[Re]Viewing the Chinese Landscape: Imaging the Body [In]Visible in Shanshuihua 山水畫

Home , Bi Xian, Hua (state), Huo (state), Jing Hao, Lin Wenyue, Ma Yuan (Han dynasty)

[Re]viewing the Chinese Landscape: Imaging the Body [In]visible in Shanshuihua 山水畫

Lim Chye Hong 林彩鳳

A thesis submitted to the University of New South Wales in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy

Chinese Studies School of Languages and Linguistics Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences The University of New South Wales Australia

abstract

This thesis, titled '[Re]viewing the Chinese Landscape: Imaging the Body

[In]visible in Shanshuihua 山水畫,' examines shanshuihua as a 'theoretical object' through the intervention of the present. In doing so, the study uses the body as an emblem for going beyond the surface appearance of a shanshuihua. This new strategy for interpreting shanshuihua proposes a

'Chinese' way of situating bodily consciousness. Thus, this study is not about shanshuihua in a general sense. Instead, it focuses on the emergence and codification of shanshuihua in the tenth and eleventh centuries with particular emphasis on the cultural construction of landscape via the agency of the body. On one level the thesis is a comprehensive study of the ideas of the body in shanshuihua, and on another it is a review of shanshuihua through situating bodily consciousness. The approach is not an abstract search for meaning but, rather, is empirically anchored within a heuristic and phenomenological framework. This framework utilises primary and secondary sources on art history and theory, sinology, medical and intellectual history,

ii Chinese philosophy, phenomenology, human geography, cultural studies, and selected landscape texts. This study argues that shanshuihua needs to be understood and read not just as an image but also as a creative transformative process that is inevitably bound up with the body. In addition, the thesis contends that the body is 'invisible' in shanshuihua not because it is absent or irrelevant, but rather because it had been 'naturalised' within the landscape as a palimpsest. Further, the thesis urges that the seemingly

'invisible' may be made visible through knowing how and what to see. In all, this study presents a different view of shanshuihua: as a theoretical object it

'theorises'; as a painting it 'transforms'; and as a process it 'embodies'.

iii Acknow ledge

ments

Acknowledgements

This dissertation has been a fascinating journey of learning and endurance, with considerable debt accrued to both people and institutions. I would like to first express my gratitude to the University of New South Wales for providing the financial support for my research in the early stages of my candidature. I would also like to thank Wang Yaoting, Lin Lina, and Qiu Shihhwa for their hospitality and help during my visit to the Palace Museum Taibei in 2005. My warmest thanks to Barbara Hendrischke for her firm but kind advice on addressing the issue of methodology, and John Clark for giving me the impetus to refine my ideas. My sincere gratitude goes to Larissa Heinrich for giving me the courage to address shanshuihua as a theoretical object, and Lynne Broad for insightful comments on the art of writing. Further, I would like to extend my appreciation to my teachers, friends, colleagues (from the Art Gallery of New South Wales), and kindred spirits. In particular, Esta Ungar, Jon Tarry, Jennifer Mok, Betty Pun, Cai Heng, Philip Francis, Lynette Ong, and Hisae Kobayashi. I would also like to acknowledge the important contribution of my family. Thank you to mom and dad, Cheng Pier, Annie, Edwin, Kieran, Lynne, and

iv Robert for your love and support. Not to forget my better half Benjamin Broad, for his remarkable patience and love over the thesis years. Lastly, I thank my laoshi 老師, Jon Eugene von Kowallis. It has been a great pleasure and honour to have him as my mentor. His guidance, kindness, intelligence, and passion for teaching are infectious. I hope that this dissertation reflects, to some degree, the sensitivity and intelligence he brings to Chinese Studies and scholarly research.

For my dad, Lim Peck Kee 林璧基, my most valued critic and reader.

vi TABLE OF CONTENTS

Volume One Abstract ii Acknowledgements iv

Introduction 1

Chapter I SHANSHUIHUA 山水畫 IS NOT [JUST] AN IMAGE 21 1.1 Landscape Painting Vs Shanshuihua 山水畫 1.2 The Idea of Creativity 1.21 The Chinese Model of The World 1.22 Cheng 誠 As Creativity 1.3 Artistic Creativity As Process of Self-Cultivation 1.4 The Meaning Surpasses The Image

Chapter II THE BODY IN QUESTION 75 2.1 The Body as Representation of the Universe 2.2 The Medical Body 2.3 Cultivating the Self and Body 2.4 Conclusion

Chapter III SEEING IN QUESTION 129 3.1 Words For Seeing 3.2 Aspects of Realism

Chapter IV VISIBLISING THE [IN]VISIBLE 176 4.1 Body Politics 4.2 Skin Deep 4.3 Inside Out 4.4 Conclusion

Chapter V [RE]VIEWING LANDSCAPE (AND) TEXTS 201 5.1 A Question of Place 5.2 Shanshuihua as Representing Place 5.3 [Re]viewing Texts 5.31 Landscape Texts 5.311 Landscape Text I: Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》 Preface to Painting Landscape 5.312 Landscape Text II: Bifaji《筆法記》 Record on [the Art of] the Brush 5.313 Landscape Text III: Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉 Advice on Landscape 5.32 Viewing Positions 5.321 Changshen 暢神 5.322 Tuzhen 圖真 5.323 Yi 意 5.4 Conclusion

vii Chapter VI ANIMATING THE BODY 247 6.1 [Re]viewing Zaochuntu《早春圖》 6.2 Expressing the Dati 大體 and Xiaoti 小體 6.3 Quoting Shanshuihua

Conclusion 279

Appendix I: Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》 285 Appendix II: Bifaji《筆法記》 289 Appendix III: Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉 302 Bibliography 322 Chinese Character List 353

Volume Two List of Illustrations and Tables 365

Part I: Illustrations 371

Part II: Tables 411

viii intro duction

This thesis is about the body in shanshuihua 山水畫. Shanshuihua literally means mountain [and] water painting. The term has been conventionally translated as landscape painting. In this thesis, I will employ the transliterated term shanshuihua rather than the translation because, although the translated term provides an idea of how shanshuihua may be perceived by a non-Chinese speaker, it nevertheless may misconstrue what shanshuihua actually is. (Chapter One of this thesis contains a discussion of this evolution.)

In the fourth century C.E., shanshuihua began to evolve into a genre of its own in Chinese painting. However, it was not until the ninth century that a change in attitude provoked a major shift of interest from figure subjects to landscape.1 That shift was never reversed and by the eleventh century shanshuihua had emerged as the pre-eminent art form in Chinese

1 This shift is generally confined within the literati tradition. Figure painting remained a favourite subject for court painters and artisans.

1 culture.2 This presence and prominent status continued to be felt within the literati traditions until the turn of the twentieth century. Shanshuihua's endorsement of a seemingly 'natural' order appears perfectly sound at first glance. After all, 'to the Chinese, the theme of a painting is inseparable from its form, and both are the expression of an all-embracing philosophical attitude towards the visible world.'3 However, there is much more to shanshuihua than an expression of a seemingly 'natural' order. Recent studies of landscape painting in the West indicate that it ought to be considered as a cultural product.4 The idea of the landscape in painting as an ideologically charged representation of the world is particularly associated with the works of John Barrell, Daniel Cosgrove, and Ann Bermingham.5 Both

2 James Cahill, Chinese Painting: Treasures of Asia (Geneva: d'Art Albert Skira S.A, 1995), 25. 3 Michael Sullivan, Symbols of Eternity: The Art of Landscape Painting in China (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979), 1-2. 4 There has been a resurgence of interest in landscape within the last twenty years or so by the incursion of disciplines such as cultural geography, social anthropology, cultural studies, visual studies, film studies, gender studies, and architectural studies. This renewed interest in landscape has not only invigorated the academic study of landscape in art but has also had a radical effect on the way art historians think about landscape art. See, W.J.T. Mitchell, ed. Landscape and Power, Second edition (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2002); Nina Lübbren, "Re-viewing landscape," Art History 25, no. 2 (2002): 256; Steven Adams and Anna Gruetzner Robins, eds. Gendering Landscape Art (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2000), 6; Richard Muir, Approaches to Landscape (London: Macmillan Press, 1999), xiii; Ann Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic tradition 1740–1860 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1987); and John Barrell, The Dark Side of Landscape: The Rural Poor in English Painting 1730-1840, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1980). 5 Barrell, in The Dark Side of Landscape, argues that English landscape paintings of the period 1730-1840 as both an 'ideological expression' and a reflection of 'the actuality of eighteenth-century life.' Daniel Cosgrove in Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape traces the origin of the modern concept of landscape to a genre of painting patronised by the new mercantile class. Likewise, Ann Bermingham in writing Landscape and Ideology: The English Rustic Tradition 1740–1860, affirms the notion that landscape painting emerges as an ideological form, both of social relations and social prescriptions. In her study of the English rustic tradition in landscape painting, Bermingham argues that the

2 Barrell and Cosgrove conceive of landscape painting as a reflection of social conditions. Bermingham went a step further by demonstrating ways in which landscape 'presents an illusionary account of the real landscape.6 She locates the artifices and ideas landscapes embody within the 'larger semiotic field' as well as the social, political, and cultural structures that give them meaning. What makes landscape an intellectually engaging subject is its ability to reveal and conceal the particular ways through which different cultures view their mountains, rivers, and forests; the ways cultures gain a sense of identity or self-definition while expressing conceptions of the world.

In this sense, landscape is an eidetic filter that insinuates itself into the ordering and conditioning of reality. An account of landscape, therefore, cannot be understood without acknowledging and addressing the complex network of political, social, economical, and cultural practices reflected within it.

. THE BODY AND LANDSCAPE

At first glance, the body is insidiously 'invisible' in shanshuihua. Dominated by majestic mountains and streams, shanshuihua appears to exemplify an absence of the body. Even when a 'recognisable' body is depicted in the landscape, it is deemed to be meagre, schematic, and inadequate to

landscape in question contains a 'class view of landscape' that 'embodied a set of socially and, finally, economically determined values to which the painted image gave cultural expression. 6 Bermingham, Landscape and Ideology, 3.

3 Western eyes.7 To one trapped in a particularly Western Cartesian notion of a body/mind duality, the Chinese body appears different and inaccessible.

Problems emerge from such a disposition. In recent times, scholars like

Angela Zito, Shigehisa Kuriyama, John Hay, Judith Farquhar, and Charlotte

Furth have not only invigorated the academic study of the Chinese body/bodies but have also prompted new attempts to rethink, rediscover, and reconstruct the body beyond the concept of a generalised body as assumed in the West.8 (One point on which these scholarly inquiries agree is that no form of human embodiment can be considered apart from the social body that produces it and for which it often stands as a symbol.) The body, as an expression of the self, is intimately bound up with social and psychological perceptions both of self and the other as it holds no discursive privilege and can never escape construction in discourse and power.9

The idea that there is no 'visible' body in shanshuihua is, in a sense, a misnomer. Instead, the idea that the body and the landscape is intimately

7 Mark Elvin asserts that one will look in vain in Chinese art for anything that remotely resembles classical Greek statues of young unclothed male athletes and/or the complex interfusion of sexuality, maternity, and spirituality that one glimpses in the face of a Bellini Madonna. See Mark Elvin, "Tales of Shen and Xin: Body-person and Heart-Mind in China During the Last 150 Years," in Fragments of a History of the Human Body IV, ed. Michel Feher, Ramona Naddaff, and Nadia Tazi (New York: Zone Books, 1989), 267. 8 According to Michel Foucault, the concept of the biological body as generalisable to all human beings in all social contexts and produced within regimes of medicine and surveillance, parallels the development of the unitary subject of the individual. See Michel Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception, trans. A.M. Sheridan Smith (New York: Vintage Books, 1994); and Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison (New York: Pantheon, 1977). 9 Angela Zito and Tani E. Barlow, "Introduction," in Body, Subject & Power in China, ed. Angela Zito and Tani E. Barlow (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 4.

4 connected is widely accepted and well documented in extant Chinese classic texts.10 Nathan Sivin in 'State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three

Centuries B.C.' attests to the claim.11 Sivin’s essay not only explicitly examines connections between the cosmos, the body, and the state in

China; it also posits that these elements are so interdependent they are best considered a single complex. Further to Sivin, Kristofer Schipper in his work on 'The Taoist Body' as well as Jean Lévi in his article on 'The Body:

The Daoists' Coat of Arms' explicate the ways in which the Daoist view of the world integrates the social, physical and cosmic body. Schipper states that the Daoist 'body is the image of a country (一人之身，一國之像)' and this 'body is like a landscape with mountains, lakes, woods, and shelters.'12

Both Schipper and Lévi assert that it was the Daoists who pursued the most extreme implications of this widely held vision of the body.13 Whilst the body and landscape correlation is not unfamiliar to the Chinese, there has been relatively little examination of this correlation within the specific context of shanshuihua. To date, the two most comprehensive published works in

English on shanshuihua relating to the subject of body and landscape are

Martin J. Powers' article 'When Is a Landscape like a Body?', and Edward S.

10 See Chapter Two, section 2.1 (The Body as Representation of the Universe) and section 2.2 (The Medical Body). 11 Nathan Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 55, no. 1 (1995): 5–37. 12 Kristofer Schipper, "The Taoist Body." History of Religions 17, No. 3/4 (Feb–May, 1978): 355. 13 Kristofer Schipper, The Taoist Body. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 100–112; and Jean Lévi, "The Body: The Daoists' Coat of Arms," in Fragments for a History of the Human Body Part I, ed. Michel Feher, Ramona Naddaff and Nadia Tazi (New York: Zone, 1989), 105.

5 Casey's chapter on 'Representing Place Elsewhere'.14 Powers' article addresses the way cultural ideals of competing social groups are projected onto natural imagery during the tenth and eleventh centuries. Casey, on the other hand, provides a phenomenological reading of shanshuihua by emphasising the ideas of being-in-place and of shared bodily experiences in the natural world.15 Other than Powers and Casey, current scholarly research in the west tends to focus on aspects of the body in Chinese art generally rather than specifically focusing on the role and significance of the body in shanshuihua. For example, John Hay in 'The Body Invisible in

Chinese Art' articulates a body of qi 氣 that is intimately connected to the social scripting of li 禮 (propriety),16 and the configuration of the self that evolves in relation to the social microcosm and the universal macrocosm.17

Earlier, in 'The Human Body as a Microcosmic Source of Macrocosmic

Values in Calligraphy,' Hay traces the physiological body through

14 Martin J. Powers, "When Is a Landscape like a Body," in Landscape, Culture and Power in Chinese Society, ed. Wen-hsin Yeh (China Research Monographs, 49. Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 1998), 1–22; and Edward S. Casey, Representing Place: Landscape Painting & Map (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), 92–116. 15 Casey, Representing Place, 92–116. 16 The concept of qi has held an important place in Chinese medicine, philosophy, theoretical and critical writings on literature. The diversity of views on its functions add to the complexity of translating the term. It is beyond the scope of this thesis to thoroughly examine this diversity of views and their respective translations. I will employ the transliterated term qi and will supplement, in brackets, flexible translations adapted to the context when the meaning of the term deviates from its normative translation of 'energetic configuration, or configurational energy'. This normative translation of qi is adopted from Manfred Porkert's work on The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine. Reference to Porkert see Manfred Porkert, The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine: Systems of Correspondence (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1974), 62, 167–76. 17 John Hay, "The Body Invisible in Chinese Art," in Body, Subject & Power in China, ed. Angela Zito and Tani E. Barlow (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 65.

6 calligraphic brushwork.18 Norman Bryson, like Hay, addresses the presence or physical 'trace' of the marker via the calligraphic lines, and further comments that in shanshuihua, 'landscape is certainly the subject, but equally the subject is the work of the brush in "real time" and as an extension of the painter's own body.'19 Next, David Clarke in 'Iconicity and indexicality: The body in Chinese Art' addresses the indexical place of the body in Chinese art. Using Charles Sanders Peirce's distinction between iconic and indexical modes of signification, Clarke looks broadly at the case of literati painting and calligraphy; and the painting of female nudes in twentieth century Chinese visual culture.20 The above scholarly research reveals and communicates ideas of the body, directly and indirectly, in

Chinese art. However, these representations are fragmentary (for my purposes) and lack the coherent focus necessary for identifying and interpreting the role of the body in shanshuihua.

This thesis has been titled [Re]viewing the Chinese Landscape: Imaging the

Body [In]visible in Shanshuihua 山水畫. As its name indicates, the thesis will present a new strategy of interpreting shanshuihua by proposing a

'Chinese' way of situating bodily consciousness. For that reason, this study

18 John Hay, "The Human Body as a Microcosmic Source of Macrocosmic Values in Calligraphy," in Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1983), 74–102. 19 The art historian John Clark notes that Bryson may be misleadingly elegant when he implied a binary between 'Western' painting which conceals its trace and 'Chinese' painting which reveals and privileges it. Despite Bryson's shortcomings, it should be noted that his observation on the phenomenological trace of the Chinese brush is still valid and considered. Reference to Bryson see Norman Bryson, Vision and Painting: The Logic of the Gaze (London: Macmillan Press, reprinted 1985), 89. 20 David Clarke, “Iconicity and indexicality: The body in Chinese Art.”Semiotica 155, 1/4 (2005): 229–248.

7 is not about shanshuihua in a general sense. Instead, it focuses on the emergence and codification of shanshuihua in the tenth and eleventh centuries. In particular, emphasis is placed on the cultural construction of landscape via the agency of the body. On one level, this is a comprehensive study of the ideas of the body in shanshuihua, and on another it is a review of shanshuihua through situating bodily consciousness.

As Maurice Merleau-Ponty asserts, without the mediation of bodily experience, one cannot grasp the unity of the object.21 In this case, that object is shanshuihua. This thesis aims to put the body back into the landscape equation by situating the Chinese body/bodies within China's own complex culture and history, thereby establishing a distinctive mode for the viewer to engage with shanshuihua.

Shigehisa Kuriyama asserts that discovering the truth of the body is inseparable from the challenge of discovering the truth about people.22 By extension, situating the cultural construct of the body/bodies in landscape is vital for a critical and contemporary understanding of shanshuihua. This may, in turn, provide a framework for an understanding of the recent appropriation of the body/bodies in contemporary Chinese art. It is important to note that 'truth' in this context needs to be understood not as

21 Merleau Ponty surpasses many philosophers in emphasising the body's expressive role. In this respect, his ideas have value for the thrust of this thesis. However, I have chosen not to give an extended treatment to Merleau Ponty. Firstly, he neglects the body in terms of its conscious somatic sensations, such as explicit kinaesthetic or proprioceptive feelings. Secondly, an emphasis on Merleau Ponty is tangential to the overall framework of my argument. (This thesis quotes Merleau-Ponty on two other occasions.) Reference to quote in the main text see Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception, trans. Colin Smith (London: Routledge, 2002), 235. 22 Shigehisa Kuriyama, The Expressiveness of the Body and the Divergence of Greek and Chinese Medicine (New York: Zone Books, 1999), 14.

8 an absolute, nor as unquestionable objective knowledge but rather as a truth that has a heuristic aspect to it, which may be subject to revision through experience, argument, and reflection.23

Thus, my study of shanshuihua is essentially an interdisciplinary project in which I draw upon primary and secondary resources on art history and theory; sinology; medical and intellectual history; Chinese philosophy; phenomenology; human geography; and cultural studies. In the course of this enquiry, I intend to demonstrate that a heuristic-cum-phenomenological approach, which may be described as a 'radical empiricism', can be useful in offering a platform for the (re)viewing of shanshuihua, and for identifying and understanding the intimate relationship between the cultural construct of the landscape and the body. I will argue that while the normative approach towards the study of traditional Chinese art via an empiricist mode of interpretation is still valid and correct, it should be treated as only one method among many for the historical study of art.

23 The word heuristic is derived from the Greek word heuriskein, meaning to discover or to find. According to Clark Moustakas, heuristic research 'refers to a process of internal search through which one discovers the nature and meaning of experience and develops methods and procedures for further investigation and analysis. The self of the researcher is present throughout the process and, while understanding the phenomenon with increasing depth, the researcher also experiences growing self-awareness and self-knowledge. Heuristic processes incorporate creative self-processes and self-discoveries' (Moustakas 1990, 9). Crucially, a heuristic inquiry utilises qualitative methodology in arriving at themes. Consequently, validity in heuristics is not a function of quantitative measurement (Moustakas 1990, 32). Clark Moustakas, Heuristic Research: Design, Methodology and Applications (California: Sage Publications, 1990).

9 . A QUESTION OF METHOD

Traditionally, the task of the Chinese art historian (like other traditional art historians) involves framing the work of art in its original temporal past in order to reconstruct an original intention/meaning for the work. In this context, the practice of Chinese art history tends to focus on discerning the physical qualities of the work of art (style, techniques, etc.), authenticating its date, and surmising its original meanings within a specific historical setting.

Recognising, analysing, and ordering the characteristic details of style have formed the essential methods of connoisseurship. The attempt to set the work of art into the context of the culture that produced it is very much within the domain of cultural and social histories. Together, they constitute a specifically empiricist paradigm of art (and) history whereby the general guiding principles are the accumulation of data and its subsequent ordering and analysis.24 The empiricist model generally ignores and represses the work of art's meaning-making effects. Christopher Wood comments that this method, based on the accumulation of evidence and mass data, is devised precisely to minimise credulous and slipshod assumptions about representation and meaning.25 For example, connoisseurship is content to

24 Empiricism posits that the sciences are the only source of knowledge and that knowledge is derived from induction, starting with facts, as opposed to deduction, starting with an idea or principle. The empiricist model has three identifying tenets: one must begin with the physical object; there is a distinction between fact and value; and substance and practice are separate. For further information see, Eric Fernie, Art History and Its Method: A Critical Anthology (London: Phaidon Press, 2002), 335; and Arthur Pontynen, "A Winter Landscape: Reflections on the Theory and Practice of Art History," The Art Bulletin 68, no. 3 (September 1986): 467. 25 Christopher Wood, "Art History and Its Theories," The Art Bulletin 78, no. 1 (March 1996): 22. Also see, James S. Ackerman, "Toward a New Social Theory of Art," New Literary History 4, no. 2 (Winter 1973): 315-330.

10 point out stylistic and/or 'family' resemblance among works of art. Such attention to detail is (and continues to be) a valuable tool for the art historian to establish accurate stylistic relationships and for the identification of authorship. However, it avoids making any statements about what the image means nor more precisely how it is "read" by its intended viewership. In addition, traditional art history tends to take on the view of cultural location as fixed in the past during the time of the making of the art object. The production of meaning are often presented and viewed with scepticism because they are regarded as not historical.26 This approach seals the fate of the object by confining it in the past; passively reflecting upon its context within the cultural forces that shaped it. Such an approach problematises the study of art from the past because it may reduce the artwork to a mere historical object without a valid grounding in the "present". An acknowledgement of the present is crucial for (at least) the following reasons.

One's encounter with a work of art (whether contemporary or from the past) cannot but be rooted in the present and this, according to Bryson, applies to

26 The advent of the New Art History in the 1980s is, to a certain extend, a reaction against the restricted sets of methods (consisting primarily of connoisseurship, the analysis of style and iconology, canon, quality, dating arguments, and biography) for the study of Art and Art History. The 'new art historians' advocated and shifted the focus from the object towards social context and ideology. However, the issues of meaning-production as a critical study of Art and Art History are still regarded with scepticism within the traditional Chinese art historical establishment. Recent papers by James Cahill ("Discussant Paper on Methodology") and Wen Fong ("Why Chinese Painting is History") attest to this claim. Selected references see, Wen. C. Fong, "Why Chinese Painting is History," The Art Bulletin LXXXV, no. 2 (June 2003): 258–280; James Cahill, "Discussant Paper on Methodology," Taiwan 2002 Conference on the History of Painting in East Asia, (Taiwan: Graduate Institute of Art History National Taiwan University, 2002), 398–413; W.J.T. Mitchell, "Showing seeing: a critique of visual culture," Journal of Visual Culture 1, no. 2 (2002): 165–181; Mieke Bal, "Art History and Its Theories: Signs in Painting," The Art Bulletin 78, no. 1 (March 1996): 6–9; Richard J. Powell, "Art>

11 even the most historicist account of a work of art.27 By extension, one's approach towards an understanding of the art of the past is grounded and framed by one's current knowledge and experience because the way one selects, organises, and analyses the source–based data (inevitably) reveals one's ideology and social preferences.28 In addition, history can never reconstruct the past as it actually was because the process of organising the data (derived from sources) can never be perfect due to such problems as missing sources, and/or poor inference.29 Thus, the contemporary subject who is formulating an account of an art of the past cannot but bring aspects of his/her own attitudes, interests, and cultural baggage into the inquiry, consciously or unconsciously. In this sense, the art of the past is 'alive' through the intervention of present encounter. According to David Rosand, it was the artists, more than the anthropologists or the archaeologists, who reclaimed the art of distant times and places by viewing the past with the

27 Norman Bryson, "Introduction: Art and Subjectivity," in Looking In: The Art of Viewing, Mieke Bal (Amsterdam: G+B Arts International, 2001), 5. 28 Wen Fong commented that understanding is embedded in the cultural tradition of which the historian is a part. James S. Ackerman and David Rosand also affirmed that the historian of past art is conditioned by current assumptions of value. However both critically commented that assumptions of value are for the most part tacitly held but with hardly any self-awareness on the part of the art historians. For the general affirmative consensus see, Wen. C. Fong, "Why Chinese Painting is History," The Art Bulletin LXXXV, no. 2 (June 2003): 259; and Joan Hart, "Reinterpreting Wolfflin: Neo-Kantianism and Hermeneutics," Art Journal 42, no. 4 (Winter 1982): 292–300. For alternative views see, David Rosand, "Art History and Criticism: The Past as Present," New Literary History 5, issue 3 (Spring 1974): 436; James S. Ackerman, "Towards a New Social Theory of Art," New Literary History 4, issue 2 (Winter 1973): 316; James S. Ackerman, "Two Styles: A Challenge to Higher Education," Daedalus (Winter 1969): 855; James S. Ackerman, "Art History and the Problems of Criticism," Daedalus (Winter 1960): 253. 29 See, Alun Munslow, "Where Does History Come From?" History Today (March 2002), http://www.findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m1373/is_3_53/ai_83761973/pg_2 (accessed September 1, 2004); and James S. Ackerman, "Toward a New Social Theory of Art," New Literary History 4, no. 2 (Winter 1973): 317.

12 eyes of the present and in doing so, transformed modern sensibilities.

Through the art of Picasso, the Fauves, and the Expressionists, art historians

(re)discovered the art of Africa, El Greco, and Mannerism.30 The theorist

Mieke Bal asserts that the art of the past not only exists in the present, its present life is part of its ongoing histories.31 For Bal, the art object is recognised as not only reflecting its content but also mediating and reflecting upon it. It is understood as an active agent with regard to cultural forces, capable of producing its own range of meanings as it acts upon its surrounding world. In other words, the agency of the art object is the key premise for the production of meaning through encounters across time. In addition, shanshuihua is very much 'alive' because its presence is continuously validated by a tradition that dares to demand a reciprocal response from the viewer.32 Guo Xi 郭熙 (after 1000– ca. 1090) in the Linquan gaozhi 《林泉高致》 (The Lofty Message of Forests and Streams) posits that one could travel (行), gaze forth (望), roam (遊), and reside (居) in a shanshuihua.33 This makes the act of looking an active event. In addition, the placement of seals and/or inscriptions on the painting by collectors and/or viewers from different encounters in time is evidence of shanshuihua as a dialogical platform/space for the articulation of ideas and correspondences

30 David Rosand, "Art History and Criticism," 435. 31 See, Mieke Bal, Quoting Caravaggio: Contemporary Art, Preposterous History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999); and Mieke Bal, Looking in: the art of viewing (Amsterdam: G+B Arts International, 2001). 32 Laurence Sickman asserts that 'Chinese painting…dares to demand a reciprocal effort from the observer who, depending on his state of grace, can comprehend the divine, or the mysterious, the marvellous or the merely skilful.' See Laurence Sickman and Alexander Soper, The Art and Architecture of China, Third Edition (London: Penguin Books, 1968), 104. 33 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉II.c.

13 with the past.34 Of course, to do this to a Guo Xi today would be seen as

'defacing' the artwork. The 'preciousness' of a Guo Xi painting for us is nonetheless a reflection of a set of value judgements. This in turn affects how one views and treats the artwork.

The traditional approach towards a study of Chinese art from the past, via the construction of style-history, is a valid approach that continues to make a valuable contribution to the discipline. An intervention from the present is not a denial of the past. Rather it represents another way of approaching the art from the past as well as acknowledging that 'knowledge in the humanities is produced in ways more complex than sceptical empiricism allows.'35 A poem by one of the most influential poets and essayists of the Song era, Su Shi 蘇

軾 (1037–1101; sobriquet Dongpo jushi 東坡居士) may help to explain my proposition.36

Viewed horizontally, a ridge, [viewed] side-way a peak; Far-near, high-low, each [view is] never the same. [One is] unable to make out the true face of Mount Lu; Only because one is situated on the mountain. 橫看成嶺側成峰，遠近高低各不同。不識廬山真面目，只緣身在此山中。

34 For an example for the placement of seals and/or inscriptions on the painting by collectors see Figure XV. Qiaohua qiuse《鵲華秋色》(Autumn Colours on the Qiao and Hua Mountains). 35 Munslow, "Where Does History Come From?". 36 In the Chinese context, one may have many names. Ming 名, zi 字 and hao 號 are examples of the variation in naming oneself. Ming 名 would be the basic given name. Zi 字 tends to be one's name in the form that is commonly addressed by friends. It is usually translated as cognomen or courtesy name. Hao 號 is more like a style/literary name and is often translated as a sobriquet.

14 In the Ti xi lin bi〈題西林壁〉(On the wall of West Forest [Monastery]), Su Shi commented that viewing Mount Lu from different perspectives confers many different scenes.37 He further asserted that one can never see the true 'face' of Mount Lu, in other words Mount Lu in its entirety, because of its magnitude.

Nevertheless, a multiplicity of views provides the viewer with a more coherent understanding of Mount Lu than one view alone. Likewise, approaching shanshuihua through the intervention of the present is one way of viewing the subject from another perspective. The central issue is to construct the inquiry in a way that both acknowledges shanshuihua's past and also recognises that its history cannot be articulated without it being filtered through contemporary concepts, cultural and political predispositions, as well as the voice (narrative construction) of the author.

. THE APPROACH

The emergence of shanshuihua as a major genre in Chinese painting signified the loss of a certain effectiveness in figure painting. This 'shift' from human to landscape coincided with the political rise of the literati, from the civil service examination, at the expense of the hereditary aristocracy during the Tang and Song periods.38 In this context, the study of shanshuihua is not just a study of Chinese aesthetics; it is

37 Su Shi 蘇軾, Su Zhe 蘇轍, Su Xun 蘇洵, Zhu 著. San Su quanshu《三蘇全書》, Diba ce 第八冊 vol. 8. Zeng Zaozhuang 曾棗莊, Shu Dagang 舒大剛 zhubian 主編. Beijing 北京: Yuwen chubanshe 語文出版社, 2001, 194. 38 For a more in-depth discussion, see Chapter Three, section 3.2 (Aspects of Realism).

15 rather, in a more profound sense, a study of space, spatial representation, ideology, and intellectual history. It is therefore essential to undertake an investigation in order to (more) adequately allow for 'an intervention of the present' and its imbued complexity. Theory, according to the sociologist

Stuart Hall, is a necessary part of any critical intellectual project.39 It not only allows a critique of existing 'institutionally-dominant art history' but also allows one to invent and mobilise the forms of argument and procedures of description, analysis, and evaluation required in the formulation of alternatives to dominant practices.40 Such a process, as Jonathan Culler puts it, is inseparable from the possibility of new understanding.41 For these reasons, I contend that shanshuihua needs to be understood as a

'theoretical object'.42 According to Hubert Damisch, a 'theoretical object' is

'one that is called to function according to norms that are not historical' and that if one agrees to accept it on theoretical terms, it will produce effects

39 D. Morley and K. Hsing Chen, eds. Stuart Hall: Critical Dialogues in Cultural Studies (London: Routledge, 1996), 149. 40 Jonathan Harris, The New Art History: A Critical Introduction (London: Routledge, 2001), 27. 41 Jonathan Culler further asserts that theory is the nickname for an unbounded corpus of works 'that succeed in challenging and reorienting thinking in domains other than those to which they ostensibly belong because their analyses of language, mind, history, or culture offer novel and persuasive accounts of signification, make strange the familiar and perhaps persuade readers to conceive of their own thinking and the institutions to which it relates in new ways.' Jonathan Culler, "Introduction: what's the point," in The point of theory: practice of cultural analysis, ed. Mieke Bal and Inge E. Boer (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1994), 17. 42 The term 'theoretical object' has its roots in Science. The term was discussed and appropriated within the context of art (and) history by scholars such as Hubert Damisch and Mieke Bal. See, Bal, Louise Bourgeois' Spider: the architecture of art-writing (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001); Bal, Quoting Caravaggio; and Yve-Alain Bois and others, "A Conversation with Hubert Damisch," October 85 (Summer 1998), 3–17.

16 around itself.43 Damisch further asserts that 'a theoretical object can be an element of painting insofar as it can claim an emblematic status, or insofar as we could make such a claim for it.'44 The point of entry for this study of shanshuihua, as mentioned earlier, is via the agency of the body. In this study, treating shanshuihua as a theoretical object does not entail applying art (and) historical theory to it. Nor does it imply that theory is to be conceived as an end in itself. Rather, theory is to be understood as both a practice and a form of interpretation. A 'theoretical object' is not only posed in theoretical terms, it also produces theory, and it necessitates a reflection on theory.45 The aim of framing shanshuihua as a theoretical object is to provide the means for it to deploy its own artistic medium to foreground both the theoretical thought and the visual articulation of that thought about itself.46 This thesis is concerned with (re)viewing the act of looking at shanshuihua in the sense of looking to it for an understanding of what it is and how it functions, thereby empowering shanshuihua to 'speak' for itself.

The approach is not an abstract search for meaning; rather it is empirically anchored within a heuristic and phenomenological framework.

This study begins by elucidating the idea of shanshuihua as not [just] an image. It also addresses the reasons why shanshuihua is inevitably bound up with the creative process and, by extension, the body. In the following chapter, I examine the way Chinese discourses such as cosmology,

43 Bois, "A Conversation with Hubert Damisch," 8. 44 Ibid., 9. 45 Ibid., 8. 46 Bal asserts that the term 'theoretical object' refers 'to works of art that deploy their own artistic… medium to offer and articulate thought about art.' See Bal, Louise Bourgeois' Spider, 5.

17 medicine, politics, and philosophy subjectivise the body. In particular, I look at the idea of 'The Body as Representation of the Universe;' 'The Medical

Body;' and 'Cultivating the Self and Body.' 'The Body as Representation of the Universe' aims to present the link between the body and Chinese cosmology and, by extension, the landscape. 'The Medical Body' examines a construct of the model of the body vis-à-vis traditional Chinese medicine.

