu, 339–73. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Monzen Ri Zen chū ni tsuite—shūchūbon Richū to hampon Richū to no kankei” 文選李善注について—集注本と李注板本李注との關係. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai hō 31 (1979): 134–50. Matsumoto Mitsutaka 松本光隆. “Monzen no kundoku ni okeru chūshakusho no riyō ni tsuite” 文選の訓読における注釈書の利用について. Kamakura jidaigo kenkyū 8 (1985): 117–35. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Riku Zankei Monzen chū ni tsuite” 陸善經「文選注」. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 21 (1991): 38–54. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Wen xuan zhuben Ren Fang zuopin chenghu de hun- luan yu ‘Zou tan Liu Zheng’ de yuanmao”《文選》諸本任昉作品稱呼的混亂與《奏彈劉整》的原貌 . Wen xuan xue lunwen ji 文選學論集, ed. Zhao Fuhai 趙福海, 173–82. Changchun: Shidai wenyi chubanshe, 1992. Yu Wanli 虞萬里. “Tang xie Wen xuan jizhu canben zhong Lu Shanjing xingshi kaolüe”《唐寫文選集注殘本》中陸善經行事考略. Wenxian (1994: 1): 262–66. Xiong Liangzhi 熊良智. “Wen xuan jizhu saolei canjuan zai Chu ci yanjiu zhong de jiazhi”《文選集注》騷類殘卷在楚辭研究中的價值. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (1995: 4); rpt. in Xiong Liangzhi, ed. Cifu yanjiu 辭賦研究, 360–80. Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 2006. Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Zuo Si ‘Sandu fu’ Qiwu Sui zhu fafu—Wen xuan jiuzhu xintan zhi yi” 左思《三都賦》藄毋邃注發覆—《文選》舊注新探之一. Wen xuan xue xinlun, 351–57. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. “Wen xuan suozai ‘Zou tan Liu Zheng’ yiwen zhu zhuben zhi fenxi”《文選》所載《奏彈劉整》一文諸注本之分析. Wen xuan xue xinlun, 358–69. Wang Dehua 王德華. “Riben Jinze wenku Wen xuan jizhu saolei canjuan ‘Li sao jing xiaoxu’ jiebian” 日本金澤文庫《文選集注》騷類殘卷《離騷經‧小序》解辨. Wenxian (1999: 4): 41–48. Tominaga Kazuto 富永一登 and Kinugawa Kenji 衣川賢次. “Shinshutsu Monzen shūchū bon zankan kōki” 新出《文選》集注本殘卷校記. Chūgoku chūsei bungaku kenkyū 36 (1999): 91–112. Satō Toshiyuki 佐藤利行. “Monzen shuchū bon Risō kyō isshu shoin Riku Zankei chū ni tsuite” 『文選集注本』離騷經一首所引陸善經注.について Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyō 58 (1998): 102–21; 59 (1999): 62–76; 60 (2000): 133–52. Kanō Mitsunori 狩野充德. Monzen onketsu no kenkyū 文選音決の研究. Hiroshima: Keisusha, 2000. Yu Wanli 虞萬里. “Tang Lu Shanjing xingli suoyin” 唐陸善經行歷索隱. Zhonghua wenshi luncong 64 (2000). 1332 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Fan Zhixin 范志新. “Guanyu Wen xuan jizhu bianzuan liuchuan ruogan wenti de sikao” 關於《文選集注》編纂流傳若干問題的思考. Wen xuan banben lungao, 245–56. Wang Liqun 王立群. “Wen xuan jizhu ben yanjiu” 文選集注本研究. Xiandai Wen xuan xue shi 現代《文選》學史, 306–14. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2003. Wang Xibo 王習波. “Wen xuan jizhu shulüe”《文選集注》述略. Sui Tang Wen xuan xue yanjiu 隋唐文選學研究, 253–68. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Chang Sichun 常思春. “Du Wen xuan jizhu guanjian sanze” 讀《文選集注》管見三則. Henan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 45.3 (2005): 57–63. Wang Shucai 王書才. “Cong Tang chao Wen xuan jizhu huicun lun Lu Shanjing Wen xuan zhu de tese yu deshi” 從《唐鈔〈文選集注〉彙存》論陸善經《文選》注的特色與得失. Yindu xuekan (2005: 2): 61–64. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. “Guanyu Wen xuan jizhu dijiushiba juan de liuchuan” 關於《文選集注》第九十八卷的流傳. Gudian wenxian yanjiu 11 (2008): 7–8. Chen Chong 陳翀. “Shūchū Monzen no seiritsu katei ni tsuite: Heian no shiryō o tegakari toshite”『集注文選』の成立過成について: 平安の史料を手掛かりとして. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 38 (2009): 49–61. Chen Chong 陳翀. “Wen xuan jizhu zhi bianzhe ji qi chengshu niandai kao”《文選集注》之編者及其成書年代考. Dibajie Wenxuan xue guoji yantaohui lunwenji 第八屆文選學國際研討會論文集, ed. Zhao Changzhi 趙昌智 and Gu Nong 顧農, 121–26. Yangzhou: Guangling shushe, 2010. Yuwai Hanji yanjiu jikan 域外漢籍研究集刊 6 (2010). Wang Liqun 王立群. “Wen xuan jizhu yanjiu—yi Li Shan zhu wei zhongxin de yige kaocha”《文選集注》研究—以李善注為中心第一個考察. Han yuyan wenxue yanjiu 3.7 (2011): 21–35. Zou Mingjun 鄒明軍. “Gu chaoben Wen xuan jizhu canjuan de wenxian jiazhi” 古抄本《文選集注》殘卷的文獻價值. Fuzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 104.4 (2011): 70–75.

Wang Cuihong 王翠紅. “Wen xuan jizhu ‘Zou tan Liu Zheng’ fawei”《文選集注‧ 奏彈劉整》發微. Tianzhong xuekan 26.1 (2011): 68–71. Fu Gang 傅剛. “Wen xuan jizhu de faxian, liuchuan yu zhengli”《文選集注》的發現、流傳與整理. Wenxue yichan (2011: 5): 4–17. Liu Qundong 劉群棟. “Wen xuan Lu Shanjing zhu jianlun”《文選》陸善經注簡論. Zhongzhou xuekan 186 (2011): 206–9. Jin Shaohua 金少華. “Wen xuan jizhu canjuan de laiyuan yu bianzuan tili”《文選集注》殘卷的來源與編纂體例. Wenxue yichan (2012: 4): 47–55.

2. twenty-one juan manuscript

This manuscript was first described in 1856 by Mori Risshi 森立之 (Mori Yōchiku 森養竹) (1807–1885) in his Keiseiki hōkoshi 經籍訪古志 (1856). Mori identifies it as a work that was copied inthe Shōhei 正平 era of Emperor Gomurakami 後村上 (1346–1368). However, Qu Shouyuan (see below) has discovered a copying date of Bun-ei 文永 3 (1266) on the back of the manuscript of the “Wu du fu 吳都賦.” The manuscript that Mori wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1333 saw had only one juan. Between 1880 and 1884, Yang Shoujing 楊守敬 (1839–1915) served on the staff of the Chinese minister to Japan. While in Japan, he began collecting books. The notes on the books that he discovered there are contained in Yang’s Riben fang shu zhi 日本訪書志 (1901). In addition to the one-juan manuscript of Mori Risshi, Yang Shoujing discovered twenty additional juan from the same manuscript. Yang concluded that these twenty-one juan were originally part of a thirty-juan Wen xuan. It has no commentary. Although it is a thirteenth–fourteenth century copy, scholars believe that it represents a pre-Li Shan version of the Wen xuan, which was also in thirty juan. The copy that Yang Shoujing obtained is now held by the Palace Museum in Taipei. There is no photographic reproduction of this manuscript. However, scholars who have written notes about the manuscript include Huang Kan 黃侃 (1886–1935),11 Gao Buying 高步瀛 (1873–1940),12 Qu Shouyuan 屈守元 (b. 1913), and Fu Gang 傅剛.

Studies Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. “Ji Riben gu chaoben Wen xuan juan dishiliu suozai Qu Yuan zuopian wupian” 記日本古抄本《文選》卷第十六所載屈原作品五篇. Chu ci yanjiu 楚辭研究, ed. Zhongguo Qu Yuan xuehui 中國屈原學會, 101–3. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1988. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. “Ba Riben guchao wuzhu sanshi juan ben Wen xuan” 跋日本古抄無注三十卷本《文選》. Wen xuan xue lunji, 19–36; rpt. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 430–46. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. Wen xuan daodu 文選導讀, 122–36. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1993; rpt. Qu Shouyuan. Wen xuan xue zuanyao 文選學纂要, 159–78. Taipei: Huazheng shuju, 1004. Fu Gang, Wen xuan banben yanjiu, 142–44, 261–67.

3. Kujōbon Monzen 九条本文選

This is an old manuscript of a thirty-juan version of the Wen xuan. It is now held in the Higashiyama gobunko 東山文庫 under the control of the Imperial Household Agency. Few scholars have seen the original. In 1938, Yoshikawa Kojirō 吉川幸次郎 transcribed a copy. The manuscript was first copied in 1099. Between 1099 and 1333 various scholars read it, inserted punctuation, kundoku 訓讀 (Japanese reading pronunciation), and notes. There are notes on the manuscript indicating who read the text and wrote

11 Huang’s reading notes on the Wen xuan were originally written on a copy of the Hu Kejia edition. Huang’s nephew Huang Zhuo 黃焯 extracted these notes and published them in Wen xuan pingdian 文選平點 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985). 12 Gao Buying’s notes can be found in his Wen xuan zhu Li zhu yishu. 1334 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) notes on it. The text is not quite complete. The last portion of juan 16 and the first portion of juan 19 are missing.

Studies Shiba Rokurō 斯波六郎. “Kujōbon Monzen gaisetsu” 九条本文選解說. Monzen sakuin, Supplement, 405–17. Abe Ryūichi 阿部隆一. “Higashi gobunko sonzō (Kujō-ke kyūzō) kyūshōbon Monzen ni tsuite” 東山御文庫尊藏(九条家旧藏)旧鈔本文選について. Abe Ryūichi ikōshū 阿部隆一遺稿集, 519–45. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1985. Fu Gang, Wen xuan banben yanjiu, 145–48. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Cong Jiutiao Wen xuan suoshou de shiyu lai kan Wen xuan jiaoxue zai Riben” 從《九條文選》所收的識語來看《文選》教學在日本. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 908–26. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Kujōbon Monzen no shikigo no kentō” 九条本《文選》の識語の檢討. Tōhoku daigaku Chūgoku gogaku bungaku ronshū 4 (1999). Nakamura Munehiko 中村宗彥 (1930—), ed. Kujōbon Monzen kokun shū 九条本文選古訓集. Tokyo: Kazama shobō, 1983.

4. Sanage jinja manuscript

The Sanage jinja 猿投神社 located in Aichi prefecture holds partial manuscripts of the Wen xuan. They include part of XiaoT ong’s preface, Li Shan’s petition presented with his commentary to the Wen xuan, the “Xi du fu” 西都賦, the “Dong du fu” 東都賦, and the “Xi jing fu” 西京賦. This constitutes the first juan of the pre-Li Shan arrangement. There are two copying dates on the manuscripts: Kōan 弘安 4 (1282) and Shōan 正安 4 (1302). For transcriptions of these manuscripts see: Tsukushima Hiroshi 築島裕. “Sanage jinja zō Monzen jo koten” 猿投神社藏文選序古點. Kunten to kunten shiryō 14 (1961): 85–92. Kobayashi Yoshinori 小林芳規. “Sanage jinja zō Shōan hon Monzen” 猿投神社藏正安本文選. Kunten to kunten shiryō 14 (1961): 93–114; 16 (1961): 59–86; 18 (1961): 33–54; 21 (1962): 1–41.

5. sanjō hon 三条本

This is a manuscript of juan 20 of the Wuchen edition. It was originally owned by the Sanjō kōshaku 三条公爵 family. It is now held by the library of Tenri University 天理大學. Scholars have identified this as a Heian period manuscript. It begins with the line 玉人李斯之意 in the “Yu zhong shang shu zi ming” 獄中上書自明 of Zou Yang 鄒陽 and ends with 褒德賞功，有自來矣 of “Wei Zheng Chong quan Jin wan jian” 為鄭沖勸晉王牋. A portion of the “Yi Jianping wang shang shu” 詣建平王上書 is missing. All of wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1335 the “Feng da chi shi qi xi shi qi” 奉答勑示七夕詩啟, “Wei Bian Bin xie xiu Bian Zhongzhen mu qi” 為卞彬謝脩卞忠貞墓啟, “Qi Xiao taifu gu ci duo li” 啟蕭太傅固辭奪禮, and the first half of “Zou tan Cao Jing zong” 奏彈曹景宗 by Ren Fang 任昉 are missing. Another missing section is from after the line 范及息逡道是采 in Ren Fang’s “Zou tan Liu Zheng” 奏彈劉整 to 丞王源，忝藉世資 in the “Zou tan Wang Yuan” 奏彈王源 of Shen Yu 沈約.

Texts Goshin chū Monzen: kan dai 20 五臣注文選: 卷第二十. Tokyo: Tōhō bunka gakuin, 1937. Tenri toshukan zenpon sōsho kanseki no bu 天理圖書館善本叢書漢籍之部. Vol. 2. Tokyo: Yagi shoten, 1980.

Studies Zhang Shoulin 張壽林. “Tang xie Wen xuan Wuchen ben canjuan ba” 唐寫《文選》五臣本殘卷跋. Wenxue nianbao (1941: 7); rpt. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 62–63. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Riben gu chaoben Wen xuan Wuchen zhu canjuan” 日本古鈔本文選五臣注殘卷. Dongfang wenhua 3.2 (1957): 218–59. Fu Gang, Wen xuan banben yanjiu, 149–50.

E. Principal editions

The Wuchen Commentary

The earliest extant printings of the Wenxuan are the Wuchen version.

The Chen Balang edition

The Wuchen version of the Wen xuan was printed quite early. The earliest known printing was done in Sichuan during the Wudai period. Print- ings of the Wuchen commentary are now quite rare. The Taiwan Guojia tushuguan in Taiwan has a Southern Song woodblock of the Wuchen Wen xuan prepared by Chen Balang 陳八郎 in Shaoxing 31 (1161). This was printed by the Chonghua shufang 崇化書坊 in Jianyang 建陽 (Fujian). This edition is commonly referred to as the Chan Balang edition. The Taiwan Guojia tushuguan (National Central Library) published a facsimile version of this: Yingyin Song ben Wuchen jizhu Wen xuan 景印宋本五臣集注文選. Taipei: Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan, 1981. 1336 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Studies Hu Shuangbao 胡雙寶. “Guanyu Wen xuan Wuchen zhu ben” 關於《文選》五臣注本. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1990: 2): 128. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. “Shaoxiang Jianyang Chen Balang ben Wen xuan Wuchen zhu ba” 紹興建陽陳八郎本《文選五臣注》跋. Wenxue yichan (1998: 5): 15–18. Chang Sichun 常思春. “Tan Nan Song Shaoxing xinsi Jianyang Chen Balang keben Wuchen zhu Wen xuan” 談南宋紹興辛巳建陽陳八郎刻本五臣注《文選》. Diba- jie Wen xuan xue guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 第八屆文選學國際學術研討會論文集, ed. Zhao Changzhi 趙昌智 and Gu Nong 顧農, 234–38. Yangzhou: Guangling shuju, 2010; rpt. Xihua daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 29.3 (2010): 28–34. There are also fragments of a Song Wuchen edition held in the Beijing daxue tushuguan and the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. These are juan 29 and 30 respectively of a printing done in Hangzhou earlier than the Chen Balang edition.

Liujia 六家 version

Subsequently, the Wuchen commentary was printed together with Li Shan’s commentary. This version was known as the Liujia 六家 version. In this arrangement, the Wuchen commentary precedes the Li Shan commentary. Like the Li Shan version, it is in sixty juan. It was long thought that the earliest known printing of this version is the Guangdu Pei shi 廣都裴氏 woodblock that was printed in Sichuan between 1106 and 1111. A copy of this is held by the Gugong bowuyuan 故宮博物院 in Taipei. On this version see: You Zhicheng 游志誠. “Lun Guangdu ben Wen xuan” 論廣都本《文選》. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 612–27. There was a reprint of this by Yuan Jiong 袁褧 (1502–1547) in the period 1534–1549. This is usually referred to as the Yuan ben 袁本. Printings: Liujia Wen xuan 六家文選. 60 juan. Wujun Yuan Jiong Jiaqu tang 吳郡袁褧嘉趣堂, Ming Jiajing 13–28 (1534–1549).

Xiuzhou edition

There is a recently discovered Korean printing of the Liujia Wen xuan dated 1428 that is held in the Kyujanggak 奎章閣 Library of Seoul National University. However, it is based on a printing done in Xiuzhou 秀州 (modern Jiaxing 嘉興, Zhejiang) in 1094. The Xiuzhou edition is the earliest known printing to combine the Wuchen and Li Shan commentaries. wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1337

The Wuchen portion of the text is actually based on a printing done in Pingchang 平昌 (modern Anqiu 安邱, Shandong) before 1026. This makes it earlier by more than a hundred years than the Chen Balang edition. The Li Shan commentary is based on the edition prepared by the Guozijian 國子監 in 1029. For a photographic reproduction of the Kyujanggak edition, see: Wen xuan/Munsŏn 文選. Seoul: Chongmunsa, 1983. Wen xuan/Munsŏn 文選. Seoul: Taun Saem, 1996. On the Kyujanggak edition see: Kim Hak-chu 金學主. “Chaoxian shidai suoyin Wen xuan ben” 朝鮮時代所印文選本. Hanguo xuebao 5 (1985); rpt. in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 1112–16. Fu Gang, Wen xuan banben yanjiu, 295–311.

The Mingzhou edition

Another printing of the Liujia Wen xuan was done in the Southern Song in Mingzhou 明州 (modern Ningbo, Zhejiang). The original printing no longer exists. The earliest extant printing is a revised version datedS haoxing 28 (1158). Two incomplete copies, one in twenty-four juan and another in nine juan, are preserved in the Beijing tushuguan. The Palace Museum Library in Taiwan has a nearly complete copy consisting of fifty juan. The Ashigaka gakkō iseki toshokan 足利學校遺蹟圖書館 has a complete copy of this Mingzhou edition. In 1974–1975 it issued a photographic reproduction of its copy: Monzen 文選. Ashikaga gakkō hiseki sōkan 足利學校秘籍叢刊 #3. 6 vols. Ashikaga: Ashikaga shi kyōiku iinkai, 1974–1975. This has been reprinted as: Riben Zuli xuexiao cang Song kan Mingzhou ben Liuchen zhu Wen xuan 日本足利學校藏宋刊明州本六臣注文選. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2008.

Studies Kashiwadani Yoshihiro 柏谷嘉弘. “Ashikaga bon Monzen no Kango” 足利本文選の漢語. Ōsaka dai iryō gijutsu tanki daigakubu kenkyū kiyō (Jinbun) 13 (1981); 14 (1983); 15 (1984); Okayama daigaku kyōyōbu kiyō 21 (1985): 1–30; 22 (1986): 1–19; 23 (1987): 1–19. Qiao Xiuyan 喬秀巖 and Song Hong 宋紅. “Guanyu Wen xuan de zhushi banke yu liuchuan—yi Riben Zuli xuexiao cang Song kan Mingzhou Liuchen zhu Wen xuan wei zhongxin” 關於《文選》的注釋、版刻與流傳—以日本足利學校藏宋刊 1338 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

明州六臣注《文選》為中心. Nanjing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 11.2 (2009): 73–76; rpt. in Dibajie Wen xuan xue guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji, 40–44. Liu Jiuwei 劉九偉. “Lun Mingzhou ben Wen xuan Wuchen zhu de jianzhu xianxiang” 論明州本《文選》五臣注的減注現象. Hunan keji daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 12.2 (2009): 93–96. Liu Jiuwei 劉九偉. “Lun Mingzhou ben Wen xuan Li Shan zhu de jianzhu” 論明州本《文選》李善注的減注. Hunan renwen keji xueyuan xuebao (2010: 4): 36–40; rpt. in Dibajie Wen xuan xue guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji, 45–49. Liu Jiuwei 劉九偉. “Lun Mingzhou ben Wen xuan de wenzi de bianhua” 論明州本《文選》的文字的變化. Hunan gongxueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban xueshu luntan) 9.17 (2011): 111–14. Ding Hongqi 丁紅旗. “Guanyu Mingzhou ben Wen xuan jianzhu xianxiang de kaocha” 關於明州本《文選》減注現象的考察. Lanzhou xuekan (2011: 10): 145–50.

Liuchen Wen xuan

The more common version of the Wuchen and Li Shan commentary is the version called Liuchen zhu Wen xuan 六臣注文選. In this version, the Li Shan commentary precedes the Wuchen commentary.

The Ganzhou edition

The earliest printing of this version was done in Ganzhou 贛州 (modern Jiangxi) probably in 1162. This edition is held in the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. The most commonly cited printing of the Ganzhou edition is theso- called Chaling 茶陵 (modern Hunan) edition. This was first printed at the end of the Southern Song. See: Zengbu Liuchen zhu Wen xuan 增補六臣注文選. Edited with additional commentary by Chen Renzi 陳仁子 (fl. 1274–1279), Chaling 茶陵, 1299. Rpt. Hong Pian 洪楩 woodblock, 1549; rpt. Taipei: Huazheng shuju 華正書局, 1974.

The Jianzhou edition

At the end of the Southern Song, another Liuchen zhu Wen xuan was printed ca. 1271 in Jianzhou 建州 (modern Jian’ou 建歐 city, Fujian) by Liao Yingzhong 廖瑩中 (d. 1275). It is based on the Ganzhou edition. This edition served as the basis for the photo-reproduction issued in the Sibu congkan in 1919. In 1987 the Zhonghua shuju in Beijing issued a three- volume reprint of the Sibu congkan edition. In 2012, the Zhonghua shuju issued a one-volume reprint of this edition. On this edition see: wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1339

Chang Sichun 常思春. “Sibu congkan ying Songben Liuchen zhu Wen xuan kanke shidi ji kankezhe xinxi”《四部叢刊》影宋本《六臣注文選》刊刻克時地及刊刻者信息. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2007: 2): 144.

Earliest Song Printings of the Li Shan Wen xuan

The earliest known printing of the Li Shan version of the Wen xuan was done in the early Northern Song between Jingde 景德 4 (1008) and Dazhong xiangfu 大中祥福 4 (1011). This printing was undertaken at the same time as the printing of the Wen yuan yinghua 文苑英華. However, both of these works were destroyed in a fire in 1015. About ten years later, at the beginning of the Tiansheng 天聖 period (1023–1032), a new printing of the Wen xuan was prepared. The collation was completed in 1025, the cutting of the blocks was finished in 1029, and the printed text was presented to the emperor in 1031. This edition of the Wen xuan is known as the Guozi jian 國子監 edition. It is also called the Tiansheng—Mingdao 天聖明道 edition. Mingdao (1032–1034) is the two-year reign period that immediately follows the Tiansheng period. There is evidence that some of the text was reprinted during this period. A complete version of the Guozi jian edition does not survive. The Zhongguo guojia tushuguan has twenty-one juan, and the Palace Museum in Taipei has eleven juan. These appear to be parts of the same work. The Zhongguo guojia tushuguan version has juan 17–19, 30–31, 36–38, 46–47, 49–58, and 60 in fourteen ce. The Palace Musuem version has juan 1–6, 8–11, 16 in four ce. For a detailed study of the Palace Museum edition see: Zhang Yueyun 張月雲. “Song kan Wen xuan Li Shan danzhu ben kao” 宋刊《文選》李善單注本考 . Gugong xueshu jikan 2.4 (1985): 53–94; rpt. in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 764–813. On the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan edition see: Fu Gang, Wen xuan banben yanjiu, 157–59. Chang Sichun 常思春. “Du Bei Song ben Li Shan zhu Wen xuan can juan” 讀北宋本《李善注文選》殘卷. Zhaoming Wen xuan yu chuantong wenhua, 93–113.

The You Mao Li Shan edition

The most famous Song printing of the Li Shan edition is the version prepared by You Mao 尤袤 (1127–1194) in Chunxi 淳熙 8 (1181). The printing was done by the Chiyang jun zhai 池陽郡齋. Chiyang is the ancient name for Guichi 貴池 in Anhui. The You Mao edition has long been hailed 1340 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) as the earliest version of the Li Shan text that was not contaminated by the Wuchen readings. However, based on recent studies, we now know that the You Mao version does not represent a “pure” Li Shan text, but actually shows signs of interpolations from the Wuchen version. We also know that there were multiple versions of the You Mao edition printed in the Southern Song. Cheng Yizhong and Bai Huawen, who examined the edition of the You Mao Wen xuan held in the Zhongguo guojia tushuguan, have shown that it was reprinted at least five times between 1192 and ca. 1205. See: Cheng Yizhong 程毅中 and Bai Huawen 白化文. “Lüetan Li Shan zhu Wen xuan de You ke ben” 略談李善的《文選》尤刻本. Wenwu (1976: 11): 77–81; rpt. in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 224–33. For studies of the You Mao edition, see: Zhang Yueyun, “Song kan Wen xuan Li Shan danzhu ben kao,” Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 793–808. Fu Gang, Wen xuan banben yanjiu, 160–67. Chang Sichun 常思春. “You ke ben Li Shan zhu Wen xuan chanru Wuchen zhu de yuanyou ji You ke ben de laili tansuo” 尤刻本李善注《文選》闡入五臣注的緣由及尤刻本的來歷探索. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 640–60. Okamura Shigero 岡村繁. “Songdai kanben Li Shan zhu Wen xuan daoyong le Wuchen zhu” 宋代刊本《李善注文選》盜用了《五臣注》. Zhaoming Wen xuan yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua, 80–92. See also Wen xuan zhi yanjiu, 374–94. Fan Zhixin 范志新. “Li Shan Zhu Wen xuan You ke ben chuancheng kaobian” 李善注《文選》尤刻本傳承考辨. Wen xuan banben lungao, 35–45. Fan Zhixin 范志新. “Li Shan zhu Wen xuan You ke ben de chengshu—You ke ben laiyuan de zai renshi” 李善注《文選》尤刻本的成書—尤刻本來源的再認識. Wen xuan banben lungao, 4–47. Fan Zhixin 范志新. “You ke Li Shan Wen xuan zhong Wuchen zhu de laili—jian bo Gancun Fan xiansheng ‘Song kan Li Shan zhu ben daoyong Wuchen’ shuo” 尤刻《李善文選》中五臣注的來歷—兼駁岡村繁先生《宋刊李善注本盜用五臣》說. Wen xuan banben lungao, 58–66. There are photographic reproductions of the You Mao edition: Wen xuan 文選. Beijing and Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1974; Taipei: Shimen tushu youxian gongsi, 1976; Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan, 2004.

The Hu Kejia edition

Throughout the Yuan and Ming the most commonly printed edition of the Wen xuan was the Wuchen / Liuchen text. In the Qing period Hu Kejia 胡克家 (1757–1816) was able to obtain a printing of You Mao’s edition wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1341 from the Wu area, and wishing to make available a good edition of Li Shan’s commentary, he requested the scholars Gu Guangqi 顧廣圻 (1776–1835) and Peng Zhaosun 彭兆孫 (1769–1821) to collate the text and prepare it for printing. As part of their collation work, Gu and Peng compiled a ten-juan variorum called the kaoyi 考異, which was appended to the text. This was printed in 1809 and has become the standard edition of the Li Shan Wen xuan. Here are some of the more commonly known printings: Wen xuan 文選. Taipei: Yiwen yinshuguan, 1957. Rpt. of 1809 edition. Wen xuan 文選. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1971. Wen xuan 文選. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1977. There is a recent punctuated and typeset edition: Wen xuan 文選. 6 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986.

2. Commentaries

As was mentioned above, the principal commentaries to the text are those of Li Shan and the Wuchen commentaries. On Li Shan’s commentary see: Li Weifen 李維棻. “Wen xuan Li zhu zuanli” 文選李注纂例. Dalu zazhi 12.7 (1956): 18–24; rpt. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 520–36. Wang Liqing 王禮卿. “Xuan zhu shi li” 選注釋例. Youshi xuezhi 7 (1968): 54 pp. Huang Yongwu 黃永武. “Zhaoming Wen xuan Li Shan zhu zhai li”《昭明文選》李善注摘例. Zhongshan xueshu wenhua jikan 5 (1970): 637–50; rpt. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 814–26. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Monzen Ri Zen chū no henshū katei” 『文選』李善注の編修過程. Tōhōgakkai sōritsu yonjisshūnen kinen 東方學會創立四十周年紀念, 225–43. Tokyo: Tōhō gakkai, 1987; rpt. in Okamura Shigeru. Monzen no kenkyū, 291–310. Chinese version: “Wen xuan Li Shan zhu de bianxiu guocheng”《文選》李善注的編修過程. Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu lunwen ji, 165–75; Gangcun Fan quanji 2: 317–38. Qu Shouyuan, Wen xuan daodu, 52–61. Wang Ning 王寧 and Li Guoying 李國英. “Li Shan de Zhaoming Wen xuan yu zhengyin de xungu tishi” 李善的《昭明文選》與徵引的訓詁體式. Wen xuan xue lunji, 56–67; rpt. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 462–73. Obi Kōichi 小尾郊一, Tominaga Kazutaka 富永一登 and Kinugawa Kenji 衣川賢次. Monzen Ri Zen chū insho kōshō 文選李善注引書考證. 2 vols. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1990–1992. Gu Nong 顧農. “Li Shan yu Wen xuan xue” 李善與文選學. Qi Lu xuekan (1994: 6): 20–25, 79. Rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Zhongguo gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1995: 1): 70–76. Zhang Jie 張潔. “Wen xuan Li Shan yin qie jiaoyi”《文選》李善音切校議. Gu Hanyu yanjiu 26 (1995): 74–77. 1342 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Duan Shuwei 段書偉. “Wen xuan Li Shan zhu yinyong Tongsu wen pingshu” 文選李善注引用《通俗文》評述. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (Shexue shehui kexue ban) 30.1 (1997): 95–99; rpt. in Wen xuan xue xin lun, 370–79. Li Zhiliang 李之亮. “Wen xuan Li Shan zhu jianshi”《文選》李善注箋識. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 380–387. Tominaga Kazutaka 富永一登. Monzen Ri Zen chū no kenkyū 文選李善注研究. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1999. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. “Wen xuan Li Shan zhu de xingzhi”《文選》李善注的性質. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 709–24. Wang Dehua 王德華. “Li Shan Wen xuan zhu tili guankui” 李善《文選》注體例管窺. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 728–39. Kai Katsuji 甲斐勝二. “Shi lun Wen xuan zhu yinyong de Zang Rongxu Jin shu” 試論《文選》注引用的臧榮緒《晉書》. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 739–53. Wang Xibo, Sui Tang Wen xuan xue yanjiu, 59–216. Zhao Changzhi 趙昌智 and Gu Nong 顧農, ed. Li Shan Wen xuan xue yanjiu 李善文選學研究. Yangzhou: Guangling shuju, 2009. Tominaga Kazutaka 富永一登. Zuo Jiang 左江, trans. “Wen xuan Li Shan zhu qian- shi”《文選》李善注前史. Gudian wenxian yanjiu 14 (2011): 178–90. Wang Liqun 王立群. “Liuchen ben Wen xuan Li Shan zhu yanjiu” 六臣本《文選》李善注研究. Neijiang shifan xueyuan xuebao 27.5 (2012): 1–10. On the Wuchen commentary, see: Chen Yanjia 陳延嘉. “Lun Wen xuan Wuchen zhu de zhongda gongxian” 論《文選》五臣注的重大貢獻. Wen xuan xue lunji, 68–86. Qu Shouyuan, Wen xuan daodu, 66–74. Gu Nong 顧農. “Guanyu Wen xuan Wuchen zhu” 關於《文選》五臣注. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 388–400. Kai Katsuji 甲斐勝二. “Lun Wuchen zhu Wen xuan de zhushi taidu” 論五臣注《文選》的注釋態度. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 401–8. You Zhicheng 游志誠. “Wuchen zhu yuanmao” 五臣注原貌. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 409–31; rpt. Zhaoming Wen xuan xueshu lun kao, 1–28. Chen Yanjia 陳延嘉. “Wen xuan Wuchen zhu de gangling he shijian—jian yu Qu Shouyuan xiansheng shangque” 文選五臣注的綱領和實踐—兼與屈守元先生商榷. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 432–50. Wang Liqun 王立群. “Cong shi ci zou xiang piping—shi lun Wen xuan Wuchen zhu de lishi diwei” 從釋詞走向批評—試論《文選》五臣注的歷史地位. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 451–59. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Lun Wen xuan de Li Shan zhu he Wuchen zhu” 論《文選》的李善注和五臣注. Jianghai xuekan (1996: 2): 144–51. Wang Xiaoting 王小婷. “Li Shan yu Wuchen zhu Wen xuan zhi bijiao” 李善與五臣注《文選》之比較. Jinan daxue xuebao 11.6 (2001): 66–70. Wang Xibo 王習波. Sui Tang Wen xuan xue yanjiu, 217–38. Chen Yanjia 陳延嘉. Wen xuan Li Shan zhu yu Wuchen zhu bijiao yanjiu 文選李善注與五臣注比較研究. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 2009. wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1343

F. Selected studies

Commentaries and Notes

Yuan and Ming Dynasty Liu Lü 劉履 (1317–1379), ed. and comm. Wen xuan buzhu 文選補註. 8 juan. Gu Cunren 顧存仁, Yangwu tang 養吾堂, 1552. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushu guan. Also included in Liu Lü’s Fengya yi 風雅翼, which is included in the Siku quanshu. Sun Kuang 孫鑛 (1542–1613), ed. and comm. Min Qihua 閔齊華, ed. and comm. Wen xuan yuezhu 文選瀹注. 30 juan. Kangxi (1662–1722) period printing; rpt. Siku quanshu cunmu, vol. 287.

Qing Dynasty He Zhuo 何焯 (1661–1722). Yimen dushu ji 義門讀書記. 58 juan. 1769. Rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1987. Juan 45–49 contain He Zhuo’s notes on the Wen xuan. Wang Shihan 汪師韓 (1707–ca. 1774). Wen xuan lixue quanyu 文選理學權輿. 8 juan. Duhua zhai congshu 讀畫齋叢書, 1799; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966. Fang Tinggui 方廷珪, ed. and comm. Zhaoming Wen xuan jicheng 昭明文選集成. 60 juan. Preface dated 1765. Printed by Fang fan xuan 仿范軒 (Fujian), Qian- long period (1765–1795). On this work see Zhao Junling 趙俊玲, “Shilun Fang Tinggui de Wen xuan pingdian” 試論方廷珪旳《文選》評點. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 10 (2002: 3): 63–76. Sun Zhizu 孫志祖 (1737–1801), comm. Wen xuan kaoyi 文選考異. 4 juan. Duhua zhai congshu 讀畫齋叢書, 1799; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966. Sun Zhizu 孫志祖 (1737–1801), comm. Wen xuan Li zhu buzheng 文選李注補正. 4 juan. Duhua zhai congshu 讀畫齋叢書, 1799; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966. Zhu Jian 朱珔 (1759–1850), comm. Wen xuan jishi 文選集釋. 24 juan. Preface dated 1836. Rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966. Zhang Yun’ao 張雲璈 (1747–1829), comm. Xuanxue jiaoyan 選學膠言. 20 juan. Supplement 1 juan. Preface dated 1822. Zhangshi Jiansong caotang 張氏簡松草堂, 1831; rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966. Liang Zhangju 梁章鉅 (1775–1849), comm. Wen xuan pangzheng 文選旁證. 46 juan. Preface dated 1834. Rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966; Typeset edition with punctuation by Mu Kehong 穆克宏. Fuzhou: Fujian renmin chubanshe, 2000. Hu Shaoying 胡紹煐 (1791–1860), comm. Wen xuan jianzheng 文選箋證. 32 juan. Preface dated 1858. Rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966; Typeset edition with punctuation by Jiang Lifu 蔣立甫. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2007. Xu Xunxing 許巽行 (1726–1798). Wen xuan biji 文選筆記. 8 juan. Printed in Hangzhou between 1879 and 1884. Rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966. Gao Buying 高步瀛 (1873–1940), comm. and ed. Wen xuan Lizhu yishu 文選李注義疏. 8 juan. 1934. Rpt. Taipei: Guangwen shuju, 1966. Edition punctuated by Shen Yucheng 沈玉成 and Cao Daoheng 曹道衡, Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985. 1344 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Gao Buying sought to write a comprehensive commentary to the entire Wen xuan. However, he passed away before he could complete his work. His commentary is the most detailed annotations on the Wen xuan for the first eight juan.

Huang Kan 黃侃 (1886–1935)

Huang Kan taught the Wen xuan to university students in the 1920’s and 1930’s. He wrote extensive notes in the margin of his personal copy of the text. However, he died before publishing any of his Wen xuan research. In 1977 his daughter Huang Nianrong 黃念容 made available her father’s notes. In 1985 Huang’s nephew Huang Zhuo 黃焯 published another set of Huang Kan’s notes. Huang Nianrong 黃念容, ed. Wen xuan Huangshi xue 文選黃氏學. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1977. Huang Zhuo 黃焯, ed. Wen xuan ping dian 文選平點. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Xu Jialu 許嘉璐. “Wen xuan Huang shi xue xungu tan ze”《文選》黃氏學訓詁探賾. Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu lunwen ji, 224–48; rpt. in Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji, 388–421. You Zhicheng 游志成 and Xu Zhengying 徐正英. Zhaoming Wenxuan jiaodu 昭明文選斠讀. 2 vols. Banqiao: Luotuo chubanshe, 1995.