After this, 'Cultivating the Self and Body' addresses the body within the context of self-cultivation in the Confucian tradition. Chapter Three addresses the ways seeing is culturally coded by considering both ways of seeing and aspects of realism. The inquiry begins with the study of Chinese words associated with vision and visuality, and proceeds to clarify the idea of realism within the Chinese visual tradition. Chapter Four addresses the place of the body in shanshuihua by combining the fragmented ideas of the body cited in Chapters One, Two, and Three with ideas from extant landscape texts (from the fourth to eleventh centuries). Chapter Five argues that shanshuihua should be considered as a representation of place rather than landscape. By clarifying an important but often neglected approach to the body/landscape equation – bodily consciousness – I argue that body, landscape and place are interrelated, and that bodily consciousness plays a crucial role in the aesthetic experience of viewing and reading a shanshuihua. This idea suggests the need to [re]view landscape (and) texts.

Three landscape texts are singled out for the [re]view. They are the Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》, Bifaji《筆法記》, and the section on Shanshui xun

〈山水訓〉from the Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》. (See the Appendix for the

18 full English translation of each of these texts.) The [re]view of these texts includes the exploration of how a specific term from each text, particularly the concepts of changshen 暢神 (rejoicing in spirit), tuzhen 圖真 (reality in painting) and yi 意 (idea or meaning), informs and addresses vision and/or visuality. In doing so, I show how shanshuihua is bound up with the mediation of bodily experiences. Lastly, Chapter Six addresses the implications of reading shanshuihua as a process. The chapter is divided into three parts: '[Re]viewing Zaochuntu《早春圖》,' 'Expressing the dati 大

體 and xiaoti 小體,' and 'Quoting Shanshuihua.' '[Re]viewing Zaochuntu《早

春圖》' compares theory and practice through the employment of the

Linquan gaozhi and the Zaochuntu as platforms to make visible the body/bodies in shanshuihua. 'Expressing the dati 大體 and xiaoti 小體' draws on the concepts of the dati (greater body-person) and xiaoti (smaller body-person) to convey the idea of the body as a dynamic agent in shanshuihua. In addition, I argue that the intervention of bodily experience may be comparable to a palimpsest hidden beneath landscape elements.

Finally, 'Quoting Shanshuihua' examines the effects of quoting shanshuihua in contemporary work. (All translations in this thesis, unless otherwise indicated, are my own. In addition, all original texts and their translations are displayed side by side throughout the thesis.47)

47 On the one hand, this is supplied for stylistic consistency and convenience in reference. On another, having the original text may help to clarify the word choice(s) for selected key term(s) used later in the argument.

19 Above all, I contend that shanshuihua may be read in a way that resembles a xue 穴 or acupuncture point. It is a site that is fused with many jing luo 經

絡 (meridians)48 or invisible networks. These invisible networks are events and histories that converge and interact with each other, making the site a highly permeable one and a marker for the site of dynamic interactions.49 In addition, the site acts as a boundary between the internal and the external; what is internal is not made visible and what is external is made visible. It is not my intention to demarcate a fundamental boundary between the presence and absence of the body, for such an act is indeed self-defeating.

Also, the contexts of presence and absence are not symmetrical, and the topology of these relationships is extremely complicated. Rather, the focus is on exploring the permeability of these sites, the in-between, the interface, the blurring of the boundaries and sites that I am interested in, thereby developing a new understanding of shanshuihua. In sum, I aim to present a different view of shanshuihua: as a theoretical object it 'theorises'; as a painting it 'transforms'; and as a process it 'embodies'. This is what produces the dynamism or the interaction between the shanshuihua and the viewer.

48 Jing luo 經絡 ('meridian') are channels or pathway that carry qi and blood to the body. 49 The Jing 經 means route or channel. The luo 絡 means 'net' and is a branch of the jing in the system. Traditional Chinese medicine holds that the jing and the luo are distributed over the body and are linked with each other. In addition, they connect the superficial, interior, exterior, upper, and lower portions of the human body, making the body an organic whole.

20 chapter 1

Shanshuihua 山水畫 is not [just] an image

The image, as understood in western tradition and in the vernacular sense,

'combines the notions of perception and imagination, where the mimetic, representative, figurative and fictive connotations of the image are derived from the ontological disparity between a transcendentally "real" world and the concrete world of experience.'50 Contrary to this framework, shanshuihua is not [just] an image of the Chinese landscape. (By image I am referring to the mental or physical representation of something with which it has a relationship or likeness.)51 Rather, shanshuihua is also about process and transformation. In this context, process is understood not as a systematic

50 Roger T. Ames, "Meaning As Imaging: Prolegomena To A Confucian Epistemology," in Culture and Modernity: East-West Philosophic Perspectives, ed. Eliot Deutsch (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1991), 228. 51 Recent writing on the concept of image include Bal, Mieke, Travelling Concepts in the Humanities: A Rough Guide (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2002), 56–89; Ames, "Meaning As Imaging: Prolegomena To A Confucian Epistemology", 227–244; W.J.T. Mitchell, "What is an Image?" New Literary History 15, no. 3 (Spring 1984): 503–537; and W.J.T. Mitchell, ed. The Language of Images (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980).

21 series of actions directed to some end but as an act of transformation. To be more precise, the process, as well as the painting, is the repository of meaning. In other words, what is imaged in a shanshuihua is not simply the representation of a landscape. Instead the subject of a shanshuihua is also a representation of the creative process itself. In order to discuss this idea, the terms 'landscape painting' and 'shanshuihua' first require clarification.

1.1 LANDSCAPE PAINTING vs SHANSHUIHUA 山水畫

The substitution of the translation 'landscape painting' for the term shanshuihua is problematic for it implies that there is an exchange of equivalent meaning. An examination of both terms reveals a subtle but distinct difference between them; particularly in their respective views of nature. Casey asserts,

Western painters, whether those of the ancient world or Hellenistic times, the Middle Ages or the Renaissance, or the early modern period, nature is without: it is something external to conquer, subdue, and shape. The natural world is first of all something to take over – take over in the material otherness, its transcendence of the human realm – and then to take in: where to 'take in' connotes both to internalise and to represent, and to do so by respecting its very otherness. Hence the sense of acute struggle between an external, dominating Nature (most concretely experienced in erupting volcanoes, storms at sea, and more generally wilderness) and an internal counter-Nature that tries to master Nature in mainly human terms. This is the struggle of the dynamical sublime in Kant's sense of the term, and it reaches its artistic apogee in the Romantic period and throughout the nineteenth century in the west.52

Within such a framework, landscape is traditionally conceived and perceived as a reproduction or imitation of a particular kind of nature. Whether directed

52 Casey, Representing Place, 95.

22 towards realistic representation or the fulfilment of an idealistic norm of beauty, the representation of a landscape is characterised by mimesis. In the

West, this expression of landscape in the form of a painting is commonly known as landscape painting. However, in the Chinese context, a more accurate term for this type of painting would be fengjinghua 風景畫. The characters for feng 風 and jing 景 literally mean wind and scene/scenery respectively. As a term, fengjing 風景 is commonly translated as scenery.

Thus, fengjinghua may be translated as scenery or landscape painting.

Interestingly, fengjinghua, like the term zhexue 哲學 (study of wisdom or philosophy), is most likely an imported expression from the West.53 The usage of the term appears to have begun around the 1900s as there is no record of it in the painting treatises up till the late 1800s. Unlike fengjinghua, shanshuihua stands for the depiction of a more specific and particular type of landscape, that of mountains and streams. In fact, the characters for shanshuihua literally mean the drawing/painting of mountains and water.

These two elements, shan 山 (mountain) and shui 水 (water), are imbued with complex meaning and have long stood as symbols of all aspects of nature.54 According to the Liji《禮記》(Records of Ritual) chapter on Jifa〈祭

法〉(Sacrificial rituals),55

53 For selected references to zhexue as an imported terminology from the West, see Carine Defoort, "Is There Such a Thing as Chinese Philosophy? Arguments for an Implicit Debate," Philosophy East and West Vol. 51, no. 3 (July 2001): 393–413; and Zhong Shaohua 鍾少華, "Qingmo Zhongguoren dui 'zhexue' de zhuiqiu 清末中國人對‘哲學’的追求," Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiu tongxun《中國文哲研究通訊》[Taibei: Academia Sinica], no.2 (1992): 159–189. 54 See François Cheng, Empty and Full: The Language of Chinese Painting, trans. Michael H. Kohn (Boston: Shambhala, 1994), 84-87; Chiang Yee, The Chinese

23 ... mountains, forests, streams, valleys [and] hillocks are the source of cloud, where wind [and] rain are generated. [These are places where one] encounters mysterious creatures, therefore they are all regarded as [dominated by] spirits.56 山林川谷陵能出雲為風雨見怪物皆曰神

Here, shanshui, as the source of cloud, wind and rain, is bound up with the workings and manifestations of nature – the very essence of the Dao 道.

Michael Sullivan remarks,

fundamental to any understanding of the Chinese culture is the fact that the Chinese are an agricultural people, and have been since remote antiquity... Rooted in the soil, aware above all of the recurring pattern of the year, of rain and drought, winter and summer, the Chinese developed an instinctive sense of endless rhythm... From earliest times they accepted the rhythm and submitted to it, for they knew that survival and prosperity depended upon their acceptance.57

In fact, shanshui is traditionally deemed as being governed by the same rhythm as the order of the world. Like the universe, it is regarded as being

Eye: An Interpretation of Chinese Painting (Indiana: Indiana University Press, 1964), 134; and Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 1. 55 The Liji《禮記》is a work compiled at the end of the first century B.C.E. and the beginning of the first C.E. The work addresses moral principles and subjects such as rites, royal regulations, and the behaviour of scholars. The Song scholar Zhu Xi 朱熹 (1130–1200) selected two particular chapters from the Liji , the Zhongyong〈中庸〉and Daxue〈大學〉, and assigned them an independent status alongside the Lunyu and Mengzi, as two of the Sishu《四書》(Four Books). For a complete copy of the Liji, see Scripta Sinica 漢籍電子文獻, 'Qinding Sikuquanshu zongmu Liji zhengyi liushisanjuan 欽定四庫全書總目禮記正義六十三卷,' (Taibei 臺北: Academia Sinica 中央研究院, November 1997), http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms-bin/ftmsw3 (accessed 7 July 2004) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, follow this selection process: 瀚典：十三經注疏（一八一五元刻本）／禮記注疏]. For a complete English translation of the Liji see The Li Ki [Liji], trans. James Legge (Montana: Kessinger Publishing, 2004). 56 Liji《禮記》, Jifa〈祭法〉, 卷二十一. Scripta Sinica 漢籍電子文獻, 'Qinding Sikuquanshu zongmu Liji zhengyi liushisanjuan 欽定四庫全書總目禮記正義六十三卷,' (Taibei 臺北: Academia Sinica 中央研究院, November 1997), http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms-bin/ftmsw3 (accessed 7 July 2004) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the quote. To access this quote, follow the selection process: 瀚典：十三經注疏（一八一五元刻本）／禮記注疏／祭法／卷二十一／797]. English translation with slight modifications see The Li Ki [Liji], 530.

24 engendered by the interplay between yin 陰 and yang 陽. Sun Chuo 孫綽

(314–371) in his You Tiantaishan fu〈遊天台山賦〉(Prose-poem on Roaming

Mount Tiantai) conveys such a view.58 In the words of Sun Cho,

The Great Void, vast and wide, that knows no boundary Sets in cycle the mysterious Being, So-of-itself; Melting, it forms the rivers and waterways, Thickening, it turns into mountains and hills.59 太虛遼廓而無閡，運自然之妙有，融而為川瀆，結而為山阜。

The contrast between 'thickening' and 'melting' posits shan (mountain) and shui (water) as opposites. However, it also states that the Great Void knows no boundary and it sets in cycle. This implies that shan and shui also complement each other. A similar sentiment is later expressed by Shitao 石

濤 (1640–ca. 1718) in the Huayulu《畫語碌》(Notes on Painting).60 Here,

Shitao states that,

57 Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 2. 58 Sun Chuo 孫綽, cognomen Xinggong 興公, was one of the circle of the famous calligrapher Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (ca. 303–ca. 361). Active during the Eastern Jin period, his You Tiantaishan fu was an influential xuanyanshi 玄言詩 (dark- language poem) during this period. See Richard B. Mather, "A Mystical Ascent of the T'ien-t'ai Mountains: Sun Ch'o's Yu-T'ien-t'ai-shan Fu," Monumenta Serica 20 (1961): 226-245; and Burton Watson, Chinese Rhyme-prose: Poems in the Fu Form from the Han and Six Dynasties Periods (New York: Columbia University Press, 1971), 80–85. 59 For the source text see, Ji Mingzhou 吉明周, Su Rong 蘇容, Zhubian 主編. Guwen liangbaipian《古文兩百篇》, (Xianggang 香港: Shangwu yinshuguan youxiankongsi 商務印書館, 2002), 87–88. For the English translation see Watson, Chinese Rhyme-prose, 81. 60 Shitao was born into a collateral branch of the Ming ruling house as Zhu Ruoji 朱若極, cognomen A Chang 阿長. After the fall of the Ming and the death of his parents, he was ordained as a Buddhist monk (and assumed the religious name Yuanji 原[元]濟, cognomen Shitao) to escape an untimely death [because of his lineage]. Thereafter, he was known by his many sobriquets: Dadizi 大滌子, Kugua heshang 苦瓜和尚, Xiazun zhe 瞎尊者, Qingxiang laoren 清湘老人, Qingxiang chenren 清湘陳人 etc. In ca. 1693, he renounced his Buddhist identity

25 The substance of landscape is realised by reaching the principle of the universe.61 得乾坤之理者，山川之質也

Thus, it is not surprising that since remote times mountains have been regarded as sacred, the visible embodiment of the cosmic forces, the energy, harmony, and ceaseless rhythm of the universe.62 Extant records on

Fengshan 封禪 sacrifices attest to the awe and sanctity in which mountains were held, and the reverence felt for them.63 Kiyohiko Munakata asserts that the worship of the great mountains as embodiments of mysterious power was one of the major elements of the Chinese state religion. This possibly began as early as the Zhou dynasty (1027–256 BCE) and continued to the end of the Qing dynasty in 1912.64 The worship of mountains began partly from the fear of the unfamiliar. Mountains were considered as forbidden spaces where

and assumed a Daoist one. Shitao is one of the individualist painters of the Qing dynasty and the author of the Huayulu. The dating of Shitao's life is contentious. Here, I have adopted Chen Chuanxi's account (Chen 2002, 556). References to Shitao include Chen Chuanxi 陳傳席, Zhongguo shanshui shi《中國山水史》(Tianjin 天津: Tianjin renmin meishu chubanshe 天津人民美術出版社, 2002): 556–569; Jonathan Hay, Shitao: Painting and Modernity in Early Qing China, (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Cambridge University Press, 2001); Aida-Yuen Wong, "A New Life for Literati Painting in the Early Twentieth Century: Eastern Art and Modernity, a Transcultural Narrative," Artibus Asiae 60 (2000): 297-326; Yu Jianhua 俞劍華, Shitao Huayulu/Daoji zhu: Yu Jianhua biaodian zhuyi《石濤畫語碌 /道濟著: 俞劍華標點注譯》(Beijing 北京: Renmin meishu chubanshe 人民出版社, 1959). 61 Huayulu《畫語碌》/Shanchuan chang diba〈山川章第八〉. Wang Bomin 王伯敏 and Ren Daobin 任道斌, Zhubian 主編. Hua xue jicheng: Ming-Qing《畫學集成: 明–清》(Hebei 河北: Hebei meishu chubanshe 河北美術出版社, 2002), 302. 62 For a well presented account on the sanctity of the mountains and their representation in Chinese Art see Kiyohiko Munakata, Sacred Mountains in Chinese Art: An exhibition organised by the Krannert Museum at the University of Illinois, (Illinois: University of Illinois, 1991). 63 See Bohu Tong《白虎通》(Discourses in the White Tiger Hall) by Ban Gu 班固 (32–92 CE); and Ma Dibo's 馬第伯 Fengshan yi ji: Taishan〈封禪儀記：泰山〉 (A Record of the Feng and Shan Sacrifices: Taishan) in the Hou Hanshu《後漢書》 (History of the Latter Han). 64 Munakata, Sacred Mountains in Chinese Art, 2.

26 gods and mysterious creatures resided. The Shanhaijing《山海經》(Classic of

Mountains and Seas) attests to this fear/reverence complex, and also hints at the practices and imagery associated with mountain worship during the Zhou dynasty.65 By the fourth century, mountains had gradually lost their aura of sacred terror and become accepted sites for philosophical and aesthetic appreciations.66

Water, on the other hand, with its multiplicity of forms, provided another means to conceptualise the general cosmic principles, principles that were applied to the behaviour of people as well as forces of nature.67 For example, the nature of water is used as an analogy for a person of superior capacity in

Chapter 8 of the Laozi《老子》.

Highest good is like water. Because water excels in benefiting the myriad creatures without contending with them and settles where none would like to be, it comes close to the way. In a home it is the site that matters; In a quality of [heart-]mind, it is depth that matters; In an ally it is benevolence that matters; In speech it is good faith that matters; In government it is order that matters; In affairs it is ability that matters; In action it is timelessness that matters. It is because it does not contend that it is never at fault.68 上善若水。水善利萬物而不爭，處眾人之所惡，故幾於道。居善地；心善淵；與善仁；言善信；正(政)善治；事善能；動善時。夫唯不爭故無尤。

Chen Guying 陳鼓應 singles out three characteristics of water raised in the passage: water is fluid; it stops flowing on finding the lowest ground; and it

65 Ibid., 5. 66 Bush and Murck, Theories of the Arts in China, 152. 67 For a study of water and its relationship to the Dao, see Sarah Allan, The Way of Water and Sprouts of Virtue (New York: SUNY Press, 1997).

27 nourishes myriad things, but does not contend with them.'69 Chen's interpretation of the passage is as such: a person, with the above attributes, can

manifest a spirit of tolerance and inner strength when dealing with others and when coping with the problems of the world. He can bear heavy responsibilities and in dwelling in lowly places he can endure disgrace. He exhausts his capabilities in the service of others, and at the same time, he never contends over accomplishments, reputation, or personal advantage.70

Likewise, Mengzi《孟子》VII.A.24 posits that there is 'a way to judge water' (觀水有術) and that the exemplary person's (君子) pursuit of the Way should be similar to the nature of flowing water.71 Mengzi IV.A.8 and IV.B.18 are further examples of the Confucians' admiration for water.72 At this point, it is worth noting that the so-called love of nature was not always present in

Chinese art. As Richard Edwards puts it, 'Chinese painting has moved...from a world in which distances and the realities they embraced were looked upon with apprehension and dread to a time of their complete acceptance as areas of contemplation, visual wandering and delight.'73 All in all, the reverence for mountains and water may be aptly summed up by the famous dictum: 'The

68 Tao Te Ching, Bilingual edition. Translated by D.C. Lau (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2001), 10, 11. 69 Chen, Kuying [Guying]. Lao Tzu: Text, Notes, and Comments. Translated and adapted by Rhett Y. W. Young and Roger Ames (San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1977), 79–81. 70 Ibid., 81. 71 Mencius, Bilingual edition, trans. D.C. Lau (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2003), 296–297. 72 Ibid., 156–157, 176–179. 73 Richard Edwards, "The Artist and the Landscape: Changing Views of Nature in Chinese Painting," in The Translation of Art: Essays on Chinese Painting and Poetry, ed. James C.Y. Watt (Hong Kong: Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1976), 52.

28 wise find joy in water; the benevolent find joy in mountains (知者樂水，仁者

樂山).'74

Before proceeding further, it is important to reiterate that a fundamental cosmological principle of ancient Chinese thought is that all things correspond to each other and interact as one spontaneously self-generating life process. The notion that everything interacts as one spontaneously self- generating life process is purported in the creation of the universe chronicle in chapter 42 of the Laozi and Huainanzi《淮南子》3:1a.75 Within this framework, human (人) and nature (自然) are conceived as intricately intertwined and completely involved in each other.76 As Casey remarks, nature is conceived and perceived as

never strictly outside us – nor, by contrast, within us, in "human nature" – but everywhere, equally so and at all times. We are in nature, and nature is in us... Thus, there is no imperative to struggle against nature, no reason to take it over or take it in... In this spirit, landscape is nothing more than the visibility of a ubiquitous nature, its manifest layout, its way of presenting to us, not before us or against us, or even in us, but with us.77

Shanshui and thus shanshuihua, encompasses all things – artificial as well as natural. The aim of painting this landscape for the scholar-painter is never

74 Lunyu《論語》6.23. Source text and English translation from The Analects, Bilingual edition, trans. D.C. Lau (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2002), 52–53. 75 For the Laozi quote see Chen Guying 陳鼓應, Laozi zhuyi ji pingjia 《老子註譯及評介》, (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju 北京中華書局, 2003), 232–236; andTao Te Ching, 62–63. For the Huainanzi quote see Chen Ligui 陳麗桂, Xiaoyi 校譯. Xinbian Huainanzi《新編淮南子》, Shangce 上冊, (Taibei 臺北: Guoli bianyiguan 國立編譯館, Minguo 91 民國九十一年 [1980]), 150; and William Theodore de Bary and Irene Bloom, eds. Sources of Chinese Traditions: From Earliest Time to 1600, Second Edition, vol. 1 (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 346–347. Also see section 1.21 (The Chinese Model of the World) in this chapter for the exact quotes and the respective analysis of these passages. 76 Ziran 自然 is sometimes translated as 'naturalness.'

29 about reproducing particular scenery because the primary concern is never about attaining formal likeness.78 Mifu 米芾 (1051–1107) in the Huashi《畫

史》remarks that

Where oxen, horses, people and/or objects are concerned, it is enough to copy what they look like. [However] in landscapes, copying does not succeed. [With] landscapes, creative thoughts operate on a higher plane.79 大抵牛馬人物，一模便似，山水摹皆不成。山水心匠自得處高。

In addition, Su Shi (1036–1101) posits that anyone who discusses painting in terms of formal likeness displays understanding that is close to that of a child.80 Likewise, Jing Hao 荊浩 (ca. 855 - 915), in the Bifaji, asserts that for a

77 Casey, Representing Place, 95. 78 In saying this I am not suggesting or inferring that shanshuihua is unconcerned with realism. Rather I want to emphasise that the context of realism in Western art is different from the 'realism' discussed here. The differences will be examined fully in Chapter Three, section 3.2 (Aspects of Realism). Also see Susan Bush’s comments about Pre-Song and Song views on representation in Susan Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting: Su Shih (1037- 1101) to Tung Ch'i-ch'ang (1555-1636) (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1971), 13–22. 79 Huashi《畫史》/Tanghua〈唐畫〉. Wang Bomin 王伯敏 and Ren Daobin 任道斌, Zhubian 主編. Hua xue jicheng: Liuchao-Yuan《畫學集成: 六朝-元》(Hebei 河北: Hebei meishu chubanshe 河北美術出版社, 2002), 399. 80 Su Shi Shiji《蘇軾詩集》/Juan ershijiu 卷二十九/Shu Yan Linwang zhubu suohua zhezhi ershuo-qi yi〈書鄢陵王主簿所畫析枝二首-其一〉, 'If anyone discusses painting in terms of formal likeness, his understanding is close to that of a child. If someone composing a poem must have a certain poem, then he is definitely not a man who knows poetry. There is one basic rule in poetry and painting; natural genius and originality. 論畫以形似，見與童鄰。賦詩必此詩，定非知詩人。詩畫本一律，天公與清新。' Su Shi 蘇軾, ''Shu Yan Linwang zhubu suohua zhezhi ershuo-qi yi〈書鄢陵王主簿所畫析枝二首-其一〉,'' in Su Shi shiji《蘇軾詩集》 , (Yuan Ze University [Taiwan], n.d.), http://cls.hs.yzu.edu.tw/su_shih/su_thing/su_thing7.html (accessed 2 February 2007) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, follow this selection process: 綜合檢索／then type the title of the poem]. English translation by Susan Bush is taken from Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 224.

30 painting [of landscape] to be worthy, it has to attain tuzhen 圖真 (reality in painting) and to attain this requires more than a representation of likeness.81

The aim of painting landscape for a scholar-painter is not to re-create, to construct, or design the world. Rather, the scholar-painter aims to discover, by intuition, the reality of the landscape; and seeks to capture, through calligraphic brushwork, the spirit and substance of it beyond physical likeness.

To discover the reality or truth of landscape, one needs to journey into mountains and streams. As Guo Xi posits, only then will the significant aspects of the landscape be apparent.82 Thus, the scholar-painter, as

Sullivan remarks, may spend years wandering among mountains, hills, and streams, communicating with nature; and in doing so, nature may reveal to him a visible manifestation of the rhythm of the cosmic order.83 The notion that landscape displays the workings of the Dao is expressed in Zong Bing's

宗炳 (375-443) short and enigmatic essay titled the Hua shanshui xu《畫山

水序》. According to Zong Bing,

... Sages followed the Dao through their spirits, [and] the virtuous comprehend this. Landscape displays the beauty of the Dao through its forms, [and] humane men delighted in this. Are these not similar? 84 夫聖人以神法道而賢者通，山水以形媚道而仁者樂，不亦幾乎！

This recalls the famous dictum,

81 Bifaji《筆法記》II.c, II.e, and VII.f. Also see Chapter Three, section 3.2 (Aspects of Realism); Chapter Five, section 5.322 (Tuzhen 圖真); and footnote entry 797 for the explanation of the term tuzhen and its translation. 82 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI.b. 83 Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 2. 84 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》I.c.

31 The Master said, "The wise find joy in water; the benevolent find joy in mountains. The wise are active; the benevolent are still. The wise are joyful; the benevolent are long-lived."85 子曰：「知者樂水，仁者樂山。知者動，仁者靜。知者樂，仁者壽。」

Interestingly, Guo Xi in the Linquan gaozhi observes that themes such as

'The Humane Delight in the Mountains' (仁者樂山圖) and 'The Wise Delight in

Water' (知者樂水圖) are quite common.86 As mentioned earlier, the

[re]presented landscape in the context of shanshuihua is never about the mere copying of a scenery. According to Sullivan, wandering in the mountains, mindful of the procession of the seasons, rain and shine, night and day, the endless movement of cloud, mists, and water, enables the scholar-painter to discover his true place in the scheme of things. This journey in a real landscape in space and time enables visual and psychic experiences to be interwoven – and such experiences can only find expression in a language that is both visual and abstract; 'visual enough for forms to be apprehended, conveyed, and recognised for what they are yet abstract enough to confer upon the forms thus created the validity of a general eternal truth.'87 This abstract yet visual form embodies the thoughts of a world both real and imaginary. The poet Du Fu 杜甫 (712–770) wrote, 'The country is broken, mountains [and] rivers remain (國破山河在).'88 These famous words, taken from his poem titled Chunwang〈春望〉(Spring gazing), not only lament the catastrophe of the An Lushan 安祿山 rebellion but also

85 Lunyu《論語》6.23. Source text and the English translation from The Analects, 52–53. 86 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VIII.c. 87 Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 2.

32 express the notion that shanshui is eternal, in contrast to human affairs which are transient.89 This notion, amongst other things, is a crucial reason why shanshuihua emerged as the pre-eminent art form in Chinese culture. In retrospect, the desire to represent landscape for the scholar-painter is not, as in the West, to recreate, to construct, to tame, or to conquer world/nature but rather to discover a reality that is immanent in nature that also acknowledges the transient nature of human lives in light of the timelessness of shan and shui. It is this absence of mimesis that marks the difference between landscape painting and shanshuihua.

To further clarify the notion of shanshuihua as a process and transformation, I will now examine the Chinese idea of creativity as presented in the

Zhongyong《中庸》– a central document in the Confucian tradition attributed to Kong Ji 孔伋 (ca. 492–ca. 431B.C.E.).90 The Zhongyong's importance as a major Confucian classic had been long recognised even before it had achieved canonical pre-eminence when it became one of the Sishu (Four

Books) compiled and annotated by Zhu Xi.91 From 1313 to 1905 the Sishu

88 Du Fu 杜甫, Du Fu shixuan《杜甫詩選》, Huang Suqiu xuan 黃肅秋選; Yu Xingji zhu 虞行輯注. (Beijing 北京: Renminwenxuechubanshe 人民文學出版社, 1962), 23. 89 The poem is presumed to have been written in the third lunar month of 757. 90 Kong Ji 孔伋 is the grandson of Confucius (551–479 B.C.E.). He is best known by his cognomen Zisizi 子思子 or Master Zisi 子思. The Song philosopher Zhu Xi (1130–1200) accepted the historian Sima Qian's 司馬遷 (145–86 B.C.E.) account that the text was ascribed to Master Zisi by name in the biography of Confucius in the Shiji《史記》(Records of the historian). However, the issue of authorship and dating resurfaced more prominently during the Qing Dynasty (1644–1912) as some scholars questioned the adequacy of relying on a single reference in Sima Qian's Shiji. 91 The Zhongyong is commonly known as the Doctrine of the Mean. This translation was made popular by James Legge. However, Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall comment that this is an inappropriate translation (Ames and Hall 2001, 150–152). Legge later revised the title to The State of Equilibrium and Harmony when he retranslated the Zhongyong as a chapter in the Liji (Records of

33 surpassed the Wujing 五經 (Five Classics) as a basis for the civil service examinations and an influence on the educated elite in imperial China. As Tu

Weiming puts it, the Zhongyong has continuously been a source of inspiration for the creative mind in Chinese intellectual history for more than two thousand years.92 In the pages following, I argue that the Zhongyong posits an idea of creativity that enables a deeper the understanding of the creative process. It does this in three important ways. First, the Zhongyong suggests that the creative process is bound up with self-cultivation. Second, it enables an understanding of the creative process within the context of yi yu yu xiang

意餘於象 (meaning surpasses the image). And third, it establishes the notion that shanshuihua should be understood and read as a creative process. (I have adopted and modified Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall's translation of

Rituals) in 1885. Other translations include The Mean-in-Action by E.R Hughes [Reference: Fung Yulan, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy, trans. E.R. Hughes (London: Routledge & Kegan Ltd, 1962), 81]; The Grand Harmony by Gu Hongming 辜鴻銘; The Unwobbling Pivot by Ezra Pound; The Mean by Irene Bloom; Centrality and Commonality by Tu Weiming; Focusing the Familiar by Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall. For selected translations of the Zhongyong in English see The Li Ki, 595–618; Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall, Focusing the Familiar: A Translation and Philosophical Interpretation of the Zhongyong (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2001), 150–152; Irene Bloom, "The Mean (Zhongyong)," in Sources of Chinese Traditions: From Earliest Time to 1600, Second Edition, vol. 1, ed. de Bary and Bloom, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), 333–339; Tu Weiming, Centrality and Commonality: An Essay on Chung-Yung (Honolulu: The University of Hawaii Press, 1976) [Note: Tu Weiming adopted Wing-tsit Chan's annotated translation of the Zhongyong in this published monograph.]; Wing-tsit Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1973); The Analects of Confucius, the Great Learning, Doctrine of the Mean, trans. James Legge (New York: Dover Publications, 1971); Confucius: The Great Digest, The Unwobbling Pivot, The Analects , trans. Ezra Pound (New York: New Directions Publishing Corporation, 1969); and The Conduct of Life; or, The Universal Order of Confucius: Doctrine Of The Mean, trans. Ku Hung Ming [Gu Hongming] (London: Murray, 1920). 92 Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 13–15.

34 the Zhongyong to assist in the discussion of selected passages later in the

Chapter.)93

1.2 THE IDEA OF CREATIVITY

The word 'create' in the English usage is derived from the Latin word creare, meaning 'to bring forth, produce, make, beget.' It is associated with the theological application of the idea of a God who created the world, sometimes described as ex nihilo.94 In this context, creation was considered a prerogative of God. Thus the idea of creation was considered a special activity beyond human power. It was only in the wake of the Renaissance that the term creation began to be applied to human activity and the idea of the production of novelty began to take shape.95 The word 'creativity' is now used to characterise anything from a person to a process, an activity, a product, or all of the above. In some senses, it involves a creator, the act of creating, and the created object. But these explanations offer little towards the understanding of the nature of creativity. To further exacerbate the problem, philosophical writings on creativity have done more to impoverish than enlighten the understanding of the subject.96 John Hospers comments that,

93 Ames and Hall, Focusing the Familiar. 94 St. Augustine; Genesis I and II. Christopher J. O'Toole, The Philosophy Of Creation In The Writings Of St. Augustine, (Montana: Kessinger Publishing, 2006). 95 See Giovanni Pico della Mirandola's Oration on the Dignity of Man. Selected references include Ernst Cassirer, Paul Oskar Kristeller and John H. Randall, eds. The Renaissance Philosophy of Man, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), 223-225; and Brian Copenhaver, ''Giovanni Pico della Mirandola'', (Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy), http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/pico-della- mirandola/ (accessed July 2008). 96 Jeffrey Maitland, "Creativity," The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 34, no. 4 (Summer 1976): 397.

35 'any positive account of artistic creativity that is specific enough to be enlightening involves to this day matters so deep, so intricate, so shrouded in mystery, as to defy our attempts to fathom them. We of the Stone Age have yet to discover fire.'97 This is due in part to the nature of the investigation that traditionally, tends to center on elucidating the source and nature of creativity.

For instance, Freudian tradition ascribes the creative act to the unconscious.

Others such as Dewey, Ducasse, and Collingwood propose that it is an act of expression.98 The Chinese idea of creativity differs considerably. For a start, it contends that a human being has the propensity to participate 'in the transforming and nourishing process of heaven and earth' and to become a co-creator alongside with heaven and earth forming the sancai 三才 (triad).99

The role of a human being as a co-creator has a definite impact on the understanding of the idea of creativity and the artistic creative process as a discussion of the Chinese model of the world reveals.

1.21 The Chinese Model of the World

97 John Hospers, "Artistic Creativity," The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 43, no. 3 (Spring 1985): 254. 98 John Dewey, Art as Experience (New York: Perigee Trade, 1959): 58–81; Curt, J. Ducasse, The Philosophy of Art, (Montana: Kessinger Publishing, 2004); Robin, G. Collingwood, The Principles of Art, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1958), 42–56 [Chapter 3]. 99 Zhongyong《中庸》22. I presented the quote in full later in this chapter.

36 and turbid material to solidify. Therefore Heaven was completed first and Earth assumed shape after. The combined essences of Heaven and Earth became yin and yang; the concentrated essences of the yin and yang became the four seasons; the scattered essences of the four essences became the myriad creatures of the world...100 天墜未形，馮馮、異異、洞洞、灟灟，故曰太昭【始】，道【太】始于【生】虛霩，虛霩生宇宙，宇宙生元氣，元氣有漢【涯】垠，清陽者薄靡而為天，重濁者滯凝而為地，清妙之合專易，重濁之凝竭難，故先天成而地後定。天地之襲精為陰陽，陰陽之專精為四時，四時之散精為萬物。

The above passage is taken from the Huainanzi《淮南子》, a work of twenty-one essays composed by a group of scholars and adepts working in the court of Liu An 劉安 (180–122 B.C.E.).101 The work, intended to be a compendium of all the knowledge the Daoist sage ruler needed in order to govern effectively, was presented by Liu An to his nephew, Han Wudi 漢武帝

(Martial Emperor of Han) in 139 B.C.E. This account of the creation of the universe as a spontaneously self-generating process is Daoist in conception but was adopted by Han Confucians to round out their thoughts on cosmology. A similar chronicle of the creation narrative is found in the Laozi :

The way begets one; one begets two; two begets three; three begets the myriad creatures. The myriad creatures carry on their backs the yin and embrace in their arms the yang and are the blending of the generative forces of the two.102 道生一，一生二，二生三，三生萬物。萬物負陰而抱陽，沖氣以為和。

100 Huainanzi《淮南子》3:1a. Chen, Xinbian Huainanzi《新編淮南子》Shangce 上冊, 150. English translation by Burton Watson is taken from de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 346–347. 101 The Huainanzi《淮南子》covers a wide range of topics from cosmology, astrology to inner cultivation, government, and political thoughts. 102 Laozi《老子》42. For source text with annotations see Chen Guying 陳鼓應, Laozi zhuyi ji pingjia 《老子註譯及評介》, 232–236. For English translation see Tao Te Ching, 62–63.

37 F.W. Mote offered an insightful but controversial characterisation of the

Chinese cosmogony. In his words,

the basic points which outsiders have found so hard to detect is that the Chinese, among all peoples ancient and recent, primitive and modern, are unique in having no creation myth; that is they have regarded the world and man as uncreated, as constituting the central features of a spontaneously self-generating cosmos having no creator, god, ultimate cause or will external to itself... the genuine Chinese cosmogony is that of an organismic process, meaning that all of the parts of the entire cosmos belong to one organic whole and that they all interact as participants as one spontaneously self-generating life process.103

In singling out this peculiarity of the Chinese cosmogony, Mote has, according to Tu, identified some distinctive features of the Chinese mode of thought.104 The first is the lack of the creation myth in Chinese cosmogony.

The second is the underlying assumption about how the cosmos is perceived by the Chinese – 'one organic whole and that they all interact as participants as one spontaneously self-generating life process'. However, Tu added that the ancient Chinese thinkers were intensely interested in the creation of the world and some of them, notably the Daoists, even speculated on the zao wu zhe 造物者 ('that which created') and the process by which the universe came into being.105 Tu asserts that

it was not a creation myth as such but the Judeo-Christian version of it that is absent in Chinese mythology... and... it is not because the Chinese have no idea of God external to the created cosmos that they

103 F.W. Mote, Intellectual Foundations of China (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1971), 17–19. 104 Tu Weiming, "The Continuity of Being: Chinese Visions of Nature" in Nature in Asian Traditions of Thought: Essays in Environmental Philosophy, ed. J. Baird Callicott and Roger T. Ames (New York: State University of New York Press, 1989), 67. 105 Ibid. For further reference to the concept of the zao wu zhe in Chinese mythology, see N.J. Girardot, Myth and Meaning in Early Taoism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 275–310.

38 have no choice but to accept the cosmogony as an organismic process, rather it is precisely because they perceived the cosmos as the unfolding of continuous creativity.106

Thus, the conception of creation ex nihilo by the hand of God or through the sure will of God is not a promulgation to be entertained or contemplated. This, coupled with the notion already mentioned of a human being as a co-creator

'in the transforming and nourishing process of heaven and earth,'107 provides a means of understanding the Chinese idea of creativity. In the Judeo-

Christian tradition, God as the Omnipotent commands the world into being and the relationship between God and humans is characterised by that of creator and the created/creature. The 'creative' element in the conception of creation ex nihilo, as it is normally understood, privileges the Creator as the all powerful who determines and makes things. As such, all subsequent acts of making/creation are secondary and derivative exercises of the Creator.

Unlike the Judeo-Christian framework, the Chinese conceive of the world as a spontaneously self-generative life process whereby human beings have the propensity to be elevated to co-creator status.108 (Joseph Needham describes this world as 'an ordered harmony of wills without an ordainer.')109 This understanding characterises creativity as the spontaneous production of novelty. In such a world there is no otherness, separation, and distancing

106 Ibid. 107 Zhongyong《中庸》22. I presented the quote in full later in this chapter. 108 Ibid. 109 Joseph Needham and Wang Ling, Science and Civilisation in China vol. 2, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1969), 287. Needham has been criticised for his sweeping generalisations, methodology, and Marxist premises. However, his rendering of Chinese history and culture is remarkable for its synoptic vision.

39 because 'all relations are transactional in the sense that they are reciprocal and mutually determinative'.110 The relationship between heaven and human is not that of creator and created/creature but one of mutual fidelity.111

Creativity, in this context, is irreducible to modes of external causation and can be characterised only in terms of self-actualisation. If creativity is always exercised over and with respect to the 'self' and the 'self' is always social in an organismic world, then creativity is transactional and multi-faceted.112 In this sense, creativity may be rendered as both self-creativity and co- creativity.113 Further exposition is required to make clear how creativity may be rendered on a practical level as both self-creativity and co-creativity. The

Zhongyong is particularly relevant in providing an understanding because one of its truly distinctive features is the elevation of human to co-creative status, manifest through the employment of cheng 誠 (creativity, sincerity, truth, and reality).114 The term cheng is explained in the following section in order to provide an understanding of the idea of creativity and its implications

110 Ames and Hall, Focusing the Familiar, 12. 111 The term 'mutual fidelity' is adopted from Tu Weiming. It is used here to emphasise the mutuality of the human way and the Way of Heaven. See Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 9, 146–47. 112 In this context, 'social' is to be understood as having both active and inactive agents. 113 Ames and Hall, Focusing the Familiar, 13. 114 Tu posits that the Zhongyong can be divided into three parts: the first nineteen chapters deal mainly with the character and duties of the junzi 君子 (exemplary person); the twentieth chapter, especially its first fifteen sections, deals with the concept of zheng 政 (to govern/politics); and the last thirteen chapters deal mainly with the idea of cheng (creativity, sincerity, truth, and reality). In addition, Tu observes that the Zhongyong can be analysed as an integrated series of reflections on personality (in particular, the junzi - exemplary person), society (in particular, the fiduciary community), and moral metaphysics (through the employment of cheng). See Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 5–21.

40 for the artistic creative process. Here, the approach towards explicating the

Zhongyong is interpretive rather then exegetical.

1.22 Cheng 誠 as Creativity

What heaven (天)115 imparts (命)116 is called [human] nature (性).117 To follow that nature is called the Way. Cultivating (修) the Way is called teaching (教). The Way cannot be separated [from us] for

115 Tian 天even has an undergone instant. Whatseveral can shifts be inseparated meaning. [from In the us] pre-Confucian is not the Way. It context, isanthropomorphic for this reason thatcharacteristics the exemplary are evident person in ( 君子the passages) is cautious of the over Shangshuwhat《尚書》 is not(Venerated seen, and documents apprehensive) and theover Shijing what《詩經》 is not heard.(Classic There of is poetry). Confuciusnothing more later visible transformed than what the anthropomorphicis hidden and nothing tian into more a tian manifest of moral realitythan (whatLunyu is《論語》 subtle. 6.28, It is for7.23, this 9.5, reason 11.9, the 14.35, exemplary 17.19). personThe notion is of tian as moralwatchful reality over was himself further when extended he is by alone. Mengzi Before (371–289 [the feelingsB.C.E.). Xun of] Zijoy, 荀子 (298–238 B.C.E.), however, implied that tian is more a naturalistic order. The Cheng brothers,anger, grief Cheng and Hao pleasure 程顥 (1032–1085 are aroused, C.E.) it and is called Cheng [the Yi 程頤 state of] 118 (1033–1107centrality C.E.) asserted (中). Afterthat tianthese is just[feelings] another are name aroused for li and理 (principle). they are Later Confuciansbrought intosuch [proper] as Zhu Xifocus (1130–1200 (中), it is C.E.) called upheld [the thisstate notion of] harmony of tian as a more rational(和). Centralityand metaphysical is the great entity. foundation The conventional of the world; translation harmony for tian is the in English isadvancing 'Heaven.' I( 達have) of rendered the Way. the When term centralityin lowercase and (heaven) harmony rather are fullywith than with a capital 'H' (Heaven) for two reasons. The first is to distinguish tian from therealised, Judeo-Christian heaven concept and earth of Heaven.maintain In theirthe Judeo-Christian proper place and tradition, all 119 'the God myriadof the Bible,things often (萬物 referred) their propermetonymically nourishment. to as "Heaven" created the world, but tian in classical Chinese is the world.' (Ames and Hall, 2001, 80). The second reason for using a lowercase 'heaven' is to emphasise that the relationship between tian with di 地 (earth), ren 人 (human), and wanwu 萬物 (myriad things) is not that of creator and created. Rather it is characterised by interrelatedness and interdependency. For a more in-depth discussion on tian see Ames and Hall, Focusing the Familiar, 79-80; A.C. Graham, Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (Chicago and Illinois: Open Court, 2001), 30; David L. Hall and Roger T. Ames, Thinking from the Han: Self, Truth, and Transcendence in Chinese and Western Culture (New York: State University of New York, 1998), 219-244; Hoyt Cleveland Tillman, "Consciousness of T'ien in Chu Hsi's Thought." Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 47, no. 1 (June 1987): 31–50; and Mou Zongsan [Mou Tsung-san] 牟宗三, Zhongguo zhexue de tezhi《中國哲學的特質》(Taibei 臺北: Xuesheng shuju 學生書局, 1963), 20-21. For references to the Lunyu《論語》see The Analects, 52, 53, 62, 63, 76, 77, 98, 99, 142, 143, 176, and 177. 116 Ming 命, in the Confucian context, is translated as 'decree' by A.C. Graham; 'command' by Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall; 'ordain' by William Theodore de Bary; 'destiny' by Hoyt Cleveland Tillman; and 'impart' by Wing-tsit Chan. Zhu Xi in the Zhongyong zhangju〈中庸章句〉(The Zhongyong by Chapter and Phrase) asserts that tian's generating of the myriad things (萬物) through the [interaction of] yin and yang, and the Five Phases; their becoming embodied with qi 氣 and endowed with principle (理) is like giving a command (令). It should be noted that ming in this context is like a command and not a command per se. Thus, Chan's rendering of ming as 'impart' is more appropriate. In this context, 'impart' functions as a verb, meaning to set forth expressively and authoritatively.

41 To follow that nature is called the Way. Cultivating (修) the Way is called teaching (教). The Way cannot be separated [from us] for even an instant. What can be separated [from us] is not the Way. It is for this reason that the exemplary person (君子) is cautious over what is not seen, and apprehensive over what is not heard. There is nothing more visible than what is hidden and nothing more manifest than what is subtle. It is for this reason the exemplary person is watchful over himself when he is alone. Before [the feelings of] joy, anger, grief and pleasure are aroused, it is called [the state of] centrality (中).118 After these [feelings] are aroused and they are brought into [proper] focus (中), it is called [the state of] harmony (和). Centrality is the great foundation of the world; harmony is the advancing (達) of the Way. When centrality and harmony are fully realised, heaven and earth maintain their proper place and all myriad things (萬物) their proper nourishment.119 天命之謂性，率性之謂道，修道之謂教。道也者，不可須臾離也；可離，非道也。是故，君子戒慎乎其所不睹，恐懼乎其不所聞。莫見乎隱，莫顯乎微，故君子慎其獨也。喜怒哀樂之未發，謂之中；發而皆中節，謂之和。中也者，天下之大本也；和也者，天下之達道也。致中和，天地位焉，萬物育焉。

Zhongyong《中庸》 1

The first chapter of the Zhongyong states that 'What heaven imparts is called

[human] nature'. In other words, the human way originates from heaven. It is this 'heaven-endowed human nature that defines what the Way is, which in turn characterises what teaching ought to be.'120 The passage further asserts that 'The Way cannot be separated [from us] for even an instant. What can be separated [from us] is not the Way.' Thus, the Way is nothing more than the actualisation of genuine human nature. It is important to acknowledge that

117 Roger T. Ames and David L. Hall render xing 性 as 'natural tendencies.' This rendering is more an interpretation than a translation. In the context of the Zhongyong, it is clearer to render xing as [human] nature because this term includes the idea of natural tendencies. 118 It is difficult to adhere to a single English translation for a particular Chinese word because its meaning varies depending on the demands of the text. The word zhong 中 is variously translated as 'centrality,' 'focus,' 'equilibrium,' etc. in order to remain faithful to the text. 119 For source text see, Xie, Xingyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, 26.

42 even though human nature is imparted from and endorsed by heaven, the relationship between heaven and humans should not be misconstrued as that of creator and created. For a start, human beings are not only endowed with

'Centrality' (中), 'the great foundation of the world,' but also have the propensity 'to bring heaven and earth to their proper place and all things their proper nourishment'. In this context, the Zhongyong points to the mutuality of heaven and human. Tu asserts that 'it is precisely because their essence, so to speak, is identical with that of Heaven that they are said to have partaken their nature from Heaven.'121 Thus, human beings, by their nature, share the same ontological reality as heaven. Despite the lack of any ontological gap between human nature and heaven, human beings cannot effortlessly form a complete union with heaven. The Way is inherent in human nature but to actualise the unity of heaven and humans requires self-realisation and moral self-cultivation. For it is only through learning and cultivation that human beings may fully realise the humane possibilities inherent in their nature. This leads us to the concept of cheng. A term that is pivotal in the concluding passages of the Zhongyong. In Chapter 20, cheng is described as the way of tian 天 (heaven) as well as the proper way of becoming human.

... Creativity (誠) is the way of heaven (天); creating is the proper way of becoming human. Creativity is achieving equilibrium (中) without coercion; it is succeeding without reflection. Freely and easily travelling the center of the way – this is the [way of the] sage (聖人). Creating is selecting what is efficacious (善) and holding on to it firmly.122 誠者，天下之道也；誠之者，人之道也。誠者，不勉而中，不思而得，從容中道，聖人也；誠之者，擇善而固執之者也。 120 Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 3. 121 Ibid., 105. 122 For source text see Xie , Xingyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, 45–46.

43 得，從容中道，聖人也；誠之者，擇善而固執之者也。

Zhongyong《中庸》 20

The word cheng 誠 derives from the word cheng 成, meaning to become whole. A. C. Graham notes that the former is graphically distinguished by the speech radical– yan 言, 'marking it as the wholeness or completeness of the person displayed in the authenticity of his words'.123 Zhu Xi 朱熹(1130–1200), in his commentary on the Zhongyong, defines cheng 誠 as what is zhenshi 真

實, meaning genuine and real.124 D.C. Lau renders cheng as true in his translation of the Mengzi.125 Graham translates cheng as integrity and 'at the cost of some forcing of English…[he suggested using] "integrity, integral, integrate" to combine the two senses, wholeness and sincerity.'126 Wing-tsit

Chan and Tu Weiming render cheng as sincerity.127 Chan, in his introductory comments on the Zhongyong notes that 'the quality that brings man and

Nature together is cheng, sincerity, truth or reality'.128 Chan further observes that cheng 'is not just a state of mind, but an active force that is always transforming things and completing things, and drawing man and heaven

123 Graham, Disputers of the Tao, 133. 124 Zhu Xi, in the Zhongyong zhangju《中庸章句》/you di shiwu zhang 右第十五章, infers that 'Cheng (誠) stands for genuine and real (誠者，真實無妄之謂)' in his annotation for the passage beginning 'Cheng (誠) is the way of heaven... (誠者，天之道...).' Reference to source text see Zhu Xi 朱熹, Sishu Zhangju jizhu《四書章句集注》(Taibei, 台北: Daan chubanshe 大安出版社, 1984), 31. 125 Mengzi《孟子》IV.A.12. Mencius, 161. 126 Graham, Disputers of the Tao, 133. 127 Tu, Centrality and Commonality; and Chan, A Source Book of Chinese Philosophy. 128 Chan, A Source Book of Chinese Philosophy, 96.

44 together in the same current'.129 Likewise, Tu supports the translation of cheng as sincerity but stresses its other implications. According to Tu, cheng has many connotations beyond its translated counterparts, whether it is rendered as sincerity or truth. In summary, if one adheres to linguistic consistency, cheng and its translated counterparts must undergo a variety of metamorphoses to accommodate the many-sidedness of the term.130 Tu further comments that cheng can be understood as creativity. In his words, cheng

…can be conceived as a form of creativity…it is that which brings about the transforming and nourishing processes of heaven and earth. As creativity, ch'eng [cheng] is "ceaseless" (pu-hsi [buxi]), and because of its ceaselessness it does not create in a single act beyond the spatio-temporal sequence. Rather it creates in a continuous and unending process in time and space… ch'eng [cheng] is reality in its all-embracing fullness…it is simultaneously a self-subsistent and self- fulfilling process of creation that produces life unceasingly.131

Ames and Hall, citing both earlier and more recent commentarial exegesis in their monograph-length study of the Zhongyong, argue that cheng should be rendered as creativity.132 For Ames and Hall, the words sincerity and integrity involve the process of becoming one or whole; and that the dynamic of becoming whole, construed aesthetically, is precisely a creative process.133 It is in this sense that cheng can be understood as creativity.

129 Ibid. 130 Tu notes that cheng 誠 as the Way of heaven is different from cheng (sincerity) as a personal quality. Cheng in this context is meant to embody what the Way of heaven is and what the Way of man ought to be and it should not be mistaken as to suggest that heaven 'has been anthropomorphised to demonstrate the human virtue of sincerity.' Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 107. 131 Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 124–25. 132 Ames and Hall, Focusing the Familiar, 30–35, 61–63. 133 Ibid., 32.

45 Chapter 22 of the Zhongyong provides a relevant account of how cheng may be conceived as a form of creativity and how the unity of heaven and humans may be achieved.

Only those of utmost creativity in the world can fully develop their nature (性). If one can fully develop one's nature, [then] one can fully develop the nature of others. If one can fully develop the nature of others, [then] one can then fully develop the nature of things (物). If one can fully develop the nature of things, one can then assist in the transforming and nourishing process of heaven and earth. If one can assist in the transforming and nourishing process of heaven and earth, [then] human beings can take their place and form a triad with heaven and earth.134 唯天下至誠，為能盡其性；能盡其性，則能盡人之性；能盡人之性，則能盡物之性；能盡物之性，則可以贊天地之化育；可以贊天地之化育，則可以與天地參矣。 Zhongyong《中庸》22

The premise that the human way originates from heaven and that this heavenly endowed nature defines the Way, suggests an ontological basis for the identification of human nature with the reality of heaven. As discussed earlier, this heavenly endowed nature is none other than the most genuine manifestation of human virtue or nature because the Way cannot be separated from humans, and what can be separated from us is not the

Way.135 Cheng, as the most genuine manifestation of human virtue, is therefore the truth and reality of the heavenly-endowed nature. Mengzi

VII.A.1 expresses a similar sentiment:

For a man to give full realisation to his heart is for him to understand his own nature, and a man who knows his own nature will know Heaven. The retention of his heart and the nurturing of his nature are the means by which he serves Heaven...136

134 For source text see, Xie, Xingyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, 49–50. 135 Zhongyong《中庸》1. I presented the quote in full earlier in this chapter. 136 Mencius, 286–287.

46 盡其心者，知其性也。知其性，則知天矣。存其心，養其性，所以事天也。

Since the identification of the Way is in essence the way of humans, its actualisation depends on nothing more than sheer human effort and this can be characterised only in terms of self-actualisation. The quintessence, however, is not to transcend humanity but to work through it. Thus, the person who embodies cheng to the utmost can completely realise his own nature for such a person is also the most genuine human being. The person who realises his own nature to the full cannot but become a paradigm of genuine humanity because what is being realised is not only his humanness but also humanity as such and as a whole.137 Thus, such a person has the propensity to realise the nature of things (物). The person who can completely realise the nature of things to the utmost can assist (贊) in the transforming (化) and nourishing (育) process of heaven and earth and in doing so, forms a unity with heaven and earth as the sancai (triad). Therefore, cheng suggests 'the dynamic, novelty-producing activities of the realising human being in the activities of both self- and world-articulation'.138 In addition, cheng is not only self-consummating (自成) and its way (道) is self-directing

(自道),139 it is also ceaseless (不息).140 In this sense, cheng is both self-

137 Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 118. 138 Ames and Hall, Focusing the Familiar, 30. 139 Zhongyong《中庸》25, 'Creativity is self-consummating, and its way is self- directing... 誠者，自成也。而道，自道也。' Xie, Xingyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, 52. 140 Zhongyong《中庸》26, 'Thus, the utmost creativity is ceaseless... 故至誠無息' Xie, Xingyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, 52–53.

47 creativity or co-creativity (with heaven and earth), and thus can be understood as creativity.

1.3 ARTISTIC CREATIVITY AS PROCESS OF SELF-CULTIVATION

If cheng is understood as a form of creativity then what the Zhongyong envisages seems to be a creative process of self-realisation.141 In this context, self-realisation is not about realising the self as the measure of all things.

Rather, self-realisation is understood as depending on mutuality between humans and nature. Tu alludes to Xu Fuguan's observation that 'a basic assumption in Confucian thought is that the completion of the self (成己) necessitates the completion (成) rather than the domination (宰) of things

(物).'142 The issue is not about how one may harness one's creative powers but rather how one may develop one's xing ([human] nature) to assist (助) heaven and earth in the transforming and nourishing process. And the key to developing one's xing ([human] nature) is through self-cultivation. Thus, to realise the deepest meaning of humanity requires not only a creative process of self-realisation but also moral self-cultivation. Here the term 'moral' should not be misconstrued as a kind of social norm that exists for the stability of society. In the case of the Zhongyong, as in the Confucian tradition, the ultimate manifestation of morality transcends social and ethical conventions

141 Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 35. 142 Tu Weiming, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought: An Approach to Chinese Aesthetics," in Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck (New Jersey, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 69; and Xu Fuguan 徐復觀, Zhongguo yishu jingshen《中國藝術精神》, Diwuban 第五版 (Taibei 臺北: Xuesheng shuju 學生書局, Zhonghua Minguo 65 中華民國六十五年

48 because it is anchored in the unity of heaven and humans. In this sense, social and ethical values do not dictate what should be considered as moral.

Rather, morality circumscribes the ultimate efficacy of social and ethical values.143 Moral self-cultivation therefore encompasses the process of completing the self, and to achieve the completion of the self (成己) necessitates continuous effort to realise one's inner morality. Chapter 20 of the Zhongyong states,

... Study [the Way] broadly, ask [about it] in detail, reflect [on it] carefully, analyse [it] clearly, and practise [it] earnestly. When there is anything not yet studied, or studied but not yet mastered, do not give up. When there is any question not yet asked, or asked but its answer not yet understood, do not give up. When there is anything not yet reflected upon, or reflected upon but not yet apprehended, do not give up. When there is anything not yet analysed, or analysed but not yet clear about, do not give up. When there is anything not yet practised, or practised but not yet with earnestly, do not give up. If others can accomplish with a single try, I will try a hundred times. If others can accomplish with ten tries, I will try a thousand times. If people are able to follow this way, even the dull are sure to become bright;144 and even the weak are sure to become strong.145 ... 博學之，審問之，慎思之，明辦之，篤行之。有弗學，學之弗能弗措也；有弗問，問之弗知弗措也；有弗思，思之弗得弗措也；有弗辦，辦之弗明弗措也；有弗行，行之弗篤弗措也。人一能之，己百之；人十能之，己千之。果能此道矣，雖愚必明，雖柔必強。

Zhongyong《中庸》 20

Underlying this statement from the Zhongyong is the insistence on

[1954]), 132–133. 143 Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 100-103. 144 Yu 愚 is rendered as 'dull' instead of 'stupid' because 'dull' is more effective as a contrast to 'ming 明,' which means bright and by extension means enlightened. 145 For source text see Xie, Xingyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, 45–46.

49 the centrality of jiao 教 (teaching).146 Tu remarks that the possibility of perfecting and completing oneself through the enlightenment of the mind is limited without the mediation of carefully internalised methods of acquiring self-knowledge. Thus, moral self-cultivation involves at least ritual learning, book reading, and social practice.147 If self-realisation is a creative process, then moral self-cultivation is also a creative process because it requires the

'effort' to xiu 修 the Dao (Way). Here, xiu may be translated as 'to cultivate' or

'cultivating.' This cultivation is defined in the context of human cultural activity rather than the notion of growing or nurturing something predetermined. In the Zhongyong, as stated earlier, cultivating the Way is called jiao (teaching).

Chapter 21 of the Zhongyong posits,

Understanding (明) born of creativity (誠) is a gift of our [human] nature(性); creativity born of understanding is a gift of teaching (教). Where there is creativity, there is understanding; where there is understanding, there is creativity.148 自誠明，謂之性。自明誠，謂之教。誠則明矣；明則誠矣。

Zhongyong《中庸》21

If 'creativity (誠) born of understanding (明) is a gift of teaching (教),' then the primary concern of jiao (teaching) is to develop or manifest the moral qualities inherent in human nature. Self-cultivation in this sense involves the ongoing creative transformational act of learning through jiao. Ames and Hall remark,

the function of education (教) is clarified when one realises that the production of human culture turns inarticulate sounds into the magic of music, random markings into sublime poetry, …an ongoing process

146 Tu, Centrality and Commonality, 111. 147 Tu Weiming, "Subjectivity in Liu Tsung-Chou," in Individualism and Holism: Studies in Confucian and Taoist Values, ed. Donald Munro (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan, Center for Chinese Studies, 1996), 224. 148 For source text see Xie, Xingyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, 49.

50 that enchants the world and elevates the human being to become a full partner in its continuous unfolding. It is in the sense that the ongoing achievement of becoming human shapes the context in which this process occurs, just as the context shapes the human achievement.149

In this regard, jiao is a creative transformational act of self-cultivation.

Interestingly, Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠 (ca. 815– After 875) in the Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》(Record of Famous Painters of the Various Dynasties) opens with praise for the civilising power of painting:150

Now painting is a thing which perfects the civilising teachings (of the Sages) and helps (to maintain) social relationships. It completely penetrates the divine permutations (of Nature) and fathoms recondite and subtle things. Its merit is equal to that of (any of) the Six Arts (of Antiquity) and it moves side by side with the Four Seasons. It proceeds from Nature itself and not from (human) invention.151 夫畫者成教化。助人倫。窮神變。測幽微。興六籍同功。四時並運。發於天然。非由述作。

According to Zhang Yanyuan, painting has a civilising influence on humankind as it can bring about a just social order (助人倫). William

Reynolds Beal Acker observes that the first section of the Lidai minghua ji 'is more or less devoted to the cosmic significance, divine origin, and moral

149 Ames and Hall, Focusing the Familiar, 29–30. 150 Zhang Yanyuan is one of the best-known Tang writers on art. The Lidai minghua ji is a collection of introductory essays and biographies, about Tang and Pre-Tang artists, compiled around 847 by Zhang. According to Susan Bush, the text in five Ming editions remained substantially the same. However, it may differ from the original Tang work and is known to have interpolations, possibly added in Song times. Recent scholars have suggested that sections are not arranged in their order of composition. See Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 45–47. For a complete annotated English translation of the Lidai minghua ji see William Reynolds Beal Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting 2 vols (Netherlands, E.J. Brill, 1954 and 1974). 151 Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/Xuhua zhi yuanliu〈敘畫之源流〉. For source text and English translation see Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol. 1, 61.

51 value of painting'.152 By speaking of painting as a thing which perfects the civilised teachings and helps to maintain social relationships, Zhang Yanyuan gives painting its proper place within the framework of the Confucian scheme of the universe. Zhang Yanyuan's assertion becomes clearer when artistic creativity is situated in the context of self-cultivation.153 The key words in the above passage are cheng jiao hua 成教化. A literal translation of the words reads: cheng 成 meaning to become whole; jiao, meaning teaching and by extension, learning; hua 化, meaning to transform. Assuming that jiao corresponds to its function and meaning in the Zhongyong, then the idea of painting is not simply about the mastering of a technique because the primary concern of jiao is to manifest the moral qualities inherent in human nature.

Based on the predication that the human way originates from heaven and it is this heavenly-endowed nature that defines what the Way is,154 painting can only proceed from tianran 天然 (the nature of heaven) if it is an activity associated with extending the Way. If the Way is none other than to realise the deepest meaning of humanity, then the act of painting is inevitably bound up with the creative process of self-realisation and self-cultivation. Painting can therefore complete (成) learning (教) and transform (化) the painter because it involves cultivating the Way. Thus, it 'completely penetrates the divine permutations of nature and fathoms recondite and subtle things' because it draws from a source of inspiration that humanity shares with

152 Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol. 1, LI. 153 As my approach to the issue is theoretical, it is not my intention to draw out the disparities between theory and practice at this juncture. 154 Zhongyong《中庸》1.

52 heaven, earth, and the myriad things.155 Further, it moves and touches us because its aesthetic effect on us is not about an 'inanimate' object but rather a spiritual communion (神會) with the subject, whether it be a tree, mountain, or person.156 Therefore when human beings create art, they have the propensity to participate 'in the transforming and nourishing process of heaven and earth'.157 James Cahill argues that it would be a mistake to concentrate upon the opening lines of the Lidai minghua ji because there is little indication in the rest of the book that Zhang Yanyuan himself took very seriously the ideas presented in his introduction.158 However, painting, like all the actions of a proper Confucian, must be motivated by a worthy aim. In this sense, Zhang Yanyuan's opening statement is still valid and important because it affords an understanding of what constitutes an ideal of painting.

In elevating the status of painting, Zhang Yanyuan not only presents the changing attitude towards painting but also posits why it is perceived as a worthy activity for the learned. It should be noted that Pre-Tang and Tang paintings are mostly representational. The depiction of figure subjects being

I have presented the quote in full earlier in this chapter. 155 Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/Xuhua zhi yuanliu〈敘畫之源流〉. For source text and English translation see Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting, vol. 1, 61. 156 James Cahill comments that 'the objects of nature, whether or not animate in the usual sense, were considered to be animate by spirit, or "soul" (神). The human soul responds to these in a spiritual accord (神會), which is the source of the sensitive man's profound feeling toward nature.' James Cahill, "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting," in Confucianism and Chinese Civilisation, ed. Arthur F. Wright (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), 82. 157 Zhongyong《中庸》22. I have presented the quote in full earlier in this chapter. 158 Cahill, "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting", 79.

53 particularly popular.159 In this context, it would be difficult to articulate the moralising effect of painting other than by the virtue of the subjects chosen.

However, Zhang Yanyuan overcame this limit by extending his inquiry into the relationship between the artist and his work. According to Zhang

Yanyuan,

From ancient times those who have excelled in painting have all been men robed and capped and of noble descent, rare scholars and lofty- minded men who awakened the wonder of their own time and left behind them a fragrance that shall last a thousand years. This is not a thing that humble rustics from village lanes could ever do.160 自古善畫者。莫匪衣冠貴逸士高人。振玅一時。傳芳千[示已]。非閭閻鄙賤之所能為也。

159 The earliest references to hua 畫 (to paint) in extant literatures seem to nominate three main functions: the illustrative, the magical, and the moral. The first two may be illustrated with a quotation from Wang Chong 王充 (27-97? C.E.) in the Lunheng《論衡》 (Doctrines evaluated): 'By making pictures of dragons the duke of She succeeded in bringing down a real dragon.' Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/Xuhua zhi yuanliu〈敘畫之源流〉 offers an account of the moral function of painting: '... And how well Cao Zhi expresses this where he says: "Of those who look at pictures, there is not one who, beholding the Three Majesties and Five Emperors would not look up in reverence, nor any that before a painting of the degenerate rulers of the Three Decadences would not be moved to sadness. There is no one who, seeing a picture of usurping ministers stealing a throne, would not grind his teeth; nor any who, contemplating a fine scholar of high principles, would not 'forget to eat.' At the sight of loyal vassals dying for their principles, who would not harden his own resolve; and who would not sigh at beholding banished ministers and persecuted sons. Who would not avert his eyes from the spectacle of a licentious husband or jealous wife, and there is no one who, seeing a virtuous consort or an obedient queen, would not praise and value them." From this we understand that paintings are the means by which events are preserved in a state in which they serve as models [for the virtuous] and warnings [to the evil]... 善哉曹植有言曰。觀畫者。見三王五帝莫不仰戴。見三季異主。莫不悲惋。見篡臣賊嗣。莫不切齒。見高節妙士。莫不忘食。見忠臣死難。莫不抗節。見放臣逐子。莫不歎息。見婬夫妒婦。莫不側目。見令妃順后。莫不嘉貴。是知存乎鑒戒者。圖畫也。' For source text and English translation of the quote from the Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》 see, Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol. 1, 74–75. For selected references regarding Pre-Tang to Song views on representation see Cahill, "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting", 77–102; and Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting, 13–22. 160 Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/Lunhua liufa〈論畫六法〉. For source text and English translation see Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol. 1, 149. For an alternative translation see Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 86.

54 This infers that a good painting is a reflection of the rareness of accomplishment in the maker.161 More affirming is Zhang Yanyuan's description of the eighth century landscapist, Yang Yan 楊炎:

Yang Gongnan, name – Yan from Huayin, was elegant and genteel in [his] bearing, [and] vivacious in spirit and sentiment... He was good at landscapes, [which were] lofty and unusual, elegant and rich... I have seen Master Yang's landscape pictures in which [one could] see what he was like– imposingly grand yet refreshing.162 楊公南，名炎。華陰人。... 風骨俊秀，神情爽邁。善山水，高奇雅贍。... 余觀楊公山水圖，想見其為人，魁岸洒落也。

Cahill posits that this passage by Zhang Yanyuan is one of the earliest statements in painting literature to conceive the notion of 'seeing the man' in his painting.163 Although Zhang Yanyuan developed the idea no further, by about two centuries later it had become a basic tenet of literati painting. A comparable but more sophisticated version of painting as revelation of the nature of the artist is found at the end of the eleventh century in Guo Ruoxu's

郭若虛 Tuhua jianwen zhi《圖畫見聞志》(Record of Things Seen and Heard in connection with Paintings),164

In a comparable fashion, moreover, in the common practice of judging personal signatures, these are called "imprints of the heart-mind". They originate from the heart-mind [心] and are perfected in the

161 The notion of art as a revelation of the nature of the artist appears much earlier in other forms of arts, particularly literature and calligraphy. See Cahill, "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting", 85–87. 162 Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/Tangzhao xia〈唐朝下〉. Wang and Ren, Hua xue jicheng: Liuchao-Yuan《畫學集成: 六朝-元》, 186. 163 Cahill, "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting," 84. 164 Guo Ruoxu, active last half 11th century, was a minor official in the Song capital from a family of high officials with imperial connections. Best known as the author of the Tuhua jianwen zhi. Guo Ruoxu conceived of this work as a sequel to Zhang Yanyuan's Lidai minghua ji. Hence he only presented abbreviated entries on artists active from 841 to 1074. The Tuhua jianwen zhi may have been completed in the period 1080–1085. The exceptional quality of Guo's historical perceptions made this text a definitive work in the Song. For Guo Ruoxu's biography see Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 91, 92, and 315.