Secondary Studies and Collections

Li Xiang 李詳 (1859–1931). “Wen xuan shishen” 文選拾瀋, Zhiyan 制言 49 (1939), 50 (1939): 1–13; rpt. in Li Shenyan wenji 李審言文集. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1989; Wen xuan xue yanjiu, 384–96. On Li Xiang’s studies of the Wen xuan see Mu Kehong 穆克宏, “Li Xiang Wen xuan xue yanjiu” 李詳《文選》學研究, Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 134 (2005): 44–50. Luo Hongkai 駱鴻凱. Wen xuan xue 文選學. Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1937; rpt. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1963. Xie Kang 謝康. Zhaoming taizi he tade Wen xuan 昭明太子和他的文選. Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1971. Lin Congming 林聰明. Zhaoming Wen xuan kaolüe 昭明文選考略. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1974. Chen Xinxiong 陳新雄 and Yu Dacheng 于大成, ed. Zhaoming Wen xuan lunwen ji 昭明文選論文集. Taipei: Muduo chubanshe, 1980. Zhao Fuhai 趙福海, Chen Hongtian 陳洪天 et al., ed. Zhaoming wenxuan yanjiu lunwen ji 昭明文選研究論文集. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1988. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. Zhaoming Wen xuan zashu ji xuanjiang 昭明文選雜述及選講. Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1988; rpt. Taipei: Guanya wenhua shiye youxian gongsi, 1990. Zhao Fuhai 趙福海, ed. Wenxuan xue lunji 文選學論集. Changchun: Shidai wenyi chubanshe, 1992. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. Wen xuan daodu 文選導讀. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1993. wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1345

You Zhicheng 游志誠. Zhaoming wen xuan xueshu lunkao 昭明文選學術論考. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1996. Zhongguo Wen xuan xue yanjiuhui 中國文選學研究會 and Zhengzhou daxue guji zhengli yanjiusuo 鄭州大學古籍整理研究所, eds. Wen xuan xue xinlun 文選學新論. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1997. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初 and Xu Yimin 許逸民, eds. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunji 中外學者文選學論集. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Mu Kehong 穆克宏. Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu 昭明文選研究. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1998. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. Monzen no kenkyū 文選の研究. Tokyo: Iwanami shoten, 1999. Fu Gang 傅剛. Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu 昭明文選研究. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2000. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Wen xuan shi yanjiu 文選詩研究. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2000. Zhao Fuhai 趙福海, Liu Qi 劉琦, and Wu Xiaofeng 吳曉峰, eds. Zhaoming Wen xuan yu Zhongguo chuantong wenhua 昭明文選與中國傳統文化. Changchun: Jilin wen shi chubanshe, 2001. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. Lu Xiaoguang 陸曉光, trans. Wen xuan zhi yanjiu 文選之研究. Vol. 2 of Gangcun Fan quanji 岡村繁全集. 4 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2002. Zhongguo Wen xuan xue yanjiuhui 中國文選學研究會, ed. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue 文選與文選學. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2003. Qu Shouyuan 屈守元. Wen xuan xue zuanyao 文選學纂要. Taipei: Huazheng shuju, 2004. Guo Long 郭瓏. Wen xuan fu lianmian ci yanjiu《文選‧賦》聯綿詞研究. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2006. Zhongguo Wen xuan xuehui 中國文選學會, Henan keji xueyuan Zhongwen xi 河南科技學院中文系, ed. Zhongguo Wen xuan xue: (Diliu jie Wen xuan xue guoji xueshu yantao hui lunwenji) 中國文選學 (第六屆文選學國際學術研討會論文集. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2007. Dibajie Wen xuan guoji xueshu yantaohui lunwenji 第八屆文選學國際學研討會論文集, ed. Zhao Changzhi 趙昌智 and Gu Hong 顧農. Yangzhou: Guangling shushe, 2010. Nan Jiangtao 南江濤, ed. Wen xuan xue yanjiu 文選學研究. 3 vols. Beijing: Guojia tushuguan chubanshe, 2010. You Zhicheng 游志誠. Wen xuan zonghe xue 文選綜合學. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 2010. You Zhicheng 游志誠. Wen xuan xue zongguan yanjiufa 文選學綜觀研究法. Xinbei shi Yonghe qu: Hua Mulan wenhua chubanshe, 2011. Mu Kehong 穆克宏. “Wen xuan xue biji” 文選學筆記. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 172 (2012): 52–58.

G. Translations

Translations into English Knechtges, David R, trans. Wen xuan, or Selections of Refined Literature. Volume One: Rhapsodies on Metropolises and Capitals. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982. Volume Two: Rhapsodies on Sacrifices, Hunting,T ravel, Sightseeing, 1346 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Palaces and Halls, Rivers and Seas. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1987; Volume Three: Rhapsodies on Natural Phenomena, Birds and Animals, Aspira- tions and Feelings, Sorrowful Laments, Literature, Music, and Passions. Prince ton: Princeton University Press, 1996.

Translations into European Languages Margouliès, Georges, trans. Le “Fou” dans le Wen siuan: Etude et textes. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1926. Zach, Erwin von, trans. Die Chinesische Anthologie: Übersetzungen aus dem Wen Hsüan. Ilse Martin Fang, ed. Harvard-Yenching Studies 18. 2 vols. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958.

Translations into Japanese Uchida Sennosuke 內田泉之助, Ami Yuji 網祐次, Nakajima Chiaki 中島千秋, and Takahashi Tadahiko 高橋忠彥, trans. Monzen 文選. 8 vols. Shinshaku Kambun taikei 14–15. Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1963–2001. Obi Kōichi 小尾郊一 and Hanabusa Hideki 花房英樹, trans. Monzen. 7 vols. Zen- shaku Kambun taikei 26–32. Tokyo: Shūeisha, 1974–76. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏 and Kawai Kōzo 川合康三. Monzen 文選. Tokyo: Kadokawa shoten, 1988.

Translation into Korean Kim Yŏng-mun 김영문 et al., trans. Munsŏn yŏkchu 문선역주. 10 vols. Sŏuldae Chunggugŏ munhak ch’ongsŏ Series. Seoul: Ch’uop’an, 2010.

Baihua Translations Chen Hongtian 陳宏天, Zhao Fuhai 趙福海 and Chen Fuxing 陳復興, eds. and comm. Zhaoming wenxuan yizhu 昭明文選譯注. 6 vols. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1987–1993. Li Ching-ying 李景濚, ed. Zhaoming wenxuan xinjie 昭明文選新解. 6 vols. Tainan: Jinan chubanshe, 1990–1993. Zhang Qicheng 張啟成, Xu Da 徐達, et al., ed. Wen xuan quanyi 文選全譯. 5 vols. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1994. Zhang Baoquan 張葆全, ed. Fan Yunkuan 樊運寬, comm. and trans. Xinbian jinzhu jinyi Zhaoming wen xuan 新編今注今譯昭明文選. 6 vols. Taipei: Liming wenhua shiye gongsi, 1995. Zhou Qicheng 周啟成, Cui Fuzhang 崔富章, Zhu Hongda 朱宏達, Zhang Jinquan 張金泉, Shui Weisong 水渭松, and Wu Fangnan 伍方南, comm. and trans. Xinyi Zhaoming wen xuan 新譯昭明文選. 4 vols. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1997.

Manchu version Gimm, Martin, ed. Die chinesische Anthologie Wen-hsüan. In mandjurischer Teilübersetzung einer Leningrader und einer Kölner Handschrift. Wiesbaden: F. Steiner, 1968. wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature) 1347

H. Reference works

Bibliographies and Surveys Makizumi Etusko 牧角悅子. Monzen kenkyū roncho mokuroku 文選研究論著目錄. Kyūshu: Kyūshu daigaku bungakubu Chūgoku bungabu kenkyūshitsu, 1986. Wei Shuqin 魏淑琴, Wu Qiong 吳窮, and Jiang Hui 姜蕙, eds. Zhongwai Zhao ming wenxuan yanjiu lunzhu suoyin 中外昭明文選研究論著索引. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1988. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. Han Jiguo 韓基國, trans. Han Jiguo, trans. Liuchao wenxue lunwen ji 六朝文學論文集. Chongqing: Chongqing chubanshe, 1989. Kang Dawei 康達維 (David R. Knechtges). “Ershi shiji de Ou Mei ‘Wen xuan xue’ yanjiu” 二十世紀的歐美 “文選學” 研究. Zhengzhou daxue xuebao (1994: 1): 54–57. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Wen xuan xue” 文選學. In Zhonggu wenxue wenxian xue 中古文學文獻學, 21–26. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1997. Mu Kehong 穆克宏. “Wen xuan xue yanjiu de jige wenti” 文選學研究的幾個問題. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 1–25. Xu Yimin 許逸民. “ ‘Xin xuan xue’ jie shuo” 新選學界說. Wen xuan xue xin lun, 26–33. Yu Shaochu 俞紹初 and Xu Yimin 許逸民, eds. Zhongwai xuezhe Wen xuan xue lunzhu suoyin 中外學者文選學論著索引. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1998. Shimizu Yoshio 清水凱夫. Shin Monzengaku: Monzen no xinkenkyū 新文選學:《文選》の新研究. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 1999. Wu Yun 吳雲. “Wen xuan yanjiu” 文選研究. In Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue yanjiu 魏晉南北朝文學研究, edited by Zhang Yanjin 張燕瑾 and Lü Weifen 呂薇芬, 664–79. Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2001. Mu Kehong 穆克宏. “Ershi shiji Zhongguo Wen xuan xue yanjiu de huigu yu zhanwang” 20 世紀中國《文選》學研究的回顧與展望. Fujian shifan daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 116 (2002): 64–70. Wang Liqun 王立群. “Qingdai Xuan xue yu ershi shiji xiandai Xuan xue” 清代《選》學與20世紀現代《選》學. Henan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 42.4 (2002): 14–20. Wang Liqun 王立群. Xiandai Wen xuan xue shi 現代《文選》學史. Beijing: Zhong- guo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2003. Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁. “Ershi shiji de Riben Wen xuan yanjiu yu keti—yi Sibo Wen xuan xue wei zhongxin” 二十世紀的日本《文選》研究與課題－以斯波《文選》學為中心. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 842–52. Li Qing 李慶. “Riben de Zhaoming Wen xuan yanjiu” 日本的《昭明文選》研究. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 853–79. Wang Xiaodong 王曉東. “Xin shiqi Wen xuan xue yanjiu zhi huimou” 新時期文選學研究之回眸. Wen xuan yu Wen xuan xue, 1008–31. Wang Xibo 汪習波. Sui Tang Wen xuan xue yanjiu 隋唐文選研究. Shanghai: Shang- hai guji chubanshe, 2005. Wang Shucai 王書才. Ming Qing Wen xuan xue shuping 明清文選學述評. Shanghai: Shanghai shiji chubanshe, 2008. Guo Baojun 郭寶軍. Songdai Wen xuan xue yanjiu 宋代文選學研究. Beijing: Zhong- guo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2010. 1348 wen xuan 文選 (selections of refined literature)

Nan Jiangtao 南江濤, ed. Wen xuan xue yanjiu 文選學研究. 3 vols. Beijing: Guojia tushuguan chubanshe, 2010. Shi Shufang 石樹芳. “Wen xuan yanjiu bainian shuping”《文選》研究百年述評. Wenxue pinglun (2012: 12): 166–75.

Concordances and indexes Wen xuan zhu yinshu yinde 文選注引書引得. Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinologi- cal Index Series No. 26. 1935. Rpt. Taipei: Chengwen, 1966. Shiba Rokurō 斯波六郎. Monzen sakuin 文選索引. Kyoto: Jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1957–59. Rpt. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1972.

DRK

Wen Zisheng 温子昇 (495–547), zi Pengju 鵬舉

Northern Dynasties Wei period writer.

Wen Zisheng referred to himself as a person from Taiyuan 太原. This was the ancestral home of the Wen clan that included Wen Qiao 溫嶠 (288– 329), who was his most distinguished ancestor. Wen Qiao actually settled in the south at the beginning of the Eastern Jin. However, during the Liu- Song period Wen Zisheng’s grandfather Wen Gongzhi 溫恭之 returned to the north and took up residence in Yuanju 冤句, Jiyin 濟陰 commandery (southwest of modern Heze 渮澤, Shandong). This is where Wen Zisheng was born. As a young boy, Wen Zisheng studied with two renowned scholars Cui Ling’en 崔靈恩 (fl. 500–514) and Liu Lan 劉蘭 (d. 513). By the time he reached maturity, he had read widely in a broad variety of texts. He also had become an accomplished writer. While serving as a “humble retainer” for Yuan Yuan 元淵 (d. 526), Prince of Guangyang, Wen Zisheng composed the “Houshan citang beiwen” 侯山祠堂碑文 (Stele inscription for the Hou Mountain memorial hall), which won praise from the distinguished scholar Chang Jing 常景 (d. 550). This work is not extant. In 516, Yuan Kuang 元匡 (d. ca. 525), Prince of Dongping 東平, summoned men of letters to serve as censors, and Wen Zisheng, then twenty- two years old, was selected. During this time Wen Zisheng composed most of the belles lettres and utilitarian writings that emanated from the prince’s court. Ca. 517, he resigned from office to observe mourning. After the mourning period, ca. 520, he received an appointment at the imperial court as audience attendant. In 521, Li Shenjun 李神儁 (478–521) was assigned as regional inspector of Jingzhou, and Li appointed Wen Zisheng administrative supervisor on wen zisheng 温子昇 (495–547), zi pengju 鵬舉 1349 his staff. The next year he was summoned back to the capital wherehe took up a post in the Department of State Affairs. In 524, Yuan Yuan was assigned to the Branch Department of State Affairs in the northeastern circuit. He selected Wen Zisheng as bureau director, in which capacity he composed all of the official writings, both military and civil, that were issued by Yuan’s agency. In 526, Yuan Yuan was killed in the uprising led by Ge Rong 葛榮 (d. 528), and Wen Zisheng was seized and held in custody for a time. One of Ge Rong’s generals, Heluoxing 和洛興, was an old acquaintance of Wen’s, and he arranged for Wen to escape to Jizhou 冀州 (modern Hebei area). From there he made his way back to the capital in Luoyang. In 528, Wen Zisheng served as director of the Section for Southern Rela- tions in the Department of State Affairs. He spent most of his tenure in this office compiling the imperial diary. One day Wen Zisheng did not report to duty, and Yuan Tianmu 元天穆 (d. 530), a close adviser to Erzhu Rong 尒朱榮 (493–530), who had seized power at the Wei court, wanted Wen to be flogged. He was spared punishment through the intervention of the emperor himself. In 529, Wen Zisheng accompanied Yuan Tianmu on a military expedition against Yuan Gao 元杲 (d. 529), who had led an uprising in the area of modern Laizhou, Shandong. Yuan Tianmu appointed Wen director of the Branch Department of State Affairs. When in June 530 Yuan Hao 元顥 (495–530) seized the imperial throne in Luoyang, Wen Zisheng urged Yuan Tianmu to attack him. However, Yuan did not follow his advice, but sent Wen back to Luoyang, where Yuan Hao appointed him drafter in the Secretariat. Yuan Hao was defeated in August of 530, and the new Northern Wei ruler, Emperor Xiaozhuang (r. 530–531), returned to Luoyang. He continued to employ Wen as drafter. Wen Zisheng joined Emperor Xiaozhuang in the assassination of Erzhu Rong in November 530. Wen also composed all of the pardon decrees that were issued in the emperor’s name. During the reign of Emperor Xiaowu (532–534), Wen Zisheng served in a variety of positions including reader-in-waiting, General Who Defends the South, grand master of the palace with golden seal and purple ribbons. He was subsequently promoted to cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and general-in-chief of the capital army. In 538, Gao Cheng 高澄 (521–549), who now held de facto power in the Wei court, appointed Wen Zisheng administrative adviser on his military staff. In 547, Yuan Jin 元瑾 (d. 547) planned to stage a coup against Gao Cheng. Suspecting Wen Zisheng was one of the conspirators, he had him thrown into prison, where he died of starvation in that same year. 1350 wen zisheng 温子昇 (495–547), zi pengju 鵬舉

Wen Zisheng’s corpse was thrown into the corner of a road. Song Youdao 宋遊道, who was on good terms with the Gao family, retrieved his body and attended to the burial. Song also prepared a collection of Wen’s writings in thirty-five juan. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collection in thirty-nine juan. The Jiu Tang shu records it in twenty-five juan, and the Xin Tang shu mentions a collection in thirty-five juan. The collection was lost in the Song. Wen Zisheng’s poetry and prose were famous in the north and also well- known in the south. Wen Zisheng is best known for his inscriptions that are written in well-crafted parallel prose. The two most famous ones are “Hanling shansi bei” 韓陵山寺碑 (Stele inscription for the Hanling Moun- tain Monastery) and “Changshan gongzhu bei” 常山公主碑 (Grave inscription for the Princess of Changshan). Emperor Wu of the Liang (r. 502–549) compared Wen’s writing to that of Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) and Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303). Yan Kejun has collected twenty-seven of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Lu Qinli includes eleven of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbei chao shi.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wen Shidu ji 溫侍讀集. 2 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wen Shidu ji 溫侍讀集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji.

Studies Yajima Tetsusuke 矢嶋徹輔. “Tō Gi ni okeru bungaku shichō: On Shishō no bungaku wo tsūjite” 東魏における文学思潮: 温子昇の文学を通じて. Kyūshū daigaku Chūgoku bungaku kai Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 3 (1972): 1–12. Yajima Tetsusuke 矢嶋徹輔. “On Shishō no bungaku” 温子昇の文學. Tottori daigaku kyōiku gakubu kenkyū hōkoku 32 (1981): 31–42. Xiao Feng 曉楓. “Wen Zisheng” 溫子昇. Taiyuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (1990: 2). Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Wen Zisheng nianpu” 溫子昇年譜. Liaoning daxue xuebao (1998: 3): 1–5. Luo Guowei 羅國威. “Wen Zisheng nianpu (xu)” 溫子昇年譜(續). Liaoning daxue xuebao (1998: 4): 41–43. Jin Sheng 金聲 and Song Bing 宋冰. “Lun Wen Zisheng yu Beichao wenfeng de zhuanbian” 論溫子昇與北朝文風的轉變. Xinwen chuban jiaoliu (2002: 1/2): 44–46. Mou Hualin 牟華林. “Shangwu zhi nanchou, wentan wei lingxiu—lun Beichao wenxue jia Wen Zisheng” 尚武志難酬文壇爲領袖——論北朝文學家溫子昇. Yibin xueyuan xuebao (2003: 2): 42–47. wenguan cilin 文館詞林 1351

Cui Zhiwei 崔志偉. “Wen Zisheng shiwen yanjiu” 溫子昇詩文研究. M.A. thesis, Guangxi shifan daxue, 2008. Han Fang 韓芳. “Wen Zisheng ji yanjiu”《溫子昇集》研究. M.A. thesis, Hebei shifan daxue, 2008.

Translations

a. “Hanling shansi bei” 韓陵山寺碑 (Stele inscription for the Hanling Mountain Monastery) Zheng Xiaorong. “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” Ph.D. diss., Uni- versity of Washington, 2002, 141–45.

b. “Changshan gongzhu bei” 常山公主碑 (Grave inscription for the Princess of Changshan). Zheng Xiaorong. “A History of Northern Dynasties Literature,” Ph.D. diss., Uni- versity of Washington, 2002, 146–48.

c. “Daoyi shi” 搗衣詩 (Pounding clothes) Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 183. Wong Tongwen, in Demiéville, ed., Anthologie, 168.

WJ and DRK

Wenguan cilin 文館詞林 (Grove of writing from the Academy of Culture)

Early Tang anthology.

The Wenguan cilin is a 1,000-juan collection compiled under the direction of Xu Jingzong 許敬宗 (592–672) in the early Tang. The compilation was completed in 658. The monographs on bibliography of both Tang histories list it in 1,000 juan. However, most of the work was lost by the Southern Song. It included works from the Pre-Qin period to the early Tang. Thirty juan have been preserved in Japan from Kōnin 弘仁 14 (823). The Wen- guan cilin contains important texts of pre-Tang literature, some of which have not survived intact in China. The basic organization of the extant portion includes four parts:

1. The original juan number. 2. The genre name. 3. The section number in each genre. 4. The number of pieces in each of the sections. 1352 wenguan cilin 文館詞林

Juan no. Genre Section no. No. of pieces 152 tetrasyllabic verse 四言詩 12 18 156–158 tetrasyllabic verse 詩 16–18 19, 26, 16 160 tetrasyllabic verse 詩 20 18 346–348 Eulogy 頌頌 16–18 9 414 sevens 七七 4 3 452–453 stele Inscription 碑碑 32–33 4 455 stele Inscription 碑碑 35 1 (fragmentary) 457 stele Inscription 碑碑 37 5 459 stele Inscription 碑碑 39 4 507 Edict 詔 1 (remainder missing) 613 Decree 敕 1 (fragmentary) 662 Edict 詔詔 32 23 664–670 Edict 詔詔 34–40 14, 29, 37, 26, 33, 20, 31 691 Decree 敕敕上 28 (plus 1 fragment) 695 Directive 令令下 35 699 instruction 教教 4 37

According to Lin Jiali 林家驪, there is a total of 197 pieces that can be either added as new additions to Yan Kejun’s 嚴可均 (1762–1843) Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文, or provide alternative readings for certain works preserved in other sources. Lin identifies by each period pieces to be added. The following are the numbers of these works for each period.

Later Han 3 Jin 44 Song 25 Qi 10 Liang 49 Chen 3 Later Wei 10 Northern Qi 24 Later Zhou 5 Sui 24

Bibliography

Editions Wen guan cilin 文館詞林. 4 juan. Itsubon sōsho 佚存叢書. 1800; rpt. Yueya tang congshu 粵雅堂叢書; Shanghai: Hanfen lou, 1924. Contains juan 662, 664, 668, and 695. Wen guan cilin 文館詞林. 14 juan. Guyi congshu 古逸叢書. 1884. Reprints fourteen juan obtained by Yang Shoujing 楊守敬 (1839–1915) in Japan. Wen guan cilin 文館詞林. 29 juan. Zhang Junheng 張鈞衡 printing, Shiyuan congshu 適園叢書, 1916; rpt. Yangzhou: Jiangsu Guangling guji keyinshe, 1986. wenguan cilin 文館詞林 1353

Canben Wen guan cilin 殘本文館詞林. 18 juan. Piling Dongshi Songfeng shi 毗陵董氏誦芬室, 1924. Manuscripts obtained by Dong Kang 董康 (1867–1947) from the Daikakuji 大覺寺 in Kyoto. Bunkan shirin: ei Kōnin-bon 文館詞林：影弘仁本. Tokyo: Koten kenkyūkai, 1969. A photographic reproduction of the Kōnin edition. Luo Guowei 羅國威, ed. and comm. Ri cang Hongren ben Wen guan cilin jiaozheng 日藏弘仁本文館詞林校證. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2001.

Studies Huang Zhixiang 黃志祥. “Shichuan qiannian zhi zongji guibao—Wenguan cilin canjuan chutan” 失傳千年之總集瑰寶：文館詞林殘卷初探. Dongfang zazhi 19.3 (1985): 31–35. Huang Zhixiang 黃志祥. “Tang chaoben Wenguan cilin canjuan cunshi chutan” 唐鈔本文館詞林殘卷存詩初探. Dongfang zazhi 20.11 (1987): 28–33; 20.12 (1987): 84–90. Huang Zhixiang 黃志祥. “Wenguan cilin canjuan zaitan: ‘Hongren ben’ suozu zhi Tang chao yuanben niandai shitan” 文館詞林殘卷再探：「弘仁本」所祖之唐鈔原本年代試探. Dongfang zazhi 21.5 (1987): 35–38. Lin Jiali 林家驪. “Riben suocun Wenguan cilin zhong de Wang Can ‘Qi shi’ ” 日本所存《文館詞林》中的王粲《七釋》. Wenxian (1988: 3): 15–18. Lin Jiali 林家驪. “Riben ying Hongren ben Wenguan cilin ji qi wenxian jiazhi” 日本影弘仁本《文館詞林》及其文獻價值. Hangzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1988: 4): 93–100, 147. Lin Jiali 林家驪. “Riben ying Hongren ben Wenguan cilin yu woguo xian Tang yiwen” 日本影弘仁本文館詞林與我國先唐遺文. Wenxian 40 (1989: 2): 17–31. Xiong Qingyuan 熊清元. “Riben ying Hongren ben Wenguan cilin zhong de liangge wenti” 日本影弘仁本《文館詞林》中的兩個問題. Huanggang shifan xueyuan xuebao 23.5 (2003): 18–21. Xiong Qingyuan 熊清元. “Ricang Hongren ben Wenguan cilin jiaozheng kuangbu” 《日藏弘仁本文館詞林校證》匡補. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (2004): 180–216. Liu Yunhao 劉運好. “Wenguan cilin de wenxian jiazhi ji qi jiaokan”《文館詞林》的文獻價值及其校勘. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (2004): 203–17. Jiang Weigong 姜維公. “Wenguan cilin queti canpian kaozheng”《文館詞林》缺題殘篇考證. Guji zhengli yanjiu jikan (2004: 1): 65–70. Ji Zhongping 季忠平. “Wenguan cilin yunwen de jiaodian wenti”《文館詞林》韻文的校點問題. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2006: 4): 50–53. Ji Zhongping 季忠平. “Ricang Hongren ben Wenguan cilin jiaozheng shiyi”《日藏弘仁本文館詞林校證》拾遺. Guji yanjiu (2005): 135–40. Li Jiandong 李建棟. “Ricang Hongren ben Wenguan cilin canchi” 日藏弘仁本《文館詞林》殘敕. Wenxian (2007: 2): 85–88. Xu Yunhe 許雲和. “Ricang Hongren ben Wenguan cilin juanci buming zhi queti canpian kaobian” 日藏弘仁本《文館詞林》卷次不明之闕題殘篇考辨. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2007: 5): 21–24. Fu Junlian 伏俊璉 and Yao Jun 姚軍. “Ricang Hongren ben Wenguan cilin zhong liang Han wen de wenxian jiazhi” 日藏弘仁本《文館詞林》中兩漢文的文獻價值. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2010: 1): 1–4.

DRK 1354 wenjing mifu lun /bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論

Wenjing mifu lun /Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論 (Treatise consisting of a mirror for writing and a repository of rare phrases)

Treatise on medieval Chinese poetics.

Compiled by the Japanese Shingon monk Kūkai 空海 (774–835), who visited China from 804 to 806, the Bunkyō hifuron is an important collection of late Six Dynasties and early Tang works on prosody, writing techniques, and rhetoric. It was likely completed in 820. The main purpose of the work was to introduce important Chinese literary treatises and handbooks to Japanese students of Chinese poetry and parallel prose. The Bunkyō hifuron is organized into six sections each of which covers a separate subject. The first two sections are titled tian 天 (heaven) and di 地 (earth). The tian section contains materials relating to tonal prosody, and the di chapter discusses various styles and rhetorical rules. The next four sections are named for one of the four directions, east, south, west, and north. The east chapter discusses the writing of couplets, the south chapter is an exposition on what is called wen yi 文意 (the intent of writing), the west chapter identifies various faults that a writer should avoid, and the north chapter concerns parallelism. In some editions, the order of the directions is east, west, south, north. The most valuable feature of the Bunkyō hifuron is its preservation of many Chinese works that have been lost in China. These include the Si sheng pu 四聲譜 (Table of the four tones) by Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513), the Si sheng zhigui 四聲指歸 (Guide to the four tones) by Liu Shanjing 劉善經 (fl. ca. 610), the Bizha hualiang 筆札華梁 (Ornate rafter of literary composition) by Shangguan Yi 上官儀 (607?–665), Tangchao xinding shiti 唐朝新定詩體 (Newly established verse forms for the Tang court) by Cui Rong 崔融 (653–706), Shi suinao 詩髓腦 (Marrow and brain of poetry) and Gujin shiren xiuju 古今詩人秀句 (Exquisite lines by poets ancient and modern) by Yuan Jing 元競 (fl. ca. 649–683), Shi ge 詩格 (Rules for poetry) by Wang Changling 王昌齡 (698–757), and two anonymous works, Wen bi shi 文筆式 (Models of rhymed and unrhymed writing?) and Shi ti 詩體 (Forms of poetry). The Bunkyō hifuron is especially important for preserving the most complete version of the ba bing 八病 (eight poetic faults) attributed to Shen Yue. The Bunkyō hifuron was preserved for most of its history in manuscripts held in various Japanese temples. Lu Shengjiang (see below) has identified twenty-six hand-written copies, all of which are preserved in Japan except for one copy held in the Taiwan Palace Museum. The earliest known handwritten copy dates from ca. 1131, and is held in the Imperial Household Agency (Kunaichō 宮內厅). wenjing mifu lun /bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論 1355

Bibliography

Texts Ihō 維寶 (1687–1747), ed. Bunkyō hifuronzen 文鏡秘府論箋. 1736; rpt. in Shingonshū zensho 真言宗全書 14. Kōyasan : Kōyasan daigaku shuppanbu, 2004. Reprint of the earliest known commentary. Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論. In Nihon shiwa sōsho 日本詩話叢書, ed. Ikeda Shirōjirō 池田四郎次郎. Tokyo: Bunkaidō shoten, 1921; rpt. Taipei: Xuehai chubanshe, 1974. Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論. In Goten hozonkai fukuseisho 古典保存會複製書. Tokyo: Koten hozonkai, 1935. Handwritten copy by Tokutomi Iichirō 德富猪一郎 (1863–1957). Konishi Jinichi 小西甚一, ed. Bunkyō hifuron kō 文鏡秘府論考. 3 vols. Tokyo: Oyashima shuppan, 1948–1953. Volume 3 contains a critical edition. Zhou Weide 周維德, ed. and punc. Wenjing mifu lun 文鏡秘府論. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1975. Wang Liqi 王利器, ed. and comm. Wenjing mifulun jiaozhu 文鏡秘府論校注. Bei- jing: Zhongguo shehui kexueyuan, 1983. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏, ed. and comm. Bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論. Kobōdaishi Kūkai zenshū 弘法大師空海全書, vol. 5. Kyoto: Kobōdaishi Kūkai zenshū henshū i-inkai, 1986. Chien En-ting 簡恩定, ed. Wenjing mifu lun 文鏡秘府論. Taipei: Jinfeng chuban gongsi, 1987. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江, ed. and comm. Wenjing mifulun huijiao huikao 文鏡秘府論彙校彙考. 4 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006.

Studies Konishi Jinichi 小西甚一, ed. Bunkyō hifuron kō 文鏡秘府論考. 3 vols. Tokyo: Oyashima shuppan, 1948–1953. Pan Chonggui 潘重規. “Wenjing mifu lun yanjiu fafan” 文鏡秘府論研究發凡. Zhong Ri wenhua lunji 中日文化論集1. Taipei: Zhonghua wenhua chuban shiye weiyuanhui, 1955. Nakazawa Mareo 中沢希男. “Bunkyō hifuron kakki zokuki” 文鏡秘府論校續記 (1), Gunma daigaku kiyō, jinbun kagaku hen 4 (1954): 1–26; (2) 5 (1956): 41–56; (3) 6 (1957): 59–76. Nakazawa Mareo 中沢希男. “Bunkyō hifuron kōkan ki” 文鏡秘府論校勘記 (1), Gunma daigaku kiyō, jinbun kagaku hen 13.2 (1964): 1–28; (2) 14.1 (1965): 1–34; (3) 15 (1966): 77–109. Cheng A-ts’ai 鄭阿才. “Konghai Wenjing mifu lun yanjiu” 空海文鏡秘府論研究. M.A. Thesis, Zhongguo wenhua xueyuan, Zhongguo wenxue yanjiusuo, 1976. Bodman, Richard. “Poetics and Prosody in Early Medieval China: A Study and Translation of Kûkai’s Bunkyô hifuron.” Ph.D. Dissertation, Cornell University, 1978. Wang Jinjiang 王晉江. Wenjing mifulun tanyuan 文鏡秘府論探源. Hong Kong: Tiandi tushu youxian gongsi, 1980. Liu Mei 劉渼. “Wenjing mifu lun Liuchao shenglü shuo yishu yiwen kao”《文鏡秘府論》六朝聲律說佚書佚文考. Guowen xuebao 20 (1991): 109–43. 1356 wenjing mifu lun /bunkyō hifuron 文鏡秘府論

Furukawa Sueki 古川末喜. “Bunkyō hifuron ni miru shisei ritsu to hyōsoku ritsu” 「文鏡秘府論」にみる四聲律と平仄律. Saga daigaku kyōyōbu kenkyū kiyō 27 (1995): 13–28. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Guanyu Wenjing mifu lun de chuanben xitong” 關於《文鏡秘府論》的傳本系統. Ritsumeikan bungaku 563 (2000): 16–27. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Wenfu mifu lun zuonian kao”《文府秘府論》作年考. Tian- jin shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (2004: 5): 71–76. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Wenjing mifu lun ‘zhengben’ kao”《文鏡秘府論》 “證本” 考 . Guoxue yanjiu 8 (2001): 31–86. Wang Jung-cheng 王榮正. “Banke ben Wenjing mifu lun Hanzi yin de tese yu xianxiang” 版刻本《文鏡秘府論》漢字音的特色與現象. Sibian ji 思辨集 6 (2003): 17–35. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. Konghai yu Wenjing mifulun 空海與文鏡秘府論. Yinchuan: Ningxia renmin chubanshe, 2005. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Wenjing mifu lun zhong de chuanben, zuonian he zhengli” 《文鏡秘府論》的傳本、作年和整理 . In Gudai Zhongguo: Dong Ya shijie de neizai jiaoliu 古代中國：東亞世界的內在交流, ed. Han Sheng 韓昇, 107–27. Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2005. Zhang Bowei 張伯偉. “Wenjing mifu lun yu Zhong Ri Hanxue shi”《文鏡秘府論》與中日漢學詩. In Gudai Zhongguo, 128–45. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Wenjing mifu lun de jige chuanben”《文鏡秘府論》的幾個傳本. Yuwai Hanji yanjiu jikan 3 (2007): 63–84. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Guanyu Wenjing mifu lun de yanjiu” 關於《文鏡秘府論》的研究. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 30.1 (2007): 1–5. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Wenjing mifu lun ‘caoben’ (gaoben) kao”《文鏡秘府論》 “草本 ” (稿本) 考. Guoxue yanjiu 20 (2007): 91–128. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Wenjing mifu lun juanci kao”《文鏡秘府論》卷次考. Wen shi 3 (2008): 159–67. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. “Cong Wenjing mifu lun kan Nanbeichao ‘shi’ yiwai wenti de shenglü yunyong” 從《文鏡秘府論》看南北朝 “詩” 以外文體的聲律運用. Qin- zhou xueyuan xuebao 23.5 (2008): 19–24. Leng Weiguo 冷衛國 and Yang Juan 楊娟. “Fang yi zhi, yuan er shen—du Lu Shengjiang Wenjing mifu lun huijiao huikao” 方以智, 圓而神—讀盧盛江《文鏡秘府論彙教彙考》. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (Autumn 2008): 198–201. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Konghai de sixiang yishi yu Wenjing mifu lun” 空海的思想意識與《文鏡秘府論》. Wenxue pinglun (2009: 1). Wu Shuang 吳雙. “Konghai Wenjing mifu lun bianxie dongji xintan” 空海《文鏡秘府論》編寫動機新探. Zhongguo wenhua yanjiu (Autumn 2011): 208–12. Lu Shengjiang 盧盛江. “Wenjing mifu lun de erchu yuandian kaozheng”《文鏡秘府論》的二處原典考證. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 34.1 (2011): 23–28. Wu Shuang 吳雙. “Wenjing mifu lun xingzhi xintan—yibu you waiguoren bianxie de haiwai Hanyu xiezuo jiaocai”《文鏡秘府論》性質新探—一部由外國人編寫的海外漢語寫作教材. Hanyu xuexi (2012: 1): 97–103.

DRK wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 1357

Wenshi zhuan 文士傳 (Traditions of literati)

Biographies of early medieval literary men.

The Wenshi zhuan is a collection of biographies of prominent literary men from the Eastern Han through the Western Jin. It was probably compiled by Zhang Yin 張隱 (late fourth century) and then supplemented by Zhang Zhi 張騭 (Southern Qi). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists a version in 50 juan as do the two Tang histories. By the Song period, much of the work was lost. Thus, the Chongwen zongmu 崇文總目 (1042) lists an edition in 10 juan. There is a number of reconstructions.

Collections Lu Xun 魯迅. Lu Xun jilu guji congbian 魯迅輯錄古籍叢編, Vol. 3. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1999. Furuta Keiichi 古田敬一. Bunshiden shūhon 文士傳輯本. Kyoto: Chūbun shuppansha, 1981. Zhou Xunchu 周勛初. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue luncong 魏晉南北朝文學論叢, 94–121. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1999; rpt. Zhou Xunchu. Zhou Xunchu wenji 周勛初文集, 2: 3–34. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 2000.

Studies Matsuura Takashi 松浦崇. “Chō Shitsu Bunshiden ni tsuite” 張騭『文士伝』について. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 7 (1978): 17–27. Zhu Yingping 朱迎平. “Diyibu wenren zhuanji Wenshi zhuan ji kao” 第一部文人傳記《文士傳》輯考. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (1994: 6): 36–38, 5. Xiong Ming 熊明. Han Wei Liuchao zazhuan yanjiu 漢魏六朝雜傳研究, 294–304. Shenyang: Liaohai chubanshe, 2003.

DRK

Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 (Embellishments on the heart of literature)

Treatise on literature by Liu Xie 劉勰 (ca. 465–ca. 521).

Wenxin diaolong is the most highly regarded treatise on literature in the Chinese literary tradition. The title is virtually impossible to render into a Western language. Some of the proposed renderings include: “The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons” (Vincent Shih), “The Carving of the Dragon of the Literary Mind” (Chen Shih-hsiang), “A Serious and Elegant Treatise on (the Art or Secret of ) Literature” (James Robert Hightower), 1358 wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍

“Dragon Carvings of a Literary Mind” (James J. Y. Liu), “The Genesis and Artistry of Literature” (Donald Gibbs), “Elaborations on the Essence of Literature” (J. T. Wixted), “The Book of Literary Design” (Siu-kit Wong), “The Literary Mind: Dragon Carvings” (Pauline Yu), “The Literary Mind Carves Dragons” (Stephen Owen), “Il tesoro delle lettere: un intaglio di draghi” (Alessandra C. Lavagnino). Liu Xie probably began compiling the Wenxin diaolong while he was residing in the Dinglin 定林 Monastery in the suburbs of the capital of Jiankang. However, scholars have debated whether Liu Xie completed it during the late Southern Qi or continued to work on it into the first decade of the Liang dynasty or even later. The received version of the Wenxin diaolong consists of fifty chapters in ten juan. In the autobiographical postface, Liu Xie says that he has divided the Wenxin diaolong into two parts. The first part consists of the first five chapters in which Liu Xie presents his general ideas on the origin and development of writing, and chapters six through twenty-five that treat literary genres. The second part contains the remaining twenty-five chapters. Based on this statement, some scholars have concluded that Liu Xie’s original version of the Wenxin diaolong was divided into two juan. However, the bibliography chapter of the Sui shu and other later catalogues all list the work in ten juan. Most modern printings are also in ten juan. Modern scholars have debated what the basic divisions of the work are. Many scholars favor a four-part scheme. The first section includes chapters 1–5 in which Liu Xie presents his basic ideas of literary thought. Liu Xie explains this scheme: “In the writing of the Wenxin, I take the Way as the root [chapter 1], take the Sage as my mentor [chapter 2], find the basic forms in the Classics [chapter 3], draw upon the Weft Texts [chapter 4], and follow changes in the ‘Sao’ [chapter 5].” In chapters 6 through 25, Liu Xie discusses most of the literary genres that were important in his time. He classifies genres into two types: wen 文 (euphonic writings in which rhyme and euphony are important considerations), and bi 筆 (unrhymed compositions) that include more utilitarian forms such as court edicts and petitons. For each genre Liu Xie gives an account of its origins followed by what he considers to be the norms for the genre and an assessment of the major works and writers in each form. This part of the Wenxin diaolong is important for the literary historian, for it provides information on a number of writers and works that are no longer extant. Chapters 26 to 49 treat what is usually called in Chinese Liu Xie’s “theory of literary creation.” Some scholars have identified subdivisions in this section, but their analysis is highly speculative. Some of the more important chapters are wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 1359

“Shen si” 神思 (Spirit thought), “Ti xing” 體性 (Form and nature), “Feng gu” 風骨 (Wind and bone), “Tong bian” 通變 (Continuity and change), “Ding shi” 定勢 (Determining momentum), “Wu se” 物色 (Sensuous colors of physical things), and “Qing cai” 情采 (Feelings and coloration). Chapters such as “Sheng lü” 聲律 (Prosodic rules), “Li ci” 麗辭 (Parallel phrasing), and “Zhangju” 章句 offer important information on early Chinese poetics and rhetoric. The chapter “Zhi yin” 知音 (Understanding the tone) is a disquisiton on the problems that a truly appreciative literary critic must confront. The final “section” is the autobiographical postface in which Liu Xie provides a brief account of his life followed by an explanation of his purpose in writing the work. Some scholars have proposed that the order of the chapters in the received version of the Wenxin diaolong is not the original order. For example, Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫 has argued that “Wu se” (chapter 46 in the received version) should logically follow “Qing cai” (chapter 31). He also suggests that “Zong shu” 總術 (General technique), which Zhou characterizes as the “general preface” to Liu Xie’s theory of literary creation, should occupy chapter forty-five to conclude the section on literary creation. Other scholars such as Mou Shijin 牟世金 have objected to Zhou’s scheme and defend the order of chapters in the received version. Chapter 40 “Yin xiu” 隱秀 (The hidden and conspicuous) is a fragment in most printed editions. However, in the late Ming and early Qing several scholars claimed to have discovered the lost portion. Although most modern scholars consider this a forgery, Zhan Ying 詹鍈 has argued for its authenticity. Although Liu Xie’s basic approach to literature is informed by the Ruist tradition, scholars have identified Buddhist and Taoist influences. On the Buddhist elements in the Wenxin diaolong the most important work has been done by Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤, Shi Lei 石壘, Ma Hongshan 馬宏山, Victor Mair, and Chen Litian 陳禮天. The earliest extant text of the Wenxin diaolong is a Tang manuscript discovered at Dunhuang. It is now held in the Stein collection of the Brit- ish Library. It consists of thirteen complete chapters and two chapters with only a few characters each. Scholars have concluded that these chapters are a from a ten-juan version. Based on a study of taboo characters, scholars have concluded that this text was copied in the Ruizong 睿宗 period (r. 684–690, 710–712) or shortly thereafter. The earliest extant printed version is the Yuan Zhizheng 至正 15 (1355) edition. It has a preface by Qian Weishan 錢惟善. The earliest extant edition with a commentary is Yang Sheng’an xiansheng pidian Wenxin diaolong yinzhu 楊升庵先生批點文心雕龍音注 printed in 1609. It contains 1360 wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 pronunciation and lexical glosses by Mei Qingsheng 梅慶生 (fl. 1609– 1623) and critical comments by Yang Shen 楊慎 (1488–1559). This was soon superseded by the commentary of Huang Shulin 黃叔琳 (1672–1756) first printed in 1741. There are numerous modern editions with detailed commentaries.

General Bibliography

Mukojima Shigeyoshi 向島成美. “Bunshin chōryū kenkyū bunken mokuroku shokō” 文心雕龍研究文獻目錄初稿. Tsukuba Chūgoku bunka ronsō 2 (1983): 11–42. Mou Shijin 牟世金. Taiwan Wenxin diaolong yanjiu niaokan 台灣文心雕龍研究鳥瞰. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 1985. Ando Makoto 安東諒. “Bunshin chōryū chosha rombun mokuroku” 「文心雕龍」著者‧論文目錄. Tokushima daigaku sōgō kagakubu kiyō (Jinbun gakujutsu kenkyū hen) 4 (1991): 15–61. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照, ed.-in-chief. Wenxin diaolong xue zonglan 文心雕龍學綜覽. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe, 1995. Zhang Shaokang 張少康. “A Survey of Studies on Wenxin diaolong in China and Other Parts of Asia.” In A Chinese Literary Mind: Culture, Creativity, and Rheto- ric in Wenxin diaolong, ed. Zong-qi Cai, 227–34. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. Qi Liangde 戚良德, ed. Wenxin diaolong xue fenlei suoyin 文心雕龍學分類索引. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005. Li Ping 李平, et al. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu shi lun《文心雕龍》研究史論. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 2009.

Dictionaries Jia Jinfu 賈錦福, ed.-in-chief. Wenxin diaolong cidian 文心雕龍辭典. Jinan: Jinan chubanshe, 1993. Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫, ed.-in-chief. Wenxin diaolong cidian 文心雕龍辭典. 1996; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009.

Editions

Manuscripts Pan Chonggui 潘重規, ed. Tang xie Wenxin diaolong canben hejiao 唐寫文心雕龍合校. Hong Kong: Xinya yanjiusuo, 1970. Lin Qitan 林其錟 and Chen Fengjin 陳鳳金, ed. Dunhuang yishu Wenxin diaolong canjuan jijiao 敦煌遺書文心雕龍殘卷集校. Shanghai: Shanghai shudian chubanshe, 1991. wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 1361

Studies Suzuki Torao 鈴木虎雄. “Tonkō-bon Bunshin chōryū kōkanki” 敦煌本文心雕龍校勘記. In Naitō hakushi kanreki shukuga Shinagaku ronshō 內藤博士還曆祝賀支那論叢. Kyoto: Kōbundō shobō, 1926. Zhao Wanli 趙萬里. “Tang xieben Wenxin diaolong canjuan jiaoji” 唐寫本文心雕龍校記. Qinghua xuebao 2.1 (1926). Toda Kōgyō 戶田浩曉. “Kōkan shiryō toshite no Bunshin chōryū Tonkō-bon” 校勘資料としての文心雕龍敦煌本. Risshō daigaku kyōyōbu 2 (1968): 14–21. Lin Qitan 林其錟 and Chen Fengjin 陳鳳金. “Dunhuang yishu Wenxin diaolong canjuan jijiao” 敦煌遺書《文心雕龍》殘卷集校. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1988: 1). Zhang Yongquan 張湧泉. “Dunhuang ben Wenxin diaolong chaoxie shijian bian kao” 敦煌本《文心雕龍》抄寫時間辨考. Wenxue yichan (1997: 1): 105–6.

Editions and Commentaries Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍. 10 juan. Jiaxing jun xue 嘉興郡學, Yuan Zhizheng 至正 15 (1355) woodblock. Held in the Shanghai tushuguan. Photo-reproduction: Zhonghua zaizao shanben 中華再造善本. Beijing: Beijing tushuguan chubanshe, 2005. This is the earliest extant printed edition. See also: Lin Qitan 林其錟 and Chen Fengjin 陳鳳金, ed. and comm. Yuan Zhizheng ben Wenxin diaolong huijiao 元至正本文心雕龍匯校. In Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫, ed. Wenxian diaolong cidian, 617–799. Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍. 10 juan. Han Wei congshu 漢魏叢書. He Yunzhong 何允中, ed. 1592. Yang Sheng’an xiansheng pidian Wenxin diaolong yinzhu 楊升庵先生批點文心雕龍音注. 10 juan. Yang Shen 揚慎 (1488–1623) critical notes; Mei Qingsheng 梅慶生 (fl. 1609–1623), ed. and comm. Wanli 37 (1609), printed inN anjing. Rpt. Tianqi 2 (1622). Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Huang Shulin 黃叔琳 (1672–1756), ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍. 10 juan. Yangsu tang 養素堂, 1741. Held in Zhongguo guojia tushuguan. Huang Shulin 黃叔琳 (1672–1756), ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍. 10 juan. Siku quanshu. Huang Shulin 黃叔琳 (1672–1756), ed. and comm. Ji Yun 紀昀, critical comm. Wenxin diaolong jizhu 文心雕龍輯注. 10 juan. 1833; typeset rpt. in Sibu beiyao. Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍. 10 juan. Chongwen congshu 崇文叢書. 1877. Wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍. 10 juan. Longxi jingshe congshu 龍谿精舍叢書. 1916. Huang Kan 黃侃 (1886–1935), comm. Wenxin diaolong zhaji 文心雕龍札記. Bei ping: Wenhua xueshe, 1927; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962; rpt. Shanghai: Huadong shifan daxue chubanshe, 1996; rpt. with introduction by Zhou Xunchu 周勳初. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000. This is a collection of notes that Huang Kan wrote while teaching at Peking University in the 1920s. On this work see Li Ping 李平. “Wenxin diaolong zhaji chengshu ji banben shu lüe” 《文心雕龍札記》成書及版本述略 . Anhui shangmao zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 29.8 (2009): 45–49. Fan Wenlan 范文瀾 (1891–1969), ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong zhu 文心雕龍注. 1929; rpt. and rev. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1959. 1362 wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍

Liu Yongji 劉永濟 (1887–1966), comm. Wenxin diaolong jiao shi 文心雕龍校釋. Shanghai: Zhengzhong shuju, 1948; rpt. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1954. Huang Shulin 黃叔琳 (1672–1756), ed. and comm. Li Xiang 李詳 (1859–1931) supp. comm. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照, ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong jiaozhu 文心雕龍校注. Beijing: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1958; Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1962. Zhang Lizhai 張立齋, ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong zhu ding 文心雕龍注訂. Tai- pei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1967. Zhang Lizhai 張立齋. Wenxin diaolong kao yi 文心雕龍考異. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1974. Wang Shumin 王叔岷 (1914–2008). Wenxin diaolong zhui bu 文心雕龍綴補. Tai- pei: Yiwen yinshu guan, 1975. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. Wenxin diaolong Fan zhu bozheng 文心雕龍范注駁正. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1979. Wang Liqi 王利器 (1912–1998), ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong jiaozheng 文心雕龍校證. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980; rpt. Taipei: Mingwen chubanshe, 1982. Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫 (1911–2000), ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong zhushi 文心雕龍注釋. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1980; rpt. Taipei: Liren shuju, 1984. Li Yuegang 李曰剛 (1906–1985), ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong jiao quan 文心雕龍斠詮. Taipei: Guoli bianyiguan, 1982. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照 (1909–2003), ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong jiaozhu shiyi 文心雕龍校注拾遺. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1982; rpt. Taipei: Songgao shushe, 1985. Xiang Changqing 向長清, ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong qian shi 文心雕龍淺釋. Changchun: Jilin renmin chubanshe, 1984. Feng Chuntian 馮春田, ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong shi yi 文心雕龍釋義. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1986. Zhan Ying 詹鍈, ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong yi zheng 文心雕龍義證. 3 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai gui chubanshe, 1989. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照, ed. and comm. Zengding Wenxin diaolong jiaozhu shiyi 增訂文心雕龍校注拾遺. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2000. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照, ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong jiaozhu shiyi buzheng 增訂文心雕龍校注拾遺補正. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 2001. Huang Lin 黃霖, ed. Wenxin diaolong huiping 文心雕龍彙評. Shanghai: Shanghai gui chubanshe, 2005.

Indexes and Concordances Okamura Shigeru 岡村繁, ed. Bunshin chōryū sakuin 文心雕龍索引. Hiroshima: Hiroshima bunrika Kanbungaku kenkyūshitsu, 1950. Wang Liqi 王利器, ed. Wenxin diaolong xinshu fu tongjian 文心雕龍新書附通檢. Beijing: Zhong Fa Hanxue yanjiusuo 中法漢學研究所 (Université de Partis Cen- tre d’Études Sinologique de Pékin), 1951–1952; rpt. Taipei: Chengwen, 1968. Wenxin diaolong zhuzi suoyin 文心雕龍逐字索引. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue chubanshe, 2001. wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 1363

Western Language Translations Shih, Vincent Y. C. (施友忠), trans. The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons. New York: Columbia University Press, 1959. Shih, Vincent Y. C., trans. The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons: A Study of Thought and Pattern in Chinese Literature. Taipei: Dunhuang tushu youxian gongsi, 1969. Shih, Vincent Y. C., trans. The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons. Taipei: Zhonghua shuju, 1970. Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, trans. “Carving a Dragon at the Core of Litera- ture.” Chinese Literature 6 (1962): 58–71. Shih, Vincent Y. C., trans. The Literary Mind and the Carving of Dragons: A Study of Thought and Pattern in Chinese Literature. Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1983. Jullien, François. “En annex: Tradution: ‘En prenant les texts canoniques comme source’ (Liu Xie, Wenxin diaolong chap. III, Zong jing). Extrême-Orient Extrême- Occident 129–34. Chiang, T’ai-fen. “Vincent Y. C. Shih’s Translation of the Wen-hsin Tiao-lung: A Note on Literary Translation.” Tamkang Review 15.1–4 (Fall–Summer 1984– 1985): 233–53. Owen, Stephen. Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, 183–298. Lavagnino, Alessandra C. Il Tesoro delle lettere: un intaglio di draghi. Milan: Luni Editrice, 1995. Wong Siu-kit, Allan Chung-hang Lo, and Kwong-tai Lam, trans. The Book of Liter- ary Design. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1999. Owen, Anthology, 343–59. Yang Guobin 楊國斌, trans. Wen xin diao long Dragon-carving and the Literary Mind. Baihua translation by Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫. 2 vols. Beijing: Waiyu jiaoxue yuyan yanjiu chubanshe, 2003.

Japanese Translations Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏, trans. Bunshin chōryū 文心雕龍. In Sekai koten bungaku zenshū 世界古典文學全集. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1968. Toda Kōgyō 戶田浩曉, trans. Bunshin chōryū 文心雕龍. 2 vols. Shinshaku Kanbun taikei 新釈漢文大系, 64–65. Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1974–1978. Mekada Makoto 目加田誠, trans. Bunshin chōryū 文心雕龍. Tokyo: Ryūkei shosha, 1986.

Baihua Translations Lu Kanru 陸侃如 and Mou Shijin 牟世金, trans. Wenxin diaolong xuan yi 文心雕龍選譯. 2 vols. Jinan: Shandong renmin chubanshe, 1962–63; rpt. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1995. Zhao Zhongyi 趙仲邑, trans. and comm. Wenxin diaolong yi zhu 文心雕龍譯注. Nanning: Lijiang chubanshe, 1982. Guo Jinxi 郭晉稀, trans. and comm. Wenxin diaolong zhu yi 文心雕龍注譯. Lan- zhou: Gansu renmin chubanshe, 1982. 1364 wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍

Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫, trans. and comm. Wenxin diaolong jinyi 文心雕龍今譯. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986. Long Bikun 龍必錕, trans. and comm. Wenxin diaolong quanyi 文心雕龍全譯. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1992. Li Zhenfei 李蓁非, trans. and comm. Wenxin diaolong shi yi 文心雕龍釋譯. Nanchang: Jiangxi renmin chubanshe, 1993. Kou Xiaoxin 寇效信. Wenxin diaolong meixue fanchou yanjiu 文心雕龍美學範疇研究. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1997. Wang Yunxi 王運熙 and Zhou Feng 周峰, trans. and comm. Wenxin diaolong yizhu 文心雕龍譯注. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1998. Zhou Ming 周明, trans. and comm. Wenxin diaolong jiaoshi yi ping 文心雕龍校釋譯評. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2007. Qi Liangde 戚良德, ed. and comm. Wenxin diaolong jiaozhu tongyi 文心雕龍校注通議. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2008.

Studies Shih, Vincent Y. C. “Classicism in Liu Hsieh’s Wen-hsin tiao-lung.” Asiatische Stu- dien 7 (1953): 122–34. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤, ed. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu zhuanhao 文心雕龍專號. Hong Kong: Longmen shuju, 1965. Li Jingying 李景濚. Wenxin diaolong ping jie 文心雕龍評解. Tainan: Hanlin chubanshe, 1967. Zhang Yan 張嚴. Wenxin diaolong tong shi 文心雕龍通識. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1969. Gibbs, Donald A. “Literary Theory in the Wen-hsin tiao-long.” Ph.D. diss., Univer- sity of Washington, 1970. Gibbs, Donald A. “Liu Hsieh, Author of the Wen-hsin tiao-lung.” Monumenta Serica 29 (1971): 117–41. Shi Lei 石壘. Wenxin diaolong yuan dao yu Fo Dao yi shuzheng 文心雕龍原道與佛道義疏證. Hong Kong: Yunzai shuwu, 1971; rpt. in Shi Lei. Wenxin diaolong yu Fo Ru er jiao yi lilun ji 文心雕龍與佛儒二教義理論集. Hong Kong: Yunzai shuwu, 1977. Tökei, Ferenc. Genre Theory in China, in the 3rd–6th Centures, Liu Hsieh’s Theory on Poetic Genres. Budapest: Akadémia kiadó, 1971. Toda Kōgyō 戶田浩曉. Bunshin chōryū 文心雕龍. Tokyo: Meitoku shuppansha, 1972. Chinese trans. Cao Xu 曹旭. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 文心雕龍研究. Shang- hai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1992. Shih, Vincent Y. C. “Liu Hsieh’s Conception of Organic Unity.” Tamkang Review 4.2 (1973): 1–10. Chi, Ch’iu-lang. “Liu Hsieh as a Classicist and His Concepts of Tradition and Change.” Tamkang Review 1.4 (1973): 89–108. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Wenxin diaolong yu fojiao” 文心雕龍與佛教. Minzhu ping lun 5 (1965); rpt. in Wenxin diaolong lunwen ji 文心雕龍論文集. Taipei: Muduo chubanshe, 1975; Zhang Shaokang 張少康, ed. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 文心雕龍研究. Changsha: Hubei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2002. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 文心雕龍研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1976. wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 1365

Shen Qian 沈謙. Wenxin diaolong piping lun fa wei 文心雕龍批評論發微. Taipei: Lianjiang chuban shiye gongsi, 1977. Huang Chungui 黃春貴. Wenxin diaolong zhi chuangzuo lun 文心雕龍創作論. Tai- pei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1978. Chi, Ch’iu-lang. “A Comparative Approach to Liu Hsieh’s Literary Theory.” Ph.D. diss., National Taiwan University, 1978. Guo Jinxi 郭晉稀. “Wenxin diaolong de juanshu he pianci”《文心雕龍》的卷數和篇次. Gansu shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1979: 4): 73–78. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. Chongxiu zengding Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 重修增訂文心雕龍研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1980. Zhan Ying 詹鍈. Liu Xie yu Wenxin diaolong 劉勰與文心雕龍. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980. Mou Shijin 牟世金. “Wenxin diaolong de zonglun ji qi lilu tixi”《文心雕龍》的總論及其理論體系. Zhongguo shehui kexue (1981: 2); rpt. in Mou Shijin. Diaolong ji 雕龍集. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1983. Feng Jiquan 馮吉權. Wenxin diaolong yu Shi pin zhi shi lun bijiao 文心雕龍與詩品之詩論比較. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1981. Chou, Shu-hua. “Liu Hsieh’s Organic Theory of Literature.” Asian Culture Quar- terly 10.4 (1982): 67–72. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Bunshin chō ryū to Shutsu-sanzō-kishū—sono himerareta kōsho megutte”「文心雕龍」と「出三藏記集」—その秘められた交涉おめぐって. Chūgoku chūsei no shūkyō to bunka 中國中世の宗教と文化, ed. Fukunaga Mit- suji 福永光司, 127–238. Kyoto: Kyoto daigaku jinbun kagaku kenkyūjo, 1982; Chinese trans. by Peng Enhua 彭恩華. Xingshan Hong Wenxin diaolong lunwen ji 興膳宏文心雕龍論文集, 5–108. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1984. Gong Ling 龔菱. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 文心雕龍研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1982. Ma Hongshan 馬宏山. Wenxin diaolong san lun 文心雕龍散論. Urumchi: Xinjiang renmin chubanshe, 1982. Shao, Paul Young-shing. “Liu Hsieh as Literary Theorist, Critic and Rhetorician.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1982. Kong Fan 孔繁. “Liu Xie yu fojiao” 劉勰與佛教. In Wenxin diaolong xuekan 1 (1983): 414–33; Ouyang Caiwei, trans. “Liu Xie and Buddhism.” Social Sciences in China (1984: 1): 188–213. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. Peng Enhua 彭恩華, trans. Xingshang Hong Wenxin diaolong lunwen ji 興膳宏文心雕龍論文集. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1984. Jiang Shuge 姜書閣. Wenxin diaolong yi zhi 文心雕龍繹旨. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1984. Zhang Renqing 張仁青. Wenxin diaolong tong quan 文心雕龍通詮. Taipei: Ming- wen shuju, 1985. Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤. “Wenxin diaolong ‘Shenglü pian’ yu Jiumaluoshi Tongyun— jian tan Wang Bin, Liu Shanjing, Shen Yue youguan zhuwenti”《文心雕龍‧聲律篇》與〈鳩摩羅什〉《通韻》—兼談王斌、劉善經、沈約有關諸問題. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1985: 3): 215–36; rpt. in Zhong Yin wenhua guanxi shi lun ji 中印文化關係史論集, 66–90. Hong Kong: Zhongwen daxue Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo, 1990. Chi, Ch’iu-lang. “Liu Hsieh’s Shen-ssu: Its Positive and Negative Capability.” Tam- kang Review 16.2 (1985): 123–37. 1366 wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍

Jiang Zuyi 蔣祖怡. Wenxin diaolong luncong 文心雕龍論叢. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Bi Wanchen 畢萬忱 and Li Miao 李淼, ed. Wenxin diaolong lungao 文心雕龍論稿. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1985. Chen Zhiming 陳志明. “Wenxin diaolong lilun de goucheng yu piandi jian de guanxi”《文心雕龍》理論的構成與篇第間的關係. Wenxin diaolong xuekan 3 (1986). Wang Yunxi 王運熙. Wenxin diaolong tansuo 文心雕龍探索. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986. Chen Zhaoxiu 陳照秀. Wenxin diaolong shuyu tan xi 文心雕龍術語探析. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1986. Fang Yuanzhen 方元珍. Wenxin diaolong yu fojiao guanxi zhi kao bian 文心雕龍與佛教關係之考辨. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1987. Zhang Shaokang 張少康. Wenxin diaolong xin tan 文心雕龍新探. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1987. Fu Zhi 甫之 and Tu Guangshe 凃光社, ed. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu lunwen xuan (1949–1982). 2 vols. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 1988. Chen Siling 陳思苓. Wenxin diaolong yi lun 文心雕龍臆論. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1988. Yi Zhongtian 易中天. Wenxin diaolong meixue sixiang lungao《文心雕龍》美學思想論稿. Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 1988. Wang Yunxi and Yang Ming. Wei Jin Nanbeichao wenxue pipingshi, 322–492. Yu Kekun 禹克坤. Wenxin diaolong yu Shi pin《文心雕龍》與《詩品》. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1989. Li Qingjia 李慶甲. Wenxin shi yu ji 文心識隅集. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1989. Jullien, François. “Théorie de parallélisme littéraire d’aprés Liu Xie.” Extrême- Orient Extrême-Occident 11 (1989): 99–108. Way, Peter. “Classicism in Aristotle’s ‘Poetics’ and Liu Xie’s ‘Wenxin diaolong.” Ph.D. diss, University of Washington, 1990. Zhao Heping. “Wen xin diao long: An Early Chinese Rhetoric of Written Dis- course.” Ph.D. diss., Purdue University, 1990. Feng Chuntain 馮春田. Wenxin diaolong yuci tongshi 文心雕龍語詞通釋. Jinan: Mingtian chubanshe, 1990. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu lunwen ji 文心雕龍研究論文集. Ed. Zhongguo Wenxin diaolong xuehui 中國文心雕龍學會. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1991. Král, Oldřich. “Tradition and Change (the Nature of Classicism in Wen Hsin Tiao Lung.” Archív Orientální 59.2 (1991): 181–89. Mu Kehong 穆克宏. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 文心雕龍研究. Fuzhou: Fujian jiaoyu chubanshe, 1991. Wang Gengsheng 王更生. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 文心雕龍研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1979. Chang, Sheng-Tai. “Liu Hsieh’s Wenhsin Tiaolong: the Dialectic of Tradition and Innovation.” Proceedings of the Thirteenth International Symposium on Asian Studies, 55–67. Hong Kong: Asian Research Service, 1992. Rao Pengzi 饒芃子, ed. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu huicui 文心雕龍研究薈萃. Shang- hai: Shanghai shushe, 1992. Wang Yuanhua 王元化. Wenxin diaolong jiangshu 文心雕龍講疏. Shanghai: Shang- hai guji chubanshe, 1992; rpt. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2004. wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍 1367

Shi Jiayi 石家宜. Wenxin diaolong zhengti yanjiu《文心雕龍》整體研究. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 1993. Zu Baoquan 祖保泉. Wenxin diaolong jieshuo 文心雕龍解說. Hefei: Anhui jiaoyu chubanshe, 1993. Sun Rongrong 孫蓉蓉. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 文心雕龍研究. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994. Zhao, H. “Rhetorical Invention in Wen Xin Diao Long.” Rhetorical Society Quar- terly 24.3/4 (1994): 1–15. Mou Shijin 牟世金. Wenxin diaolong yanjiu 文心雕龍研究. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1995. Gu Nong 顧農. Wen xuan yu Wenxin 文選與文心. Guiyang: Guizhou renmin chubanshe, 1998. Chen Litian 陳禮天. “Sengyou Shijia pu kao lun—jian lun foxue yu Wenxin diaolong fangfalun zhi guanxi” 僧祐《釋迦譜》考論—兼論佛學與《文心雕龍》方法論之關係. Shoudu shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 127 (1999): 83–89. Chen Litian 陳禮天. “Chu Sanzang ji ji yu Wenxin diaolong xin lun”《出三藏記集》與《文心雕龍》新論. Anhui shifan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 27.3 (1999): 339–46. Huang Dahong 黃大宏. “Wenxin diaolong yu fojiao guanxi jian lun”《文心雕龍》與佛教關係簡論. Xibei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 30.2 (2000): 127–30. Zhou Shaoheng 周紹恒. Wenxin diaolong sanlun ji qita 文心雕龍散論及其他. Bei- jing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2000. Cai, Zong-qi. “Wen and the Construction of a Critical System in Wenxin diaolong.” Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews 22 (2000: 1–29. Cai, Zong-qi, ed. A Chinese Literary Mind: Culture, Creativity, and Rhetoric in Wenxin diaolong. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2001. Cai, Zong-qi. “The Making of a Critical System: Concepts of Literature in Wenxin diaolong and Earlier Texts.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., A Chinese Literary Mind, 33–59. Mair, Victor H. “Buddhism in The Literary Mind and Ornate Rhetoric.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., A Chinese Literary Mind, 63–81. Lynn, Richard John. Wang Bi and Liu Xie’s Wenxin diaolong: Terms and Concepts, Influence and Affiliations.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., A Chinese Literary Mind, 83–98. Egan, Ronald. “Poet, Mind, and World: A Reconsideration of the ‘Shensi’ Chapter of Wenxin diaolong.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., A Chinese Literary Mind, 101–26. Lin, Shuen-fu. “Liu Xie on Imagination.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., A Chinese Literary Mind, 127–60. Owen, Stephen. “Liu Xie and the Discourse Machine.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., A Chi- nese Literary Mind, 175–91. Plaks, Andrew H. “The Bones of Parallel Rhetoric in Wenxin diaolong.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., A Chinese Literary Mind, 163–73. Li, Wai-yee. “Between ‘Literary Mind’ and ‘Carving Dragons’: Order and Excess in Wenxin diaolong.” In Cai Zong-qi, ed., A Chinese Literary Mind, 193–225. Yang Ming 陽明. Liu Xie pingzhuan 劉勰評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2001. Wang Shouxin 王守信 and Kong Dezhi 孔德志. Liu Xie yu Wenxin diaolong 劉勰與《文心雕龍》. Jinan: Qi Lu shushe, 2001. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Wenxin diaolong de piping xue《文心雕龍》的批評學. Guilin: Guangxi shifan daxue chubanshe, 2004. 1368 wenxin diaolong 文心雕龍

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On the “Yin xiu” 隱秀 chapter issue Huang Kan 黃侃. “Bu Wenxin diaolong Yinxiu pian (bing xu) 補文心雕龍隱秀篇(並序). Huaguo yuekan 1.3 (1923). Huang Kan 黃侃. Wenxin diaolong zhaji (Shanghai guji chubanshe 2000), 195. Xu Fu 徐復. “Huang bu Wenxin diaolong Yinxiu pian jianzhu” 黃補文心雕龍隱秀篇箋注. Jinling xuebao 8.2 (1938). Zhao Xilu 趙西陸. “Huang Kan bu Wenxin diaolong Yinxiu pian jian” 黃侃補文心雕龍隱秀篇箋. Guowen yuekan 38 (1945). Zhan Ying 詹鍈. “Wenxin diaolong ‘Yinxiu’ pian buwen de zhenwei wenti”《文心雕龍》《隱秀》篇補文的真偽問題. Wenxue pinglun congkan 2 (1979); rpt. in Zhan Ying. Wenxin diaolong de fengge xue. Yang Mingzhao 楊明照. “Wenxin diaolong ‘Yinxiu pian’ buwen zhiyi”《文心雕龍‧隱秀篇》補文質疑. Wenxue pinglun congkan 7 (1980); rpt. in Yang Ming- zhao. Xuebuyi zhai zazhu. Wang Dajin 王達津. “Lun Wenxin diaolong ‘Yinxiu pian’ buwen zhenwei” 論《文心雕龍‧隱秀篇》補文真偽. Wenxue pinglun congkan 7 (1980); rpt. in Wang Dajin. Gudai wenxue lilun yanjiu lunwen ji 古代文學理論研究論文集. Tianjin: Nankai daxue chubanshe, 1985. Zhan Ying 詹鍈. “Zai tan Wenxin diaolong ‘Yinxiu pian’ buwen de zhenwei wenti” 再談《文心雕龍》《隱秀篇》補文的真偽問題. Hebei daxue xuebao (1982: 1): 55–58. Zhou Ruchang 周汝昌. “Wenxin diaolong ‘Yinxiu pian’ jiu yi xin yi”《文心雕龍‧隱秀篇》舊疑新議. Hebei daxue xuebao (1983: 2): 18–24. Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫. Wenxin diaolong zhushi (Liren shuju 1984), 746–54.

DRK wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠 1369

Wu Jizhi 伍輯之 (fl. 400–430)

Liu-Song literatus.

Wu Jizhi’s dates and his ancestral home are unknown. His personal name is also written Jizhi 緝之. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu has the following listing: “Collected works of Song audience attendant Wu Jizhi in twelve juan.” This indicates that Wu Jizhi served in the Liu-Song court. Judging from his official title “audience attendant,” he must have been active in the early Liu-Song period (420–479). Wu Jizhi is also credited with the Congzheng ji 從徵記 (Notes on accompanying the expedition). This may be a record of the military campaigns of Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422, the founder of the Liu-Song dynasty. Yao Zhenzong 姚振宗 (1843–1906) has suggested that Wu Jizhi may have been a contemporary of Pei Song- zhi 裴松之 (372–451), Dai Yanzhi 戴延之 (n.d.), and Qiu Yuanzhi 邱淵之 (n.d.). Yan Kejun has collected his “Yuantao fu” 園桃賦 (Fu on peaches in the garden) and “Liuhua fu” 柳花賦 (Fu on willow catkins) in his Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. His two “Lao ge” 勞歌 (Song of toil) poems are preserved in the Wenyuan yinghua, Yuefu shiji, the Shi ji of Feng Weine, and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Yao Zhenzong 姚振宗 (1843–1906). Sui shu Jingji zhi kaozheng 隋書經籍志考證, 39.47. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, vol. 916. Cao Daoheng and Sheng Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 100.

TPK

Wu Jun 吳均 (469–520), zi Shuxiang 叔庠

Qi and Liang period writer and historian.

Wu Jun’s natal place was Guzhang 故鄣 in Wuxing 吳興 commandery (modern Anji 安吉, Zhejiang). He came from a poor family, and during his youth he led the life of a knight errant. Ca. 495, he went to the Bagong Mountains 八公山 in Shouyang 壽陽 (modern Shou county, Anhui), which at that time was on the border between the Northern Qi and Northern Wei. Wu Jun may even have participated in a battle against the Wei army. 1370 wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠

About 498, Wu Jun left Shouyang and went south to what is now modern Hunan. He spent time in Xiangzhou 湘州 (modern Changsha) and Guiyang 桂陽 (modern Chenzhou 郴州, Hunan). In Guiyang he associated with the Guiyang commandery administrator Wang Jun 王峻 (466– 521) with whom he exchanged several poems. Wu Jun also exchanged poems with Wang Jun’s assistant, Zhou Xingsi 周興嗣 (d. 521), who was also a literary man. Wu Jun probably had met both Wang Jun and Zhou Xingsi previously. A new acquaintance was Bao Ji 鮑機 (or 幾), magistrate of Chongling 舂陵 (northeast of modern Ningyuan 寧遠, Hunan), whom he met in Xiangzhou. Wu Jun left Xiangzhou in 500 and went to the capital. He probably was in the capital when troops led by Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549) surrounded Jiankang. Wu Jun reputedly was one of the literati who urged the Qi forces to surrender to Xiao Yan. After Xiao Yan took the imperial throne, Wu Jun sought to obtain employment in the new administration. He wrote poems to Ren Fang 任昉 (460–508) and Zhou Xingsi. During this time he also may have met Shen Yue 沈約 (441–513). In 503, Liu Yun 柳惲 (465–517) was appointed governor of Wuxing, Wu Jun’s home commandery. Liu Yun recommended Wu Jun to be assigned an administrator on his staff. Wu Jun was not entirely happy with his position, and he left Wuxing for a brief period, perhaps to pursue a military career. Upon his return, Liu Yun restored him to his former position and seemed not to be disturbed that Wu had left. In 505, Liu Yun was summoned to Jiankang. Wu Jun accompanied him. Upon Liu Yun’s recommendation, Wu Jun received a position on the staff Xiao Yan’s younger brother Xiao Hong 蕭宏 (473–526), Prince of Linchuan. He accompanied Xiao Hong on a military expedition against the Northern Wei in 506. Upon returning to the capital in 506, Wu Jun was appointed secretary to Xiao Wei 蕭偉 (476–533), Prince of Jian’an. Wu’s primary task was to take charge of writings that were composed in the prince’s administration. During this period Wu Jun became acquainted with such literary luminaries as Xiao Ziyun 蕭子雲 (487–549), Wang Yun 王筠 (481–549), and Wang Sengru 王僧儒 (ca. 463–ca. 521). Emperor Wu also invited Wu Jun to participate in palace gatherings and feasts where courtiers composed impromptu poems. Emperor Wu especially admired Wu Jun’s writings. However, Emperor Wu eventually did not care for Wu Jun’s uncivil manner. On one occasion when Emperor Wu commanded his courtiers to compose a line consisting of five syllables all from the same rhyme to match a line of verse he had written, Wu Jun did not reply. Emperor Wu said about him, “Wu Jun bu jun/yun” 吳均不均 (Wu Jun does not rhyme, wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠 1371 i.e., does not cooperate).” Xiao Yan then had Wu Jun investigated by the chamberlain for law enforcement. In 510, Xiao Wei was assigned as regional inspector of Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat modern Jiujiang 九江, Jiangxi), and Wu Jun served as administrator and official in charge of city defense. In 513, Wu Jun returned to the capital where he was appointed audience attendant. He and Xiao Zixian 蕭子顯 (489–537) petitioned to compile a history of the Qi dynasty. Wu Jun requested to be able to borrow the court diaries and accounts of the court officials. The emperor did not approve his request on the grounds that so many people knew about the events of this period, Wu Jun could obtain this information on his own. Wu Jun went ahead and compiled the Qi chunqiu 齊春秋 (Annals of Qi), which he completed in 515. However, he offended Emperor Wu by writing a faithful account of Emperor Wu’s role in supporting the “usurpation” of the Qi throne by Xiao Luan 蕭鸞 (452–498, r. 494–498). The emperor ordered Liu Zhilin 劉之遴 (477–548) to question Wu Jun about several dozen entries, but Wu Jun was too intimidated to reply. The emperor ordered the copy of the Qi chunqiu presented to the court burned. Xiao Zixian was then ordered to compile a proper history. Wu Jun was removed from office. He returned to Wuxing, where he led a life of reclusion. In 517, Emperor Wu wished to compile a Tong shi 通史 (Comprehensive history) that covered Chinese history from the earliest times to the Qi dynasty. He requested Wu Jun to compile this work. Wu Jun completed the annals and heriditary houses sections, but died before he finished the biographies. Wu Jun died of illness in 520 at the ageof fifty-two. Wu Jun’s biography in the Liang shu mentions that his collected works consisted of twenty juan. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and two Tang histories list his collection in twenty juan. This probably was lost in the Song, for the Yuan period Song shi records only a three-juan version. Extant collections are all late reconstructions. Wu Jun compiled a number of historical works. Although the court burned its copy of the Qi chunqiu, a thirty-juan version of it survived into the Song. It is also probable that Xiao Zixian made use of Wu Jun’s work in compiling the Nan Qi shu that is now included in the standard versions of the twenty-four histories. Wu Jun also compiled the Miao ji 廟記 (Notes on temples), the Shier zhou ji 十二州記 (Notes on the twelve provinces), and Qiantang xianxian zhuan 錢塘先賢傳 (Traditions of former worthies of Qiantang), all of which have been lost. Another scholarly work by Wu Jun is a ninety-juan commentary to the Hou Han shu of Fan Ye. This work also has not survived. 1372 wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠

Wu Jun was a prolific poet. Lu Qinli has collected 147 of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. His verse shows remarkable variety. He has a number of poems on the relatively new theme of biansai 邊塞 or the “frontier.” In some of his pieces he portrays himself as going into battle in the far north, a place that he had never visited. He also wrote a substantial number of yuefu. His set of five “Xinglu nan” 行路難 (Traveling the road is hard) in heptasyllabic meter are clearly inspired by the “Xinglu nan” of Bao Zhao 鮑照 (ca. 414–466). Wu Jun also wrote many poems in the gongti 宮體 or “palace style.” Many of them are included in the Yutai xinyong. Two of the more well known pieces are “He Xiao xianma Zixian guyi 和蕭洗馬子顯古意 (Ancient mood, matching Front Rider Xiao Zixian) and “Yu Liu Yun xiang zengda” 與柳惲相贈答 (Exchange with Liu Yun), both six-poem sets written in the persona of a woman pining for her absent husband or lover. Wu Jun also wrote a number of landscape pieces. When Wu Jun went to Wuxing in 503, he wrote essays on scenic places in this area. These were collected in a now lost work, Rudong ji 入東記 (Notes on entering the east [i.e., Wu and Yue]. He also wrote highly crafted landscape poems. One of the best known of these pieces is “Shanzhong zashi” 山中雜詩 (Unclassified poems written in the mountain), a set of three quatrains. Wu Jun also was a skilled fu writer. Five of his fu pieces, all incomplete, are extant. Two of them, “Wu cheng fu” 吳城賦 (Fu on the city of Wu) and “Bagong shan fu” 八公山賦 (Fu on Bagong Mountain) are on sites near his natal place. Wu Jun is well known for his letters, most of which are written in parallel prose. These include “Yu Gu Zhang shu” 與顧章書 (Letter to Gu Zhang) and “Yu Zhu Yuansi shu 朱元思書 (Letter to Zhu Yuansi). The latter piece is sometimes titled “Yu Song Yuansi shu” 與宋元思書 (Letter to Song Yuansi). These pieces are notable for their extended description of places and natural scenes. Wu Jun wrote several humorous parodies of conventional prose genres. His “Xi Jiang shen ze Zhou Mu wang bi” 檄江神則周穆王璧 (Proclamation to the God of the Yangzi River seeking the jade disc of King Mu of Zhou) is a parody of the xiwen 檄文 or “war proclamation.” Wu Jun threatens the God of the Yangzi River with military action if he does not return a jade disc that he had appropriated from Duke Mu of Zhou many thousands of years earlier. Another of his humorous prose pieces is “Bing shuo” 餅說 (Disqusition on pasta) which is an imaginary dialogue between the founder of the Liu Song dynasty Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422) and a provisioner named Cheng Ji 程季, who explains to Liu Yu the best ingredients for making the filling for a dumpling. Another of Wu Jun’s culinary pieces is “Shi yi” 食移 wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠 1373

(Dispatch on food). In this piece Wu Jun writes an yiwen 移文 or dispatch to an unnamed lord for his failure to share his luxurious goods with his subjects. Wu enumerates all of the delicious food and drink that the lord has in his kitchen. Wu Jun compiled the story collection Xu Qi Xie ji 續齊諧記 (Sequel to Qi Xie’s Records). This presumably is a sequel to the Qixie ji 齊諧記 attributed to one Dongyang Wuyi 東陽無疑. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and two Tang histories list it in one juan. The Song catalogue Chongwen zongmu records a three-juan version. However, it is impossible to determine whether the contents of this version are the same as the earlier one-juan version. The received text, which is found in a number of congshu, is a reconstruction based on citations from commonplace books and other works. The most complete reconstruction is by Wang Guoliang (see below), who has collected twenty-two entries.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Wu Chaoqing ji 吳朝請集. 3 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Wu Chaoqing ji 吳朝請集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Lin Jiali 林家驪, ed. and comm. Wu Jun ji jiaozhu 吳均集校注. Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2005.