55 imagination to take shape as traces, which, being in accord with the heart-mind are called "imprints." If one enlarges on the myriad ways in which activities follow thought, implementing this accord with the heart-mind, they may be called "imprints." Even more so in the case of calligraphy and painting; since they issue from emotions and thoughts to be matched on silk and paper, what are they if not "imprints"? Signatures, furthermore, contain all of one's nobility or baseness, misery or prosperity. Hence, how can calligraphy and painting rise above the loftiness or baseness of spirit consonance? Now painting is the equivalent of calligraphy, and as Master Yang [Xiong] said: "Words are sounds of the heart-mind, and calligraphy is the painting/depiction of the heart-mind. When sounds and painting are formed, the gentleman or the small man is revealed."165 且如世之相押字之術。謂之心印，本自心源，想成形跡，跡与心和，是之謂印。矧乎書畫發之於情恩，契之於綃楮，則非印而何？押字且存諸貴賤禍福，書畫豈逃乎氣韻高卑？夫畫猶書也。揚子曰：言，心聲也；書心畫也。聲畫形，君子小人見矣。

Yang Xiong 揚雄 (53 B.C.E.– 18 C.E.) is a literary scholar, philosopher, and language [studies] expert active during the Former Han period.166 His famous dictum quoted here by Guo Ruoxu contains two maxims.167 The first states that speech is the voice of the heart-mind; second that writing is to be considered the depiction of the heart-mind. Thus, when voice and depiction take form, one's cultivation will be made manifest and 'the exemplary person

(君子) or the small man (小人) is revealed'. Guo Ruoxu's statement in

165 Tuhua jianwen zhi《圖畫見聞志》/Lun qiyun fei shi〈論氣韻非師〉(On the Impossibility of Teaching Spirit Resonance). For source text see Wang and Ren, Hua xue jicheng: Liuchao-Yuan《畫學集成: 六朝-元》, 317. The English translation with slight modifications in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 96. 166 Yang Xiong, cognomen Ziyun 子雲, is best known for his assertion that the nature of man is neither good (as argued by Mengzi) nor evil (as argued by Xunzi), but a combination of both. His works include the Tai xuan《太玄》(The Great Dark Mystery), Fangyan《方言》(Dialects) and the Fayan《法言》(Exemplary Words). It is worth noting that Yang Xiong has been vilified for his association with the usurper Wang Mang 王莽, and this is possibly why his works have largely been left out of the Confucian canon. 167 Fayan《法言》/Wen shen quanliu〈問神卷六〉. Yang Xiong 揚雄, Fayan yishu《法言義疏》, Wang Rongbao zhuan 汪榮寶撰, (Taibei 臺北, Shijie shuju 世界書局: 1958), 246.

56 contrast to Zhang Yanyuan's assertion discloses a subtle but significant change in the perception of painting. Zhang Yanyuan in the Lidai minghua ji contextualised and elevated the status of painting within the framework of

Confucian tradition. This ideal became a reality that is evident in Guo

Ruoxu'sTuhua jianwen zhi. Not only was painting now seen to reveal the artist, it had also attained eminent status alongside calligraphy. By asserting that painting is the equivalent of calligraphy and quoting Yang Xiong's dictum,

Guo Ruoxu situated painting and calligraphy as 'imprints of the heart-mind' 心

印. The elevated status of painting is also evident in the opening chapter of the Xuanhe huapu《宣和畫譜》 (Catalogue of Paintings in the Xuanhe

Collection):168

Set your heart upon the Way (道), base yourself on virtue (德), lean upon benevolence (仁) for support and take recreation (遊) in the arts (藝).169 Art, therefore cannot be forgotten even by those who have set their hearts upon the Way. But one must specifically take recreation (遊於藝)170 in it, and that is all. Painting, too is an art, and when one has advanced to the marvellous, one does not know whether art is the Way or the Way is art.171

168 The Xuanhe huapu is a collection of twenty books presumably compiled by scholar-officials at the Court of Song Hui Zong 宋徽宗 (r. 1101–1126). See Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 90, 91, 368-9. For source text see Wang and Ren, Hua xue jicheng: Liuchao-Yuan《畫學集成: 六朝-元》, 437–604; and Yu Jianhua 俞劍華, yizhu 譯注. Xuanhe huapu《宣和畫譜》(Beijing 北京: Renmin meishu chubanshe 人民美術出版社, 1964. 169 This is a well-known dictum from Lunyu《論語》7.6: The Master said, "I set my heart on the Way, base myself on virtue, lean upon benevolence for support and take my recreation in the arts." 子曰：「志於道，據於德。依於仁，遊於藝。」 For source text and English translation see The Analects, 56, and 57. 170 Arthur Waley and Richard Barnhart translated 'you yu yi' 遊於藝 as 'seek distraction,' and Alexander Soper as 'seek delight.' D.C. Lau translated it as 'taking recreation in the arts'. Lau's translation better convey the meaning of the phrase. 171 Xuanhe huapu《宣和畫譜》. Wang and Ren, Hua xue jicheng: Liuchao-Yuan 《畫學集成: 六朝-元》, 466. English translation with slight modifications is from Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 108.

57 志於道，據於德。依於仁，遊於藝。藝也者，雖志道之士所不能忘，然特遊之而已。畫亦藝也，進乎妙，則不知藝之為道，道之為藝...

The Confucian revival in the Song was sometimes termed Neo-Confucianism, or more aptly described as Daoxue 道學. It was distinguished by its many fields of learning including the philosophy of human nature.172 Wen C. Fong remarks that a primary tenet of the Confucian revival holds that the universe has a basis in morality and that the xin 心 (heart-mind) reflects the perfect li

理 (principles) of nature.173 In this regard, a person can achieve the ultimate li of cosmic creativity by realising the innate moral xin within the self through self-cultivation. Thus, the objective of setting one's heart upon the Way (道) within the Confucian tradition is to realise the deepest meaning of humanity.

Besides,

The Master said," It is Man who is capable of broadening the Way. It is not the Way that is capable of broadening the Man.174 子曰：「人能弘道，非道弘人。」

Mi Youren 米友仁 (1074–1151), son of Mi Fu 米芾 (1052–1107), is a literatus and painter.175 Commenting on Yang Xiong's dictum he remarks that

Ziyun [Yang Xiong] considered written characters to be the depiction of the heart-mind. If [he] had not comprehended the basic principles (理), [he] could not have reached this conclusion. As for the definition of painting, it is also a depiction of the heart-mind. In the past everyone who was an exceptional talent worked in this way, but how can the common commercial artisan be expected to understand?176

172 de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 667. 173 Wen C. Fong, Beyond Representation: Chinese Painting and Calligraphy 8th–14th Century (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), 75. 174 Lunyu《論語》15.29. The Analects, 156–157. 175 Mi Youren lived his first fifty-two years in the Northern Song period and twenty-four more years in the Southern Song period. See, Peter Charles Sturman, "Mi Youren and the Inherited Literati Tradition: Dimensions of Ink Play," Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1989. 176 Yuanhui tiba《元暉題跋》/Ti xinchangxipitu〈題新昌戲筆圖〉

58 子雲以字為心畫，非窮理者，其語不能至是。畫之為說，亦心畫也。上古莫非一世之英，乃悉為此，豈市井庸工所能曉？

Not only did Mi Youren quote Yang Xiong's famous dictum, that speech is the voice of the mind and writing is to be considered the depiction of the heart- mind, he also posits that one's grasp and comprehension of li (principle) is indicative of one's cultivation. Painting is, therefore, seen as a worthy activity for the cultivated person to 'take recreation' in because it is a process of realising one's humanness and manifesting one's mind. And as an imprint or image of the heart-mind (心印), a painting is said to reflect the man, his ideas, his thoughts, and his self-cultivation.177 In this sense, painting is both a means of self-cultivation and the embodiment of the admirable qualities of a cultivated person. (The idea of painting as a direct index imprint of the heart- mind will be discuss later in Chapter Four.)

1.4 THE MEANING SURPASSES THE IMAGE

To further the argument that shanshuihua is not just [about] an image, the following discussion considers the distinction between meaning and form in a painting with particular emphasis on the concept yi yu yu xiang 意餘於象. In order to discuss this concept, the relationship between li 理 (principle) and qi

氣 first requires clarification. The aim of this enquiry is to assist in explaining

For source text see, Yu Jianhua 俞劍華, Zhongguo hualun leibian《中國畫論纇編》, (Beijing 北京: Beijing renmin meishu chubanshe 北京人民美術出版社, 1957), 685. English translation with slight modifications in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 205–206. 177 Tuhua jianwen zhi《圖畫見聞志》/Lun qiyun fei shi〈論氣韻非師〉. I have presented the quote in full earlier in this chapter.

59 why meaning in a painting takes precedent over form for the scholar-painter and his viewers.178

The Song scholar Zhu Xi, in his essay on Li qi shang〈理氣上〉, posits that li, as the fundamental principle, is 'that which is above form.' In his words,

In the Universe there has never been any qi (material-force) without principle (理) or principle without qi (material-force).179 天下未有無理之氣，亦未有無氣之理。 ... Question: Which exists first, principle or qi (material-force)? Answer: Principle has never been separated from qi (material-force). However, principle is above the realm of corporeality, whereas qi (material-force) is within the realm of corporeality. Hence when spoken of as being above or within the realm of corporeality, is there not a difference of priority and posterity? Principle has no corporeal form, but qi (material-force) is coarse and contains impurities. 問："先有理，抑先有氣？" 曰："理未嘗离乎氣。然理形而上者，氣形而下者。自形而上下言，豈無先後！理無形，气便粗，有渣滓。" ... Another question: How is it that principle is prior and qi (material- force) posterior? Answer: Fundamentally, principle and qi (material- force) cannot be spoken of as prior or posterior. But if we must trace their origin, we are obliged to say that principle is prior. However, principle is not a separate entity. It exists right in qi (material-force). Without qi (material-force), principle would have nothing to adhere to. Qi (material-force) consists of the Five Phases of metal, wood, water, fire, and earth, while principle includes humanness, rightness, ritual decorum, and wisdom.180

178 For an indepth study of the concept of li 理, particularly interpretations from pre-Qin 秦 to the Song period, see Chen Guying 陳鼓應, "'Li' fanchou lilun moshi de daojia quanshi 「理」範疇理論模式的道家詮釋," Taida wenshi zhexue bao《臺大文史哲學報》, diliushiqi 第六十期 (2004年5月): 45–74. 179 Derk Bodde observed that the Neo-Confucianists of the Song period were more concerned with aspects of qi as matter (or ether) rather than qi as 'life- force' or 'dynamic/active energy'. Thus, it is relevant to translate qi in this context as 'material force'. See Fung Yulan [Feng Youlan], A History of Chinese Philosophy, Vol. 2: The Period of Classical Learning (From the Second Century B.C. to the Twentieth Century A.D.). Translated by Derk Bodde. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983: 480, and Morohashi Tetsuji 諸橋轍次, Dai kanwa jiten 大漢和辭典, 13 vols (Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten 大修館書店, 1984), VI, 847 [particularly entry 9 under ki 氣]. 180 Zhuzi yu lei《朱子語類》/Juan yi 卷一/Li qi shang〈理氣上〉. Zhu Xi 朱熹, Hui'an xiansheng Zhu Wengong wenji《晦庵先生朱子文集》/Zhuzi

60 或問：''必有是理，然後有是氣，如何？"曰："此本無先後之可言。然必欲推其所從來，則需說先有是理。然理又非別為一物，即存乎是氣之中；無是氣，則是理亦無挂搭處。氣則為金木水火，理則為仁義禮智。''

These ideas may be summarised as:

i. Principle and qi (material-force) are inextricably intertwined; and ii. Principle is above qi (material-force).

If Principle (理) is 'above the realm of corporeality,' and is rooted in

'humanness, rightness, ritual decorum and wisdom' when applied to the artistic creative process, then it cannot but be bound up with self-cultivation. If painting, as a worthy activity for the scholar-painter, has the propensity to aid human ethics (助人倫), complete (成) learning (教), and transform (化) us because it involves cultivating the Way,181 then the notion of art for art's sake is inconceivable. Critics may argue that Yuan shanshuihua is one exception because it requires the expressive transformation of a highly conventionalised system of marks. The Yuan transition to wenrenhua 文人畫

(literati painting) was fuelled by, amongst other things, the rejection of realism.182 Literati such as Zhao Mengfu 趙孟頫 (1254–1322) sought to appropriate classical models and techniques used in calligraphy to express the 'mind-landscape'. For the same reason, Ni Zan 倪瓚 (1301-1374) started to paint shanshui in very much the same manner, sparse landscape in monochromatic ink, after 1345. On the one hand, art for art's sake at this point

wenji《朱子文集》V, Chen Junmin xiaobian 陳俊民校編 (Taibei 臺北: Defu wenjiao jijinhui 德富文教基金會, Minguo 民國 89 [2000]). English translation from de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 699–700. 181 See section 1.3 (Artistic Creativity as Process of Self-Cultivation) of this chapter. 182 See Chapter 6, section 6.2 (Expressing the Dati 大體 and Xiaoti 小體).

61 was still inconceivable because the literati could not divorce themselves from a tradition that may be aptly summarised by the famous dictum: 'The wise find joy in water; the benevolent find joy in mountains (知者樂水，仁者樂山).'183

(George Rowley in his Principles of Chinese Painting provides an insightful account of the relation between [hu]man and nature within the Chinese context.)184 A possible scenario if art for art's sake is conceivable is the progression to abstract ink play. However, that did not materialise. On the other hand, it is difficult to ascertain whether the moral implications felt by these painters superseded the love of their own expression.185 If it is a case of the latter, then the idea of art for art's sake is conceivable. Otherwise, form is unlikely to be the scholar painter's chief concerns. The following discussion considers the ways in which meaning may take precedence over form in a painting.

The term yi yu yu xiang literally means that the idea or meaning behind an image is more than the image itself. One of the earliest extant records of the term appears in the Taiping guangji《太平廣記》(Wide Gleanings from the

Taiping Era).186 In this, a quote describes the work of Zhang Xuan

183 Lunyu《論語》6.23. Source text and English translation from The Analects, Bilingual edition, trans. D.C. Lau (Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press, 2002), 52–53. 184 George Rowley, Principles of Chinese Painting, revised ed. (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1959), 20–23. 185 This is not unlike Dante Alighieri's (1265-1321) celebrated love for Beatrice Portinari in his writings. All things considered, the boundary between Dante's love for Beatrice and Dante's love of his writing remains ambiguous/unknowable. 186 The Taiping guangji《太平廣記》, compiled by Li Fang 李昉 (925–96), contains sociological and mythological material in the form of quotations from 485 titles, 240 of which have since been lost. The contents include fictional sources considered improper for inclusion in the Taiping yulan《太平御覽》(Imperially Reviewed Encyclopedia of the Taiping Era).

62 張萱 (active 714–42), a Tang painter who is famed for his painting of palace ladies and other palace scenes.

Tang [painter] Zhang Xuan from Jingzhao... [His] paintings rendered in colour [include]: Master Gui's Night Travel, Courtly Scene on the Festival of [Praying to the] Weaving Maid for Skills, Moon Gazing are examples of evocative scenes [created] on silk that are replete with thought. [In them,] meaning surpasses the image.187 唐張萱，京兆人。 ... 粉本畫《貴公子夜游圖》、《宮中七夕乞巧圖》，《望月圖》皆綃上幽閑多思，意餘于象。

Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書 in the Guanzhui bian《管錐編》contends that yi yu yu xiang is an important precept in the theories of the arts in China, which he describes as 'analogous in its field to the pithy koans in Chan Buddhism.'188 I contend that yi yu yu xiang is an important marker for an understanding of shanshuihua for [at least] two reasons. In the first case, shanshuihua is not just about an image. Secondly, it is bound up with complex meaning because its yi (meaning) can convey meaning beyond the represented landscape.189

The following discussion considers these two propositions in detail.

The Shanshui lun《山水論》(Treatise on Landscape) is an early landscape text attributed to painter and poet Wang Wei 王維 (701–761).190 The opening lines state:

187 Taiping guangji《太平廣記》/Quan eryisan 卷二一三/Hua si 畫四/Zhang Xuan 張萱. 188 Qian Zhongshu, Limited Views: Essays on Ideas and Letters by Qian Zhongshu, selected and trans. Ronald Egan (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Asia Center, 1998), 29. For source text see Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書, Guanzhui bian《管錐編》, Dier ce 第二冊, (Beijing 北京: Zhonghua shuju 中華書局, 1999 [1979 Diyi ban 第一版]), 719. 189 In this thesis, yi is translated as 'idea' or 'meaning' depending on the context. 190 Wang Wei, from Taiyuan 太原, is often alluded to by his cognomen–Mojie 摩詰, and official title, Youcheng 右丞. For the dating of Wang Wei's life, I have adopted Chen Chuanxi's (Chen 2002, 42). Selected references, see Chen, Zhongguo shanshui shi《中國山水史》, 42–48; and James Cahill, An Index of Early

63 When one paints landscapes, Idea precedes brush.191 凡畫山水，意在筆先。

This notion of yi zai bi xian 意在筆先 (idea precedes brush) is also expressed by Zhang Yanyuan in the Lidai minghua ji.

Some one (once) questioned me saying: "How would you describe the brushwork of Gu (Kaizhi), Lu (Tanwei), Zhang (Sengyou), and Wu (Daozi)"? I answered him saying: "In the works of Gu Kaizhi (the strokes) are firm and tense and connect with another uninterruptedly; they circle back upon themselves in sudden rushes. His tone and style are evanescent and variable, his atmosphere and interest lightning and sudden. His conception was kept whole (in his mind) before (he used) his brush, so that when the painting was all finished the conception was (embodied) in it, and therefore it was all divine breath (shenqi). Of old Zhang Zhi studied Cui Yuan (77–142) and Du Du's methods of writing the grass script, and basing his work upon these he perfected the style and appearance of the modern grass writing. He would complete (character) with a single stroke, and the vein of nervous energy continued through (the whole text) so uninterruptedly that it is not even broken between one column of characters and the next. Only Wang Zijing understood its deeper principles, and as a result the character at the top of a line is occasionally connected with the (character at the bottom of the) line before. This was popularly known as the one stroke writing. Later Lu Tanwei started one stroke painting as well, (in which the stroke) continued uninterruptedly. Thus we may know that the brush is used in the same way in both calligraphy and painting.192 或問余以顧陸張吳用筆如何。對曰。顧愷之之迹。堅勁聯綿。循環超忽。調格逸易。風趨電疾。意存筆先。畫盡意在。所以全神氣也。昔張芝學崔瑗杜度草書之法。因而變之。以成今草書之體勢。一筆而成。氣脈通連。隔行不斷。唯王子敬明其深旨。故行首之字。往往繼其前行。世上謂之一筆書。其後陸探微亦作一筆畫。連綿不斷。故知書畫用筆同法。

Chinese Painters and Paintings: Tang, Sung, and Yuan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 17–19. 191 Shanshui lun《山水論》. Wang and Ren, Hua xue jicheng: Liuchao-Yuan《畫學集成: 六朝-元》, 64–65. 192 Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/Lun Gu Lu Zhang Wu yongbi〈論顧陸張吳用筆〉. Reference to source text and English translation see Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol. 1, 177–78. For another English translation of the quote see Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 60.

64 The phrase yi chun bi xian 意存筆先 (idea kept [whole in the mind] before the brush) echoed Wang Wei's assertion of yi zai bi xian (idea precedes the brush). However, Zhang Yanyuan went a step further by positing that yi chun bi xian is followed by hua jin yi zai 畫盡意在 (when the painting is completed, the yi remains).193 Although Zhang Yanyuan did not elaborate on this, Guo Ruoxu later provided a more complete explanation of yi chun bi xian and hua jin yi zai in the Tuhua jian wen zhi. According to Guo Ruoxu,

Generally in painting, as spirit consonance originates from pleasing the mind, so spiritual character (shencai) is produced by applying the brush. The problems of using the brush [properly] may be readily appreciated. Hence Zhang Yanyuan could only commend Wang Xianzhi's ability to do single-stroke calligraphy and Lu Tanwei's grasp of single-stroke painting. It was not merely that the writing on a page or the depiction of an object might be executed with a single stroke, but rather that from the beginning to the end the brush was responsive, that connecting links were interdependent and the flow of energy uninterrupted. Thus, 'if the concept is formulated before the brushwork,' when brushwork is complete the concept will be within, then 'when painting is finished, the concept will be present,' its image will correspond and its spirit be whole. Only when what is within is satisfied in itself will the spirit be tranquil and the concept settled, the imagination will not flag, nor the brush labour.194 凡畫，氣韻本乎游心，神彩生於用筆，用筆之難斷可識矣。故愛賓稱唯王獻之能為一筆書，陸探微能為一筆畫，無適一篇之文一物之象而能一筆可就也。乃是自始及終，筆有朝揖，連綿相屬，氣脈不斷。所以意存筆先，筆周意內，畫盡意在，象應神全。夫內自足然後神閑意定，神閑意定則思不竭而筆不因也。

193 Acker translates hua jin yi zai 畫盡意在 as 'when the painting was all finished the conception was (embodied) in it'. Soper translates the phrase as 'when painting is finished, the concept will be present'. See Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol. 1, 177, and Soper's translation in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 97. 194 Tuhua jianwen zhi《圖畫見聞志》/Lun yong bi deshi〈論用筆得失〉(On Virtues and Faults in the Use of the Brush). Wang and Ren, Hua xue jicheng: Liuchao-Yuan《畫學集成: 六朝-元》, 317. English translation by Soper in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 97.

65 Guo Ruoxu infers that one who paints has to first conceive of yi (idea) in his mind before expressing it through the brush. In this regard, when the painting

(畫) is complete (盡), the yi (意) is still embodied in the painting. Guo Xi, in the

Linquan gaozhi, takes this notion further. First, he contends that the painter should create according to the yi (idea), which the viewer could then employ to interpret the painting.195 In addition, Guo Xi asserts that in painting landscape, it is essential to create a world in which one can travel (行), gaze

(望), roam (遊), and reside (居); and that any paintings attaining these effects are to be considered excellent. Guo Xi’s ideas rely on the notion of yi chun bi xian and hua jin yi zai. In other words, if one were to create according to the yi

(idea), then when the painting is complete, the yi remains 'active' because a viewer could employ this yi to not only interpret the painting but also travel, gaze, roam, and reside in the [re]presented landscape. At this point, the two central ideas of this discussion can be summarised as follows. The first idea combines the notions of yi chun bi xian (idea kept [whole in the mind] before the brush) and hua jin yi zai (when the painting is complete, the yi remains).

This combination implies that the creative process is continuous, active, and reciprocal. Thus, the artistic creative process is thought to remain active after the painter completes the painting, and is then taken up and extended by the viewer. The second idea combines the notions of hua jin yi zai (when the painting is completed, the yi remains) and yi yu yu xiang (meaning surpasses the image). Together, these ideas suggest that meaning takes precedence over the image.

195 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉II.c. 66 In the final section of my discussion on yi yu yu xiang, I will examine the relationship between poetry and painting.196 I do this with the idea that a study of poetry, with its ability to convey meaning beyond words, can afford a clearer understanding of the notion of yi yu yu xiang. Second, visual imagery is often treated in ways analogous to poetry. In addition, as Alfreda Murck remarks,

Understanding a painting's poetic message – the "poetic concept" or "poetic intent" – gives clues as to why educated men painted. Identifying what is literary in "literati painting" sheds light on the educated elite's insistence that the idea of a painting was more significant than the physical reality of it – an approach that over time resulted in some sketchy and visually undistinguished pictures. It also helps to explain why gentleman-scholars claimed their ink plays were vastly superior to the more finished pictures of accomplished craftsmen.197

Wang Yaoting remarks that,

In traditional China, one often discussed painting in terms of the ancient, if amorphous, principle qiyun shengdong 氣韻生動, "breath- resonance generated by movement." Today it is more common to critique a painting's yijing 意境 or "idea-realm."... The painter's task is not simply to capture the outer form of his subject. It is even more important to grasp its spirit or essence and to make this visible to the viewer. When the painter contemplates a particular scene, feelings are born. Thoughts that are difficult to express through words arise and images are used instead. This merging of "scene" and "emotion" is precisely what is referred to by idea-realm.198

The term yijing 意境 (idea realm) was first suggested by Wang Changling 王

昌齡 (698–756), a prominent 8th century poet, to describe the three stages of

196 For a discussion on the convertibility of painting and poetry, see Ronald C. Egan, Word, Image, and Deed in the Life of Su Shi (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University, and the Harvard-Yenching Institute, 1994), 296-99. 197 Alfreda Murck, The Subtle Art of Dissent: Poetry and Painting in Song China (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000), 4–5.

67 poetic imagination; physical state (物境), affective state (情境), and idea state

(意境).199 The use of the term yijing in painting implies an intimate relationship between painting and poetry.200

Extant writing expressing this intimate relationship includes remarks by

Zhang Yanyuan in the Lidai minghua ji that '... writing and painting have different names, they are yet of the same substance (書畫異名而同體也)'.201

Zhang Shunmin 張舜民, an official and essayist active during the Northern

Song period, also writes on the subject.202 He posits that 'Poetry is painting without form; Painting is poetry with form (詩是無形畫；畫是有形詩).203 The concept of ut pictura poesis is aptly summed up by Su Shi in his comment about the effect of Wang Wei's 王維 poems and paintings:

When one savours Mojie's [Wang Wei] poems, there are paintings in [his] poems;

198 Wang, Yaoting, Looking at Chinese Painting: A Comprehensive Guide to the Philosophy, Technique and History of Chinese Painting. Translated by the Stone Studio. (Tokyo: Nigensha Publishing Co Ltd, 1996), 17. 199 Fong, Beyond Representation, 61. 200 For selected references to the comparison of painting with poetry see Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting, 22–28; and Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書, "Zhongguo shi yu zhongguo hua 中國詩与中國畫," in Jiuwen sipian《舊文四篇》, Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書 (Shanghai 上海: Shanghai guji chubanshe 上海古籍出版社, 1979). An electronic copy is available on Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書, "Zhongguo shi yu zhongguo hua 中國詩与中國畫," (北京國學時代文化傳播有限公司和首都師范大學中國詩歌研究中心，國學資訊, revised 29 April 2008), http://news.guoxue.com/index.php (accessed 22 May 2008) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, use the search engine (re: 搜索整篇文章) and type in either the title or author in simplified Chinese]. 201 Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/Xuhua zhi yuanliu〈敘畫之源流〉. Source text and English translation see Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol. 1, 66. 202 Zhang Shunmin’s cognomen is Yunsou 雲叟 and his sobriquet is Fumu jushi 浮木居士. His associates include Su Shi and Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅. The Huaman ji 《畫墁集》and《畫墁錄》Huaman lü are two of the works he has authored. 203《畫墁集》/ Quan yi 卷一/ Babai zi shihua〈跋百之詩畫〉.

68 When one views Mojie's paintings, there are poems in [his] paintings.204 味摩詰之詩，詩中有畫；觀摩詰之畫，畫中有詩。

The notion that there is poetry in painting implies that the yijing (idea realm) of a poem may be as vivid as a painting. The notion that there is painting in poetry suggests that painting may be replete with beauty associated with the yijing (idea realm) of the poem. Bush asserts that 'painting was not equated with poetry until the eleventh century, when it became a fashionable term'.205

The comparison is crucial not only for establishing the status of painting as a liberal art, but also for re-affirming painting as a worthy activity for the cultivated person.

It is written in the Shangshu《尚書》(Venerated documents),206

Poetry expresses [the heart-mind's] intent in words; songs make words last long.207 詩言志。歌詠言

This canonical statement on the nature of poetry was the primary and most authoritative statement on the subject throughout the traditional period in

204 Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》/ Juan qisi 卷七十/Tiba hua 題跋畫/Shu Mojie lantian yanyu tu〈書摩詰藍田煙雨圖〉. Su Shi 蘇軾, ''Shu Mojie lantian yanyu tu〈書摩詰藍田煙雨圖〉,'' in Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》, (Yuan Ze University [Taiwan], n.d.), http://cls.hs.yzu.edu.tw/su_shih/su_thing/article.htm (accessed 31 January 2007) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, follow this selection process: 體裁索引/70.題跋畫/2.題跋畫《書摩詰藍田煙雨圖》]. 205 Bush, The Chinese Literati on Painting, 22. Also see, Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書, "Zhongguo shi yu zhongguo hua 中國詩与中國畫". 206 The Shangshu, also known as the Shujing《書經》(Classic of documents), consists of oral reports such as announcements, counsels, speeches etc. said to have been made by various rulers and their ministers from the times of the sage rulers Yao and Shun down to the early Zhou period. These reports are believed to have been edited by Confucius. 207 Shangshu《尚書》(Venerated documents)/Shundian〈舜典〉(Canon of Shun).

69 China.208 The statement is re-defined in the Preface to the Shijing《詩經》

(Classic of poetry):209

Poetry is that which is intently [on the heart-mind]. In the heart-mind (心) it is 'being intent' (志); when expressed in words (言), it is poetry. The affections (情) that are stirred within, take form (形) in words (言). If words are inadequate, [one] expresses them in sighs. If sighing is inadequate, [one] sings them. If singing is inadequate, unconsciously [one's] hands dance them, [and one's] feet tap them.210 詩者。志之所之也。在心為志。發言為詩。情動於中而形於言。言之不足。故嗟歎之。嗟歎之不足。故永歌之。永歌之不足。不知手之舞之。足之踏之也。

Stephen Owen remarks that this statement differs from the definition of shi 詩

(poetry) given in the Shangshu, and the reformulation defines the latter 'not as an action but in the restatement of the essence of shi in regards to its origin.'211 It is beyond the scope of this thesis to examine the issue.

Nonetheless, the notion that poetry is that which expresses what is intently on the heart-mind (心) speaks of the therapeutic necessity of poetry.

Interestingly, Liu Xie 劉勰 in the Wen xin diao long《文心雕龍》remarks,

The Great Shun said, " Poetry expresses [the heart-mind's] intent in words; songs make words last long." This exposition by the sages clearly shows the nature [of poetry]. Therefore, "what lies in the heart- mind (心) is intent; when expressed in words, it is poetry."212

208 Stephen Owen, Readings in Chinese Literary Thought (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1992), 26–27. 209 The Shijing is an anthology of some 300 poems dating mostly from the early Zhou periods. They include folk songs from the various feudal states as well as songs used at court in sacrificial ceremonies and other functions. Confucius is supposed to have selected and edited these poems from a larger body of material. The 'Great Preface' (大序) to the Shijing, generally accepted as the work of Confucius's disciple Zixia, was, according to Owen, 'the most authoritative statement on the nature and function of poetry in traditional China... its concerns and terminology became an essential part of writing about poetry and learning about poetry'. Ibid., 37. 210 Ibid., 40–41. 211 Ibid. 212 Wen xin diao long《文心雕龍》／Ming shi diliu〈明詩第六〉.

70 大舜云：「詩言志，歌永言。」聖謨所析，義已明矣。是以「在心為志，發言為詩。」

In other words, when there is intent (志), it is speech (言) that fulfils that intent, and literature (文) that carries out speech. Liu Xie, in Chapter 46 of the Wen xin diao long, provides a more thorough account of the process. He infers that the authors of the Shijing, and by extension, the poet, respond to the exterior scene – which is a meeting of qing 情 (subjective emotion) and jing 景

(scene). In other words, when the poet is deeply moved by the changing aspects of nature and the world, an endless chain of associations starts up as he lingers among myriad images. Such experiences find expression in words as he captures the spirit and form of things.213 A comparable statement by

Zhu Xi reads,

Poetry is the product of man's response to external things, embodied in words. Now what the mind responds to may be either corrupt or correct; therefore, what is being embodied in words may be either good or bad. But the sages above us respond only to what is correct, so that their words are worthy of serving as instruction.214

Source text with annotations see, Luo Liqian 羅立乾, Zhuyi 注譯. Xinyi Wen xin diao long《新譯文心雕龍》, (Taibei 臺北: Sanmin shuju 三民書局, 2004), 49–50. 213 Wen xin diao long《文心雕龍》／Wuce disishiliu〈物色第四十六〉, '... When poets were stirred by physical things, the categorical associations were endless. They remained drifting through all the images (象) of the world, even to their limit, and brooded thoughtfully on each small realm of what they saw and heard. They sketched qi (氣) and delineated outward appearance, as they themselves were rolled round and round in the course if things; they applied coloration (采) and matched sounds, lingering on about things with their minds. 是以詩人感物，聯纇不窮；流連萬象之際，沈吟視聽之區。寫氣圖貌，既隨物以宛轉，屬采附聲，亦與心而徘徊。' Source text with annotations see, Luo, Xinyi Wen xin diao long《新譯文心雕龍》, 443-45. English translation in Owen, Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, 279–280. 214 Zhuzi wenji《朱子文集》/juan di qishiliu 卷第七十六/Shiji chuan xu〈詩集傳序〉. For source text see, Zhu Xi 朱熹, Hui'an xiansheng Zhu Wengong wenji 《晦庵先生朱子文集》/ Zhuzi wenji《朱子文集》V8, Chen Junmin xiaobian 陳俊民校編 (Taibei 臺北: Defu wenjiao jijinhui 德富文教基金會, Minguo 民國 89 [2000]), 3801. English translation in Cahill, "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting," 86.

71 詩者，人心之感物而形於言之餘也。心之所感有邪正，故言之所形有是非。惟聖人在上，則其所感者無不正，而其言皆足以為教。

Here, Zhu Xi posits that there are two types of artistic creation. The first represents the emotional expression of the ordinary person's response to external things. Such expression when rendered as poetry may be good or bad. The second is the expression of the sages' response to external things.

This form of artistic creation is good because the sages 'respond only to what is correct,' therefore their words are worthy of serving as instruction.215 This implies that the action/response of the sage embodies principles that are revered. Thus, these embodied principles may serve as instruction.

Consequently, this gives art a moral value.216 By extension, these principles afford scholars a sense of kinship with like-minded others. Mengzi posits that wen 文 (literature) is a means of nourishing such affinity. Before elaborating on Mengzi's remark, I would emphasise that the scholar-painter is never really just a painter or an artist per se. He is part of an elite culture of learning.

In this regard, his life and worldview would have been influenced, directly or indirectly, by what he knows. Thus, his awareness and understanding of the meaning of wen cannot to be taken lightly.

Mencius [Mengzi] said to Wan Zhang, "The best Gentleman of a village is in a position to make friends with the best Gentlemen in other villages; the best Gentleman in a state, with the best Gentlemen in other states; and the best Gentleman in the Empire, with the best Gentlemen in the Empire. And not content with making friends with the best Gentleman in the Empire, he goes back in time and communes

215 For Zhu Xi the term 'good' means to achieve zhong 中, which means focus or equilibrium (Fung 1947, 106). In a sense, Zhu Xi advocates that one's response to external things should be in accord with the Zhongyong. See, Xie, Xingyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, 26; and Fung, The Spirit of Chinese Philosophy, 106. 216 As earlier mentioned in Chapter One, the term 'moral' should not be misconstrued as a kind of social norm that exists for the stability of society.