Studies Zhu Dongrun 朱東潤. “Shiren Wu Jun” 詩人吳均. Xinyue 2.9 (1929); rpt. in Zhu Dongrun. Zhongguo wenxue lunji 中國文學論集, 198–214. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Ryō no bungaku shūdan to kojin—2—Go Kin ni tsuite” 梁の文學集团と個人—2—吳均について. Nihon Chōgoku gakkai hō 21 (1969): 64–80. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. Rikuchōshi no kenkyū: “shūdan no bungaku” to “kojin no bungaku” 六朝詩の研究：「集团の文學」と「個人の文學」, 466–500. Tokyo: Daiichi gakushūsha, 1976. Zhao Jiaying 趙家瑩. “ ‘Wu Jun ti’ jianlun” “吳均體” 簡論. Hangzhou daxue xuebao 14.4 (1984): 56–59. Huang Chonghao 黃崇浩. “Wu Jun shengping yu zhushu kaosuo” 吳均生平與著述考索. Wenxian (1988; 4): 218–30. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 201–2. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Wu Jun” 吳均. In Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan (Xubian) 中國歷代著名文學家評傳 (續編), 387–95. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996–1997. 1374 wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠

Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 201–2. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 516–17. Wu Jianhui 吳建輝. “Wu Jun zai wuyan shi xingshi shang de tansuo ji qi chengjiu” 吳均在五言詩形式上的探索及其成就. Hubei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 26.2 (1999): 41–44. Shi Yongqing 施永慶. “Wu Jun xingnian zhushu kaolüe” 吳均行年著述考略. Shan- dong shida xuebao (Shehui kexeu ban) (1999: 5): 78–82. Morino Shigeo 森野繁夫. “Rikuchō no bunjin tachi—Ryō Go Kin” 六朝の文人たち—梁‧吳均. Chūgoku ronshū 34 (2003): 1–14. Zhang Lei 張蕾. “Shuo Wu Jun de ‘youxia qingjie’ ” 說吳均的 “游俠情結”. Hebei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 29.3 (2004): 93–95. Wang Xiaofang 王曉芳. “Lüelun Wu Jun ti” 略論吳均體. Zhongguo yunwen xuekan (2004: 1): 28–33. Zuo Hong 佐宏. “Shilun Wu Jun biansai shi” 試論吳均邊塞詩. Yibin xueyuan xuebao (2005: 5): 62–63. Ji Fagen 嵇發根. “Yi Shen Yue Wu Jun wei daibiao de shige zai wenxue shi shang de diwei ji qi yingxiang” 以沈約、吳均為代表的詩歌在文學史上的地位及其影響. Zhongguo wenhua yuekan 314 (2007): 85–100. Wan Guangzhi 萬光治. “Lun Wu Jun ti” 論吳均體. Wenxue yichan (2007: 1): 26–32. He Xianglin 賀湘林. “Wu Jun beifa kao: you ‘Zeng Liu Zhenyang’ shi xinian shuo kaiqu” 吳均北伐考：由《贈柳真陽》詩繫年說開去. Xuchang shiyuan xuebao 27.6 (2008): 95–97. Lü Hongguang 呂紅光. “Wu Jun shige yuanyuan kao ji qi sikao” 吳均詩歌淵源考及其思考. Jiangnan daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 8.1 (2009): 123–28. Xu Yan 徐艷. “Yu qixian yu gupu de yuyan zhuiqiu—‘Wu Jun ti’ neihan kaobian” 寓奇險於古樸的語言追求—“吳均體” 內涵考辨. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (2009: 4): 34–39. Chennault, Cynthia. “Wu Jun.” Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 210–14. Detroit: Gale, 2011.

Works

a. “He Xiao xianma Zixian guyi 和蕭洗馬子顯古意 (Ancient mood, matching Front Rider Xiao Zixian), six poems.

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 160–61. Birrell, Anne. Games Poets Play: Readings in Medieval Chinese Poetry, 24, Cam- bridge: McGuinness China Monographs, 2004. wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠 1375

b. “Yu Liu Yun xiang zengda” 與柳惲相贈答 (Exchange with Liu Yun), six poems

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 161–63.

c. “Ni gu” 擬古 (Imitating ancient poems), four poems

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 163–64. Tian, Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 351 (“Gathering Lotus”).

d. “Zeng Du Rongcheng” 贈杜容成 (Presented to Du Rongcheng)

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 164.

e. “Chun yong” 春詠 (On spring)

Translations Watson, Chinese Lyricism, 100. Birrell, New Songs, 164.

f. “Qu qie zeng qianren” 去妾贈前人 (Sent from a divorced concubine to her former husband)

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 165. Birrell, Games Poets Play, 212.

g. “Yong shaonian” 詠少年 (On a young boy)

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 165. 1376 wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠

h. “Xing lu nan” 行路難 (Traveling the road is hard), 2 poems

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 251–52.

i. “Jueju” 絕句, four poems

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 279.

j. “Shanzhong zashi” 山中雜詩

Translation Hsieh, Daniel. The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 205. New York: Peter Lang, 1996.

k. “Yong Cimu ji shishang song” 詠慈母磯石上松 (On a pine on a stone at Cimu crag)

Translation Hsieh, The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 199.

l. “Congjun xing” 從軍行 (Ballad of joining the army)

Translation Tian, Beacon Fire and Shooting Star, 326.

m. “Tong Liu Wuxing Heshan ji songbie Liu Yuhang” 同柳吳興何山集送別劉餘杭 (Together with Liu, governor of Wuxing, at at gathering at Mount He sending off Liu of Yuhang)

Translation Chennault, Cynthia. “Farewell Poems of Early Medieval China by Xie Tiao (464– 499) and His Contemporaries.” Delos, second series, 9.1–2 (1998): 34–44.

n. Xu Qi Xie ji 續齊諧記 (Sequel to Qi Xie’s Records)

Editions Xu Qixie ji 續齊諧記. 1 juan. Gushi wenfang xiaoshuo 顧氏文房小說. Ming, Jiajing period (1522–1566). Rpt. Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1925. wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠 1377

Xu Qixie ji 續齊諧記. 1 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史. Ming Wanli period (1573–1620) ed. and printing by Wu Guan 吳琯. Xu Qixie ji 續齊諧記. 1 juan. Guang Han Wei congshu. Xu Qixie ji 續齊諧記. 1 juan. Mishu ershiyi zhong 秘書二十一種. Wang Shihan 汪士漢, ed. Qing Kangxi (1661–1722) printing. Based on Gujin yishi version. Xu Qixie ji 續齊諧記. 1 juan. Siku quanshu. Based on Gujin shishi version. Wang Guoliang 王國良. Xu Qixie ji yanjiu 續齊諧記研究, 23–64. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1987. Lin Jiali 林家驪, ed. Xu Qixie ji 續齊諧記. In Wu Jun ji jiao zhu 吳均集校注, 218– 40. Hangzhou: Zhejiang guji chubanshe, 2005.

Studies Li Jiangguo, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 405–14. Wang Guoliang. “Xu Qixie ji yanjiu” 續齊諧記研究, Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo kao lun, 173–93. Campany, Strange Writing, 87–88. Wang Guoliang 王國良. Xu Qixie ji yanjiu 續齊諧記研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1987.

Translations Connerey, Chris. In Classical Tales of the Supernatural and Fantastic: Selections from the Third to the Tenth Century, ed. Karl S. Y. Kao, 159–63. Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1985. Spring, Madeline K. “Recollections of a Fleeting Romance: The Wang Jingbo Nar- rative.” Early Medieval China 10–11, no. 2 (2005): 1–41.

o. “Yu Gu Zhang shu” 與顧章書 (Letter to Gu Zhang)

Translation Chang, H. C. Chinese Literature 2: Nature Poetry, 13–14. New York: Columbia University Press, 1977.

p. “Yu Zhu Yuansi shu” 與朱元思書 (Letter to Zhu Yuansi); also written as “Yu Song Yuansi shu” 與宋元思書

Studies Zhu Jianmin 朱鑑民. “ ‘Yu Zhu Yuansi shu’ mantan”《與朱元思書》漫談. Beijing shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1982: 4): 91–94. Zhou Zhaoxiang 周兆祥. “Shanshui pianwen de jiazuo: du Wu Jun ‘Yu Song Yuansi shu’ ” 山水駢文的佳作：讀吳均「與宋元思書」. Guowen tiandi 42 (1988): 68–69. Gong Kechang 龔克昌. “Shanshui wenfu de jiezuo—du Wu Jun ‘Yu Zhu Yuansi shu’ ” 山水文賦的杰作—讀吳均《與朱元思書》. Shandong laonian (1992: 1); rpt. 1378 wu jun 吳均 (469–520), zi shuxiang 叔庠

in Gong Kechang. Zhongguo cifu yanjiu 中國辭賦研究, 669–72. Jinan: Shandong daxue chubanshe, 2003. Lai Hanping 賴漢屏. “Wu Jun ‘Yu Song Yuansi shu’ ” 吳均「與宋元思書」. Mingdao wenyi 331 (2003: 10): 112–15.

Translations Chang, H. C. Chinese Literature 2, 13. Strassberg, Richard. Inscribed Landscapes: Travel Writing from Imperial China, 31–32. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994.

DRK

Wu Jun ti 吳均體 (Wu Jun style)

This term refers to a particular poetic style associated with the Qi-Liang period writer Wu Jun 吳均 (469–520). According to Wu Jun’s biography in the Liang shu, Wu Jun’s “literary style is pure and outstanding and has an ancient quality. Some afficiandos imitated him. They called this the ‘Wu Jun style.’ ” Scholars have debated the exact meaning of “Wu Jun stye.” The most authoritative explanation is by Professor Wan Guangzhi of Sichuan shifan daxue. According to Wan, the term applies to pentasyllabic verse that is written in imitation of Han and Wei yuefu. However, the language is much more highly crafted and the diction is often strange and unusual.

Studies

Zhao Jiaying 趙家瑩. “ ‘Wu Jun ti’ jianlun” “吳均體” 簡論. Hangzhou daxue xuebao 14.4 (1984): 56–59. Wang Xiaofang 王曉芳. “Lüelun Wu Jun ti” 略論吳均體. Zhongguo yunwen xuekan (2004: 1): 28–33. Wan Guangzhi 萬光治. “Lun Wu Jun ti” 論吳均體. Wenxue yichan (2007: 1): 26–32.

DRK

Wu Maiyuan 吳邁遠 (d. 474)

Liu-Song period poet.

Wu Maiyuan’s natal place is not known. Emperor Ming (r. 465–472) heard that he was a skilled poet, and he summoned him to the imperial court. After meeting him, the emperor was not much impressed. He commented, “Except for joining [words] and marking pauses, he has nothing else to recommend him.” After serving as audience attendant, ca. 471, Wu Mai- yuan joined the staff of the Prince of Guiyang 桂陽, Liu Xiufan 劉休範 wu shangye 吳尚野 1379

(448–474), in Jiangzhou 江州 (administrative seat, Xunyang 尋陽, southwest of modern Huangmei 黃梅, Hubei). In 474, Liu Xiufan rebelled, and Wu Maiyuan composed legitimation tallies and war proclamations for him. Liu was eventually defeated, and Wu and his entire clan were executed. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wu Maiyuan’s collected works in one juan which it notes was damaged. It also mentions an eight-juan collection recorded in a Liang catalogue that was lost before the Tang. Zhong Rong places Wu Maiyuan in the lower grade of the Shi pin, but mistakenly identifies him as a Qi period poet. Lu Qinli has collected eleven of his poems in Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. Wu Maiyuan excelled at writing yuefu. Four of his poems, all of which are written in the voice of a woman longing for her absent lover or husband, are contained in the Yutai xinyong.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 200–1. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenshi shiliao congkao, 354–55.

Translations Birrell, New Songs, 120–22.

WJ and DRK

Wu Shangye 吳尚野

Chen period poet.

Wu Shangye’s ancestral home and dates are unknown. His only extant poem “Yong lin nü loushang tan qin shi” 詠鄰女樓上彈琴詩 (Poem on neighbor girl playing the zither upstairs) is included in the Gushi leiyuan 古詩類苑 of Zhang Zhixiang 張之象 (1502–1587) and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 202.

TPK 1380 “wu sheng gequ” 吳聲歌曲 (wu melody songs)

“Wu sheng gequ” 吳聲歌曲 (Wu melody songs)

The “Wu sheng gequ,” or “Wu sheng,” are songs that originated from popular songs that flourished in the Jiankang area during the Eastern Jin and Liu-Song period. Guo Maoqian 郭茂倩 (11th century) places them in the “Qingshang quci” 清商曲辭 category of the Yuefu shiji 樂府詩集 (juan 44–47). There are 326 songs and 24 tune titles. Almost all of these pieces are quatrains, and many of them are on the themes of love and courtship. Some of the more famous titles are “Ziye ge” 子夜歌 (Ziye songs), “Ziye sishi ge” 子夜四時歌 (Ziye four seasons songs), “Huashan ji” 華山畿 (Slopes of Mount Hua), “Aonao ge” 懊憹歌 (Songs of vexation), “Duqu ge” 讀曲歌 (Songs read aloud). A number of these pieces are attributed to literati, and thus many scholars have suggested that the received versions were polished or even rewritten by scholar-poets.

Bibliography

Studies Xiao Difei 蕭滌非. Han Wei Liuchao yuefu shi 漢魏六朝樂府史, 207–224. 1945; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1984. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. Liuchao yuefu yu minge 六朝樂府與民歌. Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi lianhe chubanshe, 1955; rpt. in Wang Yunxi. Yuefu shi shulun 樂府詩述論 (Zengbu ben 增補本), 1–101. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006. Evans, Marilyn Jane Coutant. “Popular Songs of the Southern Dynasties: A Study in Chinese Poetic Style.” Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1966. Qiu Xieyou 邱燮友. “Wuge Xiqu chansheng de yuanyin ji qi shidai beijing” 吳歌西曲產生的原因及其時代背景. Wenfeng 17 (1970): 1–17; rpt. Shu he ren 209 (1973): 1–8. Qiu Xieyou 邱燮友. “Wuge Xiqu yu Liang gujiao hengchui qu de bijiao” 吳歌西曲與梁鼓角橫吹曲的比較. Guowen xuebao 1 (1972): 79–90; rpt. Zhongguo shi jikan 5.1 (1974): 1–20. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Nanchao zhengju yu ‘Wu sheng ge’ ‘Xiqu ge’ de xing sheng” 南朝政局與 “吳聲歌”、“西曲歌” 的興盛. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1988: 2): 268–95. Hsieh, Daniel. The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 95–136. New York: Peter Lang, 1996. Wang Zhimin 王之敏. “ ‘Wu sheng’ ‘Xiqu’ xieyin xianxiang tantao” 「吳聲」「西曲」諧音現象探討. Yun Han xuekan 8 (2001): 109–32. Birrell, Anne. Games Poets Play: Readings in Medieval Chinese Poetry, 81–115. Cambridge: McGuinness China Monographs, 2004. Qian Zhixi 錢志熙. Wei Jin Nanbeichao shige shi shu 魏晉南北朝詩歌史述, 208–19. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2005. Wang Zhiqing 王志清. Jin Song yuefu shi yanjiu 晉宋樂府詩研究, 86–168. Baoding: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 2007. “wu sheng gequ” 吳聲歌曲 (wu melody songs) 1381

Wu Dashun 吳大順. Wei Jin Nanbeichao yuefu geci yanjiu 魏晉南北朝歌辭研究 84–103, 131–39. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2008. Zhao Guifen 趙桂芬. “Wu sheng Xiqu de nüxing shuxie tezheng” 吳聲西曲的女性書寫特徵. Donghai Zhongwen xuebao 20.7 (2008): 105–31. Wang Yunxi 王運熙 and Wang Guo’an 王國安. Yuefu shiji daodu 樂府詩集導讀, 70–77. Beijing: Zhongguo guoji guangbo chubanshe, 2009. Wang Zhiqing 王志清. “Lun Nanchao yuefu ‘Wu sheng’ de yanchang xingtai” 論南朝樂府 “吳聲” 的演唱形態. Guizhou shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 165 (2010): 115–18. Wang Zhiqing 王志清. “ ‘Wu sheng’ de yahua yu fengge yanbian” “吳聲” 的雅化與風格演變. Jinyang xuekan (2010: 6): 112–18. Wang Zhiqing 王志清. “Nanchao yuefu ‘Wu sheng’ de xingcheng lishi he geci tezheng” 南朝樂府 “吳聲” 的形成歷史和歌辭特徵. Xianyang shifan xueyuan xuebao 25.1 (2010): 91–95.

Works

a. “Ziye ge” 子夜歌 (Ziye songs) and “Ziye sishi ge” 子夜四時歌 (Ziye four seasons songs)

Translations Hart, Henry. The Hundred Names, 46–56. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1933. Waley, Chinese Poems, 108. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 99–101. Mayhew, Lenore & William McNaughton. A Gold Orchid: The Love Poems of Tzu Yeh. Rutland, Vermont and Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle Company, 1972. Frankel, Hans H. “Yüeh-fu Poetry.” In Studies in Chinese Literary Genres, Cyril Birch, ed., 95–96. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974. Birrell, New Songs, 270. Hsieh, Daniel. The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 105, 107, 110–11, 121, 131. New York: Peter Lang, 1996. Owen, Anthology, 238–40.

b. “Duqu ge” 讀曲歌 (Songs read aloud)

Translations Lin, Shuen-fu. “The Nature of the Quatrain from the Late Han to the High T’ang.” In The Vitality of the Lyric Voice: Shih Poetry from the Late T’ang to the T’ang, ed. Shuen-fu Lin and Stephen Owen, 306. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986. 1382 “wu sheng gequ” 吳聲歌曲 (wu melody songs)

c. “Huashan ji” 華山畿 (Slopes of Mount Hua)

Translation Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 103. Frankel, Hans H. “Yüeh-fu Poetry.” In Studies in Chinese Literary Genres, Cyril Birch, ed., 95–96. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974.

d. “Aonao ge” 懊憹歌 (Songs of vexation)

Translation Hsieh, Evolution of Jueju Verse, 108, 116–17.

DRK

Wu Sixuan 吳思玄

Chen period poet.

Wu Sixuan’s dates and ancestral place are unknown. He has one poem “Gui yuan shi” 閨怨詩 (Poem on a young woman’s sorrows and grievances) extant. This poem is preserved in the Gushi leiyuan 古詩類苑 of Zhang Zhixiang 張之象 and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 203.

TPK

Wu Yinzhi 吳隱之 (d. 413), zi Chumo 處默

Eastern Jin literatus.

Wu Yinzhi’s ancestral home was Juancheng 鄄城 in Puyang 濮陽 (south of modern Puyang, Hebei). His childhood name was Fuzi 附子. He was a sixth- generation grandson of the late Eastern Han and early Wei period literatus Wu Zhi 吳質 (178–230). His father Wu Jian 吳堅, who died when Yinzhi was about ten years old, married Tong Qinji 童秦姬 from Dongyuan 東苑 (modern Lanzhou, Gansu). According to Wu Yinzhi’s biography in the Jin shu, Yinzhi was handsome, a good conversationalist, and well-versed in literature and history. wu yinzhi 吳隱之 (d. 413), zi chumo 處默 1383

When Wu Yinzhi’s father and mother died, he mourned for them beyond what was required by the ritual code. He wasted away, and his wailing reputedly brought tears to the eyes of those who passed by his abode. His family was poor and could not afford to hire drummers to perform at their father’s funeral. According to one account, whenever it was time for the family members to “cry aloud,” a pair of cranes “cried aloud” for them. One of Wu Yinzhi’s neighbors was Han Kangbo 韓康伯 (fl. mid-late fourth cent.), a high-level court official and scholar of the Eastern Jin. Han Kangbo’s mother was the elder sister of Yin Hao 殷浩 (d. 360), a famous scholar-official. Whenever she heard Wu Yinzhi’s wailing, she stopped eating and sobbed. She told her son, “If someday you are in charge of selecting candidates for court appointments, you should select this type of person.” When Han Kangbo became minister of the Ministry of Personnel, he appointed Wu Yinzhi to the Personnel Evaluation Section. In 369, Wu Yinzhi’s elder brother Wu Tanzhi 吳坦之 (n.d.) served in the Personnel Evaluation Section of Yuan Zhen 袁眞 (d. 370). In mid-December 369, Yuan Zhen staged a revolt in Shouchun 壽春 (modern Shou county, Anhui). Fearing his brother would be executed, Wu Yinzhi sought help from Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373). Huan Wen held Wu Yinzhi in high regard, and he spared Wu Tanzhi’s life. Huan Wen appointed Wu Yinzhi audience attendant, secretarial court gentleman, and governor of Jinling 晉陵 (administrative seat Jinling county, modern Changzhou 常州, Jiangsu). While in office, Wu Yinzhi lived frugally. His wife even had to carry firewood herself. He later was promoted to a number of positions including attendant gentleman and professor at the national university, commandant of the right guard for the heir designate, gentleman cavalier attendant, and editorial director of the palace library. In 379, Emperor Xiaowu 孝武 (r. 373–396) wished to promote Wu Yinzhi to gentleman of the palace gate, but gave up the idea after court officials said that Wu Yinzhi looked too much like Sima Yu 司馬昱 (320–372), the future Emperor Jianwen 簡文 (371–372). Soon thereafter Wu Yinzhi was named chamberlain for law enforcement, director of the palace library, palace aide to the censor-in- chief, editorial director, and general of the left guard. While holding these high posts, Wu Yinzhi lived frugally and distributed his official emolu- ments to relatives. He did not even have an adequate quilt for the winter. In 400, Huan Xuan 桓玄 (369–404) sent Wu Yinzhi to Guangzhou 廣州 (modern Guangzhou and Guangxi) to halt corrupt practices by the local officials. Twenty li from the administrative seat was a spring named Tan- quan 貪泉 (Spring of Greed). It was said that anyone who drank the water from the spring would become insatiably greedy. Wu Yinzhi drank water 1384 wu yinzhi 吳隱之 (d. 413), zi chumo 處默 from the spring and composed a poem titled “Zhuo Tanquan fu shi” 酌貪泉賦詩 (Drinking water from the Spring of Greed): The ancients said about this water, Just wetting the lips and one craves a thousand pieces of gold. But just try making Bo Yi or Shu Qi drink from it, And they would never change their minds. Wu Yinzhi lived even more frugally in Guangzhou. His daily meal was nothing but vegetables and dried fish. In 402/403, Emperor An promoted him to general of the front and awarded him 500,000 cash and one thousand hu of grain to honor his extraordinary filial and fraternal devotion. Wu gave away the emoluents to relatives. In November–December 404, Lu Xun 盧循 (d. 411) led an attack on Panyu 番禺 (modern Guangzhou), the administrative seat of Nanhai 南海, and Wu Yinzhi was dispatched to repel his forces. The battle lasted for more than one hundred days, and Wu Yinzhi suffered heavy losses. Wu Yinzhi’s eldest son Wu Kuangzhi 吳曠之 (d. 404) was killed, more than three thousand houses were burned down to the ground, and some ten thousand people lost their lives. After the city fell into the hands of the enemy, Wu Yinzhi tried to escape with his family, but he was captured on his way to the capital by Lu Xun. Lu Xun presented a petition to the imperial court claiming Wu Yinzhi’s remaining troops had submitted to Huan Xuan, and thus he should be executed. The court took no action on his request. General Liu Yu 劉裕 (363–422), the future founder of the Song dynasty, wrote a letter to Lu Xun demanding Wu Yinzhi’s release. Lu Xun compiled with Liu Yu’s request. In 406, Wu Yinzhi returned to the imperial court where he was appointed minister of the Ministry of Revenue and chamberlain for ceremonials. He continued to live frugally and distribute his official emolument to relatives. His family members took up weaving to supplement their income. On some occasions, they had such little food, they could eat only every other day. In 412, Wu Yizhi requested to retire. He was named grand master for splendid happiness with golden seal and purple ribbon, and was granted one hundred-thousand cash and three-hundred hu- of grain. He died the following year. He was posthumously awarded the position of grand master for splendid happiness of the left and cavalier attendant-in-ordinary. Most of Wu Yingzhi’s writings have been lost. His only extant poem, “Zhuo Tanquan fu shi,” is preserved in his biography in the Jin shu, the Shi- shuo xinyu (1/47), and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi. wu yue chunqiu 吳越春秋 (annals of wu and yue) 1385

Bibliography

Studies Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 22–23, 631. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 203. Zhang Keli 張克禮. Dong Jin wenyi xinian 東晉文藝繫年, 435, 460, 499, 639–40, 660, 682, 694, 726, 745, 752. Jinan: Shandong jiaoyu chubanshe, 1992.

TPK

Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋 (Annals of Wu and Yue)

Ancient Chinese narrative prose work.

The Wu Yue chunqiu contains a lively, somewhat fictionalized account of the conflict between the southeastern Wu and Yue kingdoms during the fifth century b.c.e. In the received version, the work is divided into two sections. The first five sections concern the kingdom of Wu, beginning with its early history, and recounting events relating to its most prominent personages such as Ji Zha 季札 (sixth century b.c.e.), Wu Zixu 伍子胥 (d. 486 b.c.e.), King Helü 闔閭 (r. 514–496 b.c.e.), and King Fucha 夫差 (r. 495–477 b.c.e.). The second five sections deal with the state of Yue. The major figure in this section is Fan Li 范蠡 (fl. 580 b.c.e.). The Wu Yue chunqiu was compiled by Zhao Ye 趙曄 (fl. 60–80). Zhao Ye, who has a short biography in the Hou Han shu, was from Shanyin 山陰 in Guiji 會稽 (modern Shaoxing, Zhejiang), which was located in the old area of Wu-Yue. Zhao served as a prefectural clerk, but considering the duties of this post degrading, he left his home area and went to Sichuan to study the Classic of Songs with Du Fu 杜撫 (fl. 57–80), an expert in the Han school of Shi jing scholarship. In 54, he went to Chang’an when Du Fu was summoned to serve on the staff of Emperor Ming’s brother, Liu Cang 劉蒼 (d. 83), King of Dongping 東平. Zhao Ye did not maintain contact with his family for twenty years, and thinking him dead, they conducted mourning rites for him. After Du Fu passed away, Zhao Ye returned to Shanyin, where he died. His biography in the Hou Han shu mentions that he compiled the Wu Yue chunqiu. The received version of the Wu Yue chunqiu probably is not the original Zhao Ye version. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists three works that have Wu Yue chunqiu in the title: 1386 wu yue chunqiu 吳越春秋 (annals of wu and yue)

1. Wu Yue chunqiu, 12 juan, by Zhao Ye. 2. Wu Yue chunqiu xiao fan 吳越春秋削繁 (Abridgment of the Annals of Wu and Yue), 5 juan, by Yang Fang 楊方 (Eastern Jin), who was also a native of Shanyin in Guiji. 3. Wu Yue chunqiu, 10 juan, by Huangfu Zun 皇甫尊 (seventh century).

The same listing is also found in the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu both of which list Huangfu Zun’s work as Wu Yue chunqiu zhuan 吳越春秋傳 (Commentary to the Annals of Wu and Yue). Although the two latter works do not survive, it is clear that Yang Fang’s version was an abridgment of Zhao Ye’s original, and Huangfu Zun wrote a commentary to it. However, there is evidence that Huangfu Zun revised the text. According to the Song imperial catalogue Chongwen zongmu 崇文總目 compiled by Wang Yaochen 王堯臣 (1001–1056), Zhao Ye’s Wu Yue chunqiu was originally in twelve juan. Yang Fang abridged it to five juan. Huangfu Zun then combined the two versions and wrote a commentary to it. His arrangement consisted of ten juan. It is difficult to know if Wang Yaochen actually knew this history of the text. He may have simply been speculating based on the entries in the three standard histories cited above. Indeed, there is evidence of a twelve-juan edition of the Wu Yue chunqiu in the Southern Song private catalogue, the Junzhai dushu zhi 郡齋讀書志 compiled by Chao Gongwu 晁公武 (d. 1171). In the Yuan period, Xu Tianhu 徐天祜 (also written Xu Tianyou 徐天祐) (1262 jinshi) printed an edition in ten juan with a commentary. Xu Tianhu was also from Shanyin. His preface is dated 1306. Xu mentions that the route commander of Shaoxing ordered him to reprint the Wu Yue chunqiu to preserve lost texts. Xu says that he corrected many mistakes in the text. He also wrote a commentary explaining the pronunciation and meaning of words. Xu Tianhu’s printing is the earliest extant edition. In the Ming period editions were printed in both six and ten juan. These include a printing in 10 juan in 1501 by Kuang Fan 鄺璠 (1458–1521), and a six-juan version printed in Gujin yishi 古今逸史 (1571–1576). There is also a Ming Hongzhi period (1488–1555) reprinting of a Yuan period edition of 1306.

Editions and Commentaries Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋. 6 juan. Gujin yishi 古今逸史 (1571–1576). Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋. 6 juan. Han Wei congshu. Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋. 6 juan. Siku quanshu. Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋. 10 juan. Sibu congkan. Photolithographic copy of Kuang Fan’s edition. wu yue chunqiu 吳越春秋 (annals of wu and yue) 1387

Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋. Sibu beiyao. Typeset edition based on the Gujin yishi version. Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋. 10 juan. Ming Hongzhi (1488–1555) reprint of Yuan Dade 10 (1306) edition. Facsimile rpt. in Shijie wenku Sibu kanyao 世界文庫四部刊要. Taipei: Shijie shuju, 1959. Hong Bingding 洪丙丁. “Wu Yue chunqiu jiaozheng” 吳越春秋斠證. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue guowen yanjiusuo jikan 25 (1981): 307–88. Miao Lu 苗麓, coll. and punc. Wu Yue chunqiu 吳越春秋. 1986; rpt. Nanjing: Jiangsu guiji chubanshe, 1999. Zhou Shengchun 周生春, ed. and comm. Wu Yue chunqiu jijiao huikao 吳越春秋輯校彙考. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1997. Zhang Jue 張覺, ed. and comm. Wu Yue chunqiu jiaozhu 吳越春秋校注. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 2006.

Baihua translations Zhang Jue 張覺, trans. and comm. Wu Yue chunqiu quan yi 吳越春秋全譯. Gui- yang: Guizhou renmi chubanshe, 1994. Huang Rensheng 黃仁生, trans. and comm. Xin yi Wu Yue chunqiu 新譯吳越春秋. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1996.

Concordance Wu Yue chunqiu zhuzi suoyin 吳越春秋逐字索引. Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1993.

Translations Eichhorn, Werner. Heldensagen aus dem unteren Yangtze-Tal (Wu‑Yüeh ch’un- ch’iu). Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes XXXVIII, 2. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1969. Bauer and Franke, The Golden Casket, 42–44. Liu, Knight-Errant, 85–86.

Studies Chen Zhongfan 陳中凡. “Lun Wu Yue chunqiu wei Han Jin jian de shuobu ji qi zai yishu shang de chengjiu” 論《吳越春秋》為漢晉間的說部及其在藝術上的成就. Wenxue yichan zengkan 7 (1959); rpt. in Cheng Zhongfan. Chen Zhongfan lunwen ji 陳中凡論文集, 904–29. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1993. Lagerway, John. “A Translation of The Annals of Wu and Yüeh, part I, with a study of its sources.” Ph.D. diss., Harvard, 1975. Johnson, David. “The Wu Tzu-hsu Pien-wen and Its Sources: Part I.” HJAS 40.1 (1980): 128–56. Contains a summary and analysis of the account of Wu Zixu. Hong Bingding 洪丙丁. “Wu Yue chunqiu jiaozheng” 吳越春秋斠證. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue guowen yanjiusuo jikan 25 (1981): 307–88. 1388 wu yue chunqiu 吳越春秋 (annals of wu and yue)

Cao Lindi 曹林娣. “Guanyu Wu Yue chunqiu de zuozhe ji chengshu niandai” 關於《吳越春秋》的作者及成書年代. Xibei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1982: 4): 68–73, 89. Cao Lindi 曹林娣. “Wu Yue chunqiu er ti”《吳越春秋》二題. Xibei daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1983: 4): 48–52. Chen Qiaoyi 陳橋驛. “Wu Yue chunqiu ji qi jizai de Wu Yue shiliao”《吳越春秋》及其記載吳越史料. Hangzhou daxue xuebao 14.1 (1984): 91–97. Cao Lindi 曹林娣. “Wu Yue chunqiu wenxue chengjiu chutan” 吳越春秋文學成就初探. Suzhou daxue xuebao (1986): 56–59. Xue Zhengxing 薛正興. “Wu Yue chunqiu ciyu jiaoshi”《吳越春秋》詞語校釋. She- hui kexue zhanxian (1988: 3): 274–85. Liang Zonghua 梁宗華. “Xianxing shijuan ben Wu Yue chunqiu 現行十卷本《吳越春秋》考識. Dongyue luncong (1988: 1): 54–57. Li Quan 李泉. “Wu Yue chunqiu yanjiu”《吳越春秋》研究. Zhongguo lishi wenxian yanjiu jikan (1988: 2): 94–103. Liang Zonghua 梁宗華. “Yibu zhide zhongshi de Handai lishi xiaoshuo—Wu Yue chunqiu wenxue jiazhi chu tan” 一部值得重視的漢代歷史小說—《吳越春秋》文學價值初探. Zhejiang xuekan 58.5 (1989): 82–88. Lagerway, John. “Wu Yüeh ch’un ch’iu.” In Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographi- cal Guide, ed. Michael Loewe, 473–76. Berkeley: Society for the Study of Early China and The Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berke- ley, 1993. Zhang Jue 張覺. “Wu Yue chunqiu kao”《吳越春秋》考. Zhongguo tushuguan xuebao (1994: 1): 73–77. Huang Rensheng 黃仁生. “Lun Wu Yue chunqiu shi woguo xiancun zuizao de wenyan changpian lishi xiaoshuo” 論《吳越春秋》是我國現存最早的文言長篇歷史小說. Hunan shifan daxue shehui kexue xuebao 23.3 (1994): 81–85. Cao Lindi 曹林娣. “Shi lun Wu Yue chunqiu de ticai” 試論《吳越春秋》的體裁. Suzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1994: 1): 86–89, 81. Huang Rensheng 黃仁生. “Wu Yue chunqiu zuowei shoubu changpian lishi xiaoshuo de sixiang chengjiu”《吳越春秋》作為首部長篇歷史小說的思想成就. Hunan shifan daxue shehui kexue xuebao 24.1 (1995): 93–98. Huang Rensheng 黃仁生. “Cong lishi zouxiang wenxue—lun Wu Yue chunqiu de renwu yishu” 從歷史走向文學—論《吳越春秋》的人物藝術. Shehui kexue zhan xian (1995: 1): 194–201. Zhou Shengchun 周生春. “Jin ben Wu Yue chunqiu banben yuanyuan kao” 今本《吳越春秋》版本淵源考. Wenxian (1996: 2): 215–26. Cang Xiuliang 倉修良. “Wu Yue chunqiu ji jiao hui kao xu”《吳越春秋輯校彙考》序. Zhejiang daxue xuebao (September 1996): 95–104; rpt. in Feng Kunwu, Wu Yue chunqiu yanjiu, 1–14. Feng Kunwu 豐坤武. Wu Yue chunqiu yanjiu 吳越春秋研究. Tianjin: Tianjin renmin chubanshe, 1998. Liang Zonghua 梁宗華. “Lun Wu Yue chunqiu de zuozhe he qi chengshu niandai” 論《吳越春秋》的作者和其成書年代. Suzhou daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1999: 3): 93–97. Feng Kunwu 豐坤武. “Wu Yue chunqiu ‘dai fei quan shu’ bian shi”《吳越春秋》 “殆非全書” 辨識. Lishi xue 131.3 (2000): 82–84. Xiao Xu 蕭旭. “Wu Yue chunqiu buzhu”《吳越春秋》補注. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2000: 4): 37–39. wu zhi 吳質 (178–230), zi jizhong 季重 1389

Cao Lindi 曹林娣. “Lun Wu Yu chunqiu zhong Wu Zixu xingxiang suzao” 論《吳越春秋》中伍子胥形象塑造. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 70.3 (2003): 31–33. Liu Xiaozhen 劉小臻. “Lun Wu Yue chunqiu zhong de fuchou yu Handai shehui” 論《吳越春秋》中的復仇與漢代社會. Yuwen xuekan (2004: 1): 15–17. Wang Peng 王鵬. “Dangdai Wu Yue chunqiu yanjiu jian shu” 當代《吳越春秋》研究簡述. Huangshan xueyuan xuebao 7.5 (2005): 64–66.

SHL and DRK

Wu Zhi 吳質 (178–230), zi Jizhong 季重

Late Eastern Han and early Wei period writer.

According to the Sanguo zhi, Wu Zhi’s ancestral home was Jiyin 濟陰 commandery (modern Dingtao 定陶, Shandong). The Jin shu refers to his daughter as from Puyang 濮陽 (south of modern Puyang, Hebei). A more precise location of his ancestral home was Juancheng 鄄城 in Jiyin (north of modern Juancheng, Shandong). Wu Zhi came from a family of low status and was not highly regarded in his home area. However, in his youth he was able to associate with men of high rank. Wu Zhi became known for his literary talent and was able to obtain a position on the staff of Cao Cao 曹操 (155–220), where he was cor- dially received by both Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226) and Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232). In 205, he participated in the gatherings hosted by Cao Pi at Nanpi 南皮 (north of modern Nanping 南平, Hebei) about 200 kilometers northeast of Ye. Wu Zhi also joined in some of the feasts that were held in Ye itself. In 211, Wu Zhi was appointed administrator (zhang 長) of Zhaoge 朝歌 (modern Qi 淇 county, Henan). During this time he exchanged letters with Cao Zhi. In one letter, Cao Zhi indicates that Wu Zhi wished to be transferred from Zhaoge to a more presitigious position. Ca. 215, he was appointed magistrate of Yuancheng 元城 (east of modern Daming 大名, Hebei). During this time Cao Pi and Cao Zhi were contending with each other to be named heir to Cao Cao. Although Wu Zhi associated with both brothers, he eventually sided with Cao Pi whom Cao Cao appointed heir designate in 217. When Cao Pi assumed the throne of the Wei house in 220, he summoned Wu Zhi to the capital in Luoyang where he appointed him northern leader of court gentlemen, granted him a noble title, and assigned him to oversee affairs in Youzhou 幽州 and Bingzhou 并州 (modern Hebei and Shanxi). In 224, at a court gathering Wu Zhi had an entertainer make fun of Cao Xiu 曹休 (d. 228), one of Cao Cao’s cousins, for his corpulence and Zhu Shuo 朱鑠 for his emaciated appearance. Many of Wu Zhi’s colleagues detested him for his imperiousness and arrogance. 1390 wu zhi 吳質 (178–230), zi jizhong 季重

Upon Cao Pi’s death in 226, Wu Zhi composed the “Simu shi” 思慕詩 (Poem of longing) to lament his passing. When Emperor Ming (226–239) took the throne in 226, there were rumors that the emperor was suspicious of Wu Zhi. In 229, Hu Zong 胡綜 (183–243) of the Wu state forged in Wu Zhi’s name a petition in which he was made to say he was surrendering to Wu. When the Wei court received a copy of the petition, the emperor ordered Wu Zhi appointed palace attendant, but took away his military command. Wu Zhi died in 230 at the age of fifty-three. Wu Zhi is also known as one of the Four Companions of the Eastern Palace. This group also included Zhu Shuo, Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251), and Chen Qun 陳羣 (d. 236). The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Wu Zhi’s collected works in five juan. This was lost already before the Tang. Yan Kejun has collected five of his prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Liuchao wen. Only one of his poems is extant, the “Simu shi” mentioned above. Wu Zhi is best known for two letters that he wrote to Cao Pi, both of which are included in the Wen xuan.

Bibliography

Studies Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Sō Hi to Go Shitsu—Sō Hi no hyōron katsudō no keiki” 曹丕と吳質–曹丕の評論活動の契機, Ritsumeikan bungaku 358–359 (1975): 292–322; rpt. Matsumoto Yukio. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū 魏晉詩壇の研究, 175–97. Kyoto: Chūgoku geimon kenkyūkai, 1995. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 202. Xiong Qingyuan 熊清元. “Wu Zhi jiguan xiaokao” 吳質籍貫小考. Xueshu yanjiu (1989: 2): 55. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 81–85. de Crespigny, Biographical Dictionary, 877. Xing Peishun 邢培順. “Cao Zhi yu Wu Zhi jiao’e kaobian—yi dui Cao Zhi ‘Yu Wu Jizhong shu’ de jiedu wei zhongxin” 曹植與吳質交惡考辨—以對曹植《與吳季重書》的解讀為中心. Shandong daxue xuebao (2010: 4): 152–56. Li Hongliang 李洪亮. “Wu Zhi yu Jian’an wenxue” 吳質與建安文學. Henan ligong daxue xuebao 11.3 (2010): 319–23. Yang Chaolei 楊朝蕾. “Wu Zhi zai Pi Zhi zhengzhi douzheng xuanwo zhong de shuangchong shenfen” 吳質在丕植鬥爭漩渦中的雙重身份. Chengdu daxue xuebao (Sheke ban) (2011: 2): 71–74. Ding Hongwu 丁宏武. “Wen xuan suoshou Wei Wendi ‘Yu Zhaoge ling Wu Zhi shu’ pianming bianzheng”《文選》所收魏文帝《與朝歌令吳質書》篇名辨正. Wenxian (2011: 2): 191–94. wu zi 吳孜 (fl. 548) 1391

Works

a. “Da Wei taizi jian” 答魏太子箋 (Note in reply to the Crown Prince of Wei)

Study Wang Chunhong 汪春泓. “Wu Zhi ‘Da Wei taizi jian’ jianshuo” 吳質《答魏太子箋》箋說. Wenxue pinglun (2005: 4): 133–38.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 757–58. Richter, Antje. Letters & Epistolary Culture in Early Medieval China, 85–86. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 2013.

b. “Zai Yuancheng da Wei taizi jian” 在元城答魏太子箋 (In Yuancheng, note in reply to the Crown Prince of Wei)

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 758–60.

DRK

Wu Zi 吳孜 (fl. 548)

Liang period literatus.

Wu Zi’s ancestral home and dates are unknown. The biography of He Jing rong 何敬容 (d. 549) in the Liang shu mentions that in 548 the crown prince Xiao Gang 蕭綱 (503–551) often lectured on Laozi 老子 and Zhuangzi 莊子 in the Xuan Garden (Xuanpu 玄圃). The academician Wu Zi, who held a position in the household administration of the crown prince, attended Xiao Gang’s lectures every day. One day He Jingrong said to Wu Zi: “The ruin and chaos of the Jin dynasty was because their rulers valued abstruse learning The Hu rebels then wiped out and toppled the Central Xia states. Now our crown prince’s Eastern Palace continues this practice. This perhaps is not a proper activity, for we possibly could also become Rong barbarians.” Not too longer after this Hou Jing 侯景 (503–552) overthrew the Liang house. Most of Wu Zi’s writings have been lost. His only extant poem, “Chun gui yuan “春閨怨 (Boudoir complaint in spring), is preserved in the Yutai 1392 wu zi 吳孜 (fl. 548) xinyong, Shi ji of Feng Weine, and Lu Qinli’s Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nan- beichao shi.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 202.

Works

a. “Chun gui yuan” 春閨怨 (Boudoir complaint in spring)

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 227.

TPK

Wuyan shi 五言詩 (Pentasyllabic verse)

Ancient Chinese verse form.

The dominant form of shi poetry from Han times on is pentasyllabic or five-syllable line verse. Each line consists of five syllables. There is usually a minor pause or caesura after the second syllable. Rhyme occurs on the last syllable of the even-numbered lines. Many of the anonymous yuefu poems of the Han use this pattern. However, because these poems are anonymous, we cannot be sure of how early they were. The pentasyllabic form also occurs in several datable Western Han songs such as a children’s song “broadside” from the Emperor Cheng period (r. 33–7 b.c.e.) and the “Chengzhong yao” 城中謠 (Within the city) from the late Western Han. Thus, there is some evidence that at least by the end of the Western Han song lyrics were composed in five-syllable liines. Scholars have tried to determine the origins of the five-syllable line form by examing pentasyllabic poems attributed to known persons. However, there are problems with most of the earliest examples, for their attributions are not certain. For example, the concubine of Xiang Yu 項羽 (232– 203 b.c.e.), Lady Yu 虞姬 (d. 203 b.c.e.), is attributed with a four-line pentasyllabic poem she composed in reply to his famous “Gaixia Song.” However, the earliest citation of the piece is in an eighth century commentary to the Shi ji, thus making it suspect. wuyan shi 五言詩 (pentasyllabic verse) 1393

The earliest poets to whom five-syllable line poems have been attributed are from the Emperor Wu (r. 141–87 b.c.e.) period. For example, Mei Sheng 枚乘 (d. ca. 140 b.c.e.) is credited with nine zazhi 雜詩 (unclassified poems). However, these pieces are the same as the anonymous poems known as the “Nineteen Old Poems,” which are generally regarded as no earlier than Eastern Han. There is also a number of poems attributed to Li Ling 李陵 (d. 74 b.c.e.) and Su Wu 蘇武 (d. 60 b.c.e.), who resided in Central Asia as captives of the Xiongnu. It is unlikely that Li Ling or Su Wu wrote these poems. The poems are more likely about rather than by them. There is one five-syllable line poem from the Emperor Wu period that is probably authentic. This is “Jiaren ge” 佳人歌 (Song of the fair lady) by Li Yannian 李延年 (d. ca. 87 b.c.e.). Li Yannian was a professional musician who was a favorite of Emperor Wu. He gave Li Yannian a special title, commandant of musical harmony, which was a very high rank. Li Yannian played an important role in introducing new music to the imperial court. In the earliest recorded version of this song, all lines but the penultimate line are in pentasyllabic pattern. The penultimate line has eight syllables. This would be expected in an early example of the form. This shows that the five-syllable line pattern was still evolving at this time and hadnot become fully standardized. Another putative Former Han pentasyllabic poem is a poem variously titled “Yuan ge xing” 怨歌行 (Song of resentment), “Yuan shi” 怨詩 (Poem of resentment), and “Shan shi” 扇詩 (Poem on a fan) attributed to Ban Jieyu 班婕妤 (Favored Beauty Ban) (d. ca. 6 b.c.e.), a consort of Emperor Cheng (r. 33–7 b.c.e.). Written in the persona of a palace lady, this is a yongwu piece on a fan. The lady describes a fan that when used by her lord, is round as the moon. During the hot summer it is constantly with him, but she fears that when the cooling winds of autumn arrive, it will be cast aside into a box. Many modern scholars question the authenticity of this piece that may date from the late Eastern Han or even Six Dynasties period. By the Later Han period, there is increasing evidence for the existence of the five-syllable line poem. We have several examples of the form attributed to well-known writers. These include Ban Gu 班固 (32–92) and Zhang Heng 張衡 (78–139). Ban Gu’s poem, titled “Yong shi” 詠史 (Poem on history), is important, for it is the first extant five-syllable line poem on a historical theme. It praises a young girl named Tiying 緹縈, who after her father had been put into prison, volunteered to be a government slave if the authorities would release her father. Zhang Heng’s poem, “Tong sheng ge” 同聲歌 (Song of concordant sounds) is an erotic piece. It is written in the persona of a new bride who tells her husband all of the duties she will 1394 wuyan shi 五言詩 (pentasyllabic verse) perform for him. However, the authenticity of even these two pieces is not certain, for both poems first appear in rather late sources. The earliest text of the “Yong shi” is in the Wen xuan commentary of Li Shan 李善 (d. 689), and the “Tongsheng ge” first appears in the sixth century anthology Yutai xinyong. Scholars also have disputed the authorship of several other famous pentasyllabic poems. These include the poems reputedly exchanged between Qin Jia 秦嘉 (ca. 134–ca. 164) and his wife Xu Shu 徐淑 (d. ca. 165), and the pentasyllabic “Beifen shi” 悲憤詩 (Poem of grief and anger) that is attributed to Cai Yan 蔡琰 (ca. 178–post 206). However, poems from the same period of the Later Han the authorship of which seems quite credible are the “Xian zhi shi” 見志詩 (Poems revealing my aims) by Li Yan 酈炎 (150–177) and the “Qin ke shi” 秦客詩 (Poem of the guest from Qin) and “Lu sheng shi” 魯生詩 (Poem of the scholar from Lu) that serve as codas to the “Ci shi ji xie fu” 刺世疾邪賦 (Fu on satirizing the world and denouncing evil) of Zhao Yi 趙壹 (ca. 130–ca. 185). By the Jian’an period (196–220) the wuyan poem reached maturity, and the leading poets such as Wang Can 王粲 (177–217), Liu Zhen 劉楨 (170?–217), Cao Pi 曹丕 (187–226), and Cao Zhi 曹植 (192–232) wrote extenisvely in this form.

Bibliography

Studies Suzuki Torao 鈴木虎雄. “Gogen shi hassei no jiki ni taisuru gimon” 五言詩の時期に對する疑問. Shirin 4.2 (1919); rpt. Shina bungaku kenkyū, 22–41. Chinese translation by Chen Yanjie 陳延傑, Xiaoshuo yuebao 17.5 (May 1926): 1–12. Zhu Xie 朱偰. “Wuyan shi qiyuan wenti” 五言詩起源問題. Dongfang zazhi 23.20 (October 1926): 65–74. Luo Genze 羅根澤. “Wuyan shi qiyuan shuo pinglu” 五言詩起源說評錄. Henan daxue wenxueyuan jikan (1930: 1); rpt. in Luo Genze gudian wenxue lunwen ji 羅根澤古典文學論文集, 136–66. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1985. Xu Zhongshu 徐仲舒. “Wuyan shi fasheng shiqi de taolun.” 五言詩發生時期的討論. Dongfang zazhi 24.18 (September 1927): 81–90. Xiao Difei 蕭滌非. Han Wei Liuchao yuefu wenxue shi 漢魏六朝樂府文學史, 15–24. 1944; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1984. Lu Qinli 逯欽立. “Han shi bielu” 漢詩別錄, Zhongyang yanjiuyuan lishi yuyan yanjiusuo jikan 13 (1948): 269–334; rpt. in Lu Qinli. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji 漢魏六朝文學論集, 1–108. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1984. Fang Zushen 方祖燊. Han shi yanjiu 漢詩研究. Taipei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1967. Diény, Jeanne-Pierre. Aux Origines de la poésie classique en Chine. Étude sur la poésie lyrique à l’époque des Han. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968. Holzman, Donald. “Les premiers Vers pentasyllabiques datés dans la poésie chinoise.” Mélanges de Sinologie offerts à Monsieur Paul Demiéville, II. Biblio- thèque de l’Insitut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, 77–115. Vol. 20. Paris: Presses wuyan shi 五言詩 (pentasyllabic verse) 1395

Universitaires de France, 1974. Rpt. in Donald Holzman. Chinese Literature in Transition from Antiquity to the Middle Ages. Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Limited, 1998. Zheng Wen 鄭文. “Lun ‘Mei Sheng shi’ ” 論”枚乘詩”, Zhonghua wenshi luncong 11 (1979): 225–40. Zheng Wen 鄭文. “Han shi guankui” 漢詩管窺. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1982: 2): 79–111. Zheng Wen. “Han shi guankui (xu) 漢詩管窺(續). Xibei shiyuan xuebao (1982: 3): 104–15. Zhang Chengshou 張檉壽. “Wuyan shi ji qi qiyuan kaoshu” 五言詩及其起源考述. Yunnan shifan daxue xuebao (Dui wai Hanyu jiaoxue yu yanjiu ban) (1984): 54–66. Wu Shichang 吳世昌. “Wuyan shi qiyuan yu funü wenxue kao” 五言詩起源於婦女文學考. Zhongguo wenxue bao 36 (1985): 7–14. Yang Jiuquan 楊久泉. “Jian lun wuyan shi de qiyuan” 簡論五言詩的起源. Yangzhou shiyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1985: 1): 11–14. Xu Qing 徐青. “Lun Handai wuyan shi de shenglü” 論漢代五言詩的聲律. Huzhou shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 22 (1986): 61–68. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Zhong Rong Shi pin lun lidai wuyan shi” 鍾嶸《詩品》論歷代五言詩. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (1987: 1): 223–51. Li Wenchu 李文初. “Lun wuyan shi de jushi” 論五言詩的句式. Kyūshū Chūgoku gakkai hō 27 (1989): 43–74. Zhuang Xiang 莊薌 and Li Yanggeng 李陽庚. “Dui wuyan shi de xingqi he fazhan zhi wo jian” 對五言詩的興起和發展之我見. Sichuan shifan daxue xuebao (1991: 5): 30–37. Ni Qixin 倪其心. Handai shige xin lun 漢代詩歌新論. Nanchang: Baihua zhou wenyi chubanshe, 1992. Qian Zhixi 錢志熙. Wei Jin shige yishu yuanlun (Xiuding ben) 魏晉詩歌藝術原論 (修訂本). Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1993. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. Liang Han shige yanjiu 兩漢詩歌研究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1993. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “Lun Handai wenren wuyan shi yu Handai shehui sichao” 論漢代文人五言詩與漢代社會思潮. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1994: 4): 195–202. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “Lun Ban Gu de ‘Yong shi shi’ yu wenren wuyan shi de fazhan chengshou wenti—jian ping dangdai wuyan shi yanjiuzhong liuxing de yizhong cuowu guandian” 論班固的《詠史詩》與文人五言詩的發展成熟問題—兼評當代五言詩研究中流行的一種錯誤觀點. Beifang luncong (1994: 1): 60–67. Zheng Wen 鄭文. Han shi yanjiu 漢詩研究. Lanzhou: Gansu minsu chubanshe, 1994. Wu Xiaoping 吳小平. Zhonggu wuyan shi yanjiu 中古五言詩研究. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1998. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. Zhou Han shige zong lun 周漢詩歌綜論. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2002. Han Gaonian 韓高年. “Wuyan shi qiyuan ji xiangguan wenti xintan” 五言詩起源及相關問題新探. Guji yanjiu (2004): 24–33. Muzhai 木齋. “Shi lun wuyan shi de chengli ji qi xingcheng de sange shiqi” 試論五言詩的成立及其形成的三個時期. Shanxi daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 28.5 (2005): 89–93. 1396 wuyan shi 五言詩 (pentasyllabic verse)

Qian Zhixi 錢志熙. Wen Jin Nanbeicaho shige shi shu 魏晉南北朝詩歌史述. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2005. Muzhai 木齋. “Lun Wang Can yu wuyan shi de chengshou—jian zheng ‘Qi ai shi’ ‘Za shi’ de xiezuo shijian” 論王粲與五言詩的成熟—兼證《七哀詩》、《雜詩》的寫作時間. Qi Lu xue kan 185 (2005): 71–75. Owen, Stephen. The Making of Early Chinese Classical Poetry. Cambridge: Harvard University Asia Center, 2006. Yata Hiroshi 矢田博士. “Gi ni okeru gogan shi ryōkō no yōin ni tsuite” 魏における五言詩流行の要因について. Chūgoku shibun ronsō 25 (2006): 1–15. Yanagawa Junko 柳川順子. “Kandai gogan shika to shigo no seikai” 漢代五言詩歌と死後の世界. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 36 (2007): 1–15. Yang Helin 楊合林. Aoyama Gōichrō 青山剛一郎, trans. “Kandai gafu to goyan shi shichiyan shi no tōjō” 漢代樂府と五言詩、七言詩の登場. Chūgoku bungaku hō 75 (2008): 1–30. Muzhai 木齋. Gushi shijiu shou yu Jian’an shige yanjiu 古詩十九首與建安詩歌研究. Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 2009. Yanagawa Junko 柳川順子. “Kandai gogen shi shijō ni shimeru So Ri shi no ichi” 漢代五言詩史上に占める蘇李詩の位置. Chūgoku bunka: kenkyū to kyōiku 67 (2009): 1–13. Zhao Minli 趙敏俐. “Handai wuyan shi qiyuan fazhan wenti zai taolun” 漢代五言詩起源發展問題再討論. Zhongguo shige yanjiu 7 (2010): 1–28. Wang Jinhui 王今暉. Wei Jin wuyan shi yanjiu 魏晉五言詩研究. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2010. Gui Qing 歸青. “Wenren wuyan shi qiyuan xinlun” 文人五言詩起源新論. Xueshu yuekan 42.7 (2010): 109–16. Yanagawa Junko 柳川順子. “Gogen shi ni okeru bungakuteki hōga—Kenan shijin- tachi kojinteki jojōtekishi o tegakarini” 五言詩における文學的萌芽—建安詩人たち個人抒情詩を手掛かりに. Chūgoku bunka 69 (2011): 14–26. Zhang Juanping 張娟平. “Wuyan shi qiyuan shuo zongshu” 五言詩起源說綜述. Hetian shifan zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 77 (2012): 58–61.

DRK

Xi Han 嵇含 (263–306), zi Jundao 君道, alt. Judao 居道

Western Jin writer.

Xi Han’s natal place was Zhi 銍 in Qiaoguo 譙國 (modern Su 宿 county, Anhui). His grandfather was Xi Xi 嵇喜 (fl. mid third century), the elder brother of Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–262). Xi Han’s father Xi Fan 嵇蕃 served as secretary to the heir designate. Xi Han’s home was in Boqiu 亳丘 in Gong 鞏 county (modern Gong county, Henan). Thus, he referred to himself as Master of Boqiu. He began his official career as an assistant on the staff of Sima Wei 司馬瑋 (271–291), Prince of Chu. After Sima Wei was executed in 291, Xi Han was dismissed from office. Shortly thereafter he was recommended to the court as an “abundant talent” and was appointed gentleman xi han 嵇含 (263–306), zi jundao 君道, alt. judao 居道 1397 of the interior. At this time Wang Cui 王粹 (d. 308), who was married to the Princess of Yingchuan, a daughter of Emperor Wu (r. 265–290), had a portrait of Zhuangzi painted in a room of his lavish mansion. He requested Xi Han to compose an encomium for it. Xi Han wrote a lament instead, in which he said that Wang Cui’s extravagance was not consistent with the principles of simplicity espoused by Zhuangzi. Wang Cui was extremely embarrassed. In the late 290s, Xi Han served several of the Sima princes including Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 302) and Sima Yi 司馬乂 (277–304). In 303, when Sima Yi was engaged in a civil war with Sima Ying 司馬穎 (279–306), Xi Han oversaw the military operations during the daytime, and returned to his office at night to attend to other affairs. Xi Han next took up a position as aide to Sima Chi 司馬熾 (284–313), the future Emperor Huai (r. 306–313). After serving in the imperial court as vice director of the Secretariat, he was then assigned as governor of Xiangcheng 襄城 (modern Xiangcheng, Henan). During the civil war among the various Sima princes, Xi Han fled south to join the staff of Liu Hong 劉弘 (236–306), General Who Defends the South, who was stationed in Xiangyang 襄陽 (modern Xiangfan, Hubei). Liu Hong treated Xi Han with great deference. In 306, Liu Hong recommended that Xi Han be appointed regional inspector of Guangzhou 廣州 (modern Guangdong). Before Xi Han could leave for Guangzhou, Liu Hong died. It was then proposed that Xi Han be assigned to Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Hubei). Xi Han was rather strong-willed and irascible, and had come into conflict with Liu Hong’s commander Guo Mai 郭勱 (d. 306). Fearing that Xi Han was intent on doing him harm, Guo Mai had someone sneak into Xi Han’s bedroom at night and kill him. He was forty-four years old at the time. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Xi Han’s collected works in ten juan as do the two Tang histories. Yan Kejun has collected twenty-five of his prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han San- guo Liuchao wen. They include the lament for the portrait of Zhuangzi mentioned above, as well as excerpts from sixteen fu. The topics are on unusual subjects: “Kun re” 困熱 (Suffering in the heat), “Baishou” 白首 (My white hair) written at the young age of twenty-seven, “Hanshi san” 寒食散 (Cold-food powder) about the medication of five minerals that cured his ten-month old son of illness, “Gu shu” 孤黍 (A solitary millet), and “Yinan hua” 宜男花 (Yellow day lily). Xi Han also is attributed with authorship of the Nanfang caomu zhuang 南方草木狀 (Description of plants and trees of the south), which is an important treatise on the flora of Guangdong, Guangxi, and northern Vietnam. This work is not mentioned in the monographs on bibliography 1398 xi han 嵇含 (263–306), zi jundao 君道, alt. judao 居道 of the Sui shu or the two Tang histories. The earliest works to credit the work to Xi Han are the Suichu tang shumu 遂初堂書目 of You Mao 尤袤 (1127–1194) and the Zhizhai shulu jieti 直齋書錄解題 of Chen Zhensun 陳振孫 (1211–1249). The scholarly consensus is that Xi Han never visited Guangdong, Guangxi, and northern Vietnam, and thus did not have the personal knowledge to compile this work.

Bibliography

Studies Ma Tai-loi 馬泰來. “The Authenticity of the Nan-Fang Ts’ao-Mu Chuang 南方草木狀. T’oung Pao 64 (1978): 218–52. Li, Hui-lin. Nan-fang ts’ao-mu chuang: A Fourth Century Flora of Southeast Asia. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 1979. Miao Qiyu 繆啟愉. “Nanfang caomu zhuang de zhu weiji”《南方草木狀》的諸偽迹. Zhongguo nongshi 3 (1984): 1–12. Liu Changzhi 劉昌芝. “Shilun Nanfang caomu zhuang de zhuzhe he zhusuo niandai” 試論《南方草木狀》的著者和著作年代. Ziran kexue shi yanjiu 3.1 (1984): 59–60. Gou Cuihua 苟萃華. “Yetan Nanfang caomu zhuang yishu de zuozhe he niandai wenti” 也談《南方草木狀》一書的作者和年代問題. Ziran kexue shi yanjiu 3.2 (1984): 145–50. Ma Tai-loi 馬泰來. “Nanfang caomu zhuang bianwei” 「南方草木狀」辨偽. Xiang- gang daxue Zhongwenxi jikan 1.2 (1987): 103–25. Zhang Zongzi 張宗子. “Dui Nanfang caomu zhuang zuowei yu Nan Song shiqi zhi zhiyi” 對《南方草木狀》作偽於南宋時期之質疑. Zhongguo keji shiliao 11.4 (1990): 81–87. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 428–29. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenshi ziliao, 117–18.

DRK

Xi Jin fu 西晉賦 (Western Jin period fu)

Although the fu is usually thought to be a genre limited to the Han dynasty, it continued to be a common literary form throughout the pre-Tang period. According to Ma Jigao (see bibliography below), the extant fu of the Wei- Jin period include about five hundred works by nearly one hundred writers. When one considers that for the entire Former Han, all that exists is about thirty extant fu pieces, this is a remarkably large number. During the Former Han the dominant type of fu was the dafu 大賦 or grand epideictic fu. By the Later Han dynasty, we begin to see other types of fu: the fu of personal expression, travel narrations, satires, and the yong wu 詠物 or “poem on things.” The yong wu fu usually is a short xi jin fu 西晉賦 (western jin period fu) 1399 piece written in simple language on a single subject. The topics include the weather, the seasons and their various festivals, musical instruments, games, weapons, plants, trees, stones and gems, birds, animals, fish, rep- tiles, and even insects. The Western Jin was a period of learning and scholarship. Erudition was one of the requirements for writing in the grand Han fu style, and there are a number of Western Jin writers who composed Han-style fu. The greatest work of this kind was the monumental trilogy on the capitals of the three rival states of Shu, Wu, and Wei, the “San du fu 三都賦” (Fu on the Three Capitals) written by Zuo Si 左思 (ca. 250–ca. 305). This is a piece on the capitals of the three states of Shu (Chengdu 成都), Wu (Jianye 建業), and Wei (Ye 鄴). Zuo Si devoted ten years to this long work, which occupies nearly three chapters of the Wen xuan. Zuo Si considered his fu as much scholarship as poetry, and he thoroughly researched his subject before putting brush to paper. Zuo Si was reputedly so absorbed in his project that he kept brushes and paper everywhere, even in the privy, so that if a line came to him, he could immediately write it down. After Zuo Si completed his fu, the piece did not meet with the acclaim he had expected. Realizing he needed an endorsement from a notable person- age, he showed it to Huangfu Mi 皇府謐 (215–282), who honored him by writing a preface. Another notable scholar-poet of the time, Zhang Zai 張載 (ca. 250–ca. 310), wrote a commentary to the section on the Wei, and the scholar Liu Kui 劉逵 (fl. ca. 295) wrote both a preface and a commentary to the Wu and Shu portions of the piece. It is said that Lu Ji 陸機 (261–303), who once had planned to write a similar fu, abandoned the idea after seeing Zuo Si’s poem. Soon the “Three Capitals Fu” became very much in demand, and reputedly the price of paper in Luoyang rose because so many important families wanted to obtain copies of it. Zuo Si wrote a long preface to the piece in which he criticized the fu of the leading Han fu writers such as Sima Xiangru, Yang Xiong, Ban Gu, and Zhang Heng for their use of excessive hyperbole and lack of verisimilitude. Zuo Si then declares that in writing the “Three Capitals Fu” he has researched and verified every detail: When I first thought of writing “Three Capitals” in imitation of “Two Metrop- olises,” for the mountains and streams, cities and towns, I consulted maps. Birds and animals, plants and trees, I have verified in gazetteers. Each of the popular ballads, songs, and dances is consistent with local customs, and all of the prominent personages are based on old traditions. In spite of his claims and pretensions to maintaining verisimilitude, Zuo Si’s fu contains almost as much exaggeration and fabulous lore as the Han fu writers he condemns. 1400 xi jin fu 西晉賦 (western jin period fu)

There are other grand fu in this period, notably the fu on rivers and seas. There is, for example, the “Hai fu” 海賦 (Fu on the sea) by Mu Hua 木華, who flourished around 290. He portrays the power and force of the “the vast deep” and recounts the variety of life within the this “watery repository,” including a description of a giant whale. Perhaps the grandest epideictic fu of this period is the “Jiang fu” 江賦 (Fu on the Yangzi River) of Guo Pu 郭璞 (276–324). Guo Pu describes the Yangzi River in its full geographcial extent, first issuing from the Min Mountains of Sichuan, raging through the Three Gorges of Western Hubei, and engorging theriv- ers of Central China as it courses eastward to the sea. Guo Pu was one of the most learned lexicographers and glossographers of the early medieval period, and the language of his fu is learned and recondite. The yong wu fu finally came into its own in the Western Jin. Scholars, even experts on the fu, have not paid much attention to this subgenre of the fu. Even those pieces that are not great works of literature are important at least as sources for cultural history. Much more study needs to be done on the vast topic of the relationship of humans to the natural world in medieval China, and the fu is one of the principal sources of such information. The two most prolific writers of yong wu fu are Fu Xuan 傅玄 (217– 278) and his son Fu Xian 傅咸 (249–294). The elder Fu has fifty-seven extant fu, while his son has thirty-seven, and most of these are yong wu pieces. Between them, their corpus is a veritable encyclopedia of poems on every imaginable subject. Fu Xuan has pieces on the wind,13 clearing after rain,14 spring,15 summer,16 and winter;17 the writing brush and ink stone;18 the round fan,19 and the xiangfeng 相風, which seems to have been a kind of anemometer;20 such musical instruments as the zither,21 lute,22 reed pipe;23 ale;24 the games of pitch-pot and pellet chess;25 flowers and plants,

13 “Feng fu” 風賦 in Yan Kejun 嚴可均 (1762–1843), ed., Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen 全上古三代秦漢三國六朝文 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), “Quan Jin wen” 全晉文, 45.1a. 14 “Xi ji fu” 喜霽賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.1a–b. 15 “Yangchun fu” 陽春賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.1b–2a. 16 “Shu xia fu” 述夏賦 45.2a. 17 “Da han fu” 大寒賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.2a. 18 “Bi fu” 筆賦 and “Yan fu” 硯賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.5a. 19 “Tuan shan fu” 團扇賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.5a–b. 20 For a collection of fragments of the “Xiangfeng fu” 相風賦 see “Quan Jin wen” 45.5b. 21 The “Qin fu” 琴賦 fragments are in “Quan Jin wen” 45.5b–6a. 22 For the “Pipa fu” 琵琶賦 fragments see “Quan Jin wen” 45.6a. 23 Only one line of the “Jia fu” 笳賦 survives; see “Quan Jin wen” 45.6b. 24 see “Xu jiu fu” 敘酒賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.7a. 25 “Touhu fu” 投壺賦 and “Danqi fu” 彈棋賦 are in “Quan Jin wen” 45.7a–b. xi jin fu 西晉賦 (western jin period fu) 1401 including turmeric (yujin 鬱金),26 honey bush (yunxiang 芸香),27 hollyhock (shu kui 蜀葵),28 yellow day lily (yinan 宜男),29 chrysanthemum,30 milfoil used for divination;31 such fruits as the melon,32 the pomegranate (anshi liu 安石榴), which was a favorite subject of the Western Jin poets;33 the plum,34 peach,35 orange,36 jujube,37 and even grape;38 several types of trees including the ubiquitous willow,39 and the mulberry, whose fruit he celebrates.40 Fu Xuan was especially fond of birds, and he has fu on the pheasant,41 hawk,42 parrot,43 and the fighting cock.44 One of Fu Xuan’s pieces appears to be a dialogue between a hawk and hare.45 Other pieces on the animal world include several fu on horses,46 and one delightful poem on a fleet-footed hunting dog.47 Fu Xian has almost the same diversity of subjects as his father. He has two fu on rain (one in which he rejoices in the rain, the other in which he complains about it),48 and a piece expressing his feelings about the approaching of the cold season.49 Like his father, Fu Xian also wrote a fu on

26 “Yujin fu” 鬱金賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.7b–8a. 27 “Yunxiang fu” 芸香賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.8a. 28 “Shu kui fu” in “Quan Jin wen” 45.8a. 29 “Yinan hua fu” 宜男花賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.8a. 30 “Ju fu” 橘賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.8b. 31 “Shi fu” 蓍賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.8b. 32 “Gua fu” 瓜賦 45.8b–9a. 33 in addition to the “Anshiliu fu” 安石榴賦 by Fu Xuan, there are pieces on the pomegranate by Pan Ni 潘尼 (250?–31), Zhang Zai, Zhang Xie 張協 (ca. 255–ca. 310), Ying Zhen 應貞 (d. 269), Pan Yue, and Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291), all in Yiwen leiju 86.1480–82. 34 “Li fu” 李賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.9a–b. 35 “Tao fu” 桃賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.9b–10a. 36 “Ju fu” 橘賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.10a. 37 “Zao fu” 棗賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.10a. 38 “Putao fu” 蒲桃賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.10b. 39 “Liu fu” 柳賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.10b–11a. 40 “Sang shen fu” 桑椹 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.10b. 41 “Zhi fu” 雉賦 and “Shan ji fu” 山雞賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.11a. 42 “Ying fu” 鷹賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 45.11b. 43 “Yingwu fu” 鸚鵡賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 46.1a. 44 The collected fragments of “Dou ji fu” 鬥雞賦 are in “Quan Jin wen” 46.1a–b. For a translation see Cutter, The Brush and the Spur, 34–36. 45 This is “Ying tu fu” 鷹兔賦 of which only five lines survive. See “Quan Jin wen” 46.1b. 46 These include “Chengyu ma fu” 乘輿馬賦 (Fu on the emperor’s horse) fragments of which can be found in “Quan Jin wen” 46.1b–2a, “Chi she ma fu” 馳射馬賦 (Fu on horses for racing and shooting) in “Quan Jin wen” 46.2a–b, and “Liang ma fu” 良馬賦 (Fu on a fine horse) in “Quan Jin wen” 46.2b. 47 This is the “Zou gou fu” 走狗賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 46.2b–3a. 48 see his “Xi yu fu” 喜雨賦 and “Huan yu fu” 患雨賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.1a–b. 49 “Gan liang fu” 感涼賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.2a. 1402 xi jin fu 西晉賦 (western jin period fu) the xiangfeng anemometer.50Although he has no fu on the writing brush, he does devote one to the topic of paper, which had only been in existence since the Later Han dynasty.51 He wrote three pieces on the fan, including a rather unusual fan made of feathers.52 Among household articles, there are fu on the comb,53 mirror,54 and candle.55 Plants do not figure as prominently in his fu corpus as they did in Fu Xuan’s. There are only two such pieces, one on coltsfoot (kuandong hua 款冬花),56 and the other on the honey bush, a piece inspired by his father’s fu on the same subject.57 Of trees, he devotes poems to the mulberry,58 paulownia,59 and the shrubby althaea (shun hua 舜華).60 Of the avian species, Fu Xian selected the parrot,61 swallow,62 and a speckled dove for poetic description.63 One bird poem on the fabled feng or phoenix is a response to the famous fu on the wren by Fu Xian’s contemporary, Zhang Hua 張華 (232–300), who used the tiny wren (jiaoliao 鷦鷯) to illustrate the moral that it is the small insignificant creature that is best able to avoid harm.64 In Fu Xian’s view, the only creature truly able to avoid all harm is the phoenix.65 One part of the animal world to which Fu Xian devoted special attention is the insect realm. He has two separate pieces on the cicada,66 one on the green fly (the proverbial symbol of the slanderer),67 the mayfly ( fuyou 蜉蝣),68 the firefly,69 and the click beetle, known in Chinese as the koutou chong 叩頭蟲 or kowtowing bug because it had the habit of nodding its head whenever someone touched it. Fu Xian’s fu is a tribute to the virtue of humility. Unlike the praying mantis that raises its axe-like forelegs in the roadway and is crushed by the wheels of a cart, this lowly insect that

50 “Xiangfeng fu” in “Quan Jin wen” 51.4b–5a. 51 “Zhi fu” 紙賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.5a. 52 “Yu shan fu” 羽扇賦, “Shan fu” 扇賦, and “Gouji shan fu” 狗脊扇賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.5a–6a. 53 “Jie fu” 櫛賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.6a. 54 “Jing fu” 鏡賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.6b. 55 “Zhu fu” 燭賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.7b. 56 “Kuandong hua fu” 款冬花賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.7b–8a. 57 “Yunxiang fu” 芸香賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.8a. 58 “Sangshu fu” 桑樹賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.8b–9a. 59 “Wutong fu” 梧桐賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.9a. 60 “Shunhua fu” 舜華賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.9a–b. 61 “Yingwu fu” 鸚鵡賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.10a. 62 “Yan fu” 燕賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.10a–b. 63 “Ban jiu fu” 班鳩賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.10b. 64 Zhang Hua’s “Jiaoliao fu” 鷦鷯賦 is in Wen xuan 13.23b–26b. 65 see “Yifeng fu” 儀鳳賦, “Qian Jin wen,” 51.9b–10a. 66 “Nian chan fu” 黏蟾賦 and “Ming tiao fu” 鳴蜩賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.10b–11a. 67 “Qingying fu” 青蠅賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.11b. 68 “Fuyou fu” 蜉蝣賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.11b. 69 “Ying huo fu” 螢火賦 in “Quan Jin wen” 51.11b–12a. xi jin fu 西晉賦 (western jin period fu) 1403 contends with nothing and yields to all survives and is admired in the human world. Professor Jao Tsung-i 饒宗頤 has observed that the Western Jin fu poets and critics placed increased emphasis on “investigating reality” (he shi 覈實).70 The vast diversity of fu treating the variety of life in the natural world may be a reflection of this tendency. It is striking to note that, with the exception of Guo Pu, who lived into the early Eastern Jin, the major writers of the Western Jin did not compose much escapist verse. Indeed, one finds among the fu of this period not only a strong interest in the natural world, but the human world as well. Some of the subjects treated by Western Jin poets are quite mundane. One remarkable piece is the “Dis- quistion on the Divinity of Money” (“Qian shen lun” 錢神論) by Lu Bao 魯寶 (fl. 300). Concerned about the avarice and greed of his time, Lu wrote under an assumed name an essay in fu style satirizing what he characterized as the deification of money.71 During the Western Jin period fu writers begin to break away from the epideictic Han fu tradition and write in a simpler, more direct style on mundane and humble subjects. Rather than celebrating the glory and grandeur of the empire, poets who lived in grand mansions laud the virtues of humble living. Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300), for example, wrote a “Fu on My Tiny House” (“Xia shi fu” 狹室賦) in which he relates how he remains unperturbed and content, even in the face of searing summer heat and drenching rain that enter his humble cottage. The poet who wrote on the most the mundane and the humble subjects is Shu Xi束皙 (263–302). Shu Xi has five fu extant. Several of them show a playful, jesting quality that his contemporaries condemned as vulgar. One such piece is his “Bing fu” 餅賦 (Fu on pasta). In the typical manner of the fu, the “Bing fu” gives an encyclopedic account of various doughy foods such as noodles, steamed buns, dumplings, and pancakes, which in this period had the generic name of bing. The remarkable quality of the “Bing fu” is the amount of specifying detail that Shu Xi provides. Shu Xi’s description of bing not only includes the kind of encyclopedic display of learning that is typical of the epideictic fu, it also contains a good deal of humor. Shu Xi shows his penchant for humor in another of his fu, the “Jin you fu” 近遊賦 (Fu on nearby roaming). This piece is a parody of the well- known Chu ci poem “Yuan you” 遠遊 (Far roaming). “Yuan you” is a poem

70 “Xuantang fuhua” 選堂賦話 in Kenneth P. H. Ho 何沛雄, ed. Fuhua liuzhong 賦話六種 (Hong Kong: Sanlian, 1982), 105. 71 see Jin shu 94.2437–38. For a translation see Victor Xiong, Hawaii Reader in Tradi- tional Chinese Culture, 256–59. 1404 xi jin fu 西晉賦 (western jin period fu) celebrating the celestial wanderings of a Taoist mystic who finds the profane world much too small for his grand vision. The wanderer of Shu Xi’s fu is a recluse who is content to live in a country dwelling, and who, unlike the Taoist traveler of the Chu ci, is not weary of the ordinary world. This view contrasts sharply with that of the protagonist of “Yuan you,” who in the opening lines of the poem complains about how small and confining the human world is. Rather than riding around the heavens in a dragon- drawn coach, the “nearby wanderer” mounts a rickety firewood cart drawn by a weary buffalo. He shares a well with two households, and his garden is only a hundred paces from his house. Instead of climbing up to the stars, he scrambles over his wicker gate, and “lingers about in nearby roaming.” Shu Xi’s other fu also are of interest: “Quan nong fu” 勸農賦 (Encour- ager of agriculture), a satire directed against the corrupt tax officials who reduced the levies on farmers who bribed them with meat and ale; “Pin jia fu” 貧家賦 (Fu on the poor family), a remarkably graphic portrayal of the hardships endured by a family who live in a leaky thatched hut, with nothing to eat but grass and leaves; and “Du shu fu 讀書賦” (Fu on reading aloud), an amusing piece that celebrates the delights of reading aloud to oneself in a humble cottage. The Western Jin was a time in which eccentric behavior was not only tol- erated, but assiduously cultivated by certain men who deliberately flouted the norms and rules of society. One may say the same for the fu. Writers were not bound by convention, and not only did they extend the subject range of fu composition, they experimented with its form. There are thus such pieces as “Tou ze Ziyu wen” 頭責子羽文 (Ziyu’s head reproaches him) by Zhang Min 張敏 (late third cent.), a piece poking fun at a man named Qin Ziyu 秦子羽 and his six friends, one of whom was Zhang Hua.72 Another interesting fu is “He xing fu” 覈性賦 (An inquiry into human nature) by Zhongchang Ao 仲長敖 (n.d.).73 This piece is a dialogue between Xun Qing 荀卿 and his disciples Han Fei 韓非 and Li Si 李斯 on man’s evil nature. Zhongchang Ao portrays man as the vilest of all creatures who is only capable of deceit, violence, and evil deeds. The best of the Western Jin writers of fu perhaps is Pan Yue. Pan Yue wrote on a variety of subjects, many of them personal. He wrote a long 767-line fu recounting his journey from Luoyang to Chang’an in 292. Titled “Xi zheng fu” 西征賦 (Fu on the westward journey), this piece is mainly a

72 The text is in “Quan Jin wen” 80.1b–3a. For a translation see Mather pp. 402–6. 73 The text is in Yiwen leiju 21.385. xi jin fu 西晉賦 (western jin period fu) 1405 poetic record of the historical sites through which Pan passed.74 Just west of Luoyang, Pan Yue’s infant son died. In a passage rarely found in the fu of this or any period, Pan Yue tells of this event: My infant son died at Xin’an; We dug a pit by the roadside and buried him. Though the post station was called Thousand Autumns, My son had not even a span of seven weeks. Though I try hard to emulate Yan and Wu, In truth, I am deeply pained by my love. Yan refers to Yanling Jizi 延陵季子 who made a journey to Qi. On the return trip, his eldest son died, and Yanling buried him by the roadside. Wu is Dongmen Wu 東門吳, whose son also died. When Dongmen Wu expressed no grief, his wife scolded him. Wu then responded: “I long was without a son. When I did not have a son, I did not grieve. Now that he is dead, it is the same as before when I did not have a son. Why should I grieve?” Pan Yue has many other remarkable fu, including a detailed account of the sport of shooting pheasants with a crossbow,75 a lament for the death of the husband of his wife’s sister,76 his celebration of living in retirement in the country,77 and a piece on the sheng 笙 (reed-organ).78 Another accomplished fu poet is Lu Ji. He is best known for his “Wen fu 文賦” (Fu on literature), which is an important work of medieval Chinese literary thought. A number of Lu Ji’s fu pieces are on personal subjects. For example, in such pieces as “Si qin fu” 思親賦 (Fu on longing for kin) and “Huai tu fu” 懷土賦 (Fu on yearning for my home) he expresses home- sickness for his native Wu. Like other Western Jin poets, Lu Ji also wrote a number of fu on yong wu themes, including two pieces on clouds, one on the clepsydra, a piece on the melon, and a fu on a fan made of white feathers that was a product of Lu Ji natal area of Wu. Lu Ji’s brother Lu Yun 陸雲 (262–303) was also a fu writer. His collected works contains seven fu most of which he composed in 303, the last year of his life. Thus, it is possible that he may have composed more fu pieces earlier in his career, but these pieces were not preserved in his collection. Lu Yun’s longest fu is “Nan zheng fu” 南征賦 (Fu on the southern expedition),

74 The text is in Wen xuan 10.439–76. For a translation see Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, 181–235. 75 “She zhi fu” 射雉賦 in Wen xuan 9.8b–14b. Trans. in Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Two, pp. 153–63. 76 “Guafu fu” 寡婦賦 in Wen xuan 16.18b–24a. 77 “Xian ju fu” 閒居賦 in Wen xuan 16.1b–8a. 78 Wen xuan 18.22a–26a. 1406 xi jin fu 西晉賦 (western jin period fu) written to celebrate the military expedition of Sima Ying 司馬潁 (279–306) from Ye to Luoyang in the tenth lunar month of 303. Two of the pieces are yong wu poems on the weather, one complaining about a long downpour, and the other expressing delight at the ceasing of a rain storm, Another of Lu Yun’s celebrated fu is his “Yimin fu” 逸民賦 (Fu on disengaged men). Lu Yun says that he was inspired to compose this piece after reading the Gaoshi zhuan 高士傳 (Traditions of high-minded gentlemen) by Huangfu Mi. Other fu-like pieces by Lu Yun include “Deng xia song” 登遐頌 (Eulogy on ascending the distance) and “Jiu min” 九愍 (Nine laments). The former piece consists of praise poems for nineteen immortals, and the latter is an imitation of the “Jiu zhang” 九章 (Nine declarations) in the Chu ci.