72 with the ancients. When one reads the poems and writings of the ancients, can it be right not to know something about them as men? Hence one tries to understand the age in which they lived. This can be described as 'looking for friends in history'."217 孟子謂萬章曰：「一鄉之善士斯友一鄉之善士，一國之善士斯友一國之善士，天下之善士斯友天下之善士。以友天下之善士為未足，又尚論古之人。頌其詩，讀其書，不知其人，可乎？是以論其世也。是尚友也。」

This implies that wen (literature) provides a common and critical platform for men of like minds to ‘communicate’ beyond time and boundaries. Likewise,

Liu Xie, in the Wen xin diao long, posits that

... None may see the actual faces of a remote age, but by viewing their writing, one may immediately see their heart-mind (心).218 世遠莫見其面。覘文輒見其心。

Zong Bing, in the Hua shanshui xu, provides a similar account of such shared affinity. However, the basis of this shared affinity is not wen (literature) in a direct sense but rather the love of landscape:

Sages, possessing the Dao, respond to things. The virtuous, purifying their thoughts, savour images. As for landscape, it has physical existence, yet tends towards the spiritual. Therefore, recluses such as Xuan Yuan, Yao, Kong, Guang Cheng, Da Kui, Xu Yu, [and] those from Guzhu insisted upon roaming in the mountains Kong Dong, Ju Ci, Miao Gu, Ji Shou, [and] Da Meng. These have been praised as the pleasures of the humane and wise. Sages follow the Dao through their spirits, [and] the virtuous comprehend this. Landscape displays the beauty of the Dao through its forms, [and] humane men delight [in this]. Are these not similar?219 聖人含道應物，賢者澄懷味像。至於山水，質有而趨靈，是以軒轅、堯、孔、廣成、大隗、許由、孤竹之流，必有崆峒、具茨、藐姑、箕首、大蒙之游焉，又稱仁智之樂焉。夫聖人以神法道而賢者通，山水以形媚道而仁者樂，不亦幾乎！

217 Mengzi《孟子》V.B.8. Mencius, 236–237. 218 Wen xin diao long《文心雕龍》／Zhiyin disishiba〈知音第四十八〉. Source text with annotations in Luo, Xinyi Wen xin diao long《新譯文心雕龍》, 470. English translation in Owen, Readings in Chinese Literary Thought, 290. 219 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》I.

73 Thus, a scholar who comes to understand his predecessors by reading their literary works or savouring their calligraphy, poetry and/or painting may, in the process of transcending time-frame, also come to feel a kinship with them.220

Similarly, one may roam (遊) around within the [re]presented landscape in a shanshuihua, and rejoice in one's spirit with sages and like-minded acquaintances (知己) without having to physically leave one's room.221 In this sense, meaning surpasses the image (意餘於象).

In sum, shanshuihua is not just about an image because it requires more than a representation of likeness; it encompasses all things artificial as well as natural; and it is imbued with complex meaning. Amongst other things, it reflects the attitude(s) towards nature and bears a strong relationship to literary tradition. Furthermore, it dares to demand a reciprocal response from the viewer. For the scholar-painter shanshuihua is an act of transformation – transforming his observation of nature, broad knowledge, belief-system, ethical convictions and self-cultivation onto silk and ink. As for the viewer, it is about transforming and translating the image on silk and ink into an experiential one. In other words, based on a shared affinity that is rooted in the literary tradition and the yi (idea) of the painting, a viewer can transpose himself and roam around in the [re]presented landscape with a like-minded acquaintance.

220 Mengzi《孟子》V.B.8. Mencius, 236–237. 221 See Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》IV.c; and Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/ Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉I.b.

74 chapter 2

The body in question

If shanshuihua is not [just] about an image but a process bound up with one's broad knowledge and self-cultivation, then it is inseparable from the body. Tu posits that the act and process of cultivating the self is inextricably linked to the cultivation of the body because the self as a concrete living reality cannot be separated from the body.222 In fact, the

Chinese characters for self-cultivation, xiushen 修身, literally mean the cultivation of the body. This chapter aims to elucidate the ways Chinese discourses, especially in the fields of medicine, philosophy, and politics, subjectivise the 'body' or 'bodies'. I contend that an understanding of the construct of the body or bodies is crucial in elucidating why shanshuihua should be read as a process that is essentially bound up with the body.

222 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought: An Approach to Chinese Aesthetics," 60.

75 This chapter is divided into three sections: 'The Body as Representation of the Universe,' 'The Medical Body,' and 'Cultivating the Self and Body.' In presenting the 'The Body as Representation of the Universe' I first refer to early surviving writings in order to situate the body historically and culturally in its relation to the Chinese view of cosmology. My second aim is to present the link between the body and the Chinese cosmology as more than a causal relationship. In doing so, I place particular emphasis on elucidating the role of the intellectuals, through the intervention of politics, in correlating the structure of heaven and earth with that of the body. Following this, 'The

Medical Body' presents a model of the Chinese body vis-à-vis traditional

Chinese medicine as a theoretical tool for the mapping of the body. I discuss the medical body here in order to provide a point of reference for examining the cultural history and anthropology of the Chinese perception of the body. In this discussion, emphasis is placed on examining the employment of medical language and medical imaging for a description of the body. Lastly, 'Cultivating the Self and Body' situates the body as it is delineated and addressed within the context of self-cultivation in the

Confucian tradition.223 In particular, emphasis is placed on elucidating the shen 身 (body) and the xin 心 (heart-mind).

223 Much literature in the Confucian tradition stresses the importance of taking

76 2.1 THE BODY AS REPRESENTATION OF THE UNIVERSE

As early as the second century B.C.E., the idea of the body as a replica of the universe was already documented in texts such as the Huainanzi. This widely held theory is central to an understanding of the Chinese body because it provided one of the models out of which later Chinese thinkers, critics, historians and literati either rejected or affirmed elements of the past.224 In this section, I consider the body as a product of ordering imagination, formed and shaped by practice. This investigation is divided into two. It first presents the historical and cultural account of the body and its relation to the perceived cosmology by drawing on extant early writings. I then examine the way changing circumstances brought about new ideas that in turn shaped the construction of a recognisable body based on the invention of a macrocosm (world of nature) and microcosm (the human world) as a single manifold. Equally important is the way intellectuals during the third century B.C.E. derived a political principle from this.225

care of one's body as an essential condition for learning to be human. For example Lunyu《論語》8.3 recounts a gravely ill Zengzi 曾子 showing his disciples his hands and feet to illustrate that he has avoided the risk of the mutilation of his body. This is a duty that he owed to his parents. See, Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought," 60. Reference to the quote from the Lunyu see, The Analects, 68 and 69. 224 Angela Zito and Tani E. Barlow, "Introduction: Body, Subject, and Power in China," in Body, Subject & Power in China, ed. Angela Zito and Tani E. Barlow (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 13. 225 Nathan Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C.," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 55, no. 1 (1995): 7.

77 The Sanwu liji《三五歷記》(Historical Records of the Three Sovereigns and Five Emperors)226 and the Baopuzi neipian《抱朴子內篇》 (Inner

Chapters of The Master Who Embraces Simplicity)227 are extant textual sources that document an early and popular Chinese myth – the creation of the world by the primordial giant Pan Gu 盤古. According to the Sanwu liji,

Heaven and earth were intermingled, like an egg. Pang Gu was born in the midst of them. After 18,000 years, when heaven and earth separated, pure yang formed the heaven, murky yin formed the earth. In the midst Pan Gu transformed himself nine times in the course of the day... every day the heaven became ten feet higher, and the earth ten feet wider...228 天地混沌如雞子，盤古生其中。一萬八千歲，天地開闢，陽清為天，陰濁為地。盤古在其中，一日九變。... 天日高一丈，地日厚一丈...

The myth tells how that heaven and earth were once inextricably undifferentiated like an egg. Within this undifferentiated mass, Pan Gu was engendered. After 18,000 years this mass began to split apart. What was light and bright formed heaven. What was heavy and dark became earth.

226 The Sanwu liji, compiled by Xu Zheng 徐整 (220–265), contains one of the earliest written accounts of the Pan Gu myth. A copy of the Sanwu liji has been preserved in the Yiwen leiju《藝文類聚》(Collection of literature arranged by categories). The Yiwen leiju is compiled by the Tang scholar and calligrapher Quyang Xun 歐陽詢 (557–641). 227 Ge Hong 葛洪 (283–343) was a noted alchemist and author of the Baopuzi. The Baopuzi is divided into the neipian and waipian 外篇. The neipian, or Inner Chapters, deals with Daoist subjects such as alchemy and techniques of longevity. The waipian or Outer Chapters relate more specifically to Ge Hong’s Confucian writings. For a complete English translation of Baopuzi neipian, see James R. Ware, ed. Alchemy, Medicine, and Religion in China of AD. 320: The Nei Pien of Ko Hung (Pao-p'u tzu), (Cambridge, Massachusetts: M.I.T. Press, 1966). 228 Yiwen leiju《藝文類聚》/Juanyi yin 卷一引 Sanwu liji《三五歷記》. Ouyang Xun 歐陽詢, dengzhuan 等撰. Yiwen leiju《藝文類聚》, (Taibei 臺北： Xinxing shuju yingyin songkanben 新興書局影印宋刊本, 1960) , 33. English translation is taken from Jean Lévi, "The Body: The Daoists' Coat of Arms," in Fragments for a History of the Human Body Part I, ed. Michel Feher, Ramona Naddaff and Nadia Tazi (New York: Zone, 1989), 124.

78 For 18,000 years, Pan Gu grew until the top of heaven was 90,000li 里 away from earth.229 From then on heaven and earth were fixed. A different account of Pan Gu, focusing on the aftermath of his death, may be found in the Yunji qiqian《雲笈七籤》(Seven Tablets in a Cloudy Satchel).230 It states:

When the primordial breath burgeoned forth, the heaven and earth divided and formed the trigrams qian and kun, yin and yang came into force by dividing. It was then [that] the primordial breath engendered the central harmony which is none other than man. It gave birth to Pan Gu, who, at his death, transformed his body. His respiration yielded the clouds and the wind, his voice the thunder, his limbs the four extremities of the world, his left eye the sun, his right eye the moon, his internal organs the five peaks... And all the worms he carried, roused by the wind, metamorphosed into humans...231 洎乎元气蒙鴻，萌芽茲始，遂分天地，肇立乾坤，啟陰感陽，分布元氣，乃孕中和，是為人矣。首生盤古，垂死化身，氣成風雲，聲為雷霆，左眼為日，右眼為月，四肢五體為四極五嶽，血液為江河，筋脈為地裡，肌肉為田土，發髭為星辰，皮毛為草木，齒骨為金石，精髓為珠玉，汗流為雨澤。身之諸蟲，因風所感，化為黎。

The account asserts that when Pan Gu died, the world was born from his corpse. Hence, the body as a replica of the universe is clear. But what is

229 Li 里 is approximately a third of a mile. 230 The Yunji qiqian《雲笈七籤》is a Daoist encyclopedia compiled by Zhang Junfang 張君房 between 998 and 1022. It contains many important pre- Northern Song Daoist works in their entirety and may be considered a miniature Daozang in itself. This miniature canon is later incorporated into the Taixuanbu 太玄部 of the Zhengtong daozang《正統道藏》(Daoist Canon of the [Ming] Zhengtong Reign Period). For reference see, Fabrizio Pregadio, ed. Encyclopedia of Taoism, Volume I, (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 28–31, and 338; Fabrizio Pregadio, ed. Encyclopedia of Taoism, Volume II, (London and New York: Routledge, 2008), 1335–1360; and Joseph Needham and others, eds. Science and Civilisation in China V: 3, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), 196. 231 Yunqi qiqian《雲笈七籤》/卷五十六諸家氣法部一/Yuanqilun 元氣論 [涵芬樓翻明正統道藏本]. Guoxue baodian 國學寶典 [Guoxue zibu daojia 國學．子部．道家], "Yuanqilun 元氣論," (北京國學時代文化傳播有限公司, 2000), http://www.guoxue.com/zibu/dao/yun7/yj7_058.htm (accessed March 22, 2007). English translation is taken from Lévi, "The Body: The Daoists' Coat of Arms," 109.

79 significant about the Pan Gu myth is its emphasis on the macrocosmic and microcosmic identification of the primordial giant ancestor, the world, and human. A similar account of the creation myth is found in the Huainanzi.232

However, the Huainanzi version omits Pan Gu from the narrative. According to the Huainanzi,

Before Heaven and Earth had taken form all was vague and amorphous. Therefore it was called the Great Beginning. The Great beginning produced emptiness, and emptiness produced the Universe. The universe produced material force, which had limits. That which was clear and light drifted up to become Heaven, while that which was heavy and turbid solidified to become Earth. It was very easy for the pure material to come together but extremely difficult for the heavy and turbid material to solidify. Therefore Heaven was completed first and Earth assumed shape after. The combined essences of Heaven and Earth became yin and yang; the concentrated essences of the yin and yang became the four seasons; the scattered essences of the four essences became the myriad creatures of the world...233 天墜未形，馮馮、異異、洞洞、灟灟，故曰太昭【始】，道【太】始于【生】虛霩，虛霩生宇宙，宇宙生元氣，元氣有漢【涯】垠，清陽者薄靡而為天，重濁者滯凝而為地，清妙之合專易，重濁之凝竭難，故先天成而地後定。天地之襲精為陰陽，陰陽之專精為四時，四時之散精為萬物。

The text further adds,

[Heaven] has its four seasons, five elements, nine divisions, 366 days; human has four limbs, five internal organs, nine orifices [and] 366 joints... His bile is cloud, his lungs are breath, his liver [spleen] is wind, his kidneys are rain, his spleen [liver] is thunder...234

232 In Chapter One, section 1.21 (The Chinese Model of the World), I discussed the Chinese model of the world and noted that this creation narrative from the Huainanzi recalls the passage from Laozi 42. 233 Huainanzi《淮南子》/Tianwen disan〈天文第三〉, [3:1a]. Chen, Xinbian Huainanzi《新編淮南子》, 150. English translation by Burton Watson taken from de Bary and Bloom, 346–347. 234 Huainanzi《淮南子》/Jingshen di qi〈精神第七〉. Chen, Xinbian Huainanzi《新編淮南子》, 473-$74. English translation is from Lévi, "The Body: The Daoists' Coat of Arms," 124.

80 天有四時、五行、九解、三百六十(六)日；人亦有四支、五藏、九竅、三百六十(六)節。... 故膽為雲，肺為氣，肝【脾】為風，腎為雨，脾【肝】為雷235

Besides linking the attributes of landscape with that of bodily parts and organs, the Huainanzi also merges cosmogenesis with embryogenesis:

We receive our spirit from heaven and our body from earth. This is why it is said: the one produces the two, the two produce the three, the three give birth to the 10,000 beings, the 10,000 beings turn their backs on the yin and embrace the yang, while the spouting of breath gives birth to the central harmony which is man. Thus, in the first month, it is like a ball of fat, in the second like a tendon, in the third month the foetus appears... and the child is born in the tenth month with a complete body possessing the five internal organs.236 夫精神者，所受於天地也；而形骸者所稟於天地也，故曰：「一生二，二生三，三生萬物。」萬物背陰而抱陽，沖氣以為和。故曰：一月而膏，二月而胅，三月而胎...十月而坐，形體以成，五臟乃形。

These passages, from the Huainanzi and the creation myth of Pan Gu and the world, suggest a correspondence between the human and natural realms. In combination, they constitute a body that not only correlates with the processes in nature but also one that resonates with the rhythm of the cosmos.

Interestingly, the state began to integrate itself into this ideological view of the body-cosmos equation. The Wufuxu《五符序》, a Daoist text from the fourth century C.E., provides an example of this assimilation. According to the Wufuxu,

235 The parentheses in the source text mark the word variant from extant copies of the text. See footnote entry 32 in Chen, Xinbian Huainanzi《新編淮南子》, 476. 236 Huainanzi《淮南子》/Jingshen di qi〈精神第七〉. Chen, Xinbian Huainanzi《新編淮南子》, 473. Translation is from Kristofer Schipper, The Taoist Body (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 106.

81 ... Man contains the entire universe; the sun, the moon, the Great Bear, the pole star, the jade scales, the five peaks, mountains and streams, river and seas... grains, mulberry and hemp, domestic animals, horses, cattle, quadrupeds, fish and tortoises, tree and plants...... 人一身形，包含天地，日月北斗，璇璣玉衡，五嶽四瀆，山川河海... 五穀桑麻，六畜牛馬，鳥獸魚鼇龜鼉，竹木百草 There is also the emperor, the three dukes, the nine ministers, the twenty-seven high officials the eight-one gentlemen. There are the larger administrative divisions with the nine provinces, the 120 commanderies, the 1200 prefectures... the 18,000 cantons, the 180,000 villages with their palaces, their houses, which in their turn posses hearths, windows and doors, wells and implements...237 亦立天子，置三公九卿、二十七大夫、八十一元士。亦布九州、百二十郡、千二百縣... 十八萬堠。亦有宮闕、家宅、門戶、井竈、釜甑

Besides seeing the natural landscapes such as mountains, streams to urban dwellings, and palaces; one can also make out a civilised state administered by the emperor, dukes and ministers. In other words, one may discover the flora and fauna as well as the whole of society within the body.

Here, the body alludes to an image of the country. Kristofer Schipper posits that the vision of the human body as an image of a country belongs to

Daoism.238 He further adds, 'the emphasis on country reflects the interdependence of the human being and his environment, as well a s

Daoism's fundamental teaching that favours the interior over the exterior.'239

The shift from body-cosmos to body-state-cosmos is a complex phenomenon. Nathan Sivin remarks,

237 Daozhang, Hanfen lou (photographic reproduction, Shanghai, 1924, 183.1.19-21b). Also see, Lévi, "The Body: The Daoists' Coat of Arms," 105. 238 Schipper, The Taoist Body, 100-101. 239 Ibid., 100.

82 in the third century B.C.E., as the process of invention got under way, intellectuals bound the structure of heaven and earth, and that of the human body, to that of the state. This was not unprecedented in China, but now the links were made systematic and tight. In every instance their creators were preoccupied with political authority and its effective use. As a result, macrocosm and microcosms became a single manifold, a set of mutually resonant systems of which the emperor was indispensable mediator.240 Thus, the idea of integration of body, state, and the cosmos as a single manifold not only transcends the simple metaphor of body as representation of the universe, but is also very much concerned with body politics.

Amongst other things, the late fourth and third centuries B.C.E. was a period that saw the rise of highly politicised syncreticisms, founded on the cosmological ideas of many thinkers. There are (at least) three crucial changes during this period that, in one way or another, make it possible for the state to successfully appropriate and integrate itself into the microcosm and macrocosm equation.241 They are namely, the changes in the political order, structure of patronage, and the perceived role of the ruler. Political powers are fragmented and divided between the various hegemonies in early China. The unification of China under the Qin (221–207 B.C.E.) introduced, for the first time, an effective and centralised political order

240 Nathan Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C.," Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 55, no. 1 (1995): 7. 241 Nathan Sivin's article on the "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C." is a remarkable piece of scholarly work that examines the explicit connections between these three entities in China up to the end of the first century B.C.E. See Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C.," 5–37. Also see, de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 235–282.

83 welding unprecedented power. This marked a great turning point in Chinese history. Sivin argues that this ended the old system of patronage that distributed intellectuals, thinkers and other experts across the courts of ambitious rulers, competing for places but free to express and argue diverse points of view.242 The Qin rule was short-lived but it left to the house of Han the idea of a centralised empire and governmental structure as models. By a hundred years into the Han (202 B.C.E.–220 C.E.), thinkers were officials working for the state and who were expected to portray the cosmic order and the state as mirror images when they spoke about it. Thus, the state, like the body, became viewed as a microcosm resonating with the rhythm and patterns of the cosmos. The theoretical basis for such a political model was laid down even before the Qin state had unified China. In the Lüshi chunqiu 《呂氏春秋》, an anthology of essays ascribed to Lü Buwei

呂不韋,243 both the yinyang 陰陽 theory and the Five Phases (五行) were already established as an order that drove the universe.244 It is not

242 Nathan Sivin, "Text and experience in classical Chinese medicine," in Knowledge and the Scholarly Medical Traditions, ed. Don Bates (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 188. 243 The Lüshi chunqiu《呂氏春秋》, completed by 241 B.C.E, is meant to be a guide to the ruler who would eventually unify China. The essays in it were possibly written by a number of Lü Buwei's protégés and what part he actually played is uncertain. 244 For selected references on the integration of yinyang theory in the Lüshi chunqiu 《呂氏春秋》see the Jichunji disan〈季春紀第三〉／Huandao 圜道; Youshi lan diyi〈有始覽弟一〉/Youshi 有始; Youshi lan diyi〈有始覽弟一〉/Yingtong 應同; and Shijunlan di ba 〈恃君覽第八〉／Dayu 達鬱. For selected reference to the Five Phases see Youshi lan diyi〈有始覽弟一〉/Yingtong 應同.

84 surprising that both theories were appropriated to align the macrocosm with the microcosm. To elaborate, the text posits that all myriad things are engendered by the interplay of yin and yang; and that heaven, earth and all myriad things are like the body.245 It also remarks that the succession of dynasties corresponds to the Five Phases and that instances from nature testify that political success is not a matter of fate but rather it is concerned with knowing about and acting on categorical response.246 At this juncture, it is important to point out that a commonality between body, cosmos and state is the ubiquitous qi that circulates throughout all three.247 The ensemble of dynamic processes that circulates qi throughout the body, cosmos and state supports the claim that political and somatic microcosms resonate in harmony with the macrocosm.248 (According to Nathan Sivin,

Zhang Shuangdi deng zhuyi 張雙棣等注譯. Lüshi chunqiu yizhu《呂氏春秋譯注》, (Beijing 北京: Beijing daxue chubanshe 北京大學出版社, 2000), 8, 81–87, 335–37, 342–43, 710–16. 245 Lüshi chunqiu《呂氏春秋》/Youshi lan diyi〈有始覽弟一〉/Youshi 有始. Zhang, Lüshi chunqiu yizhu《呂氏春秋譯注》, 335–337. 246 The appropriation of the Five Phases to explain the rise and demise of dynasties is possibly built on Zuo Yan's 騶衍 (ca. 350–270 B.C.E.) theory of history based on the idea of the Five Powers (五德), whereby each dynasty carries out its activity according to one of the Powers following the mutual conquest sequence. Although Zuo Yen 騶衍 is commonly credited by Chinese historians as the initiator of the doctrine of the Five Phases, there is no evidence for such a claim. However, in the Shiji《史記》, the term Five Powers (五德) is mentioned in connection with Zuo Yen. For reference to the Lüshi chunqiu's approach to the Five Phases and dynastic successions, see Lüshi chunqiu《呂氏春秋》/Youshi lan diyi〈有始覽弟一〉/Yingtong 應同. Source text is taken from Zhang, Lüshi chunqiu yizhu《呂氏春秋譯注》, 342–343. 247 Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C.," 25. 248 Lüshi chunqiu《呂氏春秋》/Shijunlan diba〈恃君覽第八〉/Dayu 達鬱, 'Human beings have 360 joints, nine body openings, and five yin and six yang systems

85 'this is a relationship of correspondence, in which individual features and activities correspond point by point', and may be said to mirror each other.249) The Lüshi chunqiu also states,

The Way of heaven is round; the Way of the earth is square. The sage kings took this as their model, basing on it [the distinction between] above and below. How do we explain the roundness of heaven? The essential qi alternatively moves up and down, completing a cycle and beginning again, delayed by nothing; that is why we speak of the way of heaven as round. How do we explain the squareness of earth? The ten thousand things are distinct in category and shape. Each has its separate responsibility [as an official does], and cannot carry out that of another; that is why one speaks of the Way of earth as square. When the ruler grasps the round and his ministers keep to the square, so that round and square are not interchanged, his state prospers...The one is most exalted of all. No one knows its source. No one knows its incipient form (端). No one knows its beginning. No one knows its end. Still the myriad things take it as their progenitor. The sage kings took it as their model in order to perfect their natures, to settle their vital forces, and to form their commands. A command issues from the ruler's mouth. Those in official positions receive it and carry it out, never resting day of function. In the flesh tightness is desirable; in the blood vessels (血脈) free flow is desirable; in the sinews and bones solidity is desirable; in the operations of the heart and mind harmony is desirable; in the essential qi regular motion is desirable. When [these desiderata] are realised, illness has nowhere to abide, and there is nothing from which pathology can develop. When illness lasts and pathology develops, it is because the essential qi has become static. Analogously, water when stagnant becomes foul; a tree when [the circulation of its qi is] stagnant becomes worm-eaten; grasses when [the circulation of their qi is] stagnant become withered. States too have their stases. When the ruler's virtue does not flow freely [i.e., when he is out of touch with his subjects], and the wishes of his people do not reach him, this is the stasis of a state. When the stasis of a state abides for a long time, a hundred pathologies arise in concert, and a myriad catastrophes swarm in. The cruelty of those above and those below toward each other arises from this. The reason that the sage kings valued heroic retainers and faithful ministers is that they dared to speak directly, breaking through such stases. 凡人三百六十節，九竅、五藏、六府。肌膚欲其比也，血脈欲其通也，筋骨欲其固也，心志欲其和也，精氣欲其行也。若此則病無所居，而惡無由生矣。病之留、惡之生也，精氣鬱也。故水鬱則為污，樹鬱則為蠹，草鬱則為菑。國亦有鬱。主德不通，民欲不達，此國之鬱也。國鬱處久，則百惡並起，而萬災叢至矣。上下之相忍也，由此出矣。故聖王之豪士與忠臣也，為其敢直言而決鬱塞也。' Zhang, Lüshi chunqiu yizhu《呂氏春秋譯注》, 710. For English translation see Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C.," 20–21. 249 Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C.," 25.

86 or night. It moves unimpeded all the way down. It permeates the people's hearts and propagates to the four quarters [of the realm]. Completing the circle, it reverts to the place of the ruler. That is the Round Way. As command goes round, it makes possible what is impossible and makes good what is not good, so that nothing impedes it. That nothing impedes it is because the Way of the ruler penetrates. Thus the command is what the ruler makes his life, and what determines his moral character and security...250 天道圜，地道方。聖王法之，所以立上下。何以說天道之圜也？精氣一上一下，圜周複雜，無所稽留，故曰天道圜。何以說地道方也？萬物殊纇殊形，皆有分職，不能相為，故曰地道方。主執圜，臣處方，方圜不易，其國乃昌。...一也者【齊】至貴，莫知其原，莫知其端，莫知其始，莫知其終，而萬物以為宗。聖王法之，以全【令】其性，以定其生【正】，以出號令。今出於主口，官職受而行之，日夜不休，宣通下究，瀸於民心，遂於四方，還周复歸，至於主所，圜道也。今圜，則可不可，善不善，無所壅【擁】矣。無所壅【擁】者，主道通也。故令者，人主之所以為命也，賢不肖、安【之】危之所定也。251

This excerpt alludes to the distinction between heaven and earth, the sovereign and his officials. However, it also posits that heaven, the quality of roundness (圜) and the sovereign are yang in relation to the earth, squareness (方) and the officials, which are yin. By employing yinyang correspondence, the Lüshi chunqiu implies that both the sovereign and his officials are hierarchically opposite but also inherently complementary. In retrospect, Lü Buwei's epochal book was significant for not only creating the hierarchical distinctions of authority; but also for transforming the sovereign's role from that of a conqueror to life-giver and maintainer of the only order that can survive. It is the only order that can survive because it is

250 Lüshi chunqiu《呂氏春秋》/Jichunji disan〈季春紀第三〉/Huandao 圜道. Zhang, Lüshi chunqiu yizhu《呂氏春秋譯注》, 82. English translation is by Sivin and is taken from de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 239–240. 251 The parentheses in the source text mark the word variant from extant copies of the text. See Zhang, Lüshi chunqiu yizhu《呂氏春秋譯注》, 83.

87 not arbitrary but based on the eternal and regular order of the cosmos, the

Dao. Fundamental to this claim is the sovereign who is conscientious of the well-being of his people. Aided by the advice and counsel of officials, as well as through self-cultivation, he strives to achieve balance and harmony for all under his rule and if necessary make the appropriate sacrifice for the greater good.252 For the early Han successors, this provided a model for political order which relies on creating hierarchical distinctions of authority to maintain the unity of the state. Scholars of that day articulated a vision of an omnipotent but disciplined sovereign who sought to align the state's dynamism with the norms of heaven and earth, based on the advice and counsel of scholar-officials versed in the traditions of antiquity.253 Amongst these intellectuals is the Confucian scholar, Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒 (195?-

105? B.C.E.). He advocated the end of state support for the teaching of non-Confucian texts and succeeded in securing the exclusive patronage for the Confucian canon under the rule of Emperor Wu. However, despite this,

Dong Zhongshu and other reformist scholars synthesised many intellectual trends that had historically stood beyond the purview of the Confucian

252 For selected references see Lüshi chunqiu《呂氏春秋》/Jichunji disan〈季春紀第三〉/Xianji 先己; Jiqiuji dijiu〈季秋紀第九〉/Shunmin 順民; Shenfen lan diwu 〈審分覽第五〉/Shenfen 審分; and Shijun lan di ba〈恃君覽第八〉/Dayu 達鬱. Zhang, Lüshi chunqiu yizhu 《呂氏春秋譯注》, 70–71, 234–35, 532-34, 710. 253 de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 292.

88 tradition. The Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》(Luxuriant Gems of the Spring and

Autumn Annals),254 traditionally ascribed to Dong Zhongshu, is an example of such synthesis – in which the notion of the state is based on natural models derived from the macrocosm of heaven and earth as well as from the microcosm of the human body. According to the Chunqiu fanlu,

...Human beings have 360 joints [and] these match the numbers of heaven’s [days. Their] bodies, bones [and] flesh match the thickness of earth. [Their] ears [and] eyes are keen [and] bright like the sun [and] moon. [In their] bodies are cavities and veins[, and these are] like the configurations of rivers [and] valleys. [The] heart is filled with [emotions such as] grief, delight, joy, [and] anger... [Thus,] observing [a] human being’s body... its likenesses matches up with heaven 人有三百六十節，偶天之數也，形體骨肉，偶地之厚也；上有耳目聰明，日月之象也；體有空竅理脈，川谷之象也；心有哀樂喜怒，神氣之纇也。觀人之體，一何高物之甚，而纇於天也。255

On the whole, the notion of body-cosmos-state correspondences in the

Chunqiu fanlu is very similar to the Lüshi chunqiu. Similarities include the way the state's dynamism is portrayed as a reflection of nature's processes.256 For instance, the sovereign models himself on heaven and the demarcation of heaven and earth dictates the hierarchical distinction between of sovereign and officials.257 Another similarity is the correlation of

254 The Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》is traditionally ascribed to Dong Zhongshu. However, it is most likely the product of an anonymous compiler who lived some time between the third and sixth centuries. See de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 294. 255 Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》/Ren fu tianshu diwushiliu〈人副天數第五十六〉. Dong and Zhang, Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》, 493. 256 Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》/Yinyangyi disishijiu〈陰陽義第四十九〉. Ibid., 457. 257 Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》/Tiandi zhi xing diqishiba〈天地之行第七十八〉, 'The conduct of heaven and earth is beautiful. For this reason heaven holds its place high and sends down its manifestations; conceals its form and reveals its light; arranges the stars and accumulates vital essence; relies on yin and yang

89 techniques to regulate and nourish the body with those meant to order and vitalise the state.258 Both texts also claim that since the state mirrors the

and sends down frost and dew. Heaven holds a high position and so is honored. It sends down its manifestations and so is humane. It conceals its form and so is numinous. It reveals its light and so is brilliant. It orders and arranges the stars and so there is mutual succession. It accumulates vital essence and so endures. It relies on yin and yang and so completes the year. It sends down frost and dew and so brings life and death. The norms of the people's ruler are derived from and modelled on heaven. Therefore he values ranks and so is honoured. He subjugates other states and so is humane. He resides in a hidden place and does not reveal his form and so is numinous. He appoints the worthy and employs the capable, observes and listens to the four corners of his realm, and so is brilliant. He confers office according to capability, distinguishing the worthy and stupid, and so there is mutual succession. He induces worthy men to draw near and establishes them as his legs and arms and so endures. He investigates the true nature of the ministers' achievements, ranks, and orders them as the worst and the best, and so completes his age. He promotes those who possess merit and demotes those who lack merit and so rewards and punishes. For this reason heaven clings to the Way and acts as the master of all living things. The ruler maintains constant norms and acts as the master of a single state. Heaven must be resolute. The ruler must be firm. When heaven is not resolute, the arrayed stars become chaotic in their orbits. When the ruler is not firm, evil ministers become chaotic in their offices. When stars become chaotic, they stray from heaven. When ministers become chaotic, they stray from their ruler. Therefore heaven strives to stabilise its qi (vital force), while the ruler strives to stabilise his government. Only when resolute and firm will the Way of yang regulate and order others. 是以天高其位而下其施，藏其形而見其光，序列星而進至精，考陰陽而降霜露。高其位，所以為尊也；下其施，所以為仁也；藏其形，所以為神；見其光，所以為明；序列星，所以相承也；進至精，所以剛也；考陰陽，所以成歲也；降霜露，所以生殺。為人君者其法取象於天，故貴爵而臣國所以為仁也；深居隱處，不見其體，所以為神也；任賢使能，觀聽四方，所以為明也；量能授官，賢愚有差，所以相承也；引賢自進，以備股肱，所以為剛也；考實事功，次序殿最，所以成世也；有功者進，無力功者退，所以賞罰也。是故執其道為萬物主，君執其常為一國主。天不可以不剛，主不可以不監。天不剛則列星亂其行，主不監則邪臣亂其官。星亂則亡其天，臣亂則亡其君。故為天者務剛其氣，為君者務監其政，剛監然後陽道制命。' Dong and Zhang, Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》, 201. English translation is by Sarah Queen taken from de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 660–661. 258 Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》/Tong guo shen di ershier〈通國身第二十二〉, 'The purest qi (vital force) is vital essence. The purest men are worthies. Those who regulate their bodies consider the accumulation of vital essence to be a treasure. Those who regulate the state consider the accumulation of worthy men to be the Way. The body takes the mind-and-heart as the foundation. The state takes the ruler as the master. When vital essence accumulates at the foundation, the blood and vital force support one another. When worthy men accumulate around their master, superiors and inferiors order one another. When the blood and vital force support one another, the body is free from pain. When superiors and inferiors order one another, the numerous offices each achieve their proper place. Only when the body is free from pain can it achieve

90 cosmic principles, any recalcitrance or opposition is by definition unnatural, and bound to fail.259 Despite the similarities between the texts only Dong

Zhongshu posits a ruler who subordinates himself to heaven yet is also the one who is amplified to the revered position as a 'cosmic pivot' responsible for aligning the three realms of heaven, earth, and humanity.