Bibliography

Collections Qu Shuiyuan 瞿蛻園, ed. and comm. Han Wei Liuchao fu xuan 漢魏六朝賦選. Bei- jing: Zhonghua shuju, 1964. Rpt. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983. Zhang Guoxing 張國星, ed. Liuchao fu 六朝賦. Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1998. Huang Ruiyun 黃瑞雲, ed. and comm. Lidai shuqing xiaofu xuan 歷代抒情小賦選. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986. Wang Wei 王巍, ed. and comm. Lidai yong wu fu xuan 歷代詠物賦選. Sheyang: Liaoning daxue chubanshe, 1987. Bi Wanchen 畢萬忱, He Peixiong 何沛雄, and Luo Kanglie 羅忼烈, ed. and comm. Zhongguo lidai fu xuan 中國歷代賦選. Wei Jin Nanbeichao juan 魏晉南北朝卷. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994. Guo Yuheng 郭預衡, ed.-in-chief. Yang Zhongyi 楊仲義, ed. and comm. Zhonghua ming fu jicheng 中華名賦集成. Wei Jin Nanbeichao juan 魏晉南北朝卷. Beijing: Zhongguo gongren chubanshe, 2000. Qu Delai 曲德來, Chi Wenjun 遲文浚, and Leng Weiguo 冷衛國, ed. Li dai fu: guang xuan xinzhu jiping 歷代賦: 廣選‧新注‧集評. Vol. 3. Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe, 2001. Han Geping 韓格平, Shen Weiwei 沈薇薇, Han Lu 韓璐, and Yuan Min 袁敏, ed. Quan Wei Jin fu jiaozhu 全魏晉賦校注. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 2008. Zhao Kuifu 趙逵夫 and Yang Xiaobin 楊曉斌, ed. Lidai fu pingzhu 歷代賦評注. Wei Jin juan 魏晉卷. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2010.

Studies Ma Jigao 馬積高. Fu shi 賦史, 157–84. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1987. Guo Weisen 郭維森 and Xu Jie 許結. Zhongguo cifu fazhan shi 中國辭賦發展史, 203–67. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996. Liao Kuo-tung 廖國棟. Wei Jin yongwu fu yanjiu 魏晉詠物賦研究. Taipei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1990. xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜 1407

Ho, Kennth P. H. 何沛雄. Han Wei Liuchao fu lunji 漢魏六朝賦論集. Taipei: Lian- jiang chubanshe, 1990. Cheng Zhancan 程章燦. Wei Jin Nanbeichao fu shi 魏晉南北朝賦史. Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1992. Wang Lin 王琳. Liuchao cifu shi 六朝辭賦史. Ha’erbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1998. Yu Yuxian 于浴賢. Liuchao fu shulun 六朝賦述論. Baoding: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 1999. Yu Yuxian 于浴賢. “Xi Jin fu wenhua xinfeng guankui” 西晉賦文化新風管窺. Zhangzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 38.1 (2001): 5–12; rpt. in Yu Yuxian. Cifu wenxue yu wenhua xue tanwei 辭賦文學與文化學探微, 209–22. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2010. Leng Weiguo 冷衛國. “Lu Ji Lu Yun de fuxue piping” 陸機陸雲的賦學批評. Qi Lu xuekan 188.5 (2005): 69–73. Zhao Maolin 趙茂林. “Fu Xian cifu chuangzuo yu Xi Jin fu feng” 傅咸辭賦創作與西晉賦風. Zhongguo yunwen xuekan 22.4 (2008): 34–38, 46. Guo Liping 郭麗平. “Xi Jin yong wu fu de fazhan yu futi wenxue guan de bianhua” 西晉詠物賦的發展與賦體文學觀的變化. Yibin xueyuan xuebao 11.11 (2011): 49–53.

DRK

Xi Kang 嵇康 (224–263, alt. 225–264, 223–262, 216–255), zi Shuye 叔夜

Three States period Wei writer and thinker.

Most modern Chinese dictionaries give the pronunciation of this surname as Ji. Xi Kang also was known as Xi Zhongsan 嵇中散. Scholars also have contested Xi Kang’s birth and death dates. Xi Kang’s ancestral home was Shangyu 上虞 in Guiji 會稽 commandery (modern Shangyu, Zhejiang, east of Shaoxing). Fleeing from a feud, his ancestors settled in Zhi 銍 county of Qiao 譙 commandery (west of modern Suzhou 宿州, Anhui). According to the Jin shu of Wang Yin 王隱 (ca. 275–ca. 352), the original family name was Xi 奚. After moving to Zhi, they changed the name to Xi 嵇. They derived Xi from the final syllable of the name of their native place, Guiji 會稽, except that they wrote it with mountain on the lower right portion of the character and pronounced Ji as Xi. According to the Jin shu of Yu Yu 虞預 (4th century), one tradition held that the family took its name from a mountain named Xi 嵇 located in Zhi county. Xi Kang came from a wealthy family of scholars-officials. His father Xi Zhao 嵇昭 held several high positions. He died when Xi Kang was an infant, and Xi was raised by his elder brother, Xi Xi 嵇喜 (ca. 220–ca. 290), and his mother, née Sun 孫. 1408 xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜

Xi Kang had a strong interest in Taoism, the study of which he began at an early age. He eventually became one of the leading spokesmen of his age in favor of Taoist quietism as well as the more esoteric aspects of Taoism that involved the techniques called yang sheng 養生 or “nurturing life.” Around the year 243, Xi Kang wrote an essay titled “Yang sheng lun” 養生論 (Disquisition on nurturing life). In this treatise, he argued that it was possible for some men to live as long as a thousand years. In order to achieve the maximum life span, one had to follow certain practices, some mental and some physical. The mental practices primarily involve divest- ing oneself of emotions and avoiding such worldly concerns as wealth and honor. Emotions are harmful because they agitate the mind and thus sap physical vitality. The pursuit of wealth and honor is bad because when one has position and status, he is faced with more problems and more dangers, and thus has more to worry about. The physical practices for prolong- ing life include various breathing exercises and calisthenics, the ingestion of certain herbs and drugs, as well as a dietary regimen that specifies the avoidance of meat, alcohol, and the grains. In order to achieve long life, the best method is to remain calm and quiet and avoid passion. Sometime in the 240s, Xi Kang married a princess of the Cao clan, Changle tingzhu 長樂亭主, who is variously identified as a daughter or granddaughter of Cao Lin 曹林 (d. 256), a son of Cao Cao. As a result of his marriage, Xi was appointed langzhong 郎中 (gentleman of the interior). Around 245, he received the honorific title of zhongsan dafu 中散大夫 (grand master of palace leisure). Thus, he is often referred to asXi Zhongsan. Xi Kang then moved to Shanyang 山陽 (southeast of modern Jiaozuo 焦作 City, Henan, located about 60 km northeast of Luoyang). Xi Kang remained here for most of the rest of his life. It was here that he met with many of his friends for “pure conversation.” Xi Kang was on especially good terms with a libertine and anti-ritualist named Lü An 呂安 (d. 263), as well as his six companions who belonged to the so-called Bamboo Grove group. Xi Kang was reluctant to serve in government office, and in this respect he differed from his elder brother, Xi Xi, who accepted positions in the Sima regime. Xi Kang considered raising an army in support of the anti-Sima revolt begun in January 255 by Guanqiu Jian 毌秋儉 (d. 255) and Wen Qin 文欽 at Shouchun 壽春 (modern Anhui), but backed out after Shan Tao 山濤 (205–283) advised him not to get involved. It was fortunate for Xi Kang that he did not participate in the revolt, for by the end of March 255, Sima Shi’s army defeated and killed Guanqiu Jian. Wen Qin fled to Wu. It may have been as a result of his contemplated involvement in this revolt that Xi Kang went into hiding for several years. According to the xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜 1409

Weishi chunqiu 魏氏春秋, Xi Kang fled to Hedong 河東 (Shanxi) after Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265) summoned him to take a position. Xi Kang perhaps joined the recluse Sun Deng 孫燈 (n.d.), who lived in the mountains of Ji 汲 county, about forty kilometers east of Shanyang. Xi Kang reputedly followed Sun Deng for three years. According to one account, Sun Deng lived in a cave in the northern hills of Ji county. In the summer he plaited grass for his clothes, and in the winter he covered himself with his disheveled hair. He was fond of reading the Classic of Changes and playing the zither. Xi Kang’s contempt for conventional society and government service is best reflected in a letter he wrote to his friend Shan Tao in 261 or 263. Shan Tao was about to leave the bureau of appointments in the Depart- ment of Personnel, and he recommended Xi Kang as his replacement. Xi Kang then wrote the so-called “Letter to Shan Tao Breaking off Friendship” in which he expressed his indignation at being asked to abandon his principles. However, recently Xu Gongchi has argued that this letter has nothing to do with severing friendship with Shan Tao. He adduces evidence to show that the received version of the title with the words “breaking off friendship” was probably given to the letter after the Liu-Song period or even in the Qi-Liang era. Xi Kang’s contempt for conventions and authority eventually led to his death. In 261, Xi Kang’s friend Lü An became embroiled in a dispute with his elder brother, Lü Xun 巽 (or Xun 遜), who also was a friend of Xi Kang’s. Lü Xun had committed adultery with Lü An’s wife. Lü An wanted to make a public accusation against his brother, but Xi Kang persuaded him not to. Meanwhile, Lü Xun, who was an intimate of Sima Zhao, spread a rumor that his younger brother had beaten their mother. He then submitted a petition to the court urging that he be tried for unfilial behavior. Lü An was exiled to the frontier. Just before he departed for his exile, Lü An made a plea in his own defense, and in the text he mentioned Xi Kang’s name. As a result, both Lü An and Xi Kang were arrested. Zhong Hui 鍾會 (225–264), an old enemy of Xi Kang’s, who then held the post of metropolitan commandant, in which capacity he was in charge of preserving the moral customs in the area around the capital, recommended that Xi Kang and Lü An be put to death for sedition and treason. One charge he made against Xi Kang was that he had wanted to participate in Guanqiu Jian’s revolt. Xi Kang was taken to the Eastern Market of Luoyang and executed, probably in 262 (one source says 263). According to the Wenshi zhuan 文士傳, the night before his execution, Xi Kang’s elder and younger brothers and close relatives visited him to bid farewell. “Kang’s expression did 1410 xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜 not change. He asked his elder brother, ‘Have you brought the zither I used to use?’ His brother said, ‘It’s here.’ Kang took it and tuned it, and began to play ‘Song of Grand Peace’ 太平引. When the tune was finished, he sighed and said, the ‘Song of Grand Peace’ dies with me.” According to Wang Yin’s Jin shu, at the time of Xi Kang’s arrest, several thousand students at the national university submitted a petition on Xi Kang’s behalf. All the great men of the time appeared before the prison to seek his release, but the authorities dispersed the crowd and sent them away. Xi Kang’s collected works, which went by the title Xi Kang ji 嵇康集, at one time consisted of fifteen juan. Sometime between the Tang and Song, five juan were lost. The earliest extant texts of Xi’s works date from the Ming. One is the Xi Zhongsan ji 嵇中散集 edited by Huang Xingzeng 黃省曾 (1496–1546) with a preface dated 1525. This edition has been reprinted in the Sibu congkan. Another Ming text is a manuscript copy from the Congshu tang 叢書堂 of Wu Kuan 吳寬 (1435–1504). This text reputedly is based on a Song edition. This edition served as the basis for two modern editions: one prepared by Lu Xun in 1924, and another by Dai Mingyang 戴明揚 (published posthumously in 1962). Among Xi Kang’s extant writings, there are sixty shi. Thirty are in four- syllable lines, twelve in five-syllable lines, ten in six-syllable lines, and eight in irregular patterns. The dominant theme of his poetry is “escape from the world and its dangers and the quest for a better world, the world of the Taoist immortals” (Holzman, “La Poésie de Ji Kang,” 115). Xi Kang’s best poems are those in the four-syllable line form. He has one particularly well-known eighteen-part piece titled “Zeng xiucai ru jun” 贈秀才入軍 (Presented to the Flourishing Talent upon his entering the army). (There also is one pentasyllabic poem by the same title.) The commonly accepted interpretation is that Xi Kang addressed the poems to his elder brother Xi Xi. Unlike Xi Kang, Xi Xi was not averse to serving the Sima clan. After the establishment of the Jin dynasty in 266, he held the post of governor of Yangzhou under the very men who were responsible for executing his younger brother in 262/3. There is evidence that the two brothers held divergent views on politics and on the entire question of the value of official service. The title of the piece indicates that Xi Kang must have written this set of poems when his brother first began his political career, presumably in a military position. The basic themes of the piece are two: one, to recount how someone dear, presumably his brother, has abandoned his ideals and compromised his principles, by entering into government service; and two, to relate Xi Kang’s own progress away from the profane world and into the realm of withdrawal and Taoist escapism. Throughout xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜 1411 the series, Xi Kang uses the image of birds to symbolize himself and his brother. Xi Kang was an accomplished zither player and an expert on music. He wrote a long essay titled “Sheng wu ai le lun” 聲無哀樂論 (On the non-emotional nature of music) in which he argues that music has no intrinsic emotion. The emotion is only felt by those who are affected by the music. Another of Xi Kang’s famous pieces on music is the “Qin fu” 琴賦 (Fu on the zither). Xi Kang attaches to the fu a preface in which he tells of his lifelong passion for music, which he claims “can guide and nourish spirit and breath, relax and harmonize the emotions and feelings.” He then mentions the literary tradition of writing fu on musical instruments. He first mentions some of the conventions of these pieces: a description of the material from which the instrument is made, and the rugged and perilous qualities of the location where this material is produced. Xi Kang then faults earlier writers of fu on musical instruments for the lack of knowledge of music. He praises the zither as the noblest of all instruments. In the fu proper, Xi Kang follows convention first by describing the area in which the paulownia, the tree from which the best zithers are made, grows. He has a long rhapsodic passage on the mountains and rivers. Xi Kang portrays the area as one inhabited by hermits and immortals who go there not only to escape the entanglements of the profane world, but to cut wood from which to make a zither. He follows with an account of the construction of the zither, its tuning, and the zither music itself, with special mention of various tunes. He ends the fu with a description of the effects the zither music has on those who hear it. In the finale, Xi Kang praises the zither as the musical instrument for the perfected man. Xi Kang had a strong interest in recluses. He compiled the Shengxian gaoshi zhuan zan 聖賢高士傳讚 (Accounts with encomia of sage and worth high-minded gentlemen). Only about half of this work is still extant.

Bibliography

Collections Xi Zhongsan ji 嵇中散集. 10 juan. Edited by Huang Xingzeng 黃省曾 1525 printing. Held by Zhongguo guojia tushuguan; facsimile reproduction in Sibu congkan. Xi Kang ji 嵇康集. 10 juan. Printing based on a manuscript copy from the Congshu tang 叢書堂 of Wu Kuan 吳寬 (1435–1504). Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Xi Zhongsan ji 嵇中散集. 6 juan + supplement 1 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Xi Zhongsan ji 嵇中散集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. 1412 xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜

Xi Zhongsan ji 嵇中散集. 10 juan. Sibu beiyao. Typeset edition based on a Ming edition. Lu Xun 魯迅, ed. Xi Kang ji 嵇康集. 1938. Rpt. Beijing: Guji kanxingshe, 1956; Hong Kong: Xinyi, 1965. Dai Mingyang 戴明揚, ed. and comm. Xi Kang ji jiaozhu 嵇康集校注. Beijing: Ren- min wenxue chubanshe, 1962. Yin Xiang 殷翔 and Guo Quanzhi 郭全芝, ed. and comm. Xi Kang ji zhu 嵇康集注. Hefei: Huangshan shushe, 1986.

Studies of textual history Lu Xun 魯迅. “Xi Kang ji kao 嵇康集考.” Lishi yanjiu (1954: 2): 97–103. Luo Qinghua 羅清華 and Wang Jue 王珏. “Xi Kang ji yuanliu gaishu”《嵇康集》源流概述. Wenshi zazhi 139 (2009): 46–49.

Baihua translations Xia Mingzhao 夏明釗, trans. and comm. Xi Kang ji yizhu 嵇康集譯注. Ha’erbin: Heilongjiang renmin chubanshe, 1987. Wu Xiucheng 吳秀成, ed. and trans. Xi Kang shiwen xuan yi 嵇康詩文選譯. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 1991. Wu Xiucheng 吳秀成, ed. and trans. Ni Qixin 倪其心, reviewed. Xi Kang shiwen 嵇康詩文. Taipei: Jinxiu chuban shieye gufen youxian gongsi, 1993. Han Geping 韓格平, trans. and comm. Zhulin qixian shiwen quanji yizhu 竹林七賢詩文全集譯注, 286–559. Changchun: Jilin wenshi chubanshe, 1997. Cui Fuzhang 崔富章, ed. and trans. Xinyi Xi Zhongsan ji 新譯嵇中散集. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1998.

Concordance Matsuura Takashi 松浦崇, comp. Kei Kō shū shi sakuin 嵇康集詩索引. Kyoto: Ibundō shoten, 1975.

Studies Liu Rulin 劉汝霖. “Da wenxuejia Xi Kang Shuye nianpu” 大文學家嵇康叔夜年譜. Yishi bao Guoxue zhoukan (December 7–15, 1929). Ye Weiqing 葉渭清. “Xi Kang ji jiaoji” 嵇康集校記. Guoli Beiping tushuguan guankan 1930–1935; rpt. in Nan Jiangtao 南江濤, ed. Wen xuan xue yanjiu 文選學研究, 57–169. Beijing: Guoji tushuguan chubanshe, 2010. Lu Qinli 逯欽立. “Ba Xi Kang ji diyi juan shi” 跋《嵇康集》第一卷詩. Guoli zhongyang tushuguan guankan 1.3 (1947): 25–27; rpt. in Lu Qinli. Han Wei Liuchao wenxue lunji 漢魏六朝文學論集, 413–20. Xi’an: Shaanxi renmin chubanshe, 1984. Holzman, Donald. “Kei Kō to bukkyō” 嵇康と佛教. Indogaku bukkyōgaku kenkyū 4.2 (1956): 181–84. Holzman, Donald. La Vie et la pensée de Xi Kang (223–262 Ap J.C.). Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1957. xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜 1413

Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Kei Kō shi shoron” 嵇康詩小論. Chūgoku bungaku hō 15 (1961): 1–32; rpt. in Kōzen Hiroshi. Ransei o ikiru shijin-tachi: Rikuchō shijin ron 亂世を生きる詩人たち—六朝詩人たち, 47–89. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 2001. Kōzen Hiroshi 興膳宏. “Kei Kō no hishō” 嵇康の飛翔. Chūgoku bungaku hō 16 (1962): 1–28; rpt. in Kōzen Hiroshi. Ransei o ikiru shijin-tachi: Rikuchō shijin ron 亂世を生きる詩人—六朝詩人たち, 90–126. Tokyo: Kenbun shuppan, 2001; Chinese trans. by Peng Enhua 彭恩華. Liuchao wenxue lungao 六朝文學論稿, 1–25. Changsha: Yuelu shushe, 1988. Fukunaga Mitsuji 福永光司. “Kei Kō ni okeru jida no mondai: Kei Kō no seikatsu to shisō” 嵇康における自我の問題—嵇康の生活と思想. Tōhō gakuhō 32 (1962): 92–119. He Qimin 何啟民. Zhulin qixian yanjiu 竹林七賢研究, 60–110. Taipei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1966. Funazu (Funatsu) Tomihiko 船津富彥. “Kei Kō bungaku tōei joshi shinsen” 嵇康文學に投影女子神仙. Tōhō shūkyō 31 (1968): 44–67. Henricks, Robert G. “Hsi K’ang (223–262): His Life, Literature, and Thought.” Unpublished Diss. University of Wisconsin, 1976. Holzman, Donald. “La Poésie de Ji Kang.” Journal asiatique 268 (1980): 107–77, 323–78. Zhou Zhenfu 周振甫. “Xi Kang weisheme beisha” 嵇康為什麼被殺.” Xuelin manlu (1980). Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Kei Kō to Ryo An shaken” 嵇康呂安事件. Ritsumei- kan bungaku 430 (1981): 87–117; rpt. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū, 304–37. Zhuang Wanshou 莊萬壽. Xi Kang nianpu 嵇康年譜. Taipei: Sanmin shuju, 1981. Henricks, Robert G. “Hsi K’ang and Argumentation in the Wei.” Journal of Chi- nese Philosophy 8 (1981): 169–221. Liu Kangde 劉康德. “Shi lun Xi Kang de zhexue sixiang” 試論嵇康的哲學思想. Fudan xuebao (1981: 6): 90–92. Yang Guojuan 楊國娟. Xi Kang yanjiu lunwen ji 嵇康研究論文集. Taizhong: Guangqi chubanshe, 1982. Henricks, Robert G. Philosophy and Argumentation in Third-Century China. The Essays of Hsi K’ang. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983. Guo Weisen 郭維森. “Xi Kang” 嵇康, in Zhongguo lidai zhuming wenxuejia pingzhuan, 303–20. Chen Zhanguo 陳戰國. “Xi Kang yu xuanxue ‘san li’ ” 嵇康與玄學“三理”. Zhongguo zhexue 11 (1984): 76–97. Gu Nong 顧農. “Xi Kang de zhengzhi taidu he tade zuopin” 嵇康的政治態度和他的作品. Xinan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue) (1984: 4): 109–14. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Kei Kō no zōtō shi ni tsuite” 嵇康の贈答詩について. Gakurin (1985: 5): 1–23; (1985: 6): 30–55; rpt. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū, 260–303. Kai Katsuji 甲斐勝二. “Kei Kō shi shokō” 嵇康詩小考. Chūgoku bungaku ronshū 14 (1985): 52–77. Li Jianguo 李劍國. “Xi Kang shengzu nian xintan 嵇康生卒年新探. Nankai xuebao (1985: 3). Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Kei Kō saki kaisei kō 嵇康先世改姓考. Gakurin (1986: 7): 1–24; rpt. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. Gi Shin shidan no kenkyū, 235–59. 1414 xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜

Xu Gongchi 徐公持. Ruan Ji yu Xi Kang 阮籍與嵇康. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1986; rpt. Taipei: Guowen tiandi zazhi she, 1991. Matsumoto Yukio 松本幸男. “Kei Kō no saki to sono kaisei o meguru rongi ni tsuite” 嵇康の先世とその改姓をめぐる論議について. Gakurin (1986: 7): 1–24; (1986: 8): 94–112; (1987: 9): 55–71. Yao Hanrong 姚漢榮 and Yao Yixin 姚益心. “Xi Kang zhi si kao bian” 嵇康之死考辨. Zhongzhou xuekan (1988: 3): 86–89. Zhuang Wanshou 莊萬壽. Xi Kang yanjiu ji nianpu 嵇康研究及年譜. Taipei: Xue sheng shuju, 1990. Jing Shuhui 景蜀慧. “Xi Kang yu Ruan Ji lunxi” 嵇康與阮籍論析. Wei Jin shiren yu zhengzhi 魏晉詩人與政治, 75–162. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1991. Shen Yucheng 沈玉成. “Xi Kang beisha de yuanyin he shijian” 嵇康被殺的原因和時間. Liaogning daxue xuebao (1993: 2): 68–72; rpt. in Shen Yucheng. Shen Yucheng wencun 沈玉成文存, 279–88. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2006. Yuejin 躍進. “Xi Kang beisha de shijian ji qi yuanyin” 嵇康被殺的時間及其原因. Gudian wenxue zhishi (1994: 2): 82–88. Zeng Chunhai 曾春海. Zhulin xuanxue de dianfan: Xi Kang 竹林玄學的典範：嵇康. Taipei: Furen daxue chubanshe, 1994. Zhang Jiemo 張節末. Xi Kang meixue 嵇康美學. Hangzhou: Zhejiang renmin chubanshe, 1994. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. Xi Kang pingzhuan: Han Wei fenggu jin, Zhulin yihen chang 嵇康評傳：漢魏風骨盡，竹林遺恨長. Nanning: Guangxi jiaoyu chubanshe, 1994. Liu Zhiwei 劉志偉. “Xi Kang xiongdi zhi mi yu xiongdi guanxi kaobian” 嵇康兄弟之謎與兄弟關係考辨. Xibei shida xuebao (1995: 1): 18–21; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Zhongguo gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (1995: 11): 139–42. Zhang Huihui 張蕙慧. Xi Kang yinyue meixue sixiang tanjiu 嵇康音樂美學思想探究. Taipei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1997. Xu Gongchi. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 198–211. Chu Hsiao-hai 朱曉海. “Xi Kang zekui” 嵇康仄窺. Taida Zhongwenxi xuebao 11 (1999): 59–103. Cui Fuzhang 崔富章. “Xi Kang de shengping shiji ji Xi Kang ji de chuanbo yuanliu” 嵇康的生平事迹及《嵇康集》的傳播源流. Zhejiang daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) (1999: 4): 9–16. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元. Longxing nanxun: Xi Kang zhuan 龍性難馴：嵇康傳. Bei- jing: Dongfang chubanshe, 1999. Cui Fuzhang 崔富章. “Xi Kang de shengping shiji ji Xi Kang ji de chuanbo yuanliu” 嵇康的生平事迹及《嵇康集》的傳播源流. Zhejiang daxue xuebao (1999: 4): 9–16; rpt. Fuyin baokan ziliao, Gudai, jindai wenxue yanjiu (2000: 4): 48–55. Pi Yuanzhen 皮元珍. Xi Kang lun 嵇康論. Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 2000. Ōgami Masami 大上正美. Gen Seki Kei Kō no bungaku 阮籍‧嵇康の文學. Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 2000. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 79–81. Niu Guihu 牛貴琥. Guangling yuxiang—lun Xi Kang zhi si yu Wei Jin shehui fengqi zhi yanbian ji wenxue zhi guanxi 廣陵餘響—論嵇康之死與魏晉社會風氣之演變及文學之關係. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanshe, 2004. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “Xi Kang zhexue xinlun” 嵇康哲學新論. Zhongguo zhexue shi (2004: 1): 75–81. xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜 1415

Wu Lianyi 吳聯益. “Xi Kang yangsheng sixiang ji qi Huang-Lao Daojiao zhi yuanyuan lice” 嵇康養生思想及其黃老、道教之淵源蠡測. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu 18 (2004): 23–54. Gu Nong 顧農. “Yinshi Xi Kang de xinyang beiju” 隱士嵇康的信仰悲劇. Yanjing xuebao 17 (2004): 183–99. Tong Qiang 童強. Xi Kang pingzhuan 嵇康評傳. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2006. Ch’oe U-sŏk 崔宇錫. Wei Jin siyan shi yanjiu 魏晉四言詩研究, 130–45. Chengdu: Ba Shu shushe, 2006. Hu Dalei 胡大雷. Xuanyan shi yanjiu 玄言詩研究, 66–78. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2007. Huang Jieli 黃潔莉. “Lun Xi Kang zhi yishuhua shengming” 論嵇康之藝術化生命. Yishu pinglun 18 (2008): 123–66. Zeng Chunhai 曾春海. Xi Kang de jingshen shijie 嵇康的精神世界. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 2009. Middendorf, Ulrike. “The Sage without Emotion: Music, Mind, and Politics in Xi Kang.” In Philosophy and Religion in Early Medieval China, ed. Alan K. L. Chan, 135–72. Albany: State University of New York, 2010. Wells, Matthew. “Ji Kang.” Dictionary of Literary Biography. Volume 358: Classical Chinese Writers of the Pre-Tang Period, edited by Curtis Dean Smith, 70–77. Detroit: Gale, 2011.

Works

a. “Yangsheng lun” 養生論 (Disquisition on nurturing life)

Studies and Translations Wilhelm, Hellmut. “Hsi Kang und seine Abhandlung über die Pflege des Lebens.” China-Dienst (1935): 903–6. Swanson, Jerry. “A Third Century Taoist Treatise on the Nourishment of Life: Hsi K’ang and his Yang-sheng lun.” Studies in Philosophy and in the History of Sci- ence: Essays in Honor of Max Fisch, 139–58 Lawrence, Kansas, 1970. Holzman, La Vie, 83–91. Henricks, Philosophy, 21–30. Sun Shimin 孫世民. “Xi Kang yangsheng lun tanxi” 嵇康養生論探析. Xingda renwen xuebao 38 (2007): 121–64. Levi, Jean. Éloge de l’anarchie par deux excentriques chinois, 63–92. Paris: Éditions de l’encyclopédie des nuisances, 2004.

b. “Qin fu” 琴賦 (Fu on the zither)

Studies Matsuura Takashi 松浦崇. “Kei Kō no ‘Kin no fu’ ni tsuite” 嵇康の「琴賦」について. Fukuoka daigaku jinbun ronsō 13.2 (1981): 563–82. 1416 xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜

Li Ruiqing 李銳清. “Xi Kang ‘Qin fu’ xiaolun” 嵇康「琴賦」小論. Xinya xueshu jikan 13 (1984): 65–71. Egan, Ronald. “The Controversy over Music and ‘Sadness’ and Changing Concep- tions of the Qin in Middle Period China.” Harvard Jouranl of Asiatic Studies 57 (1997): 5–66. Li Danbo 李丹博. “Yi ‘he’ wei mei—ping Xi Kang ‘Qin fu’ de meixue sixiang” 以“和”為美—評嵇康《琴賦》的美學思想. Wen shi zhe 295 (2003): 141–43. Liao Zhichao 廖志超. “Xianwai zhi yin—Xi Kang ‘Qin fu’ xilun” 絃外之音—嵇康〈琴賦〉析論 . Wen yu zhe 8 (2006): 81–97. Liu Zhenwei 劉振維. “Lun Xi Kang ‘Qin fu’ de yinyue sixiang” 論嵇康《琴賦》的音樂思想. Zhishan (2007: 6): 129–55. Li Meiyan 李美燕. “Xi Kang ‘Qin fu’ zhong ‘he’ de meixue yihan xilun” 嵇康〈琴賦〉中「和」的美學意涵析論. Yishu pinglun 19 (2009): 189–217.

Translations van Gulik, Robert. “Hsi K’ang’s Poetical Essay on the Lute.” T’ien-hsia Monthly 11.4 (1941): 374–84. van Gulik, Robert. Hsi K’ang and His Poetical Essay on the Lute. Tokyo: Sophia University, Monumenta Nipponica Monograph, 1941. Rpt. Tokyo: Tuttle, 1968. Goormaghtigh, Georges. L’Art du Qin, Deux texts d’esthétique musicale chinoise, 25–41. Brussels: Institut Belge des Hautes Études Chinoises, 1990. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 279–303.

c. “Yu Shan Juyuan juejiao shu” 與山巨源絕交書 (Letter severing friendship with Shan Tao)

Studies Ōkawa Chūzō 大川忠三. “Kei Kō no ‘Majiwari o tatsu sho’ ni tsuite” 嵇康の「絕交書」について. Daitō bunka daigaku Kangakkai shi 32 (1993): 135–59. Lü Lihan 呂立漢, “Lun Xi Kang ‘Yu Shan Juyuan juejiao shu’ de xiezuo yitu he fengci yishu tese” 論嵇康《與山巨源絕交書》的寫作意圖和諷刺藝術特色 Lishui shizhuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1995: 4): 17–19. Gu Nong 顧農. “ ‘Yu Shan Juyuan juejiao shu’ zuonian kao”《與山巨源絕交書》作年考. Jianghai xuekan (1998: 4): 169. Zhang Bo 張波. “Xi Kang ‘Yu Shan Juyuan juejiao shu’ xiezuo shijian kao” 嵇康《與山巨源絕交書》寫作時間考 . Xi’an hangkong jishu gaodeng zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 23.4 (2005): 41–43. Jansen, Thomas. “The Art of Severing Relationships (juejiao) in Early Medieval China.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 126.3 (2006): 347–65. Xu Gongchi 徐公持. “Xi Kang ‘Yu Shan Juyuan juejiao shu’ fei juejiao zhi shu lun” 嵇康《與山巨源絕交書》非絕交之書論. Zhonghua wenshi luncong (2008: 3): 197–216. Zhang Bo 張波, Wei Tao 魏濤, and Miao Hong 缪宏. “Xi Kang yu Shan Tao ‘juejiao’ xintan” 嵇康與善濤“絕交”新探. Baoji wenli xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 28.2 (2008): 56–59. xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜 1417

Tian Jingchun 田景春 and Xu Xuping 徐旭平. “ ‘Yu Shan Juyuan juejiao shu’ shi xie ge shuide”《與山巨源絕交書》是寫給誰的. Wenxue jiaoyu (2008: 8): 94–95. Bao Xiuyan 包秀巖. “Xi Kang ‘Yu Shan Juyuan juejiao shu’ lunxi” 嵇康《與山巨源絕交書》論析. Shenyang shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 154 (2009): 90–93. Zeng Piaopiao 曾飄飄. “ ‘Yu Shan Juyuan juejiao shu’ xinjie”《與山巨源絕交書》新解. Chongqing keji xueyuan xuebao (Shehui kexue bao) (2011: 4): 139–40, 152. Zhu Jing 朱婧 and Luo Xu 羅煦. “ ‘Yu Shan Juyuan juejiao shu’ xiezuo shijian yanjiu zongshu”《與山巨源絕交書》寫作時間研究綜述. Qingnian wenxuejia (2011: 14): 199.

Translations Meyer, Agnes. Chinese Painting as Reflected in the Thought and Art of LiLung- mien, 75–87. New York: Duffield, 1923. von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 2: 783–89. Hightower, in Birch and Keene, Anthology, 162–66. Bauer, Wolfgang. Das Antlitz Chinas: Die autobiographische Selbsdarstellung in der chinesischen Literatur von ihren Anfängen bis heute, 154–55. München: Hanser, 1990.

d. “Zeng xiucai ru jun” 贈秀才入軍 (Presented to a Flourishing Talent upon his entering the army)

Studies and Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 388–89. Rushton, Peter. “An Interpretation of Hsi K’ang’s Eighteen Poems Presented to Hsi Hsi on His Entry into the Army,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 99.2 (1979): 175–90. Holzman, “La Poésie de Ji Kang,” 19–43. Han Geping 韓格平. “Xi Kang ‘Xiong xiucai Gongmu rujun zengshi shijiu shou’ ji Xi Xi ‘Xiucai da shi sishou’ shijie” 嵇康《兄秀才公穆入軍贈詩十九首》及嵇喜《秀才答詩四首》試解. In Wenxuan xue xinlun 文選學新論, ed. Zhongguo Wenxuan xue yanjiuhui 中國文選學研究會 and Zhengzhou daxue guji zhengli yanjiusuo 鄭州大學古籍整理研究所, 333–37. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou guji chubanshe, 1997. Han Geping 韓格平. “Xi Kang yu Xi Xi liang zu shi qianjie” 嵇康與嵇喜兩組詩淺解. Wenxue yichan (1999: 3): 112–13.

e. “You fen shi” 幽憤詩 (Anguish in prison)

Studies Zhao Naizeng 趙乃增. “Shi tan Xi Kang ‘You fen shi’ de sixiang qingxiang” 試談嵇康《幽憤詩》的思想傾向. Wenxue lunji 6 (1983): 161–69. 1418 xi kang 嵇康, zi shuye 叔夜

Matsuura Takashi 松浦崇. “Kei Kō no ‘Yūfun no shi’ ni tsuite” 嵇康の「幽憤詩」について. Fukuoka daigaku kenkyūjo hō 57 (1981): 275–90; Chinese trans. by Peng Enhua 彭恩華. “Lun Xi Kang de ‘You fen shi’ ” 論嵇康的《幽憤詩》. Wenyi luncong 20 (1984): 115–29. Gong Bin 龔斌. “Xi Kang ‘You fen shi’ bianxi” 嵇康《幽憤詩》辨析. Zhongguo gudian wenxue luncong (1985: 2): 24–36. Holzman, “La Poésie de Ji Kang,” 353–64. Fukuyama Yasuo 福山泰男. “ ‘Yūfen no shi’ o megutte” 「幽憤詩」をめぐって. Yamagata daigaku kiyō (Jimbun kagaku) 12.1 (1991): 89–102. Gu Nong 顧農. “Xi Kang ‘You fen shi’ jiedu” 嵇康《幽憤詩》解讀. Shandong shida xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) (1996: 3): 77–79, 97; rpt. in Gu Nong, Wen xuan luncong, 197–203. Xu Denan 許德楠. “Xi Kang ‘You fen shi’ zhong heceng ‘qianhui’ guo?” 嵇康《幽憤詩》中何曾“懺悔”過? Yuwen xuekan (2000: 2): 3–5.

Translations von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 361–64. Holzman, La Vie, 148. Demiéville, Paul. Poèmes chinois d’avant la mort, 116–17. Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1984.

f. “Sheng wu ai le lun” 聲無哀樂論 (Disquisition on the non-emotional nature of music)

Studies and translations Ji Liankang 吉聯抗, ed. and trans. Sheng wu ai le lun 聲無哀樂論. Beijing: Yinyue chubanshe, 1964. Henricks, Philosophy and Argumentation, 71–106. Cai Zhongde 蔡仲德. “Shilun Xi Kang ji qi ‘Sheng wu ai le’ de yinyue meixue sixiang” 試論嵇康及其“聲無哀樂”的音樂美學思想. Meixue wenxian 1 (1984): 211–62. Cai Zhongde 蔡仲德. “Xi Kang ‘Sheng wu ai le lun’ zhushi” 嵇康《聲無哀樂論》注釋. Meixue wenxian 1 (1984): 263–309. Xu Lizhen 徐麗真. “Xi Kang ‘Sheng wu ai le lun’ zhi yinyue meixue yanjiu” 嵇康〈聲無哀樂論〉之美學研究. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 36 (1992): 393–487. Wang Jinling 王金凌. “Lun Xi Kang ‘Sheng wu ai le lun’ de liangchong yiyi” 論嵇康〈聲無哀樂論〉的兩重意義. Furen Guowen xuebao 19 (2003): 65–88. Han Mei 韓梅. “ ‘Sheng wu ai le lun’ yanjiu zongshu”《聲無哀樂論》研究綜述. Yinyue yanjiu (2006: 2): 99–104. Xu Mingquan 許銘全. “Shixi Xi Kang ‘Sheng wu ai le lun’ zhong xuanxue yu meixue zhi huitong” 試析嵇康〈聲無哀樂論〉中玄學與美學之會通. Donghua Hanxue 11 (2010): 1–27. “xi qu ge” 西曲歌 (western songs) 1419

g. “Nan ziran haoxue lun” 難自然好學論 (Refuting the proposition that people naturally delight in learing)

Translation Henricks, Philosophy and Argumentation, 139–43. Levi, Éloge de l’anarachie, 59–62.

DRK

“Xi qu ge” 西曲歌 (Western songs)

Early medieval folk song type.

The “Xiqu ge” are songs that flourished during the Southern Dynasties in the areas of Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Jiangling, Hubei), Ying 郢 (modern Yichang 宜昌, Hubei), Fan 樊 (modern Xiangfan, Hubei), and Deng 鄧 (modern Deng county, Henan). The Yuefu shiji preserves thirty-four tune titles. There are two large groups, “Wu qu” 舞曲 (Dance songs), of which there are sixteen tune titles; and the “Yi ge” 倚歌 (Solo songs), which include fifteen tune titles. In addition to these thirty-one tune titles, there are three unclassified tune titles: “Yangpan’er” 楊叛兒, “Xiwu yefei” 西烏夜飛 (Western crow flies at night), and “Yuejie zhe yangliu ge” 月節折楊柳歌 (Breaking willow branch songs at monthly intervals). Like the “Wu shengge,” most of these pieces are pentasyllabic quatrains. A number of the tunes have been attributed to known writers. “Shicheng yue” 石城樂 (Music of Shicheng) is attributed to Zang Zhi 臧質 (400–454), who was governor of Shicheng (modern Zhongxiang 鍾祥, Hubei). Some tunes were reputedly created by princes or even emperors. For example, “Wu ye ti” 烏夜啼 (The crow calls at night) is credited to none other than Liu Yiqing 劉義慶 (403–444), Prince of Linchuan. Xiao Ze 蕭賾 (440–493) before he became emperor of Qi was said to have written the lyrics to the song “Guke yue” 估客樂 (Music of traveling merchants). He then had the Buddhist monk Shi Baoyue 釋寶月 (fl. 483–493) set it to music. Liu Dan 劉誕 (433–459), Prince of Sui during the Liu-Song period, is credited with composing “Xiangyang yue” 襄陽樂 (Xiangyang music) while serving as governor of Xiangyang (modern Xiangfan, Hubei), which was one of the leading centers of “Xi qu” performance. Another tune that originated in Xiangyang was “Xiangyang baitong ti” 襄陽白銅蹄 (White copper hooves of Xiangyang) that Xiao Yan 蕭衍 (464–549), the future Emperor Wu of 1420 “xi qu ge” 西曲歌 (western songs)

Liang (r. 502–549) is credited with composing when he was governor of Yongzhou. Some of the pieces are ascribed to popular singers. For example, the “Mochou yue” 莫愁樂 (Music of Mochou) is attributed to a female entertainer named Mochou who performed in Shicheng. However, almost all of these attributions must be viewed with some suspicion.

Bibliography

Studies Xiao Difei 蕭滌非. Han Wei Liuchao yuefu shi 漢魏六朝樂府史, 230–42. 1945; rpt. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1984. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. Liuchao yuefu yu minge 六朝樂府與民歌. Shanghai: Shanghai wenyi lianhe chubanshe, 1955; rpt. in Wang Yunxi. Yuefu shi shulun 樂府詩述論 (Zengbu ben 增補本), 1–101. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006. Evans, Marilyn Jane Coutant. “Popular Songs of the Southern Dynasties: A Study in Chinese Poetic Style.” Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1966. Qiu Xieyou 邱燮友. “Wuge Xi qu chansheng de yuanyin ji qi shidai beijing” 吳歌西曲產生的原因及其時代背景. Wenfeng 17 (1970): 1–17; rpt. Shu he ren 209 (1973): 1–8. Qiu Xieyou 邱燮友. “Wuge Xi qu yu Liang gujiao hengchui qu de bijiao” 吳歌西曲與梁鼓角橫吹曲的比較. Guowen xuebao 1 (1972): 79–90; rpt. Zhongguo shi jikan 5.1 (1974): 1–20. Chan Man Sing. “The Western Songs (Xiqu) of the Southern Dynasties (420– 589)—A Critical Study.” Ph.D. diss., The Australian National University, 1984. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Nanchao zhengju yu ‘Wu sheng ge’ ‘Xiqu ge’ de xingsheng” 南朝政局與 “吳聲歌”、 “西曲歌” 的興盛. Shehui kexue zhanxian (1988: 2): 268–95. Hsieh, Daniel. The Evolution of Jueju Verse, 95–136. New York: Peter Lang, 1996. Wang Zhimin 王之敏. “ ‘Wu sheng’ ‘Xi qu’ xieyin xianxiang tantao” 「吳聲」「西曲」諧音現象探討. Yun Han xuekan 8 (2001): 109–32. Birrell, Anne. Games Poets Play: Readings in Medieval Chinese Poetry, 81–115. Cambridge: McGuinness China Monographs, 2004. Qian Zhixi 錢志熙. Wei Jin Nanbeichao shige shi shu 魏晉南北朝詩歌史述, 208–19. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2005. Wang Zhiqing 王志清. Jin Song yuefu shi yanjiu 晉宋樂府詩研究, 169–96. Baoding: Hebei daxue chubanshe, 2007. Zhao Guifen 趙桂芬. “Wu sheng Xiqu de nüxing shuxie tezheng” 吳聲西曲的女性書寫特徵. Donghai Zhongwen xuebao 20.7 (2008): 105–31. Wang Yunxi 王運熙 and Wang Guo’an 王國安. Yuefu shiji daodu 樂府詩集導讀, 70–77. Beijing: Zhongguo guoji guangbo chubanshe, 2009. “xi qu ge” 西曲歌 (western songs) 1421

Works

a. “Shicheng yue” 石城樂 (Shicheng music)

Translations Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 106. Frankel, Hans H. “Yüeh-fu Poetry.” In Studies in Chinese Literary Genres, Cyril Birch, ed., 96. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1974. Chan Man Sing, “Western Songs,” 169, 183. Birrell, New Songs, 269. Hsieh, Evolution, 106.

b. “Wu ye ti” 烏夜啼 (The crow calls at night)

Translations Chan Man Sing, “Western Songs,” 150, 167, 170, 184, 196. Birrell, New Songs, 269.

c. “Guke yue” 估客樂 (Merchant music)

Translation Birrell, New Songs, 269.

d. “Xiangyang yue” 襄陽樂 (Xiangyang music)

Translations Chan Man Sing, “Western Songs,” 162. Birrell, New Songs, 269. Birrell, Games Poets Play, 102.

e. “Yang Pan’er” 楊叛兒 (Yang Pan’s son/Old Lady Yang’s son)

Translation Chan Man Sing, “Western Songs,” 153, 168, 181. Birrell, New Songs, 269. Owen, Anthology, 240. Birrell, Games Poets Play, 100. 1422 “xi qu ge” 西曲歌 (western songs)

f. “Mochou yue” 莫愁樂 (Music of Mochou) Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 102. Chan Man Sing, “Western Songs,” 169.

g. “Xiangyang baitong ti” 襄陽白銅蹄 (White copper hooves of Xiangyang)

Study Wang Ping. “Southern Girls or Tibetan Knights: A Liang (502–557) Court Perfor- mance.” Journal of the American Oriental Society 128.1 (2008): 69–83.

Translation Chan Man Sing, “Western Songs,” 165–66.

DRK

Xi Shao 嵇紹 (252–304), zi Yanzu 延祖

Xi Shao’s surname is also pronounced Ji. His ancestral home was Shangyu 上虞 in Guiji 會稽 commandery (modern Shangyu, Zhejiang, east of Shao xing). Fleeing from a feud, his ancestors settled in Zhi 銍 county of Qiao 譙 commandery (west of modern Suzhou 宿州, Anhui). He is the son of Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–262). Xi Kang was executed when Xi Shao was ten years old. At the time of his execution Xi Kang requested that Shan Tao 山濤 (205–283) be entrusted with looking after his son. However, because his father was considered a criminal, Xi Shao remained in obscurity for almost two decades. Finally, in 279, when Xi Shao was twenty-eight, Shan Tao, who was director of the Bureau of Personnel, recommended him for a position at the imperial court. He was appointed vice director of the imperial library. In the capital Luoyang many people, including the conservative Pei Wei 裴頠 (267–300), were impressed with the son of the famous Xi Kang. He was described as “distinctive as a wild crane in a flock of chickens.” Some time later Xi Shao was assigned as governor of Runan 汝南 (administrative seat Xinxi 新息, modern Xi 息 county, Henan). Xi Shao had to leave office to observe mourning for his mother. After the mourning period, Xi Shao was named regional inspector of Xuzhou 徐州 (administrative seat Pengcheng 彭城, modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu). In 296, Shan Tao was in charge of supervising Qingzhou 青州 (modern Shandong) and Xuzhou. xi shao 嵇紹 (252–304), zi yanzu 延祖 1423

When Xi Shao discovered that Shan was acting in an imperious manner, he sent him a poem admonishing him. Xi Shao left office when his eldest son died. He later returned to serve in the imperial court as gentleman attendant at the palace gate. This was during the reign of Emperor Hui (r. 290–306) when Jia Mi 賈謐 (d. 300) held de facto power at the Western Jin court. However, Xi Shao did not belong to Jia Mi’s faction. Jia Mi was executed in 300, and Xi Shao was promoted to cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and named professor at the national university. In 301, he was appointed palace attendant. When Sima Jiong 司馬冏 (d. 302) overthrew Sima Lun 司馬倫 (d. 301) in that same year, Xi Shao admonished him for his arrogance. In 304, the Prince of Donghai, Sima Yue 司馬越 (d. 311) took Emperor Hui into his “protection” and led a force against the Prince of Chengdu, Sima Ying 司馬穎 (279–306), but was defeated at Dangyin 蕩陰 (southwest of modern Dangyin, Henan). As Sima Ying’s forces approached Luoyang, most of the court officials fled. Xi Shao stayed behind to protect the emperor. He was eventually killed by Sima Ying’s soldiers. His blood reputedly stained Emperor Hui’s robe. Later, Sima Yue had a grave inscription carved for him. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Xi Shao’s collected works in two juan as do the two Tang histories. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected five of his prose pieces in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. His best known work is “Xu Zhao Zhi” 叙趙至 (Telling of Zhao Zhi), which is an account of one of Xi Kang’s disciples, Zhao Zhi 趙至 (ca. 247–283). Only one of Xi Shao’s poems has been preserved, the monitory piece he presented to Shan Tao.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 429. Liu Weihang 劉偉航 and Tao Xiandu 陶賢都. “Cong Xi Shao zhi si kan Zhong- guo gudai de zhongxiao guan” 從嵇紹之死看中國古代的忠孝觀. Sichuan shifan xueyuan xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2002: 4): 41–46. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 117. Xu Guorong 徐國榮. “Xi Kang zhi zi Xi Shao de lishi gong’an” 嵇康之子嵇紹的歷史公案. Wenshi zhishi (2003: 6): 45–51. Zhu Jiangbo 祝江波. “Lun Xi Shao shi Jin yu Xi Kang ‘shunshi suisu’ sixiang zhi guanxi” 論嵇紹仕晉與嵇康“順世隨俗”思想之關係. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 25.4 (2006): 20–23. 1424 xi shao 嵇紹 (252–304), zi yanzu 延祖

Works

a. “Xu Zhao Zhi” 叙趙至 (Telling of Zhao Zhi)

Translation Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 37–39.

DRK

Xi Tan 郗曇 (320–361), zi Chongxi 重熙

Eastern Jin writer.

Xi Tan’s name is also read Chi Tan. His ancestral home was Jinxiang 金鄉 in Gaoping 高平 commandery (south of modern Juye 巨野, Shandong). He was the second son of Xi Jian 郗鑒 (269–339), who was the father-in-law of Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (303–361). In 329, Xi Jian was granted the noble title Duke of Nanchang county, and Xi Tan received the title of Earl of Dong’an county. In 349, he was appointed senior recorder for comprehensive duty, followed by a promotion to vice director of the Secretariat. In 350, he was assigned as commander under Sima Yu 司馬昱 (321–372), general of the pacification army. He 352, Xi Tan was appointed director of the Depart- ment of Personnel of the Department of State Affairs, and then palace aide to the censor-in-chief. In 358, the regional inspector of Xuzhou Xun Xian 荀羨 (321–358) became ill, and the court appointed Xi Tan supervisor of the army, northern commander, and regional inspector of Xuzhou and Yanzhou. In 359, Xi Tan and Xie Wan 謝萬 (d. 361) led an expedition against the Northern Yan. Xi Tan became ill and had to retreat. Xie Wan’s army was routed. Upon his return, Xi Tan was demoted. He died in 361 at the age of forty-two. Xi Tan was a devout follower of the Heavenly Master sect. Only one of his poems is extant, a piece he wrote for the Lan ting gathering hosted by Wang Xizhi in 353.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 312.

DRK xi xi 嵇喜 (fl. mid-third century), zi gongmu 公穆 1425

Xi Xi 嵇喜 (fl. mid-third century), zi Gongmu 公穆

Wei-Jin period writer.

Xi Xi’s surname is also pronounced Ji. His ancestral home was Shangyu 上虞 in Guiji 會稽 commandery (modern Shangyu, Zhejiang, east of Sha- oxing). Fleeing from a feud, his ancestors settled in Zhi 銍 county of Qiao 譙 commandery (west of modern Suzhou 宿州, Anhui). He is the elder brother of Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–262). Xi Xi’s birth year is not known, but since his younger brother Xi Kang 嵇康 (223–263) was born in 224, he must have been born ca. 220. Ca. 260, Xi Xi served in the labor section on the staff of Sima Yan 司馬炎 (236–290), the future founding emperor of the Western Jin. He next was assigned as commander under Sima You 司馬攸 (248–283), the son of Sima Zhao 司馬昭 (211–265). When Sima Zhao died in 265, Sima You fasted during the mourning period to the point he was wasting away. Xi Xi persuaded him to resume eating. During the Western Jin (265–316), Xi Xi was appointed governor of Jiangxia 江夏 (administrative seat, southwest of modern Yunmeng 雲夢, Hubei). In 274, he led a successful expedition against the Wu generals Sun Zun 孫遵 and Li Cheng 李承. In 282, the former Wu generals Guan Gong 莞恭 and Bo Feng 帛奉 revolted and besieged Yangzhou 揚州 (the area around modern Nanjing). Xi Xi led an army to defeat them. He was then appointed regional inspector of Yangzhou. At some later date Xi Xi was summoned to the imperial court where he served as chamberlain for ceremonials and chamberlain for the imperial clan. The date of his death is not known. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions a citation from a Liang period catalogue that listed Xi Xi’s collected works in two juan. Both Tang histories record a collection of the same size. This was lost in the Song. All that survives of Xi Xi’ writings is a fragment of a Xi Kang zhuan 嵇康傳 (Biography of Xi Kang), and four poems titled “Da Xi Kang shi” 答嵇康詩 (Poems replying to Xi Kang).

Bibliography

Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 429. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 115–16.

Works a. “Da Xi Kang shi” 答嵇康詩 (Poems replying to Xi Kang). 1426 xi xi 嵇喜 (fl. mid-third century), zi gongmu 公穆

Studies Han Geping 韓格平. “Xi Kang yu Xi Xi liangzu shi qianjie” 嵇康與嵇喜兩組詩淺解. Wenxue yichan (1999: 3): 112. Li Shaohua 李紹華. “Liangzhong xuanxue renshengguan de pengzhuang—du Xi Kang Xi Xi de zengda shi” 兩種玄學人生觀的碰撞—讀嵇康嵇喜的贈答詩. Nan- ning zhiye jishu xueyuan xuebao 5.3 (2000): 37–39. Lin Peiru 林佩儒. “Cong xiongdi xianghe shi lunxi Xi Xi yu Xi Kang zhi qingzhi guanxi” 從兄弟相和詩論析嵇喜與嵇康之情志關係. Maxie huli zhuanke xuexiao xuebao 2 (2002): 59–75. Sun Yajun 孫亞軍. “Xi Kang yu Xi Xi zengda shi zhiyi” 嵇康與嵇喜贈答詩質疑. Nanjing gongye zhiye jisu xueyuan xuebao 8.1 (2008): 24–26. Ye Dangqian 葉當前. “Lun Xi Kang yu Xi Xi de zengda songbie zushi” 論嵇康與嵇喜的贈答送別組詩. Guizhou wenshi congkan (2010: 2): 16–21.

Translation Holzman, Donald. La Vie et la pensée de Hi K’ang, 22–24. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1957.

DRK

Xi Zheng 郤正 (ca. 213–ca. 278), zi Lingxian 令先

Three States period literatus from Shu.

Xi Zheng’s ancestral home was Yanshi 偃師 in Henan (modern Yanshi, Henan). Xi Zheng’s grandfather Xi Jian 郤儉 (d. 188) was serving as regional inspector of Yizhou 益州 (modern Sichuan, southern Shaanxi, Yunnan, and Guizhou) when he was killed during the revolt of the Yellow Turbans led by Ma Xiang 馬相. Xi Zheng’s father Xi Yi 郤揖 (fl. 220) had to remain in Yizhou. It is thus possible that Xi Zheng was born there. Xi Yi died when Xi Zheng was young, and his mother remarried, leaving Xi Zheng to fend for himself. Despite his poverty, by the age of twenty Xi Zheng was able to acquire a good literary education. He had a strong interest in the fu of Han period writers from Shu such as Sima Xiangru, Wang Bao, and Yang Xiong. Xi Zheng served in various posts of the Shu-Han regime. He served for about ten years, from 230–240, in the low post of clerk of the imperial library. A decade later he was promoted to assistant in the palace library. He was made director in 260. These are all relatively minor posts. The reason for his failure to obtain more prestigious appointments is because he was not able to ingratiate himself with the eunuch Huang Hao 黃皓 (fl. 246–263). About the time of his appointment as director ofthe xi zheng 郤正 (ca. 213–ca. 278), zi lingxian 令先 1427 imperial library Xi Zheng composed “Shi ji” 釋譏 (Defense against ridicule), a piece in the she lun 設論 (hypothetical disquisition) form. This is a dialogue between an imaginary interlocutor and Xi Zheng. The interlocutor ridicules Xi Zheng for having long occupied low positions. Xi Zheng replies by arguing that despite his failure to obtain promotion even after nine assessments is simply determined by the time in which he lives. In his reply, Xi Zheng claims that the newly founded Shu-Han regime has a sur- feit of wise ministers and strategists, and someone like him is not talented enough to serve in such capacities. He concludes by saying he is content to remain in his lowly post, and even suggests that he may leave office and become a recluse. In 263, the Shu-Han ruler Liu Shan 劉禪 (r. 223–263) surrendered to the Wei general Deng Ai 鄧艾 (197–264). Xi Zheng wrote the letter that Liu Shan sent to Deng Ai accepting the terms of the surrender. Liu Shan then went to Luoyang. One of the members of his entourage was Xi Zheng. Xi Zheng received the honorary title of Marquis of Guannei. When the Jin dynasty was established in 265, Xi Zheng was appointed magistrate of Anyang 安陽 (southeast of modern Shiquan 石泉, Shaanxi). In 272, he was promoted to governor of Baxi 巴西 commandery (administrative seat modern Langzhong 閬中, Sichuan). Thus, he returned to the area of his birth and occupied a much more prestigious position than in his earlier career. Xi Zheng died in Yizhou in 278. According to Xi Zheng’s biography in the Sanguo zhi he composed some one hundred works in the genres of lyric poetry, disquisition, and fu. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in one juan. This was probably lost during the Tang. Only three of his writings are extant: the “Shi ji” and the letter of surrender mentioned above, and the “Jiang Wei lun” 姜維論 (Disquisition on Jiang Wei), in which Xi praises the Shu Han general Jiang Wei (d. 264).

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 313–14. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 98. Declerq, Dominik. Writing Against the State Political Rhetorics in Third & Fourth Century China, 97–121. Leiden: Brill, 1998. Wang Yongping 王永平. “Ru Jin zhi Shu Han renshi mingyun de fuchen” 入晉之蜀漢人士命運的浮沉. Shixue yuekan (2003: 2): 24–29. Farmer, J. Michael. The Talent of Shu: Qiao Zhou and the Intellectual World of Early Medieval Sichuan (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2007), 28–29. 1428 xi zheng 郤正 (ca. 213–ca. 278), zi lingxian 令先

Du Songbo 杜松柏. “Sanguo Shu Han cifu kao lun” 三國蜀漢辭賦考論. Heilongji- ang shehui kexue 116 (2009): 102–5.

Works a. “Shi ji” 釋譏 (Defense against ridicule) Translation Declerq, Dominik. Writing Against the State, 103–17.

DRK

Xi Zuochi 習鑿齒 (d. 384, alt. d. 393, 328–412), zi Yanwei 彥威

Eastern Jin historian and writer.

Xi Zuochi’s ancestral home was Xiangyang 襄陽 (modern Xiangfan, Hubei). His name is also read Xi Zaochi. The Xi was a large and prosperous clan in the Xiangyang area. In his youth Xi Zuochi demonstrated strong determination, and acquired vast learning. He also won acclaim for his writing. He was especially skilled at composing letters, disqusitions, and opinions. Ca. 347, Huan Wen 桓溫 (312–373), while serving as regional inspector of Jingzhou 荊州 (modern Hubei and Hunan), appointed Xi Zuochi as a retainer on his staff. The administrator of Jiangxia 江夏 (administrative seat Anlu 安陸, modern Yunmeng 雲夢, Hubei), Yuan Qiao 袁喬 (ca. 312– ca. 347), thought very highly of Xi, and he often praised him to Huan Wen. Xi was appointed recorder in the Western Division, and then promoted to administrative aide. In this capacity he became a close confidante of Huan Wen, who consulted him on both military and civil matters. Xi Zuochi was also on good terms with the historian Fu Tao 伏滔 (ca. 317–396), the Bud- dhist monk Dao’an 道安 (312–385), and Xie An 謝安 (320–385). Huan Wen once sent Xi Zuochi as an emissary to the capital in Jian kang where he met Sima Yu 司馬昱 (321–372), the future Emperor Jianwen (r. 371–372), who enjoyed associating with literary men. Upon his return to Jingzhou, Huan Wen asked his opinion of Sima Yu. Xi Zuochi replied that he had never “seen anyone like him in his life.” Huan was much offended by this remark. Huan Wen then transferred Xi Zuochi to the post of aide in the revenue division of the Jingzhou administration. Ca. 361, Xi Zuochi was sent out as governor of Hengyang 衡陽 (west of modern Xiangtan 湘潭, Hunan). During this time he compiled an important historical work, the Han Jin chunqiu 漢晉春秋 (Annals of Han and Jin). However, he may xi zuochi 習鑿齒 (d. 384, alt. d. 393, 328–412), zi yanwei 彥威 1429 not have completed the work until a decade later. (Note: Andrew Chittick argues that Xi Zuochi served as governor of Yingyang [sic], i.e., Xingyang 滎陽. However, Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng conclude that Hengyang is correct.) Xi Zuochi contracted a foot disease, and he returned to his home in Xiangyang. In 381, the forces of the Qin army led by Fu Jian 苻堅 (338– 385) conquered the Xiangyang area. Xi then visited Fu Jian in Chang’an, who was extremely impressed with him. It was at this time that Xi Zuochi renewed his acquaintance with Dao’an. In 384, the Qin occupiers were driven out of Xiangyang, and the Jin court invited Xi Zuochi to go to the court and oversee the compilation of the state history. However, he died before he could take office. However, according to the Meitian Xishi zupu 梅田習世族譜 compiled in 1747, Xi Zuochi at the end of his life went into reclusion in what is now called the small village of Baimei 白梅 in Xinyu 新余, Jiangxi. This work records Xi Zuochi’s birth and death years respectively as 328 and 412. Most of the residents of contemporary Baimei claim descent from Xi Zuochi. Xi Zuochi’s best known work is the Han Jin chunqiu 漢晉春秋. Accord- ing to Xi Zuochi’s biography in the Jin shu, this work was in fifty-four juan. The monograph on bibliography in the Sui shu lists it in forty-seven juan, while both Tang histories record it as a fifty-four-juan work. The complete version was lost in the Song. Later versions are reconstructions. Xi Zuochi compiled his chroncile based on the principle that the legimate successor to the Han was the state of Shu in the southwest, and that Wei was a “usurper” dynasty. Xi Zuochi compiled the Xiangyang qijiu ji 襄陽耆舊記 (Notes on the elders of Xiangyang), an important source for the local history of the Xiangyang area. Although the complete work has been lost, scholars have collected a substantial portion of it. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists Xi Zuochi’s collected works in five juan, as do the two Tang histories. This collection was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected twenty-seven of his prose writings in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen. Most of these are extracts from the Han Jin chunqiu. One of his prose pieces, “Yu Huan Mi shu” 與桓祕書 (Letter to Huan Mi), is a model of early medieval epistolary writing. Xi Zuochi also had a strong interest in Buddhism. In a letter written to Xie An, Xi praises the Buddhist teacher and philosopher Dao’an. He also exchanged letters with Dao’an. 1430 xi zuochi 習鑿齒 (d. 384, alt. d. 393, 328–412), zi yanwei 彥威

Bibliography

Studies Sang Xiu-yun 桑秀雲. “Jinren Xi Zuochi zushu chuuyi—jian lun Zuochi yu liao de guanxi” 晉人習鑿齒祖屬芻議—兼論鑿齒與僚的關係. Guoli Taiwan daxue kaogu renlei xuekan 46 (1989): 20–41. Chittick, Andrew Barclay. “Pride of Place: The Advent of Local History in Early Medieval China.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1987. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 6–7. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 228–30. Fang Guangchang 方廣錩. Dao’an pingzhuan 道安評傳, 148–52. Beijing: Kunlun chubanshe, 2004. Xiong Ming 熊明. “Xi Zuochi ji qi zazhuan chuangzuo kaolun” 習鑿齒及其雜傳創作考論. Shenyang shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 32.6 (2008): 58–64. Huang Huixian 黃惠賢 and Liu Chunxin 柳春新. “Jin shu ‘Xi Zuochi zhuan’ shu ping”《晉書‧習鑿齒傳》述評. Wei Jin Nanbeichao Sui Tang shi ziliao 24 (2008): 46–56. Wu Zhixiong 吳直雄. “Xi Zuochi ji qi xiangguan wenti kaobian” 習鑿齒及其相關問題考辨. Nanchang daxue xuebao (Renwen shehui kexue ban) 40.4 (2009): 74–80.

Works

a. Xiangyang qijiu ji 襄陽耆舊記 (Notes on elders of Xiangyang)

Texts Shu Fen 舒焚 and Zhang Linchuan 張林川, ed. and comm. Xiangyang qijiu ji jiaozhu 襄陽耆舊記校注. Hubei: Jing Chu shushe, 1986. Huang Huixian 黃惠賢, comm. Jiaobu Xiangyang qijiu ji 校補襄陽耆舊記. Zheng- zhou: Zhongzhou guji chbuanshe, 1987.

Studies Chittick, Andrew Barclay. “Pride of Place: The Advent of Local History in Early Medieval China.” Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1987. Xiong Ming 熊明. Han Wei Liuchao zazhuan yanjiu 漢魏六朝雜傳研究, 320–24. Shenyang: Liaohai chubanshe, 2004. Xiong Ming 熊明. “Xi Zuochi ji qi zazhuan chuangzuo kaolun” 習鑿齒及其雜傳創作考論. Shenyang shifan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 32.6 (2008): 58–64. Chittick, Andrew. Patronage and Community in Medieval China: The Xiangyang Garrison, 400–600 CE. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2009. xi zuochi 習鑿齒 (d. 384, alt. d. 393, 328–412), zi yanwei 彥威 1431

b. Han Jin chunqiu 漢晉春秋 (Annals of Han and Jin)

Texts Tang Qiu 湯球 (1804–1881), ed. Han Jin chunqiu 漢晉春秋. 4 juan. Guangya congshu. Huang Shi 黃奭 (19th cent.), ed. Han Jin chunqiu 漢晉春秋. 1 juan. Hanxue tang congshu.

Studies Chittick, Andrew. “Dynastic Legitimacy during the Eastern Chin: His Tso-ch’ih and the Problem of Huan Wen.” Asia Major, 3rd series, 11.1 (1998): 21–52. Tanaka Yasuhiko 田中靖彥. “Kan Shin shunjū ni mieru Sankoku reitōkan no tenkai”《漢晉春秋》見三國正統展開. Tōhōgaku 110 (2005): 49–64. Zheng Xianxing 鄭先興. “Xi Zuochi shixue sixiang jianlun” 習鑿齒史學思想簡論. Xuchang xueyuan xuebao 25.1 (2006): 109–100. Xi Genzhu 習根珠. “Dong Jin shixuejia Xi Zuochi kaolüe” 東晉史學家習鑿齒考略. Xinyu gaozhuan xuebao 12.4 (2007): 13–17.

c. “Yu Huan Mi shu” 與桓祕書 (Letter to Huan Mi)

Study Wei Pingzhu 魏平柱. “Du Xi Zuochi ‘Yu Huan Mi shu’ ” 讀習鑿齒《與桓祕書》. Xiangfan xueyuan xuebao 29.12 (2008): 82–84.

Translation Chittick, “Pride of Place,” 224–25.

d. “Yu Xie An shu cheng Shi Dao’an” 與謝安書稱釋道安 (Letter to Dao’ao praising the Buddhist monk Dao’an)

Translation Zürcher, E. The Buddhist Conquest of China, Third edition, 189. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2007. Tsukamoto, Zenryū. Trans. from the Japanese by Leon Hurvitz. A History of Early Chinese Buddhism: From Its Introduction to the Death of Hui-yüan, 694. Tokyo: Kodansha, 1985. 1432 xi zuochi 習鑿齒 (d. 384, alt. d. 393, 328–412), zi yanwei 彥威

e. “Yu Shi Dao’an” 與釋道安 (To the Buddhist monk Dao’ao)

Translation Tsukamoto Zenryū. A History of Early Chinese Buddhism: From Its Introduction to the Death of Hui-yüan, 176–77.

DRK

Xiahou Dun 夏侯惇 (ca. 249–ca. 311), zi Xiaochong 孝沖

Late Wei, early Western Jin writer.

Xiahou Dun’s ancestral home was Qiao 譙 (modern Bozhou 亳州, Anhui). He was the younger brother of Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291). Both he and his brother won acclaim for their literary talent. All that is known of his official career is that he served as governor of Yiyang 弋陽 (west of modern Huangchuan 黃川, Henan). When Shi Le 石勒 (274–333) invaded Luoyang in 311, Xiahou Dun and most of the younger members of his family were killed. He was over sixty years old at the time. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in two juan, and the two Tang histories record a ten-juan version. This was lost in the Song. Yan Kejun has collected fragments of four of his fu in Quan shanggu Sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 337.

DRK

Xiahou Hui 夏侯惠 (209?–245?), zi Zhiquan 稚權

Three States period Wei literatus.

Xiahou Hui’s ancestral home was Qiao 譙 (modern 亳州, Anhui). He was the fourth son of the statesman Xiahou Yuan 夏侯淵 (d. 219). Already in his youth he was known for his learning. He was a skilled writer of court petitions. During the reign of Emperor Ming (r. 226–239) he served at the Wei court as gentleman cavalier attendant and gentleman attendant at the palace gate. During this period he often engaged in debates with the precocious Zhong Yu 鍾毓 (d. 263), and most of Xiahou Hui’s arguments were accepted. He also recommended an appointment for Liu Shao xiahou xuan 夏侯玄 (209–254), zi taichu 太初 1433

劉劭 (ca. 180–ca. 245). Ca. 239, Xiahou Hui served as administrator on the staff of the prince of Yan 燕, Cao Yu 曹宇 (fl. 221–239). In 244, he was appointed governor of Le’an 樂安 (administrative set Gaoyuan 高苑, southwest of modern Boxing 博興, Shandong). He died ca. 245 at the age of thirty-seven. The monographs on bibliography of the Sui shu and the two Tang histories list his collected works in two juan. This was lost in the Song. Two of his works survive, his petition recommending Liu Shao to the court, and the “Jingfu dian fu” 景福殿賦 (Fu on the Hall of Great Blessings), written to celebrate the construction of the Jingfu dian at Xuchang in 232.

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 337. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao, 89–90.

DRK

Xiahou Xuan 夏侯玄 (209–254), zi Taichu 太初

Wei dynasty writer.

Xiahou Xuan’s ancestral home was Qiao 譙 (modern Bozhou 亳州, Anhui), Anhui). The Xiahou family was closely allied with the Cao family of Wei. His great-grandfather was Xiahou Dun 夏侯惇 (d. 220), who reputedly was Cao Cao’s cousin. Xiahou Xuan’s father Xiahou Shang 夏侯尚 (d. 225) was a prominent military man in the early Wei period. His eldest daughter Xiahou Hui 夏侯徽 (211–234) was the first wife of Sima Shi 司馬師 (208–255). When his father died in 225, Xiahou Xuan succeeded to the title of Mar- quis of Changling 昌陵 district. At about the age of twenty, he was given the honorary titles gentleman cavalier attendant and gentleman attendant at the palace gate. Emperor Ming once ordered him to sit with Mao Zeng 毛曾, the younger brother of the Empress Mao. When Emperor Ming (r. 227–239) noticed Xiahou Xuan’s irritation, he had him demoted to supervisor of the palace guard. In 239 Xiahou Xuan’s cousin Cao Shuang 曹爽 (d. 249) assumed the position of regent, and he appointed Xiahou Xuan capital protector. In 244, Xiahou Xuan presented a set of institutional reforms including a reform of the recruitment system. In that same year, Cao Shuang and Xiahou Xuan led an abortive military expedition against Shu. Upon their return from Shu, Cao Shuang led the army back to the capital, while Xiahou Xuan remained in the Guanzhong area of Shaanxi. 1434 xiahou xuan 夏侯玄 (209–254), zi taichu 太初

In 249, Sima Yi 司馬懿 (179–251) staged a coup and had Cao Shuang killed. In 254, Xiahou Xuan joined with Li Feng 李豐 (d. 254) to overthrow Sima Yi’s successor Sima Shi 司馬師 (208–255). Their coup attempt failed, and all of the conspirators including Xiahou Xuan were executed. Xiahou Xuan was one of the leading xuanxue thinkers and conversationalists of the Wei period. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu lists his collected works in three juan. A two-juan edition survived as late as the Song dynasty. According to the Weishi chunqiu Xiahou Xuan wrote the following disquisitions: “Yue Yi” 樂毅, “Zhang Liang” 張良, “Ben wu” 本無 (Taking Non-actuality as the basis), and “Rou xing” 肉刑 (Corporal punishment). The essay on Zhang Liang has been lost. The essay on Yue Yi was copied by the famous calligrapher Wang Xizhi. An excerpt from the “Huang yin fu” 皇胤賦 (Fu on the imperial heir), written in 231 to celebrate the birth of Emperor Ming’s son Cao Yin 曹殷 (231–232), is also preserved.

Studies Chang Pei-pei 張蓓蓓. “Xiahou Xuan xuexing kaoshi” 夏侯玄學行考實. Wang Shumin xiansheng bashi shouqing lunwen ji 王叔岷先生八十壽慶論文集. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 1993; rpt. in Chang Pei-pei. Wei Jin xueshu renwu xinyan 魏晉學術人物新研, 45–89. Taipei: Da’an chubanshe, 2001. Cao Jianghong 曹江紅. “Lun Xiahou Xuan yu Zhengshi gaizhi” 論夏侯玄與正始改制. Guizhou shifan daxue xuebao 97 (1998): 24–26. Jing Shuhui 景蜀慧. “Caixing tongyi lihe yu Xiahou Xuan xuanju ‘fen xu’ zhi yi” 才性同異離合與夏侯玄選舉“分敘”之議. Zhongshan daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 43 (2003): 64–70. Wang Shu 王澍. Wei Jin xuanxue yu xuanyan shi yanjiu 魏晉玄學與玄言詩研究, 53–55. Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 2007.

Works

a. “Ben wu lun” 本無論

Translations Chan, Wing-tsit. A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, 325. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1963. Wagner, Rudolf G. Language, Ontology, and Political Philosophy in China: Wang Bi’s Scholarly Exploration of the Dark (Xuanxu), 50–51. Albany: State University of New York Press, 2003. xiahou zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291), zi xiaoruo 孝若 1435

b. “Yue Yi lun” 樂毅論

Study Fukushima Noboru 福嶋昇. “Kankō Gen no ‘Gakki ron’ ni tsuite” 夏侯玄の「樂毅論」について, Ōtani joshi dai kokubun 22 (1992): 24–35.

DRK

Xiahou Zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291), zi Xiaoruo 孝若

Late Wei, early Western Jin writer.