In ancient times those who created writing took three horizontal lines and connected them through the center to designate the king. The three horizontal lines represent heaven, earth, and humankind while the vertical line that connects through the center represents comprehending the Way. As for the one who appropriates the mean of heaven, earth, and humankind and takes this as the thread that joins and connects them, if it is not one who acts as a king then who can be equal to this [task]? Therefore one who acts as king is no more than heaven's agent. He models himself in heaven's seasons and brings them to completion. He models himself on heaven's commands and causes the people to obey them. He models himself on heaven's numerical categories and initiates affairs. He models himself on heaven's Way and sends forth his standards. He models himself on heaven's will and always returns to humanness. The beauty of humanness is found in heaven. Heaven is humanness. Heaven shelters and nourishes the myriad things. It transforms and

tranquility. Only when the numerous offices each obtain their proper place can the state achieve security. Those who desire to accumulate vital essence must empty their mind-and-hearts and still their bodies. Those who desire to accumulate worthy men must humble their persons. Where the form is still and the mind-and-heart empty, vital essence collects. Where there are humble and self-effacing rulers, humane and worthy men serve. Therefore, those who regulate their bodies endeavor to maintain emptiness and stillness, and thereby accumulate vital essence. Those who regulate the state endeavor fully to develop their humility, and thereby accumulate worthy and competent men. Those able to accumulate vital essence achieve enlightenment and longevity. Those able to accumulate worthy men widely extend their virtue and their states achieve ultimate peace. 氣之清者為精，人之清者為賢。治身者以積精為寶。治國者以積賢為道。身以心為本，國以君為主。精積於其體，則血氣承受；賢積於其主；則上下相制使。血氣相承受，則形體無所苦；上下相制使，則百官各得其所。形體無所苦，然後身可得而安也；百官各得其所，然後國可得而守也。夫欲致精者，必虛靜其形；欲致賢者，必卑謙其身。形靜志虛者、精氣之所趣也；謙尊自卑者，仁賢之所事也。故治身者，務執虛靜以致精；治國者，務盡謙卑以致賢。能致精，則合明而壽；能致賢，則德澤洽而國太平。' Dong and Zhang, Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》, 231. English translation is by Sarah Queen taken from de Bary and Irene, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 297. 259 Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》/Yinyangyi disishijiu〈陰陽義第四十九〉. Dong and Zhang, Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》, 457.

91 generates them. It nourishes and completes them. Heaven's affairs and achievements are endless. They end and begin again, and all that heaven raises up it returns to serve humankind. If you examine heaven's will you will surely see that heaven's humanness is inexhaustible and limitless.260 古之造文者，三畫而連中，謂之王。三畫者，天、地与人也；而連其中者，通其道也。取天、地与人之中以為貫而參通之，非王者孰能當是？是故王者唯天之施，施其時而成之，法其命而循之諸人，法其數而以起事，法其道而以出治，法其志而歸之於仁。仁之美者在於天，天，仁也。天覆育萬物，既化而生之，有養而成之，事功無己，終而夏始，舉凡歸之以奉人，察于天之意，無窮極之仁也。

Sarah Queen asserts that 'this ideal of the ruler as high priest and fount of wisdom contained within it basic patterns and tensions that came to define the relationship between the state and intellectual, center and periphery, power and authority, and politics and culture for centuries to come.'261

In summary, these early classical Chinese texts articulate a vision of the body as a dynamic system interacting with the cosmos. The body resonates with the same rhythm as heaven and earth via the ubiquitous qi, thus enabling the body/cosmos duality to be characterised as a model of microcosmic/macrocosmic correspondence. Sivin argues that 'the understanding of heaven and earth and its relation to humanity did not evolve autonomously, but in close connection with the definition of the state and rulership.'262 The Lüshi chunqiu and the Chunqiu fanlu are textual

260 Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》/Wangdao tong san disishisi〈王道通三第四十四〉. Dong and Zhang, Chunqiu fanlu《春秋繁露》, 429. English translation is by Sarah Queen taken from de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 300–301. 261 de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 292. 262 Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C.," 17.

92 sources that attest to this claim. In this sense, the body as representation of the universe is very much about body politics. Such a body is a regulated one as much as it is deemed as 'natural'. To understand this, one must take into consideration the idea that disorders/illnesses are caused by blocked or static circulation, and the prevention of such blockages involves regulating and nourishing the body.263 In other words, a healthy body is in harmony with nature and if it does not maintain that concord it opens itself to illness.

Thus, the body as representation of the universe is not only a regulated body but also a permeable one because it crosses natural, cultural, and political boundaries.

2.2 THE MEDICAL BODY

Traditional Chinese medical theories can best be characterised by a dialectic interaction between the idea of Dao and a strong pragmatic material orientation. This interaction frames or constructs a body that is considerably different from the Western concept of a generalised biological body produced within regimes of medicine and surveillance in recent times.

263 Lüshi chunqiu《呂氏春秋》／Shijunlan di ba〈恃君覽第八〉／Dayu 達鬱. Zhang, Lüshi chunqiu yizhu 《呂氏春秋譯注》, 710. English translation from Sivin, "State, Cosmos, and Body in the Last Three Centuries B.C.," 20–21.

93 As mentioned earlier, one of the closest translations of the word 'body' in the

Chinese language is shen 身. However,

medical classics did not take shen as their object of study but spoke instead of an ensemble of functions. Such a body encompasses psyche and emotions, blurring the mind-body dualism that makes our English-language "body" the object of our own gaze; it also privileges process over structures, effacing the anatomical foundations of the biomedical body we think of as the norm today.264 This section discusses the ways traditional Chinese medical theories frame and/or construct the body. Medical theories are an important source of philosophical thoughts that constitute organised, rhetorical, and institutional expressions of cultural values and the body. In approaching these theories I am mindful of the challenge of using as an object of comparison a notion of a normative body from medical theories handed down from a distant past.

To start with, there is no unbroken continuity with the past. Besides,

Foucauldian theories of history as a genealogy have cautioned against and made us skeptical of the claims of history to reliably link the present to the past through a seamless narrative of continuity. However, one must start somewhere. The presumption of continuity and coherence is, in a sense, a form of organising principle that helps us to both order history as knowable and render the subject comprehensible. Thus, constructing a normative medical body provides a vital platform for an understanding of both self and

264 Charlotte Furth, A Flourishing Yin: Gender in China's Medical History, 960–1665 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 20.

94 others. This investigation is sub-divided into three parts. The first part examines one of the most important Chinese medical classics – the

Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》(Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine).

This part of the investigation places particular emphasis on the notion of qi, yinyang and the Five Phases (五行) theories, along with the creation of the medical microcosm in the Huangdi neijing. The second part considers the ways in which the Huang di neijing conceives of the mind and the body. The third part deals with the imaging of the body in the Huangdi neijing.

The Huangdi neijing is 'a collection of interrelated short writings from distinct medical lineages at different times' written approximately between the first century B.C.E. and the seventh century C.E.265 The main surviving documents of this medical synthesis of the Han period are the Suwen〈素

問〉(Basic Questions), Lingshu〈靈樞〉 (Divine Pivot), and Taisu〈太素〉

(Grand Basis).266 Generally deemed to be one of the most important

Chinese medical classics, the Huangdi neijing is studied for the theoretical elements that were considered important by successive generations of

265 Nathan Sivin, "Huang ti nei ching," in Early Chinese Texts: A Bibliographical Guide, vol. 2, Early China Special Monograph Series, ed. Michael Loewe (Society for the Study of Early China, Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, 1993), 198. 266 The Suwen《素問》and Lingshu《靈樞》have been known since the Tang based on the editions by Wang Bing 王冰 (fl. 762). The Taisu《太素》is attributed to Yang Shangshan 楊上善 (fl. 7 century C.E.). For further reference to the history of these texts see Sivin, "Huang ti nei ching," 196–215.

95 physicians.267 Thus, any search through classical Chinese tradition for a normative medical body is likely to begin with the Huangdi neijing. However,

Paul U. Unschuld cautions that it should not be approached as a classic that distills a homogenous system of ideas. Rather, it should be understood as a collection of writings ranging from the teachings of various schools of thought, various interpretations of yinyang and the Five Phases doctrines, and the attempts to link all these within one all-encompassing conceptual structure.268 Likewise, the attempt to construct a normative body from the

Huangdi neijing should not be mistaken as a quest to distill a homogenous medical body. Rather it should be understood as a means to provide a conceptual framework for an understanding of the Chinese medical body or bodies. As the surviving documents of the Huangdi neijing are highly complex, this discussion begins by listing and then examining some of the recurring concepts from this medical classic.

267 The Huangdi neijing is translated as 'The Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine' by Paul U. Unschuld and Ilza Veith; 'Inner Classics of the Yellow Sovereign' by Manfred Porkert; 'Inner Canon of the Yellow Emperor' by Nathan Sivin; and 'The Yellow Emperor's Inner Canon' by Charlotte Furth. For selected references to the Huangdi neijing, see Paul U. Unschuld, Huang Di Nei Jing Su Wen: Nature, Knowledge, Imagery in an Ancient Chinese Medical Text (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003); Sivin, "Huang ti nei ching," 196–215; Yamada Keiji, "The Formation of the Huang-ti-nei-ching," Acta Asiatic 36 (1979), 67–89; Ilza Veith, Huangti neiching suwen: The Yellow Emperor's Classic of Internal Medicine (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984). 268 Paul U. Unschuld, Medicine in China: A History of Ideas (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 58.

96 To start with, the Huangdi neijing envisions the idea of a universal system by which all phenomena of heaven, earth, and humanity operate as interacting organisms:

... The Yellow Emperor inquired of Bogao, "I would like to hear how the limbs and joints of the body correspond to sky and earth." Bogao replied, "The sky is round, the earth rectangular; the heads of human beings are round and their feet rectangular to correspond. In the sky there are sun and moon; human beings have two eyes. On earth there are the nine provinces; human beings have nine orifices.269 In the sky there are wind and rain; human beings have their joy and anger. In the sky there are thunder and lightning; human beings have their sounds and speech. In the sky there are four seasons; human beings have their four extremities. In the sky there are the Five Sounds; human beings have their five yin visceral systems.270 In the sky there are the Six Pitches; human beings have their six yang visceral systems. In the sky there are winter and summer; human beings have their chills and fevers. In the sky there are the ten-day 'weeks'; human beings have ten fingers on their hands. In the sky there are the twelve double-hours; human beings have ten toes on their feet, and the stalk and the hanging ones complete the correspondence.271 Women lack two members, so they are able to carry the human form [of the fetus]. In the sky there are yin and yang; human beings are husband and wife. "In the year there are 365 days; human beings have 365 joints. On the earth there are high mountains; human beings have shoulders and knees. On the earth there are deep valleys; human beings have armpits and hollows in back of their knees.272 On the earth there are twelve cardinal watercourses; human beings have twelve cardinal circulation tracts. In the earth there are veins of water; human beings have defensive qi.273 In the earth there are wild grasses; human

269 The nine provinces are a legendary system often mentioned in cosmology. The orifices are ears, eyes, mouth, nostrils, and the urethral and anal openings. 270 The Five Sounds are the musical modes. In the Han there are various counts of the systems of bodily functions associated with the viscera; this one refers to the yin systems, which like the Five Sounds correspond numerologically to the Five Phases. The next sentence cites their yang counterparts. 271 The 'stalk and the hanging ones' refer to the penis and testicles. 272 The basis of these associations is prominent convex shapes for the yang features and concavities for the yin. 273 Defensive qi (衛氣) flows round the perimeter of the body and protects it from invasion. Instead of "veins of water" (zhuanmai 脈) has two characters, the first of which is only partly legible; the compound may be the qi of rain: (yuqi 雨氣).

97 beings have body hair. On the earth there are daylight and darkness; human beings have their [time for] lying down and getting up. In the sky there are stars set out in constellations; human beings have their teeth. On the earth there are little hills; human beings have their minor joints. On earth there are boulders on the mountains; human beings have their prominent bones. On the earth there are groves and forests; human beings have their sinews.274 On the earth there are towns and villages in which people gather; human beings have their bulges of [thickened] flesh. In the year there are twelve months; human beings have their twelve major joints. On the earth there are seasons when no vegetation grows; some human beings are childless. These are the correspondences between human beings and sky and earth...275 黃帝問於伯高曰：願聞人之肢節以應天地奈何？伯高答曰：天圓地方，人頭圓足方以應之。天有日月，人有兩目；地有九州，人有九竅；天有風雨，人有喜怒；天有雷電，人有聲音；天有四時，人有四肢；天有五音，人有五臟；天有六律，人有六腑；天有冬夏，人有寒熱；天有十曰，人有手十指；辰有十二，人有足十指，莖垂以應之，女子不足二節，以抱人形；天有陰陽，人有夫妻；歲有三百六十五日，人有三百六十五節；地有高山，人有肩膝；地有深谷，人有腋膕；地有十二經水，人有十二經脈；地有泉脈，人有衛氣；地有草蓂，人有毫毛；天有晝夜，人有臥起；天有列星，人有牙齒；地有小山，人有小節；地有山石，人有高骨；地有林木，人有募筋；地有聚邑，人有膕肉；歲有十二月，人有十二節；地有四時不生草，人有無子。此人與天地相應者也。

Here, the correspondence of elements of physical landscape with physiological parts of the human body brings to mind the Pan Gu myth whereby the world is engendered from Pan Gu's corpse. However, closer examination of the correspondences between the cosmos and the body reveals a more complex phenomenon. During the centuries when the

274 The sinews (jin 筋, jinmai 筋脈) are the muscles, ligaments, and other fibrous tissues that operate the locomotive system of the body. This association refers to their gathered fibers. 275 Huang di neijing lingshu《黃帝內經靈樞》／Xieke diqishiyi〈邪客第七十一〉. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, Zhou Xianzhong 周顯忠, Lu Zhouhua 陸周華 bianyi 編譯 (Chongqing 重慶: Xinan shifan daxue chebanshe 西南師范大學出版社), 226. Translation by Sivin taken from de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 275–76.

98 textual tradition of the Huang di neijing was being formed, the thinkers of the

Han Dynasty (221 B.C.E.– C.E. 220) began to imagine a universal system governed by resonances between macrocosm and microcosm. In this system, all phenomena of heaven, earth, and humanity operate and function as interacting organisms. By the first century C.E., the parallel had already become one of the major ideas of its time.276 The version adopted by the Han court as the official cosmology became one of the theoretical foundations of imperial rule, accepted as expressing the truths of natural and social philosophy.277 The Han medical masters greatly elaborated on this idea of the cosmos and body by drawing upon the basic features of its cosmology, particularly, the notion of qi, yin [and] yang, and the Five

Phases theory, to explain health and diseases. Importantly, all elements are somewhat interrelated. For instance, it is generally accepted in Chinese cosmology that qi is regarded and named as 'the fundamental energy at life's source, the unitary One prior to all differentiations.'278 Interestingly,

Zhuangzi's 莊子 famous aphorism equates life with the concentration of qi, and death with the dispersal of qi.279 It is also generally held that the

276 de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 274. 277 Furth, A Flourishing Yin, 21. 278 Ibid. 279 Zhuangzi waipien《莊子外篇》/Zhi beiyou〈知北遊〉, '... The concentration of qi equates with human life. [Qi] gathered together is life, [and qi] dispersed is death. 人之生，氣之聚也；聚則為生，散則為死。' Huang Jinhong 黃錦鋐, Zhuyi 注譯. Xinyi Zhuangzi duben《新譯莊子讀本》(Taibei

99 differentiation of the primal qi, through the forces of yin and yang, creates the myriad phenomenon of the world and their subsequent transmutations.

The principle of yin and yang, in addition to its dual power, may be broken down into its more tangible components of metal, water, wood, fire, and earth.280 Collectively, metal, water, wood, fire, and earth are known as the

Five Phases. The sequence of these Five Phases varies because they are said to produce or subjugate one another. The following discussion considers the way the ideas of qi, yin [and] yang and the Five Phases theory subjectivise the medical 'body' or 'bodies' in the Huang di neijing.

The Huang di neijing states,

... From olden times communication with heaven was the origin of life; and from the beginning of time the breath of yin and yang, the female and male principles in nature, circulated through the nine provinces (九州)281 as well as through the nine orifices.282 夫自古通天者，生之本，本於陰陽。其氣九州九竅，皆通乎天氣。

In other words, the same qi that proliferates in the natural world also circulates through the human body via the nine orifices. Elsewhere in the

臺北: Sanmin shuju 三民書局, 2005), 290. 280 This association is a fascinating edifice that demonstrates the desire and ability of the Chinese to make unlikely links between structural elements. However, despite its fascination, further consideration of this issue is beyond the scope of this thesis. 281 The nine provinces or Jiuzhou (九州) refer to the nine divisions of China said to have been established under Yu the Great (Dayu 大禹). The nine orifices or the jiuqiao 九竅 refer to the eyes, ears, nostrils, mouth, the anus and the urethra. The first seven orifices correspond to the male principle, and the last two orifices correspond to the female principle. 282 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Liujie zangxiang lun pien dijiu〈六節藏象論篇第九〉. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 12. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 135.

100 Huang di neijing, this qi is said to also pervade the five viscera and twelve joints within the body.283 All in all, the Huang di neijing asserts that there are six types of qi in the body. They are namely: jing 精, 'qi ' 氣, jin 津, ye 液

(humour), xue 血 (blood), and mai 脈 (vein).284 Jing 精 is said to be the primordial matter before the creation of life. 'Qi ' 氣 is said to be the essence extracted from food and drinks.285 Jin 津 is said to be the sweat effused from the interstices on the skin. Ye 液, which may be translated as humour, is

283 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Shenqi tongtianlun piendisan〈生氣通天論篇第三〉, '... From the earliest times the communication with heaven has been the very foundation of life; this foundation exists between yin and yang and between heaven and earth and within the six points. The (heavenly) breath prevails in the nine divisions, in the nine orifices, in the five viscera, and in the twelve joints; the breath of heaven pervades them all. ... 夫自古通天者，生之本，本于陰陽。天地之間，六合之內，其氣九州、九竅、五臟十二節，皆通乎天氣。' Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 3. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 105. 284 Huang di neijing lingshu《黃帝內經靈樞》/Jueqi disanshi〈決氣第三十〉. 黃帝曰：余聞人有精、氣、津、液、血、脈，余意以為一氣耳，今乃辨為六名，余不知其所以然。岐伯曰：兩神相搏，合而成形，常先身生，是謂精。何謂氣？岐伯曰：上焦開發，宣五谷味，熏膚、充身、澤毛，若霧露之溉，是謂氣。何謂津？岐伯曰：腠理發泄，汗出溱溱，是謂津。何謂液？岐伯曰：穀入氣滿，淖澤注於骨，骨屬屈伸，泄澤補益腦髓，皮膚潤澤，是謂液。何謂血？岐伯曰：中焦受氣，取汁變化而赤，是謂血。何謂脈？岐伯曰：壅遏營氣，令無所避，是謂脈。黃帝曰：六氣有，有餘不足，氣之多少，腦髓之虛實，血脈之清濁，何以知之？岐伯曰：精脫者，耳聾；氣脫者，目不明；津脫者，腠理開，汗大泄；液脫者，骨屬屈伸不利，色夭，腦髓消，脛痺，耳數鳴；血脫者，色白，夭然不澤，其脈空虛，此其候也。黃帝曰：六氣者，貴賤何如？岐伯曰：六氣者，各有部主也，其貴賤善惡，可為常主，然五穀與胃為大海也。 Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 186–87. 285 To elaborate, this 'qi ' is said to be the essence extracted from food and water, which consists of the nourishing qi (營氣) and the defensive qi (衛氣). The nourishing qi, said to be clear (清), follows the channels/vessels throughout the body, nourishing and connecting the five viscera (五臟) and six bowels (六腑). The defensive qi, said to be turbid (濁), circulates (outside the vessels) in the skin and muscles, distributing in the chest and abdomen. Both the nourishing qi and the defensive qi are said to constantly flow throughout the body; and if they lose their balance and harmony, disease(s) will occur. See Huangdi neijing shuwen/Bilunpian disishisan《黃帝內經素問》/〈痺論篇第四十三〉and Huang di neijing lingshu/Yingweishenwei dishiba《黃帝內經靈樞》/〈營衛生會第十八〉. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 59–61, 171–72.

101 said to be transformed from the intake of food, with the thick and turbid part percolating through the bones to lubricate movement of the joints. Ye is also said to enrich and nourish the 'brain marrow' (腦髓) and moisten the skin.

Xue 血 or blood is said to be the reddish liquid transformed from the intake of food and drink in the middle burner (中焦). Mai 脈 is said to contain the flow of the nourishing qi (營氣).

In a sense, the Huang di neijing seems to imply that qi is the source of all movement in the body because it not only circulates through the body in a continuous circulatory flow but it is also responsible for performing various vital functions such as protection, lubrication and nourishment.286

For a better understanding of qi and the way it operates within the body, the role of the yin and yang principle requires clarification. According to the

Huang di neijing,

The principle of yin and yang is the basic principle of the entire universe. It is the principle of everything in creation. It brings about

286 For selected reference on the notion of qi circulating through the body in a continuous circulatory flow see, Huang di neijing lingshu《黃帝內經靈樞》 /Jutonglun piendisanshijiu〈舉痛論篇第三十九〉, '... The Emperor asked: "I should like to hear which influence (qi) causes a human's depot to suffer from sudden pain." Qibo replied: "The flow in the conduit vessels never stops; [it moves] in an annular circuit without a break. When influences of cold enter the conduits, [this flow] is retarded. [The contents of the conduits] congeal and do not move. If [the influences of cold] settle outside the vessels, there will be only a little blood [moving; if they] settle within the vessels, the qi-influences cannot proceed. As a result there is sudden pain." 帝曰：願聞人之五臟卒痛，何氣使然？岐伯對曰：經脈流行不止，環周不休，寒氣入經而稽遲。泣而不行，客於脈外，則血少，客於脈中則氣不通，故卒然而痛。' Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 53. Translation with slight from Unschuld, Medicine in China, 75.

102 the transformation to parenthood; it is the root and source of life and death... In order to treat and cure diseases one must search into their origin. Heaven was created by an accumulation of yang, the element of light; Earth was created by an accumulation of yin, the element of darkness... Through these interactions of their functions, yin and yang, the negative and the positive principles in nature, are responsible for diseases which befall those who are rebellious to the laws of nature as well as those who conform to them...287 陰陽者天地之道也，萬物之綱紀也，變化之父母，生殺之本始... 治病必求於本。故積陽為天，積陰為地。... 此陰陽反作，病之逆從也。

Having established yin and yang as the basic principle of the universe that brings about the transformation of myriad phenomenon, the passage also presents yin and yang as contrasting elements; and elaborates on the workings of yin and yang as fundamental to the treatment and cure of diseases. Amongst other things, the Huang di neijing states that yin and yang have many attributes. Some of these attributes include the ordering of the body into masculine and feminine aspects; division of upper and lower; inner and outer regions; 288 as well as extending the principle to somatic

287 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Yinyang yinxiang dalunpien diwu〈陰陽應象大論篇第五〉. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 6. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 115. 288 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/ Jingui zhenyanlun piandisi〈金匱真言論篇第四〉, '... Thus mankind should correspond to this system: the yin and yang of man are (arranged in the order) that on the outside there is yang, and inside there is yin. Yin and yang of the human body (are arranged) that yang is in back and yin is within the front part. Yin and Yang of the (five) viscera and (six) bowels are (arranged) that the viscera are yin and the hollow organs are yang. All the five viscera, liver, heart, spleen, lungs, and kidneys are yin; and all of the five hollow organs, gall-bladder, stomach, lower intestines, bladder, and the three burning spaces, are all yang... All this is so (arranged) that yin and yang (complement each other) in front and back, inside and outside, as female

103 attributes of heat and cold, moisture or dryness. It should be noted that in spite of the contrasting attributes, yin and yang also complement each other.289 In a passage expressing the intimate relationship between qi, yin and yang, the Huang di neijing states,

... Yin stores up essence and prepares it to be used; Yang serves as protector against external danger and must therefore be strong. If yin is not equal to yang, then the pulse becomes weak and breaths, which are contained in the five viscera, will conflict with each other and the circulation ceases within the nine orifices. For this reason the sages caused yin and yang to be in harmony. They caused their muscles and pulses to be in harmony, they made their bones and their marrow strong and they caused their breath and blood to be obedient (to the law of nature), so that the internal and external organs are harmonious with each other and the evil influences can do nothing that brings harm; and the ears and the eyes are quick of hearing and clear of vision, and a human's force of life remains in its original state.290 陰者藏精而起極也，陽者衛外而為固也。陰不勝其陽，則脈流薄疾，并乃狂。陽不勝其陰，則五臟氣爭，九竅不通。是以聖人陳陰陽，筋脈和同，骨髓堅固，氣血皆從。如是則內外調和，邪不能害，耳目聰明，氣立如故。

Here, the passage infers that qi, through the interaction of yin and yang, regulates the path and momentum of normal and pathological change within

and male element, and that they serve and respond to each other in order to conform with the yin and yang of heaven... 故人亦應之，夫言人之陰陽，則外為陽，內為陰。言人身之陰陽，則背為陽，腹為陰。言人身之臟腑中陰陽，則臟者為陰，腑者為陽。... 此皆陰陽表?，內外雌雄，相輸應也。故以應天之陰陽也。' Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 5–6. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 111–12. 289 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Yinyang lihe pien diliu〈陰陽離合篇第六〉, '... The climates of yin and yang alternate and their accumulated climates act as one complete unit. The internal spirit and external physical shape perfect each other. 陰陽… 積傳為一周，氣裹形表，而為相成也。' Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 10. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 127. 290 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Shenqi tongtianlun piendisan〈生氣通天論篇第三〉. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 4. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 108.

104 the body. By and large, the Huang di neijing propounds that the balance of yin and yang holds a decisive influence upon one's health: perfect harmony between the two means health whilst disharmony or undue preponderance of one element may bring about disease or even death.291 For reasons such as these traditional Chinese medicine considers the qi body, through the interplay of yin and yang, to be the foundation of the physical body and the root of health and longevity. Another cosmological feature that was appropriated by the Huang di neijing to explain health and diseases is the

Five Phases theory. As mentioned earlier, the Five Phases are identified with the following material substance: Wood, Fire, Earth, Metal, and Water.

Named here in order of production, the Five Phases could be imagined and

291 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Siqi tiaoshen dalunpien dier〈四氣調神大論篇第二〉, '... Thus the interaction of the four seasons and the interaction of yin and yang [the two principles in nature] is the foundation of everything in creation. Hence the sages conceived and developed their yang in spring and summer, and conceived and developed their yin in fall and winter in order to follow the rule of rules; and thus [the sages], together with everything in creation, maintain themselves at the gate of life and development. Those who rebel against the basic rules of the universe sever their own roots and ruin their true selves. Yin and yang, the two principles in nature, and the four seasons are the beginning and end of everything and they are also the cause of life and death. Those who disobey the laws of the universe will give rise to calamities and visitations, while those who follow the laws of the universe remain free from dangerous illness, for they are the ones who have obtained the Dao, the Right Way. Dao was practiced by the sages and admired by the ignorant people. Obedience to the laws of yin and yang means life; disobedience means death. The obedient ones will rule while the rebels will be in disorder and confusion. Anything contrary to harmony (with nature) is disobedience and means rebellion to nature... 夫四時陰陽者，萬物之根本也。所以聖人春夏養陽，秋冬養陰，以從其根；故與萬物沉浮于生長之門，逆其根則伐其本，壞其真矣。故陰陽四時者，萬物之終始也；生死之本也；逆之則災害生，從之則苛疾不起，是謂得道。道者聖人行之，愚者佩之。從陰陽則生，逆之則死；從之則治，逆之則亂。反順為逆，是謂內格。 Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 3. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 104–105.

105 regarded as adversaries overcoming one another in different sequences of change, and within a continuous process.292 In a conversation with the

Huangdi 黃帝 (Yellow Emperor), Qibo 岐伯 articulated the following sequences of change:

When the element of wood reaches the element of metal it is felled; when the element of fire reaches the element of water it will be extinguished; when the element of earth is reached by the element of wood it is penetrated; when the element of metal reaches the element of fire it is dissolved; and when the element of water reaches the earth its flow is interrupted and cut off. Although the living creatures are the utmost (in perfection), they cannot overcome exhaustion...293 木得金而伐，火得水而滅，土得木而達，金得火而缺，水得土而絕，萬物盡然，不可勝竭。

292 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Liujie zangxiang pien dijiu〈六節藏象論篇第九〉, ... 'The Yellow Emperor said, "The interaction of the Five Phases is like a ring– it has no beginning; an excessive or inadequate description?" Qibo answered: "The five atmospheric influences change their spheres of activity; they counter one another and there is constancy in their transformation from abundance to emptiness." The Emperor asked: "How can one achieve a tranquil atmosphere?" Qibo answered: "By avoiding transgressions of the laws of nature." The Emperor asked: "If this perfection cannot be achieved– what then?" Qibo answered: "This perfection is contained in the invariable rules of conduct." The Emperor asked: "What is the meaning of counteraction?" Qibo answered: "spring counteracts the long summer; the long summer counteracts winter; winter counteracts fall; fall counteracts spring. This is called the effect of the counteraction of the Five Phases and their respective seasons. Each element uses its life-giving principle to influence the destiny of its particular viscera." 帝曰：五運之始，如環無端，其太過不及如何？岐伯曰：五氣更立，各有所勝，盛虛之變，此其常也。帝曰：平氣何如？岐伯曰，無過者也。帝曰：太過不及奈何？岐伯曰：在經有也。帝曰：何謂所勝？岐伯曰：春勝長夏，長夏勝冬，冬勝夏，夏勝秋，秋勝春，所謂得五行時之勝，各以氣命其臟。' Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 13. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 136–37. 293 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Baoming quanxing lun pien diershiwu 〈寶命全形論篇第二十五〉. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 36. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 215.

106 In this sense, the Five Phases is always understood as dynamically integrated rather than as material substance alone. Applied to the human body, the notion of the Five Phases is used to explain the dynamic relationships and affinities between the five viscera and their correspondences in nature.294 In addition, the permutation is extended to include correlative elements such as taste, emotion, physiological control, secretion, et cetera. For instance, the liver is associated with spring, sourness, anger, muscles and sinews as well as tears; the heart is associated with summer, bitterness, joy, the pulse and sweat; the spleen is associated with the long summer, sweetness, anxiety/worry, flesh and

[ordinary] saliva; the lungs are associated with autumn, pungency, pity/sorrow, skin, and nasal mucus; and the kidneys are associated with winter; saltiness, fear, bones, and saliva (produced at the base of tongue).295 See Table I for a chart of the symbolic correlations and the body.296

294 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/ Yinyang yinxiang dalunpien diwu〈陰陽應象大論篇第五〉, '... Nature has four seasons and five elements. In order to grant a long life the four seasons and the five elements store up the power of creation within cold, excessive dryness, moisture, and wind. Man has five viscera in which these five climates are transformed to create joy, anger, sympathy, grief, and fear. 天有四時五行以生長收藏，以生寒暑燥濕風。人有五臟化五氣，以生喜怒悲憂恐。' Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 7. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 117. 295 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Zangqifashilun diershier〈藏氣法時論篇第二十二〉, 'The Yellow Emperor said, "In order to bring it into harmony, the human body takes as standard the laws of the four seasons and the Five Phases.

107

This method serves as a regulator to man, [no matter] whether he is obedient or whether he is in opposition (to these laws), whether he is successful or whether he suffers failure. I desire further enlightenment in this matter." Qibo replied, "The Five Phases are metal, wood, water, fire, and earth. Their changes, their increasing value, their increasing depreciation and worthlessness serve to give knowledge of death and life and they serve to determine success and failure. They determine the strength of the five viscera, and establish their important division according to the four seasons and their dates of life and death." The Emperor said, "I desire complete information about all this." Qibo answered, "The liver rules over spring. The [region of the] 'absolute yin' and the lesser yang within the foot control the treatment and cure. The days of spring are those of celestial stems jia yi. When the liver suffers from an acute attack one should quickly eat sweet (food) in order to calm it down. The heart rules over the summer. The [region of the] lesser yin and the region of the great yang control the treatment and cure. The days of summer are those of the celestial stems bing ding. When the heart suffers from tardiness, one should quickly eat sour (food) which has an astringent effect. The spleen rules over the long summer. The regions of the great yin and the [regions of] 'sunlight' within the foot control the treatment and cure. The days of the long summer are those of the celestial stems wu ji. When the spleen suffers from moisture one should quickly eat bitter food which has a drying effect. The lungs rule over autumn. The [region of the great yin and the region of 'sunlight' within the hands control the treatment and cure. The days of autumn are those of celestial stems geng xin. When the lungs suffer from the obstruction of the upper respiratory tract, one should quickly eat bitter (food) which will disperse the obstruction and restore the flow. The kidneys rule over winter. The [region of the] lesser yin and the region of the great yang control the treatment and cure. The days of winter are those of celestial stems ren gui. When the kidneys suffer from dryness, one should quickly eat pungent food which will moisten them. It will open the pores and will bring about a free circulation of the saliva and the fluid secretions... 黃帝問曰：合人形以法四時五行而治，何如而從，何如而逆？得失之意，願聞其事。岐伯對曰：五行者，金木水火土也。更貴更賤，以知死生，以決成敗，而定五臟之氣，間甚之時，死生之期也。帝曰：願卒聞之。岐伯曰：肝主春，足厥陰少陽主治。其日甲乙。肝苦急，急食甘以緩之。心主夏，手少陰太陽主治。其日丙丁。心苦緩，急食酸以收之。脾主長夏，足太陰陽明主治。其日戊己。脾苦濕，急食苦以燥之。肺主秋，手太陰陽明主治。其日庚辛。肺苦氣上逆，急食苦以泄之。腎主冬，足少陰太陽主治。其日壬癸。腎苦燥，急食辛以潤之，開腠理，致津液通氣也。' Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Xuanming wuqi pien diershisan〈宣明五氣篇第二十三〉, 'The five flavours enter [into the organs in the following manner]: the sour flavour enters into the liver; the pungent flavour enters into the lungs; the bitter flavour enters into the heart; the salty flavour enters into the kidneys; and the sweet flavour enters into the spleen. This explain where the five flavours enter... 五味所入：酸入肝、辛入肺、苦入心、鹹入腎、甘入脾，是為五入。 The five spirits are equal to the five essences. When they are united they cause joy to emanate from the heart; they cause pity/sorrow to emanate from the lungs; they cause anger to emanate from the liver; they cause anxiety/worry to emanate from the spleen; and they cause fear to emanate from the kidneys. This explains the unity of the five spiritual essences. When the essences are exhausted then the five spirits should unite... 五精所並：精氣並於心則善，並於肺則悲，並於肝則憂，並於脾則畏，並於腎則恐，是謂五並，虛而相並者也。 The transformation of the fluid secretions as they affect the five viscera are: in regard to the heart the secretions become sweat; in regard to the lungs the

108 In its explanation of the workings of the five viscera (五臟), one of the most interesting and distinctive features of the Huang di neijing is the imaging of the five viscera as a working bureaucracy. Accordingly,

The Yellow Emperor inquired of Qibo, "I desire to hear how it is possible that the twelve viscera send each other that which is precious and that which is worthless." Qibo replied, "How can I best answer this question? May I ask you to follow these words: the heart is like the sovereign who excels through insight and understanding; the lungs [like the premier] are the symbol of the interpretation and conduct of the official jurisdiction and regulation; the liver has the functions of a military leader who excels in his strategic planning; the gall bladder occupies the position of an important and upright official who excels through his decisions and judgment; the middle of the thorax (the part between the breasts) is like the official of the center who guides the subjects in their joys and pleasures; the stomach acts as the official of the public granaries and grants the five tastes; the lower intestines are like the officials who propagate the Right Way of Living, and they generate evolution and change; the small intestines are like the officials who are trusted with riches, and they create changes of the physical substance; the kidneys are like the officials who do energetic work, and they excel through their ability and cleverness; the burning spaces are like the officials who plan the construction of the ditches and sluices, and they create waterways; the groins and the bladder are the magistrates of a region or a district, they store the overflow and the fluid secretions which serve to regulate vaporisation. These twelve officials should not fail to assist one another. "When the sovereign is intelligent and enlightened, there is peace and contentment among his subjects; they can thus beget offspring, bring up their children, earn a living and lead a long and happy life.

secretions become nasal mucus; in regard to the liver the secretions become tears; in regard to the spleen the secretions become [ordinary] saliva; in regard to the kidneys the secretions becomes saliva [produced at the base of tongue]. This explains the five fluid secretions... 五臟化液：心為汗、肺為涕、肝為淚、脾為涎、腎為唾。是為五液。 The control of the five viscera acts in the following way: the heart controls the pulse; the lungs control the skin; the liver controls the muscles and sinews; the spleen controls the flesh; and the kidneys controls the bones. This explains the five controls. 五臟所主：心主脈、肺主皮、肝主筋、脾主肉、腎主骨。是為五臟所主。' Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 32–34. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 198–200, 206–209. 296 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 412.

109 And because there are no more dangers and perils, the earth is considered glorious and prosperous." "But when the sovereign is not intelligent and enlightened, the twelve officials become dangerous and perilous; the use of Dao (the Right Way), is obstructed and blocked, and Dao no longer circulates warnings against physical excesses. When one attains Dao (the Right Way), even in small and trifling matters, the change will not exhaust and impoverish the people, for they know how to search for themselves."297 黃帝問曰：願聞十二臟之相使，貴賤何如？岐伯對曰：悉乎哉問也。請遂言之！心者，君主之官也，神明出焉。肺者，相傅之官，治節出焉。肝者，將軍之官，謀慮出焉膽者中正之官，決斷出焉。膻中者，臣使之官，喜樂出焉。脾胃者，食廩之官，五味出焉。大腸者，傳道之官，變化出焉。小腸者，受盛之官，化物出焉。腎者，作強之官，伎巧出焉。三焦者，決瀆之官，水道出焉。膀胱者，州都之官，津液藏焉，氣化則能出矣。凡此十二官者，不得相失也。故主明則下安，以此養生則壽，沒世不殆，以為天下則大昌。主不明則十二官危，使道閉塞而不通，形乃大傷，以此養生則殃，以為天下者，其宗大危，戒之戒之。至道在微，變化無窮，孰知其原。

Here, 'somatic posts' are charged like officials with specific duties, each responsible for a range of activity. For example, the heart is said to occupy the sovereign's position; the lungs the premier's position; the liver the military leader's position; and so forth mimicking a working bureaucracy.

The text goes on to posit that regulating one's health is not unlike ruling a country, advocating that an intelligent and enlightened sovereign is key to peace, harmony, and prosperity. However, the Huang di neijing also articulates a vision of a sovereign who sought the advice and counsel of his minister. To elaborate, the Huang di neijing generally takes the form of

297 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Linglan midianlun di ba〈靈蘭秘典論篇第八〉. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 11–12. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 133–34.

110 dialogue between Huangdi and his minister, Qibo, in which 'the emperor poses the questions and the minister branches into answers which are actually long discourses.'298 Sivin observes that in all except a few cases the emperor 'is asking the questions one would expect of a disciple when he is being prepared to receive a text from his teacher.'299 Qibo in this case is a minister who assumes the roles of both a master initiating his disciple and also a sage adviser counseling his sovereign. Charlotte Furth remarks that

'by adopting cosmological theory, the makers of the Inner Canon helped naturalise it as a fundamental belief system, not only incorporated into the cosmos at large and into the imperial body politic but also explaining a natural body that experienced health and disease according to time and circumstances that the larger patterns rendered intelligible.'300 Another important aspect of the traditional Chinese construction of the medical body concerns the way the Huang di neijing conceives the relative status of the mind and the body. In the context of the Huang di neijing, the body is generally described or conceived as consisting basically of fluids and energy. For example, organs and bones are generally described as storage hall for fluids or substances. If the body is conceived as consisting

298 Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 9, 10. 299 de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 274. 300 Furth, A Flourishing Yin, 23.

111 essentially of fluids and energy, how then is the mind conceived in relation to the body? According to the Huainanzi,

Essence and spirit belong to heaven, the bones and shape belong to the earth. When people die, their essence and spirit return to heaven, their bones and shape go back to the earth.301 精神者天之有也，而骨骸者地之有也；精神入門，而骨骸反其根

Hidemi Ishida comments that if one considers essence and spirit as a single entity and contrasts it with bones and shape, the concept of mind and body thus emerges.302 To further elaborate, the Huang di neijing states

... The brain, the marrow, the bones, the pulse, the gall, and the womb of the woman, these six organs, have been produced by the atmosphere of the earth. They are all viscera belonging to yin and they are the natural symbols of the earth; therefore they store and do not dispel, and their name is 'unfailing and preserving intestines.' The stomach, the lower intestines, the three foci/burner, and the bladder, these five viscera have an evil odour and their name is 'conducting and transforming intestines.' Within these nothing can remain for a long time, for they transport and dispel. The rectum too is part of the five viscera and prevents the water and grain from being retained too long within the viscera. The so-called five viscera store up the essences of life and do not dispel them; since they must be filled they cannot be solid. The six bowels conduct and transform substance and do not store, therefore they are solid and cannot be filled.303 腦、髓、骨、脈、膽、女子胞此六者，地氣之所生也。皆臟於陰而象於地，故藏而不瀉，名曰奇恒之府。夫胃大腸、小腸、三焦、膀胱此五者天氣之所生也，其氣象天，故瀉而不藏。此受五藏濁氣，名曰傳化之府，此不能久留，輸瀉者也。魄門亦為五臟使，水穀不得久藏。所謂五臟者，藏精氣而不瀉也，故滿而不能實。六腑者，傳化物而不

301 Huainanzi《淮南子》/ Jingshen di qi〈精神第七〉[7.1a] Chen, Xinbian Huainanzi《新編淮南子》Shangce 上冊, 470. English translation from Hidemi Ishida, "Body and Mind: The Chinese Perspective" in Taoist Meditation and Longevity Techniques, ed. Livia Kohn (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan, Center for Chinese Studies, 1989), 47. 302 The word ‘essence’ is a substitute for the word ‘spirit’, shen 神. As such, the two terms can be taken as expressing essentially the same concept. 303 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/ Wuzang bielun piendishiyi〈五藏別論篇第十一〉. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 16. Translation with slight modifications from Veith, Huangti neiching suwen, 145.

112 藏，故實而不能滿也。所以然者，水穀入口則胃實而腸虛，食下則腸實而胃虛。故曰實而不滿，滿而不實也。

The passage is a little confusing in addressing the nature of the five viscera

(五臟) and six bowels (六腑), and thus requires clarification. In general, the

Huang di neijing asserts that there are five viscera and six bowels in the body. The five viscera are the heart, the spleen, the lungs, the liver and the kidneys. They are credited with the capacity to store. The six bowels, on the other hand, refer to stomach, gall bladder, the lower intestines, and the three burning spaces (三焦). They are held to have the capacity to dispel and eliminate. According to the passage, the brain is considered to be a fluid-like substance residing in the five viscera. Interestingly, the Guanzi 官

子 also expressed a similar notion of the mind as fluid,

Essence arises naturally (in the body). Due to its existence the outer surface of the body is harmonised and shining, while the deep within essence becomes like a deep spring. The deeper the harmony, the more essence will turn into a pool of energy…When the mind opens up and energy expands, we speak of the circulation of energy. This movement of the mind is as ceaseless as the continuous revolution of the cosmos.304 Here the mind, as essence and spirit, pervades every part of the body and is understood as being fluid. The flowing mind, in constant circulation like the energies and fluids of the body, serves to control and regulate the body and its various energies. Thus, the flowing body as well as the flowing mind are closely interrelated. In fact, both circulate according to the ways of the

304 Ishida, “Body and Mind: The Chinese Perspective,” 48.

113 mind, whose main agents are will and intention, and the channels are the conduits of the flowing body.305 Together they constitute the blood, energy and mind. In this sense, body and mind are ultimately one.

In retrospect, the body as imagined by the Huangdi neijing is a highly stylised one because emphasis is placed on addressing the functions and processes rather than the overall anatomical structure. Here the body in question is a construct not so much of a singular body as of bodies in general, divided into three types. The first is the cosmological body whereby the body is, by and large, a representation of the universe. The second is the body politic. Here, the body is imagined as a working bureaucracy. The third is the natural body, which is essentially a 'fluid' one. I use the term

'fluid' because the natural/biological body is traditionally understood as being engendered and circulated by qi through the interaction of yin and yang. In addition, it does not differentiate between psychological and physiology functions as separate entities. This idea of body and mind as one probably accounts for traditional Chinese medicine's holistic approach to viewing the total existence of a person as an integrated bio-psychosocial system. Health, to a certain extent, involves harmonising the qi within the body. Thus, the idea of ‘healing the body’ can be easily expressed as

305 Ibid., 67.

114 ‘healing the qi energy that circulates throughout the body’.306 All in all, the first and second types of bodies provide the structure or guidelines to

'stabilise' the third. Collectively, they present a theoretical construct of a medical body.

2.3 CULTIVATING THE SELF AND BODY

The Chinese word for self-cultivation, xiushen 修身, hints at the intimate relationship between cultivation of self and the body. As mentioned earlier, the word xiushen literally means the cultivation of the body in the Chinese language. Thus, the act and process of cultivating the self is inextricably linked to the cultivation of the body because the self as a concrete living reality cannot be separated from the body.307 This section is concerned with elucidating the intimate relationship between self-cultivation, the body, and the artistic creative process. As I have already presented the intimate relationship between artistic creativity and self-cultivation in Chapter One, this discussion address the perception and importance of the body in relation to the notion of artistic creativity as process of self-cultivation.308 The

306 Ibid., 45. 307 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought: An Approach to Chinese Aesthetics," 60. 308 See Chapter One, section on 1.3, Artistic Creativity as Process of Self- cultivation.

115 inquiry will start with an examination of the Chinese character for the arts – yi 藝.309

Etymologically, the character yi 藝 signifies the planting or cultivating of fields.310 Yi 藝 appears at least three times in the Lunyu《論語》 . In Lunyu 7.6, yi 藝 refers to the arts.311 However, in Lunyu 6.8 and 14.12, yi 藝relates to being accomplished.312 Tu alludes to the idea that the agricultural origin of the character may have given rise to its meaning of acquired skills and thus a man of yi 藝 may be said to be a talented person capable of performing usual tasks.313 In addition, Tu posits that 'the Confucian emphasis on literary accomplishments may have provided the impetus to define yi 藝 in terms of the fine arts.'314 Before elucidating the notion of yi 藝 in relation to the fine

309 In the following, I have intentionally kept the character script for yi 藝 (the arts) to avoid possible confusion with the character yi 意 (idea), which I have discussed at length in the last chapter. 310 Morohashi, Dai kanwa jiten 大漢和辭典, IX, 987. 311 Lunyu《論語》7.6, 'The Masters said, "I set my heart on the Way, base myself on virtue, lean upon benevolence for support and take my recreation in the arts. 子曰：「志於道，據於德，依於仁，遊於藝」' The original text and the English translation from The Analects, 56–57. 312 Lunyu《論語》6.8, '... "Is Qiu good enough to be given office?" "Qiu is accomplished. What is there to taking office for him?" 子曰：「求也可使從政也與?」子曰：「求也藝，於從政乎何有?」' Lunyu《論語》14.12, 'Zilu asked about the complete man. The Master said, "A man as wise as Zang Wuzhong, as free from desires as Meng Gongchuo, as courageous as Zhuangzi of Bian and as accomplished as Ran Qiu, who is further refined by the rites and music, may be considered a complete man." 子路問成人。子曰：「若臧武仲之知，公綽之不欲，卞莊子之勇，冉求之藝，文之以禮樂，亦可以為成人矣。」' Ibid., 48, 49, 134–35. 313 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought: An Approach to Chinese Aesthetics," 60. 314 Ibid.

116 arts, I will first examine the Liuyi 六藝 or the Six Arts in classical Confucian thought. This inquiry provides a crucial insight into the significance of the body in relation to aesthetic values within the Chinese tradition.

In classical Confucian tradition, a man acquires a wide range of accomplishments through education including skills like the Liuyi (Six

Arts).315 The Liuyi or Six Arts generally refers to li 禮 (ritual), yue 樂 (Music), she 射 (archery), yu 御 (charioteering), shu 書 (calligraphy), and shu 數

(arithmetic).316 These are activities with particular reference to the body as I will elaborate below.

The first of the Liuyi is li.317 Etymologically, the ideograph li denotes a sacrificial act.318 In general, li has been rendered as 'ceremony,' 'ritual,'

315 The Analects, xxxvii. Also see Lunyu《論語》1.6, 'The Master said, "A young man should be a good son at home and an obedient man abroad, sparing of speech but trustworthy in what he says, and should love the multitude at large but cultivate the friendship of his fellow men. If after these activities, he has any energy to spare, let him use it to making himself cultivated." 子曰：「弟子入則孝，出則弟，謹而信，汎愛眾而親人。行有餘力，則以學文。」' Here, D.C. Lau renders wen 文 as forms of learning that have the propensity to make one cultivated. In the Xinyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, wen infers more specifically to the learning of the Shishu 詩書 (Book of Poetry) [and] Liuyi (Six Arts). Reference to Lunyu see The Analects, 78-79. Reference to the Xinyi sishu duben see Xie, Xingyi sishu duben《新譯四書讀本》, 70. 316 六藝者，禮、樂、射、御、書、數也。《周禮·保氏》：“養國子以道，乃教之六藝：一曰五禮，二曰六樂，三曰五射，四曰五馭，五曰六書，六曰九數。” 317 In the following, I have intentionally kept the character script for li 禮 to avoid possible confusion with the character li 理 (principle). 318 Zhou He 周何, Zhubian 主編. Guoyu Huoyong Cidian《國語活用辭典》, (Taibei 臺北: Wunan tushu chubangongsi 五南圖書出版公司, Zhonghua Minguo 94 中華民國九十四年 [2005]), 1475.

117 'rites,' 'propriety,' 'rules of propriety,' 'decorum,' etc.319 According to A. C.

Graham, the word li 'embraces all rites, customs, manners, conventions, from sacrifices to ancestors down to the details of social etiquette.'320 Lunyu

12.1 expresses how li is applied within the context of social intercourse.

... The Master said, "Do not look unless it is in accordance with the rites; do not listen unless it is in accordance with the rites; do not speak unless it is in accordance with the rites; do not move unless it is in accordance with the rites."321 子曰：「非禮勿視，非禮勿聽，非禮勿言，非禮勿動。」

Here, the translation and realisation of li into practice involves an awareness of bodily functions such as sight, hearing, speech, and movement. A.C.

Graham contends that 'li in social intercourse corresponds to a considerable extent with Western conceptions of good manners; the Confucian gentleman moves with an effortless grace within the framework of fixed convention, informing every action with consideration and respect for the other person.'322 Thus, it is not surprising to find many detailed observations in the Lunyu of the Master's own ceremonial performance such as how he spoke, dressed, ate, bowed, walked, stood, and sat etc.323 In this sense, li regulates the body and by extension disciplines it. Tu asserts that

319 See Tu Weiming, "Li 禮 as Process of Humanization," Philosophy East and West 22, no. 2 (April 1972): 190. 320 A.C. Graham, Disputers of the Tao: Philosophical Argument in Ancient China (Chicago and Illinois: Open Court, 2001), 11. 321 The source text and English translation from The Analects, 108–109. 322 Graham, Disputers of the Tao, 11. 323 For selected references see the Xiang dang 鄉黨 chapter of the Lunyu《論語》 in The Analects, 86-95.

118 'Confucian thought values the heuristic function of ritual so highly that it seems to have characterised ritualisation as the concrete process whereby we learn to become mature human beings.'324 As an example, the Lunyu states:

Yen Yuan, heaving a sigh, said, '... The Master is good at leading one on step by step. He broadens me with culture and brings me back to essentials by means of the rites. I cannot give up even if I wanted to, but, having done all I can, it seems to rise sheer above me and I have no way of going after it, however much I may want to.325 顏淵喟然歎：「... 夫子循循然善誘人，博我以文，約我以禮，欲罷不能。既竭吾才，如有所立卓爾。雖欲從之，末由也已。」

The second of the Liuyi is yue 樂 (Music). According to the Lunyu, yue

(Music) is 'more than just about bells and drums.'326 For a start, yue (Music) consists 'not only of instrumental music, but also includes such cognate art forms as poetry, song, and dance – forms which allow for a more programmatic content than pure music alone.'327 According to the Liji section on Yueji〈樂記〉, the root of yue (Music) is yin 音 (notes).328 To elaborate, the Yueji states,

324 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought: An Approach to Chinese Aesthetics", 61. Also see Tu, "Li 禮 as Process of Humanization", 187–201. 325 Lunyu《論語》9.11. Source text and the English translation from The Analects, 78–79. 326 Lunyu《論語》17.11, 'The Master said, "... Surely when one says 'Music, music,' it is not enough merely to mean bells and drums." 子曰：「... 樂云樂云，鐘鼓云乎哉？」 Ibid., 174–175. 327 Scott Cook, ""Yue Ji" yue ji – Record of Music: Introduction, Translation, Notes, and Commentary," Asian Music 26, no. 2 (1995): 13. 328 Scott Cook asserts that 'the term yin is seen as sheng which have become ordered, and is as a result a carrier of human sentiment far more expressive than singular sound. Yet yin does not display kingly virtue; when it does, it

119 In all cases, the arising of notes (yin) are born in the hearts of men. The movement of men's hearts is made so by [external] things. They are touched off by things and move, thus they take shape in [human] sound (sheng). Sounds respond to each other, and thus give birth to change. Change forms a pattern, and this is called notes (yin). The music is brought close and found enjoyable and reaches the point of shields and axes, feathers and pennants, and this is called Music (yue).329 凡音之起，由人心生也。人心之動，物使之然也。感於物而動，故形於聲。聲相應。故生變；變成方，謂之音。比音而樂之，及干戚羽旄，謂之樂。

In other words, yin (notes) is said to arise in the hearts of men in response to external things, and this response may be expressed in the form of sheng 聲 (voices). When sheng (voices) respond to each other, they give rise to change and form patterns known as yin (notes). Once yin

(notes) is extended to the realm of human affairs, it turns into yue (Music).

The Yueji further states that

Music (樂) is that which arises from notes (音). Its root lies in the touching by men's hearts by [external] things. For this reason, for he whose heart is touched by sorrow, his voice (聲) is exhausted and decaying; for he whose heart is touched by happiness, his sound is spacious and leisurely; for he whose heart is touched by joy, his sound is expansive and far-reaching; for he whose heart is touched by anger, his sound is coarse and unyielding; for he whose heart is becomes yue.' He further adds that 'whereas yin was the first to achieve a degree of harmony on a purely musical level, yue achieves the same harmony throughout society, and it can do so by virtue of the intrinsic harmony that it in itself possesses.' Ibid., 20–22. 329 Liji《禮記》-Yueji〈樂記〉/Yueben〈樂本〉. Scripta Sinica 漢籍電子文獻, Shisanjing zhushu (Yibayiwu nian Ruanyuan keben) 十三經注疏(一八一五年阮元刻本), 'Qinding Sikuquanshu zongmu Liji zhengyi liushisanquan 欽定四庫全書總目禮記正義六十三卷,' (Taibei 臺北: Academia Sinica 中央研究院, November 1997), http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms- bin/ftmsw3?ukey=32997409&path=/1.6.18.1.662p (accessed 7 December 2004) [Note: If the direct web-link is not working, follow this selection process: http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms-bin/ftmsw3, then select 瀚典：十三經注疏（一八一五元刻本）／禮記注疏／樂記／卷三十七／662]. English translation with modifications from Cook, ""Yue Ji" yue ji – Record of Music: Introduction, Translation, Notes, and Commentary," 25.

120 touched by reverence, his sound is straightforward and upright; for he whose heart is touched by love, his sound is harmonious and gentle. These six are not (inner) nature – they are set in motion only after being touched by things. For this reason, the former kings were cautious in what was used touch them to (the people). Thus Ritual (禮) was used to direct their wills, Music (樂) was used to harmonise their voices (聲), Administration (政) was used to unify their actions, and Punishment (刑) was used to prevent their violations. Rituals, Music, Punishment, and Administration – their ends are one: they are that which is used to unify the people's hearts and put forth the Way of Governance.330 樂者，音之所由生也，其本在人心之感於物也。是故其哀心感者，其聲_ 以殺；其樂心感者，其聲嘽以緩；其喜心感者，其聲發以散；其怒心感者，其聲粗以厲；其敬心感者，其聲直以廉；其愛心感者，其聲和以柔。六者，非性也，感於物而后動。是故先王慎所以感之者。故禮以道其志，樂以和其聲，政以一其行，刑以防其姦。禮樂刑政，其極一也，所以同民心而出治道也。

This infers that yue (Music) is intended to harmonise the body so it can express the proper emotions that are in tune with the rhythm of life. By extension, the right kind of music can transform the human body into an articulation of beauty such as in the form of a dance. Interestingly, the Yueji states,

... Rite regulates the people's heart; Music harmonises the people's voices; Administration is used to carry them out; Punishment is used to prevent [transgressions against] them. If the four develop and go unopposed, then the kingly Way is complete.331

330 Liji《禮記》-Yueji〈樂記〉/Yueben〈樂本〉. Scripta Sinica 漢籍電子文獻, Shisanjing zhushu (Yibayiwu nian Ruanyuan keben) 十三經注疏(一八一五年阮元刻本), 'Qinding Sikuquanshu zongmu Liji zhengyi liushisanquan 欽定四庫全書總目禮記正義六十三卷,' (Taibei 臺北: Academia Sinica 中央研究院, November 1997), http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms- bin/ftmsw3?ukey=32997409&path=/1.6.18.1.4.2.663p (accessed 7 December 2004) [Note: If the direct web-link is not working, one needs to follow this selection process: http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms-bin/ftmsw3, then select 瀚典：十三經注疏（一八一五元刻本）／禮記注疏／樂記／卷三十七／663]. Slight modifications to the English translation from Cook, ""Yue Ji" yue ji – Record of Music: Introduction, Translation, Notes, and Commentary," 27–28. 331 Liji《禮記》-Yueji〈樂記〉/Yueben〈樂本〉.

121 禮節民心，樂和民聲，政以行之，刑以防之。禮樂刑政，四達而不悖，則王道備矣。

In this sense, li 禮 (ritual) disciplines the body while yue (Music) harmonises the body. Together, they symbolise the civilising mode, the proper way of learning to be human.332

The third of the Liuyi is she, which may be translated as archery.

Archery requires one to train the body so as to develop the necessary dexterity and muscles to draw the bow and hit the target. Confucius asserts that an excellent archer is not unlike an exemplary person (君子) because when he misses the target, he will turn inward to examine himself.333 In these regards, she (archery) is not only about body–mind coordination, it is bound up with self-cultivation. Likewise, the remaining components of the

Liuyi – yu (charioteering), shu (calligraphy), and shu (arithmetic) – seem to

Scripta Sinica 漢籍電子文獻, Shisanjing zhushu (Yibayiwu nian Ruanyuan keben) 十三經注疏(一八一五年阮元刻本), 'Qinding Sikuquanshu zongmu Liji zhengyi liushisanquan 欽定四庫全書總目禮記正義六十三卷,' (Taibei 臺北: Academia Sinica 中央研究院, November 1997), http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms- bin/ftmsw3?ukey=32997409&path=/1.6.18.1.10.2.667p (accessed 7 December 2004) [Note: If the direct web-link is not working, one needs to follow this selection process: http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms-bin/ftmsw3, then select 瀚典：十三經注疏（一八一五元刻本）／禮記注疏／樂記／卷三十七／667]. English translation from Cook, ""Yue Ji" yue ji – Record of Music: Introduction, Translation, Notes, and Commentary," 40. 332 This is also apparent in Lunyu 《論語》8.8 whereby 'The Master said, "Be stimulated by the Odes, take your stand through the help of the rites and be perfected by music. 子曰：「興於《詩》，立於禮，成於樂。」' The Analects, 70-71. 333 Zhongyong《中庸》14, '... The Master said, ''As in archery, so in the conduct of the exemplary person: In failing to hit the bull’s-eye, look for the reason within oneself.'' 子曰：「射有似乎君子，失諸正鵠，反求諸其身。」' Xie, Xingyi sishu duben 《新譯四書讀本》, 37. English translation from Ames and Hall, Focusing the Familiar, 95.

122 be concerned with refining the body for they involve developing the necessary dexterity to accomplish the respective activities.334 For example, driving the chariot requires physical strength and mental concentration; writing beautiful calligraphy involves the strength and supple movement of the waist and arm, as well as a focused mind; and solving arithmetic problems may involve using the fingers or the abacus resourcefully for a student. The study of the Liuyi (Six Arts) is not just about the observation and imitation of the master's bodily movements in the act of performing the respective yi 藝 (arts). Correctness of physical form is important but so is the mental attitude behind it. Herbert Fingarette points out that the primary concern of the Confucian master is the well-being of the student as a total person in a state of transformation.335 At the heart of this transformation is the student's attitude towards xue 學 (learning). To elaborate, learning within the Confucian tradition is an activity that is to be approached with perseverance and enthusiasm.336 In addition, one is encouraged not only to

334 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought: An Approach to Chinese Aesthetics," 60. 335 Herbert Fingarette, The Self in Transformation (New York, 1965), 244–293. Also see Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought: An Approach to Chinese Aesthetics," 63. 336 Lunyu《論語》1.4, 7.2, 8.17, 19.5, 19.6. The Analects, 2, 3, 56, 57, 72, 73, 190–91.

123 learn widely and be steadfast in purpose but also to inquire earnestly and reflect on what is at hand.337 Lunyu 7.8 states,

The Master said, "I never enlighten everyone who has not been driven to by distraction by trying to understand a difficulty or who has not got into a frenzy trying to put his ideas into words. When I have pointed out one corner of a square to anyone and he does not come back with the other three, I will not point it out to him a second time."338 子曰：「不憤不啟，不悱不發。舉一隅不以三隅反，則不復也。」

This infers that the Master/teacher's role as a facilitator is important, but so is the active participation of the student/learner. Furthermore, it suggests that an important aspect of learning is bound up with the act of si 思

(thinking). This recalls the famous Confucian maxim,

If one learns [from others] but does not think, one will be bewildered. If, on the other hand, one thinks but does not learn [from others], one will be imperiled.339 學而不思則罔，思而不學則殆。

Interestingly, Mengzi 6A.15 infers that si 思 (thinking) is associated with xin

心 (heart-mind),340 which constitutes the dati 大體 (greater body-person).341

The same passages from the Mengzi also infer that the xiaoti 小體 (smaller body-person) is made up of the physical form of the body.342 If the learning of the Liuyi (Six Arts) encompasses the careful observation and imitation of

337 Lunyu《論語》19.6, '... Learn widely and be steadfast in your purpose, inquire earnestly and reflect on what is at hand. 博學而篤志，切問而近思' Ibid., 190-191. 338 Lunyu《論語》7.8. Ibid., 56-57. 339 Lunyu《論語》2.15. Ibid., 14–15. 340 Here, the notion of xin 心 (heart-mind) denotes faculties not organs. 341 Mencius, 256-259. 342 See Chapter Six, section 6.2 (Expressing the Dati 大體 and Xiaoti 小體) for the translation of the terms dati and xiaoti.

124 correct bodily movements, as well as reflecting on the performance and objective of the respective activities; it follows that this learning is also concerned with the nurturing of both the dati and the xiaoti. In this regard, the Liuyi may be considered an essential part of cultivating the self because the process of learning them appear to be a deliberate attempt to allow civilising influences to work through the body as well as the mind.343

Traditionally, painting is regarded as a form of yi 藝. One reason for the claim is the intimate relationship between calligraphy and painting. The common saying, shuhua tong yuan 書畫同原, meaning 'calligraphy and painting have the same source,' is often cited to express the close relation between the two.344 To elaborate, both utilise the same instrument and materials; and both employ similar techniques. If the aim of learning the

Liuyi is bound up with cultivating the self, then painting, which is purported to have the same source as calligraphy is likewise bound up with cultivating the self. For this reason, painting may also be seen as an activity that allows civilising influences to work through the body as well as the mind. This recalls the introductory words of the Lidai minghua ji by Zhang Yanyuan

343 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought: An Approach to Chinese Aesthetics," 60. 344 An example, Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠 in the Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/ Xuhua zhi yuanliu〈敘畫之源流〉, remarks that '... writing and painting have different names, they are yet of the same substance (書畫異名而同體也)'. Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol. 1, 66.

125 which states that 'painting is a thing which perfects the civilising teachings

(of the Sages) and helps (to maintain) the social relationships.'345

Interestingly, Xu Fuguan 徐復觀 states in his Zhongguo yishu jingshen《中

國藝術精神》 (The Chinese Spirit of Art) that Confucians and Daoists share the belief that self-cultivation is basic to artistic creativity.346 Tu reaffirms this assertion and further remarks that,

Art, in this sense, becomes not only a technique to be mastered but also an articulation of a deepened subjectivity. It moves and touches us because it comes from a source of inspiration which humanity shares with heaven, earth, and the myriad things... Deepened subjectivity centers upon the "great foundation" (大本) of the cosmos. As a result, it harmonises different forms of life and brings humanity into tune with nature, so that the distinction between subject and object is dissolved.347

If self-cultivation is basic to artistic creativity,348 then when human beings create art they participate 'in the transforming and nourishing process of

345 Lidai minghua ji 《歷代名畫記》/Xuhua zhi yuanliu〈敘畫之源流〉, 'Now painting is a thing which perfects the civilising teachings (of the Sages) and helps (to maintain) the social relationships. It penetrates completely the divine permutations (of Nature) and fathoms recondite and subtle things. Its merit is equal to that of (any of) the Six Arts (of Antiquity) and it moves side by side with the Four Seasons. It proceeds from Nature itself and not from (human) invention. 夫畫者成教化。助人倫。窮神變。測幽微。興六籍同功。四時並運。發於天然。非由述作。' Ibid., 61. Also see Chapter One, section 1.3 (Artistic Creativity as Process of Self Cultivation) for further reference to this comment. 346 Xu Fuguan 徐復觀, Zhongguo yishu jingshen《中國藝術精神》, Diwuban 第五版 (Taibei 臺北: Xuesheng shuju 學生書局, Zhonghua Minguo liushiwunian 中華民國六十五年), 132. 347 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought: An Approach to Chinese Aesthetics," 57. 348 For reference to this idea see Chapter One, section 1.3 (Artistic Creativity as Process of Self Cultivation).

126 heaven and earth.'349 Fundamental to this claim is the transformation of the self through self-cultivation. This encompasses the cultivation of both the dati and the xiaoti.350 Here, and as mentioned earlier, the dati infers the xin

心 (heart-mind) and the xiaoti infers the shen (physical form). However both the xin (heart-mind) and the shen (physical form) should be understood as an integrated whole rather than a separate entity because the self as a concrete living reality cannot be separated from the body.351 Together, they are essential to the physical and psychological phenomena that contribute to the total development of learning to be human.

2.4 CONCLUSION

The three sections above ('The Body as Representation of the Universe,'

'The Medical Body,' and 'Cultivating the Self and Body') clearly illustrate the body as a site of multiple discourses. This is not a body based on a western scientific anatomical model. Instead of a body per se, there is a multiplicity of bodies. This multiplicity of bodies is created by drawing on metaphors and other tropes to socially construct a complex web of interrelated meanings. Thus, the so-called Chinese body is simultaneously one and many. In addition, it is highly permeable. Two aspects in particular suggest

349 Zhongyong《中庸》22. I present the full quote in Chapter One, section 1.22 (Cheng 誠 as Creativity). 350 Here, the dati 大體 denotes the xin 心 (heart-mind) and the xiaoti 小體 denotes the physical form. 351 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought," 60.

127 an intimate relationship between landscape and the body. These are, first, the construction of a recognisable body based on the invention of a macrocosm (world of nature) and a microcosm (the human world) as a single manifold and second, the way the attributes of landscape are linked with bodily parts. If landscape is bound up with the body, then it is logical to assume that the representation of landscape in painting also draws upon these body metaphors and tropes. To Western eyes, there is a visible lack of a body or bodies in shanshuihua. However, it would be myopic to assume and conclude that these peg-doll like figurines are the only representation of the body in shanshuihua.352 I contend that this is a case of culturally- informed viewing, of knowing what to look for. In the following chapters, I will first discuss the Chinese way of seeing before considering ways to make visible the invisible body/bodies in shanshuihua.

352 The use of the term 'peg-doll' to describe the Chinese body is appropriated from Mark Elvin's comment about how Chinese pictures of the human body appear to Western eyes. For reference see Mark Elvin, "Tales of Shen and Xin: Body-Person and Heart-Mind in China during the Last 150 years," in Fragments for a History of the Human Body Part II, ed. Michel Feher, Ramona Naddaff and Nadia Tazi (New York: Zone, 1989), 266.

128 chapter 3

Seeing in question

To further clarify the argument that shanshuihua is not [just] an image but is also a process, it is crucial to [re]view the way landscape is represented in shanshuihua. As W.J.T. Mitchell argues, one can never understand a picture unless one grasps the ways in which it shows what cannot be seen. In

[re]viewing shanshuihua, this thesis also addresses what is not being seen in the painting.353 The discussion of the 'seen' and 'unseen' in this context is first and foremost concerned with the act and ways of seeing. The act of seeing encompasses more than the fulfillment of a physiological function. It is also bound up with social and cultural conditioning because every viewer belongs to a society and, by extension, subscribes to the bodily conventions and practices of that society in varying degrees.354 To differentiate the mechanism

353 W.J.T. Mitchell, Iconology: Image, Text, Ideology (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1987), 39. 354 James Elkins, The Object Stares Back: On the Nature of Seeing (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1996).