Xiahou Zhan’s ancestral home was Qiao 譙 (modern Bozhou 亳州, Anhui, Anhui). His great-grandfather was Xiahou Yuan 夏侯淵 (d. 219), one of Cao Cao’s most able military men who was married to one of Cao Cao’s sisters. In 262, at age twenty, Xiahou Zhan began his career as clerk on the staff of Grand Commandant Gao Rou 高柔 (174–263). He continued to serve a succession of grand commandants until 269 when he was recommended along with Zhi Yu 摯虞 (d. 311) to the imperial court as “worthy and good.” This designation qualified him to reply to the examination questions that were posed in this year. Xiahou Zhan’s essay earned him an appointment as gentleman of the palace, a 300-bushel rank. It was at this time he met Pan Yue 潘岳 (247–300), who had just been appointed clerk on the staff of the minister of works. These two handsome young men were referred to as “linked jade discs.” Xiahou Zhan’s material grandmother Xin Xianying 辛憲英 (191–269) died in 269, and Zhan wrote a biography of her. Xin Xianying’s husband Yang Dan 羊耽 was the uncle of the famous minister and general Yang Hu 羊祜 (221–278) who helped plan the conquest of Wu. Despite his distinguished family background Xiahou Zhan was disappointed that he held low office for such a long period. Thus, in 273,he composed “Di yi” 抵疑 (Rebutting suspicions) in which he angrily vents his frustration that his official career has been frustrated by his failure to obtain recognition at court. At various places in the piece Xiahou Zhan even intimates that he will leave the court and go into reclusion. Ca. 274, Xiahou Zhan received appointment as secretary on the staff of the heir designate Sima Zhong 司馬衷 (259–306), the future Emperor Hui 惠帝 (r. 291–306). In 277, upon the recommendation of Shan Tao 山濤 (205–283) he was transferred to the post of secretarial court gentleman. Ca. 279–280, Xiahou Zhan joined the force led by Jia Chong 賈充 (217– 282) who directed the conquest of Wu in 280. Presumably upon his return 1436 xiahou zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291), zi xiaoruo 孝若 from Wu (280), Xiahou Zhan was appointed magistrate of Yewang 野王 (modern Qinyang 沁陽, Henan). His administrative duties here were light, and he had time to compose “Kundi gao” 昆弟誥 (Pronouncements for my brothers), a long essay written in the style of the gao 誥 (pronouncements) of the Shang shu in which he lectures his six brothers on benevolence, propriety, and cultivation of character. Xiahou Zhan remained in Yewang for five years. In 285, he was summoned to the imperial court where took up the post of vice-director of the Secretariat. He served in this position until 287 when he was assigned as administrator on the staff of the prince of Nanyang 南陽 (modern Nan- yang, Henan), Sima Jian 司馬柬 (262–291). Nanyang was the home of the famous Eastern Han scholar and writer Zhang Heng. Xiahou Zhan wrote a stele inscription in Zhang Heng’s honor. In 290, Xiahou Zhan was summoned to the capital to serve as coachman to the heir designate, Sima Zhong. However, he was unable to take up the post, for Emperor Wu died, and Sima Zhong succeeded him as emperor. Xiahou Zhan was then given the prestigious position of cavalier attendant- in-ordinary. Xiahou Zhan died in 291 at the age of forty-nine sui. Pan Yue composed his dirge which is included in the Wen xuan. Xiahou Zhan had a collection in ten juan that survived as late as the Northern Song. A collection of his essays, the Xin lun 新論 (New disquisitions) in ten juan, also was extant in the Northern Song. Xiahou Zhan was a prolific fu writer. Yan Kejun collected fragments of twenty-five fu a number of which are on yong wu subjects such as pomegranate (anshi liu 安石榴), orange daylily (yinan hua 宜男花), lotus ( furong 芙蓉), shepherd’s purse (ji 薺), and duckweed ( fuping 浮萍). He also wrote several pieces on atmospheric phenomena such as snow, lightning, and thunder. Among Xiahou Zhan’s most distinctive pieces are nine poems in “Chu song” meter. They include two pieces he wrote in 279–280 when he participated in the military campaign against Wu: “Li qin yong” 離親詠 (Song of separation from kinsmen) and “Jiangshang fan ge” 江上泛歌 (Song of drifting on the Yangzi). He also has a group of pieces on feelings associated with seasons: “Chun kele” 春可樂 (Spring is delightful), “Qiu keai” 秋可哀 (Autumn is lamentable), “Qiu xi ai” 秋夕哀 (Lament on an autumn night), “Han ku yao” 寒苦謠 (Song of the miseries of winter cold). Xiahou Zhan did not write any pentasyllabic verse. However, he composed “Zhou shi” 周詩 (Zhou poems), a set of tetrasyllabic poems to supply lyrics for the six Shi jing poems that were transmitted with titles but no lyrics. xiahou zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291), zi xiaoruo 孝若 1437

Xiahou Zhan was a prolific prose writer. He was especially noted for his writings about people. His collection contains ten zan 贊 (encomia) on historical figures such as Yan Hui, Guan Zhong, Lu Zhonglian, and Zhuangzi. The only complete zan is “Dongfang Shuo hua zan” 東方朔畫贊 (Encomium for the portrait of Dongfang Shuo), which is contained in the Wen xuan. Xiahou Zhan also wrote a set of biographies of family members. Most of these are titled xu 敘 (accounts) and include biographies of Xiahou Cheng 夏侯稱 and Xiahou Rong 夏侯榮, two sons of Xiahou Yuan who died young, Yang Hu’s eldest son Yang Bing 羊秉, and his maternal grandmother Xin Xianying mentioned above.

Bibliography

Collections Zhang Xie 張燮 (1574–1640), ed. Xiahou changshi ji 夏侯常侍集. 2 juan. Qishi’er jia ji 七十二家集. Rpt. Xuxiu Siku quanshu, v. 1584. Zhang Pu 張溥 (1602–1641), ed. Xiahou changshi ji 夏侯常侍集. 1 juan. Han Wei Liuchao baisan mingjia ji. Xin lun 新論 (New disquisitions)

Text Ma Guohan 馬國翰 (1794–1857), ed. Yuhan shanfang ji yi shu 玉函山房輯佚書, 68.

Studies Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Kankō Ton no shūji—Sei Shin no kikōshi ga kokoromita ‘shin’ naru jōkei byōsha” 夏侯湛の修辭—西晉の貴公子試みた「新」なる情景描寫. Gobun to kyōiku 9 (1995): 1–13; rpt. in Satake Yasuko. Seishin bungakuron: gengaku no kage to keiji no akebono 西晉文學論：玄學の影と形似の曙, 128–50. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2002. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Shinshatachi e no aika to shōka—Kankō Ton no ‘jo’ to ‘den’ 死者たちへ哀歌の頌歌—夏侯湛の「敍」と「伝」, Gobun to kyōiku 10 (1996); rpt. in Satake Yasuko. Seishin bungakuron: gengaku no kage to keiji no akebono 西晉文學論：玄學の影と形似の曙, 114–27. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2002. Guo Weisen 郭維森 and Xu Jie 許結. Zhongguo cifu fazhan shi 中國辭賦發展史, 262–63. Nanjing: Jiangsu jiaoyu chubanshe, 1996. Declerq, Dominik. Writing against the State: Political Rhetorics in Third & Fourth Century China, 206–48. Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1998. Xu Gongchi. Wei Jin wenxue shi, 296–300. Leng Weiguo 冷衛國. “Xiahou Zhan yi ‘wei’ lun fu” 夏侯湛以“味”論賦. Wenxue yichan (2001: 1): 130–31. Xu Liying 徐利英 and Wang Qunhong 汪羣紅. “Shi lun Xiahou Zhan fu de chuangxin yishi” 試論夏侯湛賦的創新意識. Gannan shifan xueyuan xuebao (2005: 2): 64–67. 1438 xiahou zhan 夏侯湛 (243–291), zi xiaoruo 孝若

Works

a. “Di yi” 抵疑 (Rebutting suspicions)

Study and Translation Declerq, Dominik. Writing against the State, 224–45.

b. “Kundi gao” 昆弟誥 (Pronouncements for my brothers)

Studies Declerq, Dominik. Writing against the State, 207–16. Satake Yasuko 佐竹保子. “Kankō Ton no ‘Kontei koku’ ni tsuite” 夏侯湛の「昆弟誥」について. Chūgoku 12 (1997): 123–38; rpt. in rpt. in Satake Yasuko. Seishin bungakuron: gengaku no kage to keiji no akebono 西晉文學論：玄學の影と形似の曙, 91–113. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 2002.

c. “Zhou shi” 周詩 (Zhou poems)

Translation Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 138.

d. “Furong fu” 芙蓉賦 (Fu on the lotus)

Annotation Yang Zhongyi 楊仲義, ed.-in-chief. Zhonghua mingfu jicheng 中華名賦集成, “Wei Jin Nanbeichao juan” 魏晉南北朝卷, 381–82. Beijing: Zhongguo gongren chubanshe, 1999. Chi Wenjun 遲文浚 and Song Xulian 宋緒連, ed. Lidai fu guangxuan xinzhu jiping 歷代賦廣選‧新注‧集評, 3: 198–200. Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe, 2001.

e. “Yang Bing xu” 羊秉敘 (Account of Yang Bing)

Translation Mather, Shih-shuo Hsin-yü, 65.

DRK xian qin han wei jin nanbeichao shi 先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩 1439

Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi 先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩

Collection of pre-Tang poetry.

Compiled by Lu Qinli 逯欽立 (1911–1973), Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nan- beichao shi is the most important collection of poetry from earliest times through the Sui period. The collection consists of 135 juan. It includes poems by over 800 poets. Lu Qinli collected this material from some 300 sources. The collection is arranged chronologically by period: Pre-Qin (7 juan), Han (12 juan), Jin (21 juan). Song (12 juan), Qi (7 juan), Liang (30 juan), Northern Wei (4 juan), Northern Qi (4 juan), Northern Zhou (6 juan), Chen (10 juan), and Sui (10 juan). There are also sections devoted to poems by Buddhist monks, Taoist masters, and ghosts. Lu Qinli worked from 1942 to 1947 on preparing a supplement and corrections to the Gu shi ji 古詩紀 of Feng Weine 馮惟訥 (1512–1572) under the title “Quan Han Jin Liuchao Sui shi” 全漢晉六朝隋詩. From 1964 to 1967 Lu added the section on the pre-Qin period. He also no longer used the Gu shi ji as the base text and made his own critical versions of the poem texts. He was also careful to indicate variant readings and sources. He then changed the title to “Xian Qin Liang Han Sanguo Jin Nanbeichao shi” 先秦兩漢三國晉南北朝詩. In 1959 the Zhonghua shuju contracted with him to issue the Han section as a separate volume. This was never published. Lu Qinli completed the mansucript of the entire work in 1965, but because works of this kind were not published during the Cultural Revolu- tion, the collection was not printed until 1983, ten years after Lu Qinli’s death. It remains the authoritative anthology of pre-Tang poetry.

Bibliography

Text Lu Qinli 逯欽立 (1911–1973), ed. Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi 先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩. 3 vols. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983.

Index Chang Zhenguo 常振國 and Jiang Yun 絳雲, comps. Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nan- beichao shi zuozhe pianmu suoyin 先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩作者篇目索引. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988. Index to titles and names. 1440 xian qin han wei jin nanbeichao shi 先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩

Studies Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi pingjie”《先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩》評介. Wenxue pinglun (1984): 130–33. Liu Yuejin 劉躍進. “Guanyu Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi bianzhuan fangmian de yixie wenti” 關於先秦漢魏晉南北朝編撰方面的一些問題. Qinghua daxue xubao (1989: 2); rpt. in Liu Yuejin. Jiewang manlu 結網漫錄, 224–40. Beijing: Xueyuan chubanhse, 1997. Yuejin 躍進. “Bansheng xinxie jiaozhu de Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi” 半生心血澆注的《先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩》. Zhongguo dianji yu wenhua (1995: 3): 48–50. Liu Xiaoyan 劉孝嚴. “Lu Qinli xiansheng jijiao Xian Qin Han Jin Nanbeichao shi” de qianhou” 逯欽立先生輯校《先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩》的前後. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2010: 5): 28–31. Yang Fansen 楊汎森. “Lu Qinli yu Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi 逯欽立與《先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩》. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2010: 5): 32–34. Yang Weiqi 楊偉旗. “Lu Qinli Xian Qin Han Wei Jin Nanbeichao shi yanjiu zongshu” 逯欽立《先秦漢魏晉南北朝詩》研究綜述. Wenjiao ziliao (2012: 12): 13–15.

DRK

Xiangfeng 翔風 or Xuanfeng 翾風 (mid-fourth cent.)

Western Jin poet.

Very little known about Xiangfeng’s life. According to the Shi yi ji 拾遺記of Wang Jia 王嘉 (d. ca. 386), she was a favorite maid of the Western Jin plutocrat Shi Chong 石崇 (249–303). Shi Chong obtained her as a ten- year-old girl at the end of the Wei from a northern non-Han area. By age fifteen, she was skilled at recognizing the sounds of jade and thecolors of gold. Other women in Shi Chong’s household resented her beauty and talent and slandered her to Shi Chong. When Xiangfeng reached the age of thirty, Shi Chong lost interest in her, and she composed a pentasyllabic poem “Yuan shi” 怨詩 (Poem of resentment) to express her sorrow. The poem is preserved in the Shiyi ji. This account may be fictional. “Yuan shi” is a conventional title of poems attributed to an abandoned woman.

Bibliography

Studies Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 441.

TPK xiang ji 項籍 (232–202 b.c.e.), zi yu 羽 1441

Xiang Ji 項籍 (232–202 b.c.e.), zi Yu 羽

Late Qin military man and strategist.

Xiang Ji’s natal place was Xiaxiang 下相 (southwest of modern Suqian 宿遷, Jiangsu). He is usually known as Xiang Yu. He is the Chu general who contended with Liu Bang, the Han founder, for control over the former Qin empire. Xiang Yu’s poem, titled “Gaixia ge” 垓下歌 (Song of Gaixia), is preserved in Xiang Yu’s Shi ji biography, which records that Xiang Yu extemporaneously composed this song at Gaixia 垓下 (southeast of modern Lingbi 靈璧, Anhui), where his army was surrounded by Liu Bang’s forces. Recognizing that he could not escape, Xiang Yu sang the following song: My strength plucked up mountains, my spirit covered the world; But the times did not favor me, and my dappled steed can run no more. When my dappled steed can run no more, what can I do? Ah Yu, ah Yu, what will become of you? Yu 虞 is the name of Xiang Yu’s concubine. It is unlikely that “Gaixia ge” is actually by Xiang Yu. Although the piece is undoubtedly early, it probably is an anonymous song composed shortly after his death to lament his tragic demise.

Studies Nagata Hidemasa 永田英正. Kō U 項羽. Tokyo: Jimbutsu ōraisha, 1966. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng, Zhongguo wenxuejia dacidian, 296. Loewe, Biographical Dictionary, 599–602.

a. Works “Gaixia ge” 垓下歌 (Song of Gaixia)

Studies Yoshikawa Kōjirō 吉川幸次郎. “Ko U no ‘Kaika uta’ ni tsuite” 項羽の垓下歌について. Chūgoku bungaku hō 1 (1954): 1–18; rpt. Yoshikawa Kōjirō. Yoshikawa Kōjirō zenshū吉川幸次郎, 6: 3–22. Tokyo: Chikuma shobō, 1968–1970. Kuwabara Takeo 桑原武夫. “Yoshikawa Kōjirō ‘Ko U no ‘Kaika uta’ ni tsuite’ ‘Kan no Kōso no ‘Taifū uta’ ni tsuite’ ” 吉川幸次郎「項羽の垓下歌について」「漢の高祖の大風歌について」. Chūgoku bungaku hō 4 (1956): 122–30. Xu Shaozhou 徐少舟. “ ‘Gaixia ge’ de bieyi banben”《垓下歌》的別一版本. Wenxue yichan (1981: 1): 49. 1442 xiang ji 項籍 (232–202 b.c.e.), zi yu 羽

Translations Chavannes, Mémoires historiques, 2: 316. Watson, Records, 1: 70. Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed. Anthologie, 61. Nienhauser, Grand Scribe’s Records, 1: 205. Kern, Martin. “The Poetry of Han Historiography.” Early Medieval China 10–11.1 (2004): 41.

Xiang Xiu 向秀 (ca. 223–ca. 275), zi Ziqi 子期

Late Wei and early Western Jin writer and Daoist philosopher.

Xiang Xiu’s ancestral home was Huai 懷 county in Henei 河內 commandery (southwest of modern Wuzhi 武陟, Henan). Scholars recently have identified the site of Xiang Xiu’s home in Xishangcun 西尚村 (Xishang village) located twenty-five li northwest of Wuzhi. The old name for this village was Xiangcun 向村, which contained a well where Xiang Xiu reputedly rested and drank. Xiang Xiu was the fifth generation descendant of Xiang Xu 向栩 (d. 184), a Later Han eccentric who was obsessed with the study of the Laozi. Little is known about Xiang Xiu’s immediate family or early life. Ca. 242, when Xiang Xiu was about nineteen, he met Shan Tao 山濤 (205–283), whose ancestral home also was Huai county. Like Shan Tao, he had a strong interest in Laozi and Zhuangzi. About this time Xiang Xiu wrote the “Ru Dao lun” 儒道論 (Disquisition on Ruism and Taoism). However, he later dis- carded this work. In 244, Xiang Xiu went to Luoyang where he met Xi Kang 嵇康 (223– 262). The previous year Xi Kang had written “Yang sheng lun” 養生論 (Disquisition on nurturing life) in which he argued that it was possible for some men to live as long as a thousand years if they followed a certain regimen that mainly entailed not eating the five grains and remaining calm and curbing emotion. Xiang Xiu wrote an essay stating objections to Xi Kang’s arguments. Shortly after this time (ca. 248) Xiang Xiu began to participate in the gatherings of the Zhulin zhi you 竹林之游 (Bamboo Grove associates) hosted by Xi Kang at his estate in Shanyang 山陽, which was not far from Xiang Xiu’s home in Huai county. Another person he met during his period was Xi Kang’s friend Lü An 呂安 (d. 262). Around 253, Xiang Xiu reputedly joined Xi Kang at his forge and tended a garden with Lü An. In 262, Xi Kang and Lü An were executed in the marketplace of Luoyang. xiang xiu 向秀 (ca. 223–ca. 275), zi ziqi 子期 1443

In 263, Xiang Xiu was sent to the capital Luoyang to present the accounts of his home commandery of Henei. He then began his official career serving as cavalier attendant-in-ordinary and gentleman attendant at the palace gate. On his way to Luoyang, Xiang Xiu visited Xi Kang’s home in Shan- yang. He composed the “Si jiu fu” 思舊賦 (Fu on recalling old friends) in which he laments the passing of Xi Kang and Lü An. Ca. 272, Xiang Xiu began writing a commentary to the Zhuangzi. How- ever, he died before he could finish the work. The exact date of Xiang Xiu’s death is not known. 275 is only an approximation. Some scholars give his death year as late as 285. The monograph on bibliography of the Sui shu mentions that a Liang catalogue listed Xiang Xiu’s collected works in two juan plus a table of contents in one juan. Both Tang histories record the collection in two juan. This was lost in the Song. Only two of his works are extant, the “Si jiu fu” 思舊賦 and the “Nan Yang sheng lun” 難養生論 (Refuting the Disquisition on nurturing life). As was mentioned above, Xiang Xiu was still working on his commentary on the Zhuangzi at the time of his death. He had written commentaries to all of the chapters except for “Qiu shui” 秋水 and “Zhi le” 至樂 (Supreme happiness). According to the Shishuo xinyu, when Xiang Xiu died, his son was still young and his commentary fell into oblivion. However, Guo Xiang 郭象 (d. 312) was able to obtain a “separate copy” which he claimed he himself had written. He also wrote a commentary to the “Qiu shui” and “Zhi le” chapters, and made some changes to “Ma ti” 馬蹄 (Horses’ hooves). All he did for the other chapters was to mark the pauses. Based on this account, Guo Xiang has earned the reputation in the Chinese tradition as a plagiarist. However, many modern scholars have argued that this is not an accurate characterization of Guo Xiang’s now authoritative commentary.

Bibliography

Studies Lü Kai 呂凱. Wei Jin xuanxue xiping 魏晉玄學析評, 209–41. Taipei: Shiji shuju, 1980. Takeuchi Hajime 竹內肇. “Kaku Shō no shoseikan ni tsuite” 向秀の處世觀について. Firosofia 69 (1981): 65–85. Chen Qingyuan 陳慶元 and Lin Yi 林怡. “Xiang Xiu ru Luo” 向秀入洛. Wenshi zhishi (2001: 1): 113–15. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “Xiang Xiu pingzhuan” 向秀評傳. In Wang Xiaoyi. Guo Xiang pingzhuan 郭向評傳, 3–97. Nanjing: Nanjing daxue chubanshe, 2006. Qin Yueyu 秦跃宇. “Xiang Xiu xuan ru jian zhi yanjiu” 向秀玄儒兼治研究. Lan- zhou xuekan 157 (2006): 67–70. 1444 xiang xiu 向秀 (ca. 223–ca. 275), zi ziqi 子期

An Jimin 安繼民. “Paihuai yu ru dao zhi jian de Xiang Xiu” 徘徊於儒道之間之向秀. Zhongzhou xuekan 158 (2007): 146–50. Cheng Feng 程峰, Zhang Jinshun 張金順, and Li Jingping 李敬平. “Xiang Xiu guli diaocha” 向秀故里調查. Xungen (2009): 23–32.

Works

a. “Si jiu fu” 思舊賦 (Fu on recalling old friends)

Kai Katsuji 甲斐勝二. “Xiang Xiu ‘Si jiu fu’ shishi” 向秀《思舊賦》試釋. Wen shi zhe (1990: 5): 53–56. Lü Kai 呂凱. “Xiang Ziqi ‘Si jiu fu’ yanjiu” 向子期《思舊賦》研究. In Wenxuan xue lunji 文選學論集, ed. Zhao Fuhai 趙福海, 134–45. Changchun: Shidai wenyi chubanshe, 1992. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “Kufu pantu de diaoke—du Xiang Xiu de ‘Si jiu fu’ ” 哭撫叛徒的吊客—讀向秀的《思舊賦》. Wenshi zhishi (2002: 2): 54–59. Gu Nong 顧農. “Linxia zhi you de zhongjie yu Xiang Xiu ‘Si jiu fu’ ” 林下之游的終結與向秀《思舊賦》. Wenshi zhishi (2003: 1): 28–33.

Translation von Zach, Die Chinesische Anthologie, 1: 236–37. Watson, Chinese Rhyme-Prose, 61–63. Knechtges, Wen xuan, Volume Three, 167–70.

b. Zhuangzi commentary Shou Puxuan 壽普暄. “You Jingdian shiwen shitan Zhuangzi guben” 由經典釋文試探莊子古本. Yanjing xuebao 28 (1940): 89–96. Fukunaga Mitsuji 福永光司. “Kaku Shō no Shoshi chū to Kō Shū no Shoshi chū” 郭象莊子注向秀莊子注. Tōhō gakuhō 36 (1964): 178–213. Huang Jinhong 黃錦鋐. “Guanyu Zhuangzi Xiang Xiu zhu yu Guo Xiang zhu” 關於莊子向秀注與郭象注. Danjiang xuebao 9 (1970): 17–32. Su Xinwu 蘇新鋈. Guo Xiang Zhuangxue pingyi 郭象莊學平譯. Taipei: Xuesheng shuju, 1980. Lin Congshun 林聰舜. “Xiang guo Zhuangxue zhi yanjiu” 向郭莊學之研究. Guoli Taiwan shifan daxue Guowen yanjiusuo jikan 26 (1982): 291–407. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. “Xiang Xiu Zhuangzi zhu yanjiu” 向秀《莊子注》研究. Shan- dong daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (1997: 3): 90–96, 105. Ma Lianghuai 馬良懷. “Miandui shehui yu miandui shengming: Lun Xiang Xiu Xi Kang dui Zhuangzi de butong jiedu” 面對社會與面對生命：論向秀、嵇康對《莊子》的不同解讀. Xiamen daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) (2002: 2): 33–39. Wang Xiaoyi 王曉毅. Ru Shi Dao yu Wei Jin xuanxue xingcheng 儒釋道與魏晉玄學形成, 230–55. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003. Kang Zhongqian 康中乾. “Dui Xiang Guo Zhuangzi zhu yi’an de yizhong panding” 對向、郭《莊子注》疑案的一種判定. Renwen zazhi (2005: 5): 35–38. “xianghe geci” 相和歌辭 (lyrics for accompanied songs) 1445

Huang Shengping 黃聖平. “Xiang Xiu Zhuangzi zhu bieben lüelun” 向秀《莊子注》別本略論. Shanghai daxue xuebao (Shehui kexue ban) 12.4 (2005): 69–74. Yang Lihua 楊立華. Guo Xiang Zhuangzi zhu yanjiu 郭象莊子注研究. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2010.

c. “Nan Yang sheng lun” 難養生論 (Refuting the Disquisition on nurturing life)

Studies Hiraki Kōhei 平木康平. “Yōjōron o meguru Kei Kō to Kaku Shō to no ronnan” 養生論をめぐる嵇康と向秀との論難. Chūgoku tetsugakushi no tembō to mosaku 中國哲學史の展望と模索 11 (1976): 381–403. Obi Kōichi 小尾郊一. “Kei Kō no ‘Yōjōron’: Kaku Shō to no ronsō” 嵇康の「養生論」：向秀との論爭. Nihon Chūgoku gakkai sōritsu 50-nen kinen ronbunshū 日本中國學會創立50年記念論文集, 347–60. Tokyo: Kyūko shoin, 1998.

Translations Henricks, Robert G. Philosophy and Argumentation in Third-Century China. The Essays of Hsi K’ang, 31–37. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983. Levi, Jean. Éloge de l’anarchie par deux excentriques chinois, 71–74. Paris: Éditions de l’encyclopédie des nuisances, 2004.

DRK

“Xianghe geci” 相和歌辭 (Lyrics for accompanied songs)

A category of yuefu poetry.

The earliest account of the “Xianghe geci” is in Shen Yue’s “Yue zhi” (see Song shu 21.603). Shen explains that the “Xianghe” were old Han songs that were performed to the accompaniment of strings and reed instruments. The singer held a stick that was used to beat the rhythm. The Song shu records the texts of fifteen “Xianghe” tune titles (21.603–8). For each song, Shen Yue gives three pieces of information: (1) the title (often from the first words of the song); (2) the name of the tune to which it was sung; (3) the period of composition and composer (if Wei dynasty). Han dynasty songs are designated gu ci 古詞 (old lyric from the Han). Examples: Title: “Jia liu long” 駕六龍 (Driving Six Dragons). Tune: “Qi chu chang” 氣出倡. Period: Wudi ci 武帝詞 (Lyrics by Emperor Wu of Wei [= Cao Cao], or Lyrics composed during the reign of Emperor Wu of Wei). 1446 “xianghe geci” 相和歌辭 (lyrics for accompanied songs)

Title: “Jiangnan ke cai lian” 江南可採蓮 (South of the River we can pick lotus). Tune: “Jiangnan” 江南. Period: gu ci 古詞 (Old lyric from the Han). Following the “Xianghe” songs, Shen Yue includes two other song categories: (1) the “Qing shang sandiao geshi” 清調三調歌詩 (Songs for the three Pure Shang Modes); the “Da qu” 大曲 (Grand songs). According to Shen Yue, the “Qing shang sandiao” songs were compiled and put into use by the Western Jin scholar Xun Xu 荀勗 (ca. 224–289). The “Qing shang sandiao geshi” group includes three subcategories: (1) “Ping diao” 平調 (Even mode), (2) “Qing diao” 清調 (Pure mode), and (3) “Se diao” 瑟調 (Zither mode). Although Shen Yue clearly establishes the “Qing shang sandiao ge shi” and “Da qu” in independent categories, the Yuefu shiji (26–43) includes the “Ping diao,” “Qing diao,” “Se diao,” and “Da qu” as subcategories of the “Xianghe geci” and applies the term “Qing shang qu” to a group of Six Dynasties pieces. The relationship of these three categories to the xianghe songs is a much debated subject.

Studies Huang Jie 黃節 and Zhu Ziqing 朱自清. “Yuefu ‘Qing shang sandiao’ taolun” 樂府清商三調討論. Qinghua zhoukan 39.8 (1933): 821–88; rpt. in Zhu Ziqing gudian wenxue lunwen ji 朱自清古典文學論文集, 2 vols., 1: 171–82. Shanghai: Shanghai Guji chubanshe, 1981. Wang Dajin 王大津. “Han yuefu ‘Xianghe ge’ ji Han ‘Qing shang’ shuo” 漢樂府相和歌及漢清商說. Wenxue yanjiu (1958: 1): 87–88. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Qing yue kaolüe” 清樂考略. In Wang Yunxi. Yuefu shi luncong 樂府詩論叢, 11–28. Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1958; rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962. Yin Falu 陰法魯. “Han yuefu yu Qingshang yue” 漢樂府與清商樂. Wen shi zhe (1962: 2): 21–28. Cao Daoheng 曹道衡. “ ‘Xianghe ge’ yu ‘Qingshang sandiao’ ”《相和歌》與《清商三調》. Wenxue pinglun congkan 9 (1981): 308–25; rpt. Cao Daoheng. Zhonggu wexue shi lunwen ji 中古文學史論文集, 116–32. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1986. Xu Jian 許健. “Xianghe ge yu qin qu” 相和歌與琴曲. Yinyue yanjiu (1985: 3): 34–41. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Xianghe ge Qing shang sandiao Qingshang qu” 相和歌‧ 清商三調‧清商曲. Wen shi 34 (1992): 227–37; rpt. Wang Yunxi. Yuefu shi shu lun 樂府詩述論, 386–404. 1996; rpt. and rev. Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006. Wang Yunxi 王運熙. “Xianghe ge yu Qing shang qu” 相和歌與清商曲. Zhongguo wenxue yanjiu (1998: 2): 17–20. Wang Chuanfei 王傳飛. “ ‘Xianghe geci’ yanjiu zongshu” 相和歌辭”研究綜述. In Zhao Minli 趙敏俐, ed.-in-chief. Zhongguo shige yanjiu dongtai 中國詩歌研究動態, 194–206. Beijing: Xueyue chubanshe, 2005. “xianghe geci” 相和歌辭 (lyrics for accompanied songs) 1447

Zhai Jingyun 翟景運. “Zailun Xianghe ge ji qi yu Qing shang sandiao de guanxi” 再論相和歌及其與清商三調的關係. Yuefu xue 1 (2006): 66–82. Zheng Zuxiang 鄭祖襄. “Gujin yue lu ‘Xianghe ge’ wenzi de biaodian ji shi yi” 《古今樂錄》 “相和歌”文字的標點及釋義. Yinyue yanjiu (2006: 2): 63–72. Yang Ming 楊明. “Yuefu shiji ‘Xianghe geci’ tijie shidu”《樂府詩集》相和歌辭”題解釋讀. Guji zhengli yanjiu xuekan (2006: 3): 1–7. Wang Shumei 王淑梅. “Wei Jin Xianghe geci de ru yue qingkuang bianxi” 魏晉相和歌辭的入樂情況辨析. Yuefu xue 2 (2007): 117–41. Sun Shangyong 孫尚勇. “Xianghe ge zakao” 相和歌雜考. Huangzhong (2005: 1): 91–93; rpt. in Sun Shangyong. Yuefu wenxue wenxian yanjiu 樂府文學文獻研究, 164–201. Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 2007. Wang Chuanfei 王傳飛. Xianghe geci yanjiu 相和歌辭研究. Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 2009. On the musical instruments reputedly used in the xianghe performance see: Chen Mannai 陳萬鼐. “Pipa: Handai xian yueqi liuzhong ji ‘Xianghe ge’ chuanyan yanjiu (1)” 琵琶：漢代弦樂器六種及「相和歌」傳演研究(1). Gugong wenwu yuekan 15.6 (1997): 18–31. Chen Mannai 陳滿鼐. “Qin zheng: Handai xian yueqi liuzhong ji ‘Xianghe ge’ chuanyan yanjiu (2)” 琴、箏：漢代弦樂器六種及「相和歌」傳演研究 (2). Gugong wenwu yuekan 15.7 (1997): 18–31. Chen Mannai 陳滿鼐. “Konghou zhu: Handai xian yueqi wuzhong ji ‘Xianghe ge’ chuanyan yanjiu” 箜篌、筑：漢代弦樂器五種及「相和歌」傳演研究(3). Gugong wenxue yuekan 15.8 (1997): 34–47. Chen Mannai 陳滿鼐. “Handai Xianghe ge de chuanyan: Handai xian yueqi wuzhong ji ‘Xianghe ge’ chuanyan yanjiu (4)” 漢代相和歌的傳衍：漢代弦樂器五種及「相和歌」傳衍研究 (4). Gugong wenwu yuekan 15.9 (1997): 44–57. The “Xianghe songs” category of the Yuefu shiji includes most of the yuefu attributed to the Han period. The most important of these pieces are:

1. “Luofu” 羅敷 (The Song of Luofu), also titled “Moshang sang” 陌上桑 (Mulberries by the path)

This ballad reputedly is about a woman named Luofu. A short story about her is preserved in the Gujin zhu 古今注 of Cui Bao 崔豹 (fl. a.d. 300), which identifies her as a lady surnamed Qin 秦 from Handan. She was the wife of Wang Ren 王仁, who is a chiliarch of a city. Later Wang Ren became a prefect of the household for the King of Zhao 趙. One day, Luofu was in the field picking mulberries, and the King of Zhao saw her from a tower and became attracted to her. He gave a banquet at which he tried to seduce her. Luofu, who was a skilled zither player, composed “Moshang sang” to discourage him. The “Luofu” ballad is only loosely connected with this story. There probably was more than one version of the song. The 1448 “xianghe geci” 相和歌辭 (lyrics for accompanied songs) extant “Luofu” tells the story of a beautiful girl from the Qin family who rebuffs the advances of a high official.

Translations Waley, Chinese Poems (1946), 65–67. Frodsham and Ch’eng, Anthology, 4–6. Frankel, “Yüeh-fu Poetry,” 79–81. Frankel, Sunflower Splendor, 34–35. Diény, Aux Origines, 130–31. Birrell, New Songs, 33–34. Birrell, Popular Songs, 169–73. Cai Zongqi. The Matrix of Lyric Transformation, 33–34. Owen, Anthology, 234–35. Su Jui-lung, How to Read Chinese Poetry, 97–100.

Studies You Guo’en 游國恩. “Lun ‘Moshang sang’ ” 論陌上桑. Kaiming shudian ershi jinian wenji 開明書店二十紀念文集, 191–201. Kunming: Kaiming shudian, 1947. Hu Renlong 胡人龍. “Shilun ‘Moshang sang’ ” 試論陌上桑. Yuefu shi yanjiu lunwen ji, 60–66. Ren Zhewei 任哲維. “Guanyu ‘Moshang sang’ de renwu de taolun” 關於陌上桑的人物的討論. Yuefu shi yanjiu lunwen ji, 70–75. Wang Jisi 王季思. “ ‘Moshang sang’ de renwu” 陌上桑的人物. Yuefu shi yanjiu lunwen ji, 67–69. Nishioka Ichisuke 西岡市祐. “ ‘Hakujo so seiritsu shiron” 陌上桑成立試論. Koku- gakuin zasshi 71.1 (1970): 36–46. Allen, Joseph Roe III. “From Saint to Singing Girl: The Rewriting of the Lo-fu Nar- rative in Chinese Literati Poetry.” HJAS 48.2 (1988): 321–61. Yan Yilong 嚴依龍. “ ‘Moshang sang’ zhong Luofu suoshuo zhi zhangfu bianxi” 《陌上桑》中羅夫所說之丈夫辨析 . Qiusuo (1999: 5): 95–97. Yan Buke 閻步克. “Handai yuefu ‘Moshang sang’ zhong de guanzhi wenti” 漢代樂府《陌上桑》中的官制問題. Beijing daxue xuebao (Zhexue shehui kexue ban) 41.2 (2004): 53–59. Chen Lihui 陳利輝. “ ‘Moshang sang’ quci bianxi”《陌上桑》曲辭辨析. Yuefu xue 6 (2010): 34–44.

2. “Pingling dong” 平陵東 (East of Ping Tumulus)

This is a poem about a good man who has been abducted and isheld for ransom. The song begins by mentioning the setting, Pingling, which was the tomb town of Emperor Zhao 昭 (d. 74 b.c.e.). Planted here are pines, cypress, and sterculia trees, all of which traditionally are planted in graveyards. Wen Yiduo suggests that such wooded cemeteries are the typical haven of bandits, but since this is an imperial gravesite, where “xianghe geci” 相和歌辭 (lyrics for accompanied songs) 1449 bandits would not have a good refuge, Hans Frankel is probably correct in suggesting that the tomb site conjures up a funereal atmosphere.

Translations Frankel, Hans H. “The Abduction, the War, and the Desperate Husband: Three Early Chinese Ballads,” Ventures (Magazine of the Yale Graduate School), 5.1 (Winter 1965): 7. Frankel, “Yüeh-fu,” 77. Diény, Aux Origines, 117. Birrell, Popular Songs, 107–8. Owen, Anthology, 229.

3. “Dongmen xing” 東門行 (Ballad of the East Gate)

There are two versions of this piece which are similar, but have minor variations. Hans Frankel has suggested that neither version is more authentic than the other. Rather, it is typical of the ballad for several versions of the same song to exist. The song is about a destitute man who is leaving home to seek, perhaps by illegal means, a way of providing for his family. As he leaves, his wife tries to detain him.

Translations Waley, Chinese Poems, 52–53. Hervouet, in Demiéville, ed., Anthologie, 109. Frankel, Ventures, 10–12. Diény, Aux Origines, 126–27. Birrell, Popular Songs, 13–36. Owen, Anthology, 250–51. Su Jui-lung, How to Read Chinese Poetry, 91–92.

DRK

list of contributors

Taiping Chang, Executive Editor of the Yale University Press Culture and Civilization of China series. She received her B.A. in Chinese and M.A. in Comparative Literature from Tunghai University, and her Ph.D. in Chi- nese from the University of Washington. She has published two books with Peking University Press on business Chinese and Chinese trade law as well as many articles on Chinese language and literature.

David R. Knechtges, Professor of Chinese Literature, University of Wash- ington. He is a specialist on pre-Tang literature. His publications include Two Studies on the Han Fu (1968); The Han Rhapsody: A Study of the Fu of Yang Hsiung (1976); The Han shu Biography of Yang Xiong (1982); Wen xuan: Selections of Refined Literature (1982, 1987, 1996). He is the editor of: Gong Kechang, Studies on the Han Fu (1997); Court Culture and Litera- ture in Early China (2002); with Eugene Vance, Rhetoric & the Discourses of Power in Court Culture (2005), English version of History of Chinese Civilization (2012).

Hsiang-lin Shih, Visiting Assistant Professor of Chinese Language and Lit- erature, Saint Olaf College. Ph.D. in Chinese, University of Washington, 2013. M.A. in Chinese, University of Washington, 2009. B.A. in Chinese, Dong Hwa University, Taiwan, 2006. She specializes in early medieval Chi- nese literature. Her Ph.D. dissertation was on group compositions in the Jian’an period.

Jie Wu, Assistant Professor of Chinese, Murray State University. Jie Wu grew up in Beijing and Shanghai. She received her Ph.D. degree from the University of Washington in 2008. She has an M.A in Chinese from the University of Colorado, and a B.A in journalism from Fudan University. Her primary research interests include medieval Chinese literature, especially poetry, literary history, and cultural sociology. She also writes col- umns for several Hong Kong newspapers.

Yuan Xingpei 袁行霈. From Wujin, Jiangsu. Born 1936. B.A. in Chinese, Peking University 1957. On faculty of Peking University from 1957 to present. Chairman, International Academy for China Studies, Peking Univer- sity. Author and editor of numerous books including Zhongguo wenxue shi (1999), Zhonghua wenming shi (2006), Tao Yuanming ji jianzhu (2003), Tao Yuanming yanjiu (1997), and Zhongguo shige yishu yanjiu (1987).

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