129 of sight from its discursive social and cultural determinants, the former is commonly termed vision and the latter, visuality. To elaborate,

An object reflects a pattern of light on to the eye. The light enters the eye through the pupil, is gathered by the lens, and thrown on the screen at the back of the eye, the retina. On the retina is a network of nerve fibres which pass the light through a system of cells to several millions of receptors, the cones. The cones are sensitive both to light and to colour, and they respond by carrying information about light and colour to the brain.355

This account and understanding of vision summarised by Michael Baxandall, is informed by the basic scientific education of the late twentieth century.

Robert S. Nelson asserts that vision is primarily the domain of science and the history of science. He states that visuality, on the other hand, belongs to the humanities or social sciences because its effects, contexts, values, and intentions are socially constructed.356 Hal Foster explains that vision suggests sight as a physical operation, whereas visuality suggests sight as a social fact.

The two are not opposed as nature to culture because vision is social and historical too, and visuality involves the body and psyche.'357 Together, vision and visuality address ways of seeing.

The invention of artificial perspective in the West, first systematised by Leon-

Battista Alberti in his De pictura of 1435, not only addressed a particular way of seeing, but also had a profound effect in art history.358 The effect of this

355 Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy: A Primer in the Social History of Pictorial Style (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), 29. 356 Robert S. Nelson, "Descartes's Cow and Other Domestications of the Visual," in Visuality Before and Beyond the Renaissance: Seeing as Others Saw, ed. Robert S. Nelson (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 2. 357 Hal Foster, Visions and Visuality (Seattle, Washington: Bay Press, 1988), 9. 358 Robert S. Nelson remarks that, 'Perspective, which we associate with fifteenth century Italy, actually relied upon the work of Ibn al-Haytham and his medieval Latin followers. For historians of optics, therefore, the perspective studies of

130 invention, according to Mitchell, 'was nothing less than to convince an entire civilisation that it possessed an infallible method of representation, a system for the automatic and mechanical production of truths about the material and mental worlds.'359 Upon closer scrutiny, one may discover that this 'infallible' method of representation is founded on, and sustained by, denying its own artificiality and laying claims to being a natural representation of 'the way things look,' 'the way one sees,' or 'the way things really are.'360 This seemingly natural mode of representation was further reinforced by the invention of the camera, a machine built to produce such images. Mitchell asserts that the hegemony of artificial perspective, 'aided by the political and economic ascendance of Western Europe,' has 'conquered the world of representation under the banner of reason, science, and objectivity.'361

Consequently, the hegemony of artificial perspective has also convincingly exercised, endorsed, and sanctioned its own particular way of seeing that few would question its natural attribute and the power it has over how one sees in general. Stephen Melville observes that,

the Renaissance achievement of rational perspective becomes the condition of the art historical discipline, and we are compelled to its terms whenever we look to establish another world view that would not, for example, privilege the Renaissance, because we can neither 'look' nor imagine a 'world view' without reinstalling at the heart of our project the terms only the Renaissance can expound for us.362

Alberti and his contemporaries are late and derivative, but for art history and for the creation and sustenance of a characteristically European visuality, they are seminal, in part because more is involved here than optics.' See Nelson, "Descartes's Cow and Other Domestications of the Visual," 5. 359 Mitchell, Iconology: Image, Text, Ideology, 37. 360 Ibid. 361 Ibid. 362 Stephen Melville, "The Temptation of New Perspectives," October 52 (Spring, 1990): 11.

131 The problem in general is not about the appropriation of artificial perspective as a point of reference but rather the presumption that everyone 'sees' and

'saw' this way. Such a disposition only adds to the possibility of miss-seeing and misreading a work of art because not every work of art subscribes to the tenets of artificial perspective. For example, it would be both confusing and preposterous to think of 'darsan ' in the Hindu tradition within the framework of artificial perspective. Darsan is a Sanskrit word that means seeing.363 In

Hindu ritual tradition, it refers to the visual perception of the sacred.

According to Diana L. Eck, the term is sometimes translated as the

'auspicious sight'.364 The seeing of the divine image or darsan for a Hindu, within the sacred space of the Hindu temple, is not about a vision of the deity in perspectival form and space. Here, the eyes are the means by which one gains access to the blessings of the deity. In other words, the deity 'gives'

(darsan dena) and the devotee 'takes' (darsan lena).365 In this context, seeing is active, reciprocal, and performative. Woodman Taylor asserts that this act of seeing is not only embodied, tactile, gustatory, and sexual; but is also, above all, religious.366 Thus, this is hardly the perspectival system or the objectivity and mechanisation [of sight] of the elite culture of modern Europe.

This is not to suggest that Western perspectival system infers a passive gaze.

363 For selected reference see Diana L. Eck, Darsan: Seeing the Divine in India, 2 ed. (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998); Richard H. Davis, Lives of Indian Images (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1997), 15-50; Nelson, "Descartes's Cow and Other Domestications of the Visual," 13; and Woodman Taylor, "Visual Culture in Performative Practice: The Aesthetics, Politics and Poetics of Visuality in Liturgical Practices if the Vallabha Sampradaya Hindu Community of Kota," Ph.D. dissertation for the University of Chicago, 1997. 364 Eck, Darsan: Seeing the Divine in India, 1. 365 Ibid., 6. 366 Nelson, "Descartes's Cow and Other Domestications of the Visual," 13.

132 (The Western perspectival system was singled out in the thesis as one example of spatial devices in painting because, amongst other things, it is a key device used in Western landscape painting since its birth in the 17th century.367) In fact, the way of seeing a painting rendered in the perspectival format is both complex and far from being a passive event. For example,

Diego Velásquez's Les Meninas is generally accepted as a work that is rendered in strict perspective. (See Figure XXV. The Family of Felipe IV, or

Las Meninas, Ca. 1656.)368 The painting evokes the reciprocity of looking between itself and the viewer. However, the act of looking for the viewer is far from simple. Michel Foucault in his article on Las Meninas asserts that the painting introduced uncertainties in visual representation.369 John Searle observes that the apparent rigor of its construction obscures a trap.370 Like darsan (divine seeing) within the Indian context, the western perspectival system is itself highly complex and is far from a passive event. The point I want to make in this thesis is that seeing is culturally coded and specific, hence, the need to examine more closely the traditional Chinese ways of seeing a work of art in order to provide a platform for a deeper understanding of shanshuihua. Ways of seeing are therefore important markers for understanding a work of art because seeing not only has an intimate relationship with, and consequences for, the production of art; it also has an

367 Denis Cosgrove, "Prospect, Perspective and the Evolution of the Landscape Idea," Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, New Series, Vol. 10, No. 1 (1985), 45-62. 368 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 409–10. 369 Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (New York: Vintage Book, 1994), 3–16. 370 John Searle, "Las Meninas and the Paradoxes of Pictorial Representation," Critical Inquiry, Vol. 6, no. 3 (Spring, 1980), 447–88.

133 effect on the viewing of art. For a start, seeing, informed by one's perception of the world and the self, constitutes and structures one's visual apprehension of the world. Furthermore, how one sees, how one is able, allowed, or made to see, and how one sees this seeing or this not seeing is learned, socially controlled, and organised. In this sense, seeing is culturally coded and specific, and may be considered what Clifford Geertz terms a

'cultural system' that is capable of analysis.371 Therefore, whatever degree of

'thick description' (or conceptual information) the evidence permits can provide a framework that affords an understanding by those who are not insiders to that cultural system.372 Nelson argues that the notion of seeing as a culturally specific and coded activity is itself a consequence of a modern visuality. He further adds that since no one culture's way of seeing will ever match precisely that of other cultures' any act of engagement necessitates an awareness of alterity and the categories into which it is fitted in the act of interpretation and translation.'373 (Whether one is conscious of this social and cultural conditioning is altogether a different issue.)

371 Geertz defines the term culture as 'a historically transmitted pattern of meanings embodied in symbols, a system of inherited conceptions expressed in symbolic forms by means of which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge about and attitudes toward life.' 'Analysis' in this context refers to sorting out the structures of signification. See Clifford Geertz, The Interpretation of Cultures (London: Hutchinson & Co Ltd, 1975), 9, 89. 372 "Thick description" is a phrase Clifford Geertz adopted from the philosopher Gilbert Ryle. Ryle pointed out that without a context, an action, such as a wink would be hard to interpret because of the plethora of associated meanings. As the context changes, the meaning of the action changes. Geertz argues that all human behaviour is like this. A 'thin description' would be a description of the action itself. The thorough explanation is a 'thick description,' which involves explaining the context of the practices and discourse that take place within a society, and in such a way that these practices become meaningful to an 'outsider.' Ibid., 3-30. 373 Nelson, "Descartes's Cow and Other Domestications of the Visual," 15.

134 How then does one begin to approach a viewing of shanshuihua? According to Guo Xi,

... There is a proper way to look at landscapes. [Look] with a heart- mind in tune with forest and streams, then one will value them highly. [Approach] with the eyes of arrogance and extravagance, then one will value them little.374 看山水亦有體，以林泉之心臨之則高，以矮侈之目臨之則價低。

Here, Guo Xi implies that there are at least two ways to see: with the heart- mind (心) and through the eyes (目). But what does it mean to see with the heart-mind? How does this seeing differ from other ways of viewing a painting? And what are the implications of this seeing towards an understanding of shanshuihua? This chapter considers ways of seeing and aspects of realism by examining Chinese words associated with vision and visuality. The chapter then explains the idea of zhen 真 (reality or truth) and, by extension, realism within the Chinese visual tradition. In all, the aim is to provide the theoretical framework for the [re]viewing of shanshuihua in

Chapters Four, Five and Six.

3.1 WORDS FOR SEEING

In many cultures, 'words for seeing have included within their semantic fields the notion of knowing.'375 For instance, one speaks of 'seeing' the point of an argument or line of reasoning; of 'insight' into an issue of complexity; and of the 'vision' of thinkers. In this sense, seeing is not only an activity for the eye but also a form of knowledge. This section of the chapter, 'Words For Seeing,'

374 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉II.a. 375 Eck, Darsan: Seeing the Divine in India, 9.

135 is concerned with exploring Chinese words that are bound up with vision and visuality. In particular, emphasis is placed on elucidating the Chinese characters, kan 看 for vision and guan 觀 for visuality. The aim is to tease out the notion of knowing embedded within the semantic fields of these words.

The word kan may be translated as see, watch, read, regard, visit or consult.

For example, one could 'watch' a basketball game (看籃球比賽); 'see/watch' a film (看電影); 'read' a book (看書); 'regard' someone as a reliable friend (把他

看成可以信賴的朋友); 'visit' a friend (看朋友) or 'consult' a doctor (看醫生).

Here, kan, by and large, refers to seeing or perceiving with the eyes. For a better understanding of kan, I will start with a review of a few Chinese characters that describe and/or relate to sight as a physical operation. They are mu 目, shi 視, and jian 見.

The character mu may be used to convey the categorisation of an item, such as in the context of xiangmu 項目 (item), and mulu 目錄 (table of contents). It is also generally used to convey the idea of sight, either in a literal or a more abstract sense. For example, the expressions mu bu xia ji 目不暇給 or mu bu xia jie 目不暇接 which imply that the eyes cannot take in everything. Mu in this context might also be translated as look. On a more abstract level, the term muqian 目前, literally meaning in front of one’s eyes, means to 'at present'. Interestingly, mu is one of the common radicals for Chinese characters, and words that contain the mu radical are often associated with the eye. See Table II for some of the examples.376 Next, the character shi 視

376 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 413.

136 generally conveys at least one of the following meanings: view, look, regard or inspect.377 In fact the Chinese word for vision is shixian 視線. Other examples of shi relating to vision include shili 視力 (eyesight), shijue 視覺

(vision as a sense), and shiye 視野 (field of vision). Thus, shi is more about

'looking'.

Also relevant at this point is the distinction between the words 'look' and 'see' as well as their respective relation to vision and visuality. According to the

Oxford English Dictionary, 'look' can function as a verb or as a noun. As a verb, it refers to directing one’s gaze in a specified direction or having an outlook in a specified direction. As a noun, it refers to an act of looking. 'See' on the other hand, is described as a verb, which refers to perceiving with the eyes; experience or witness; deduce after reflection; deduce from information; regard in a specified way; or regard as a possibility (envisage).

The distinction between 'look' and 'see' may be aptly summed up by a

Chinese proverb, shi er bu jian 視而不見. Unlike shi, jian encompasses more than the mere act of looking. The literal translation of shi er bu jian is looking but not seeing. One can 'look' and not 'see' because the act of looking does not necessitate an awareness and understanding of what is being looked at.

Seeing, on the other hand, is active because it requires one to engage, perceive, and discern. In retrospect, kan, mu, shi, and jian inform little beyond

377 The word shi 視 appears [at least once] in the Lunyu《論語》. Lunyu《論語》, 2.10: The Master said, "Look at the means a man employs, observe the path he takes and examine where he feels at home. In what way is a man's true character hidden from view? In what way is a man's true character hidden from view? 子曰：「視其所以，觀其所由，察其所安。人焉叟哉？人焉叟哉？」." In this context, D.C. Lau translated the word, shi 視, as look. For reference, see The Analects, 12–13.

137 sight as a physical operation. The word guan 觀, on the other hand, offers some deeper insights.

Guan is commonly translated as to view or observe.378 The Oxford English

Dictionary states that view is derivative from the old French word, vieue.

Vieue in turn is a derivative from the Latin word videre, meaning to see. The word view may be treated either as a noun or as a verb. As a noun, it refers to the ability to see something; the ability to be seen from a particular position; a sight/prospect from a particular position, typically an appealing one; or a way of regarding something, like an attitude/opinion. As a verb, it refers to looking at; inspecting; or to regarding something in a particular light/attitude. Guan appears at least nine times in the Lunyu. Of these nine occurrences, D.C. Lau translated the term guan in Lunyu 1.11, 2.10, 4.7, and 5.10 as observe; 12.20 as observant; 3.10 as witness; 3.26 as worthy of note; 8.11 as worthy of admiration; and 19.4 as worthwhile aspect.379 Here, guan seems to point towards the careful observation of exemplary qualities displayed by a person and/or the observation of worthy acts that aspire one to learn from.380 In this sense, guan represents a way of seeing that is not only coded but also specific. To elaborate, it is both active and performative because it requires one to engage, perceive, and discern.

378 Morohashi, Dai kanwa jiten 大漢和辭典, X, 346. 379 The Analects, 4, 5, 12, 13, 20, 21, 26, 27, 30, 31, 38, 39, 72, 73, 116, 117, 190, 191. 380 The word 'observe,' according to the Oxford English Dictionary, originates from the Latin word observare meaning, to watch. In addition, it is commonly understood as notice; perceive; watch attentively, meaning monitor; make a remark; or fulfil/comply with.

138 Interestingly, guan is the twentieth gua 卦 in the Zhouyi《周易》(Changes of

Zhou). The Zhouyi is also known as theYijing《易經》(Classic of Changes).381

In the Zhouyi, a generally accepted word choice for the translation of guan is contemplate.382 The word 'contemplate,' according to the Oxford English

Dictionary, is derived from the Latin words contemplari and templum whereby contemplari means to survey, observe, contemplate; while templum means place for observation. Contemplate is a verb that encompasses the following meanings: look at thoughtfully; think about; think profoundly and at length; and have as a probable intention.

Cary F. Baynes, in translating Richard Wilhelm’s translation of the Yijing, remarks that guan possesses a double meaning:

A slight variation of tonal stress gives the Chinese name for this hexagram a double meaning. It means both contemplating and being seen, in the sense of being an example. These ideas are suggested by the fact that the hexagram can be understood as picturing a type of tower characteristic of ancient China. A tower of this kind commanded a wide view of the country; at the same time, when situated on a mountain, it became a landmark that could be seen for miles around. Thus, the hexagram shows a ruler who contemplates the law of heaven above him and the ways of the people below, and who, by means of good government, sets a lofty example to the masses.383

381 This gua is made up of sun 巽 on top and kun 坤 at the bottom. Name Attribute Image Family sun 巽 gentle penetrating wind, wood first daughter kun 坤 receptive devoted, earth mother yielding

382 Richard Wilhelm, The I Ching or Book of Changes, trans. Cary F. Baynes (London: Arkana, 1989), 82. Also see, Morohashi, Dai kanwa jiten 大漢和辭典., X- 346. 383 Wilhelm, The I Ching or Book of Changes., 82. For reference to the Zhouyi entry on guan see Scripta Sinica 漢籍電子文獻, Shisanjing zhushu (Yibayiwu nian Ruanyuan keben) 十三經注疏(一八一五年阮元刻本), 'Qinding Sikuquanshu zongmu Zhouyi zhengyi shiquan 欽定四庫全書總目周易正義十卷,' (Taibei 臺北: Academia Sinica 中央研究院, November 1997), http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms- bin/ftmsw3?ukey=-1734819818&path=/1.1.11.2.2.7.197p (accessed 10 April

139 In this sense, guan is about the view and/or [to] contemplate. However, a closer examination reveals that guan encompasses a complex network of meanings. For a start, 'being seen, in the sense of being an example' infers that the subject under scrutiny has to be worthy. This in turn implies the qualification of a certain cultural and moral value, at least within the context of what is deemed as being worthy for observation. The idea that 'the hexagram can be understood as picturing a type of tower characteristic of ancient China' which commands 'a wide view of the country' suggests that the view from such a location, being situated on a vantage point, is both broad and encompassing. By extension, guan as an act of seeing is broad and encompassing. In addition, the statement that 'the hexagram shows a ruler who contemplates the law of heaven above him and the ways of the people below, and who, by means of good government, sets a lofty example to the masses' infers that guan, as an act of seeing, is both active and considered.

Of particular relevance for this thesis is the fact that the word guan is traditionally and commonly used to describe the act of viewing shanshui. As mentioned earlier in Chapter One, shanshui was held in awe before being revered as a manifestation of the cosmic order, the Dao. This reverence for shanshui is often expressed in reference to the famous dictum: 'the wise find joy in water' and 'the benevolent find joy in mountains'.384 If the wise and the benevolent find joy in shan [and] shui, it follows that shan [and] shui emanate

2006) [Note: If the direct web-link is not working, follow this selection process: http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms-bin/ftmsw3, then select 瀚典：十三經注疏（一八一五元刻本）／周易／周易音義／經典釋文／周易上經泰傳第二／觀]. 384 Lunyu《論語》6.23 The Analects, 52–53.

140 worthy qualities for one to learn from. Interestingly, guan is often used to describe the act of viewing a shanshuihua as well. For example, Zong Bing in the Hua shanshui xu posits that

Now if one spreads out the silk to capture the distant scene, the form of [Mount] Kun[lun's] Lang [peak] can be encompassed in a square inch. A vertical stroke of three inches will equal a height of thousands of feet, [and] a horizontal ink [spread] of several feet will form a distance of a hundred miles. That is why those who look at paintings are only troubled by awkwardness in the likeness, [and] do not consider that diminution detracts from verisimilitude. This is a natural condition.385 今張綃素以遠映，則崑閬之形可圍於方寸之內，豎劃三寸當千仞之高，橫墨數尺體百里之遠。是以觀畫圖者，徒患纇之不巧，不以制小而累其似，此自然之勢。

Here, the word choice to describe the act of viewing shanshui is guan. This is an important marker. To elaborate, if guan implies a way of seeing that is characterized by observation, contemplation as well as 'being seen, in the sense of being an example;' then the appropriation of the word to describe the act and process of 'seeing' a shanshuihua infers that the splendid qualities of shanshui may be translated and expressed onto a painting.

Consequently, a viewer may apprehend these qualities through the viewing process. In contrast, if the word choice for viewing a shanshuihua was kan, then the context of how the shanshuihua was being perceived and viewed is quite different. As mentioned earlier, kan by and large refers to seeing or perceiving with the eyes. In other words, it relates more precisely to vision.

Guan, on the other hand, corresponds more precisely with visuality because it is charged with subtle meaning that says much about the subject as well as how it is perceived and viewed.

385 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》III.c and III.d.

141 3.2 ASPECTS OF REALISM

As mentioned in Chapter One, shanshuihua is not a reproduction or imitation of a particular kind of nature; it is neither directed towards realistic representation nor the fulfilment of an idealistic norm of beauty which is characterised by mimesis. However, this fact should not be misconstrued as suggesting that shanshuihua is not being concerned with realism. The question of whether shanshuihua is concerned with realism is, to a certain extent, a question about ways of seeing. Bryson asserts that 'viewing is an activity of transforming the material of the painting into meanings' and that

'codes of recognition circulate through the painting incessantly'.386 According to Bryson, the viewer in this context is an interpreter. Thus, to better understand what constitutes a representation of the real and reality in shanshuihua requires a thick description of how vision aligns with interpretation to produce meanings and codes of recognition. And that involves examining the complex interaction between social, political, and intellectual settings. This part of the chapter is concerned with elucidating seeing as a cultural marker as well as teasing out the seen and unseen within a shanshuihua. The inquiry will first examine social, political and intellectual changes that coincided with the emergence of landscape as a major genre in traditional Chinese painting. Next, I will consider the intimate relationship between the meaning of wen 文 and shanshuihua. I contend that the changing meaning of wen has had a profound effect on the representation of landscape and how landscape(s) is/are read. Lastly, by clarifying how these

386 Bryson, Vision and Painting, xiii and xiv.

142 changes frame an understanding of realism within the context of shanshuihua, this chapter will present shanshuihua as a vast network of cultural codes rather than an expression of a seemingly natural order.

Landscape elements in pictorial art emerged during the Han dynasty as highly conventionalised or symbolic forms. Often they are indications of settings, such as scenes of the hunt. An extant example is the Hunting and Harvesting Scenes from the rubbing of a tomb tile from Chengdu,

Sichuan Province (Figure I).387 By the third to sixth century, landscape gained in value for at least two reasons. The first reason is the emerging interest in objective reality in the light of political disunity and instability. The second reason is that landscape serves as the background necessary to narrate illustrations of Confucian, Daoist, or Buddhist themes.388 Zhang Yanyuan, in the Lidai minghua ji, states:

I have seen all the well-known works dating from the Wei and Jin dynasties which are still in the hands of (private) people. (In these works) wherever landscape (motifs) are painted, then the aspect of the crowned peaks resembles (the teeth of) a pearl-inlaid comb of rhinoceros horn. Sometimes waters have no room to float (a ship); sometimes people are (drawn) larger than the mountains. Almost always trees and rocks are put in to set off the places (shown). The appearance (of the trees) as if they were planted in rows is like that of the spread fingers of outstretched arms...389 魏晉以降名迹在人間者。皆見之矣。其畫山水。則群峰之勢。若鈿飾犀櫛。或水不容泛。或人大於山。率皆附以樹石。映帶其地。列植之狀。

387 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 372. 388 Laurence Sickman and Alexander Soper, The Art and Architecture of China, Third Edition (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1968), 93. 389 Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/ Lunhua shanshui shushi 論畫山水樹石 Source text and English translation from Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol. 1, 154.

143 The treatment of landscape elements inThe Nymph of the Lo River, attributed to Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 (ca. 344– ca. 406), is probably characteristic of what

Zhang Yanyuan had observed of the paintings from the Wei and Jin periods

(Figure II).390 For example, the scale of people is disproportionate to landscape elements such as mountains and trees. Here, any trace of landscape was nothing more than an assemblage of isolated objects (trees, rocks, mountains, etc.) used as an adjunct to the picturing of human activities

(or at other times, dwelling places for immortals and creatures of fantasy).391

Even so, this awkward handling of landscape elements marks the beginning of the evolution of landscape into a genre of its own. The emergence of landscape as a distinct genre in painting was a complex process fuelled in part by political events and a new awareness of nature. According to Sullivan, in his work on The Birth of Landscape Painting,

The critical moment in the evolution of landscape painting as art in its own right came during the years of chaos that accompanied and followed the downfall of the Han Dynasty. The collapse of Confucian orthodoxy, the rise of the Daoist cult, the migration to the more genial environment of the Yangzi Valley region, evoked a new awareness of the wonders of nature… Escape from the cares of office gave poets and scholars leisure not only to enjoy nature, but also to practice the arts for their own sake. Conversation, music, poetry, painting, and calligraphy, instead of serving the ends of society or the state, became ends in themselves.392

What is not always explicitly articulated is the lack of continuity between

390 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 372. 391 Sickman and Soper, The Art and Architecture of China, 93. 392 Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 165. For another in-depth account of the birth of landscape painting see Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi 《中國山水畫史》, 1–21.

144 the emergence of landscape as a genre of its own and the development of landscape into a major genre in painting (in particular, within the literati tradition). The latter is neither a necessary nor logical outcome of the former, although it clearly was indebted to the former. Landscape only began to evolve into a genre of its own during the Wei 魏, Jin 晉 and Nan-bei Chao 南

北朝 eras (220–589).393 At that time, figure subjects were the primary focus of artists. It was not until the ninth century that a change in attitude resulted in a major shift of interest from figure subjects, both religious and secular, to landscape.394 By the eleventh century, 'the shift was completed, and was never afterward reversed.'395 The 'displacement' of figure subjects for landscape represents a paradigm shift; one that signifies the loss of a certain effectiveness in figure painting. As I will discuss below, there are two key factors pertinent to this loss of effectiveness in the picturing of figure-subjects.

The first relates to the political rise of the literati at the expense of the

393 The whole period of Sanguo 三國, Jin 晉, and Nan-bei Chao 南北朝 (Northern and Southern Dynasties) is occasionally called the Six Dynasties (六朝). However, the Six Dynasties of the years 222–589 are, strictly speaking, those which used the site of Jiankang 建康 (modern day Nanjing 南京) as their capital. These include Wu 吳, Eastern Jin, and the four Southern dynasties of Song 宋, Qi 齊, Liang 梁, and Chen 陳; and they are sometimes called the southern Six Dynasties to distinguish them from the northern Six Dynasties of Wei 魏, Xi Jin 西晉, Bei Wei 北魏, Bei Qi 北齊, Bei Zhou 北周, and Sui 隋. Due to the inconsistency, I have decided not to use the term 'Six Dynasties' to denote the period of Sanguo, Jin, and Nan-bei Chao. For reference, see Endymion Wilkinson, Chinese History: A Manual, rev. & enl. [Harvard-Yenching Institute monograph series 52] (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000), 11; and Sickman and Soper, The Art and Architecture of China, xxviii. 394 This shift was generally confined within the literati tradition. Figure painting remained a favourite subject and continued to occupy the attention of court painters and artisans. In addition, shanshuihua still has connection to figure painting. For example, the usage of 'qiyun shengdong 氣韻生動' as one of the criteria to judge a shanshuihua is adapted from figure painting. 395 Cahill, Chinese Painting, 25.

145 hereditary aristocracy during the Tang and Song. The second is concerned with critical judgement and aesthetic value.

As mentioned above, the 'shift' from figure-subjects to landscape coincided with the political rise of the literati during the Tang and Song. This rise came about through the civil service examination system.396 A phenomenon that underscores the transformation of the shi 士 (refer to Table III).397 In general, being a 'shi ' means possessing qualities of thought appropriate to membership in the socio-political elite.398 These were men who 'read many of the same texts, shared many assumptions about the value of what they were doing, and established identities with reference to each other.'399 The political rise of the literati had a profound influence on landscape becoming a major genre in painting. For a start, these were educated elites who, amongst other things, had a commitment to formal cultural continuity. In this sense, they were cultural brokers both directly and indirectly. Furthermore, the exponential growth in the number of these socio-political elites made them powerful arbiters of cultural taste.400 As mentioned in Chapter Two, they viewed the art of painting an extension of the Liuyi (Six Arts). The Lunyu

396 For an in-depth account of the political rise of the literati during the Tang and Song, see Peter K. Bol, "This Culture of Ours": Intellectual Transitions in Tang and Sung China (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1992). 397 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 413. 398 Bol asserts that the term, shi 士, is problematic and is complicated by the changes in the way the shi conceived of being a shi, the shifts in the social makeup of men who called themselves shi, and disagreement over the content of the idea. Ibid., 32-75. 399 Ibid., 5. 400 Ibid., 32–75.

146 posits that an exemplary person (君子) may take recreation in the arts401 for

'even the minor arts are sure to have their worthwhile aspects.'402 Thus, painting is seen as a worthy activity for the cultivated person to take delight in but only in the form of recreation. These educated elites who take up painting for recreation consider themselves as nothing more than amateur painters. A point worth noting is that there is a clear demarcation in traditional Chinese painting between the amateur painter and the professional painter. The former regards painting as a form of recreation and self-cultivation; while the latter works for external rewards and must answer to a patron.403 The shift from figure-subjects to landscape was partly due to the critical judgement and aesthetic development of the amateur painters. As the primary function of a figure painting was a didactic one, the painting was deemed successful to the degree that the subject was well chosen and convincingly portrayed.404

Problems could emerge if one were to compare an inferior portrait of

Confucius with that of a competently rendered portrait of a young lady. How then should one judge these two paintings? Should precedent be given to the subject matter or technique? If the criterion for ascertaining the quality of a painting was based primarily on didactical function, this would leave little

401 Lunyu《論語》7.6, 'The Masters said, "I set my heart on the Way, base myself on virtue, lean upon benevolence for support and take my recreation in the arts. 子曰：「志於道，據於德，依於仁，遊於藝」' Source text and the English translation from The Analects, 56–57. 402 Lunyu《論語》19.4, 'Zixia said, "Even minor arts are sure to have their worthwhile aspects... 子夏曰：「雖小道，必有可觀者焉...」' Ibid., 190–191. 403 The differences between amateur and professional painters will be explained later in the chapter. 404 James Cahill, "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting", in Arthur F. Wright, ed. Confucianism and Chinese Civilisation (California: Stanford University Press, 1975), 118.

147 room for innovation with brushwork and artistic expression. Laurence

Sickman asserts that it is in landscape that the 'Chinese spirit… found in the world of nature an answer to its longings that was more real and gratifying than the pomp of imperial courts, Confucian morality, or all the multiple gods of the Mahayana Buddhist.'405 In a sense, landscape had already established itself as a worthy subject because it was commonly held that the wise find joy in water; the benevolent find joy in mountains.406 The splendid but subtle characteristics that landscape embodies provided these men of culture with a means to express their feelings, understanding, and interpretation of this natural phenomenon. This, in turn, made room for further innovation with brushwork, artistic expression, and creation. Gao Ertai 高爾泰 remarks that shanshuihua is the art[istic expression] of the shi (literati); and thus, it is more susceptible to the direct influences of philosophy. [He adds that] the emergence, development and transformation [of shanshuihua] also reflected the changes in the literati's socio-political status stratum and thoughts.407

One constant element in the shared culture of these Chinese learned elites is the idea of the preservation of wen 文, despite changes in the meaning of wen during the Tang and Song. I contend that these changes were bound up with the development and transformation of shanshuihua in this period. Here, it is not my intention to trace the historical development of wen. Rather, my

405 Sickman and Soper, The Art and Architecture of China, Third Edition, 93. 406 Lunyu《論語》6.23. Source text and English translation from The Analects, 52–53. 407 '山水畫是士大夫藝術，所以受哲學的影響比較直接。它的發生、發展和演變，也反映出士大夫階層生活和思想的變遷。' Gao Ertai 高爾泰, Mei de juexing: Gao Ertai wenxuan zhi er《美的覺醒：高爾泰文選之二》(Taibei 臺北: Dongda tushu gongsi 東大圖書公司, Minguo 民國 86), 59.

148 aim is to provide the background for understanding the significance of wen to the Chinese learned elites, in particular, the way wen was seen in relation to the tradition of siwen 斯文 (this culture) during the Tang and Song.408 (This investigation relies on the research and findings of Peter K. Bol in his work on

"This Culture of Ours": Intellectual Transitions in the Tang and Sung China.)

In general, the word wen refers to external appearances and forms.

Lunyu 9.5 infers that wen is concerned with formal traditions stemming from antiquity:

When the Master met with danger in Kuang, he said, "With King Wen dead, is not culture [wen] invested here in me? If Heaven intends this culture [siwen] to be destroyed, those who come after me will not be able to have any part of this culture. If Heaven does not intend this culture to be destroyed, then what can the men of Kuang do to me?"409 子畏於匡，曰：「文王既沒，文不在茲乎？天之將尚喪斯文也，後死者不得與於斯文也；天之未喪斯文也；匡人其如予何？」

From the passage above, wen refers to the normative patterns and models, whose authority is deemed to have derived from their Zhou dynasty origins.

In this more specifically defined sense, wen 'denotes or describes various essential elements of traditional Chinese culture: royal posthumous titles, ritual objects, rites and music, norms and statutes, dignified deportment, the polite arts, graphic cosmic symbols, eloquent speech, writing, rhyme writing, and belles-lettres.'410 Bol asserts that in the above account of Confucius in

Kuang 匡, one does not need to know the exact meaning of wen to see that

408 Bol translated the term as 'This Culture of Ours' while D.C. Lau rendered it as 'this culture." Here, I have adopted D.C. Lau's translation because adding 'of Ours' is not justified and makes the term seems relative and exclusive, which it is not. For reference see, Bol, "This Culture of Ours," and The Analects, 76–77. 409 The Analects, 76–77. 410 Cai Zongqi, "Wen and the Construction of a Critical System in "Wenxin Diaolong," Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews, vol. 22 (December 2000): 1.

149 Confucius is making two claims, namely that participating in siwen, "this wen" that has survived King Wen's death is esteemed by Heaven (this culture), because it continues the legacy of the Zhou founder and also accords with

Heaven's will.411 For the Chinese learned elites, wen and, by extension, siwen had come to define an important aspect of their cultural and intellectual tradition.

Early Tang scholars sought to establish a cultural synthesis that would support the newly unified empire. Reflecting on the prolonged disunity and instability in the preceding centuries, they came to see that at moments of political crisis they could return to antiquity and the natural order as the grounds for shared norms to save siwen (this culture) from perishing, and to save the times. By maintaining siwen as a cumulative tradition, they could claim, as Confucius had before them, that existing cultural forms were in accord with the natural order of things and were continuing the legacy of antiquity.412 Thus, it is not surprising that the intellectual life of the Chinese learned elites during the Tang and Song was beset by a creative tension between maintaining the wen of the past and discovering the dao of the ancients.413 The former stands for a commitment to formal cultural continuity, while the latter represents a search for the ideas that had guided the sages.

Interestingly, between the early Tang and the late Song there came 'a period of extraordinary intellectual diversity that began in the latter half of the Tang

411 Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 1. 412 Ibid. 413 Ibid., 3.

150 and continued into the Song.'414 In this period, there were a few shifts in the value and meaning of wen. The shift first occurred in the rejection of pianwen

駢文 (parallel style/prose) and the adoption of guwen 古文. The second shift was from the idea of wenzhe guan dao zhi qi ye 文者，貫道之器也 (wen is the device for threading dao) to wen yi zai dao 文以載道 (wen is a vehicle for conveying the dao), and then on to wen yi guan dao 文以貫道 (wen is a means for threading the dao). The precise meaning of these terms associated with wen will be explained in the following pages. I contend that an examination of the shift in the meanings of wen will afford a platform towards understanding the change in the form of the represented landscape in shanshuihua. In particular, it will throw light on the transition from qinglü shanshui 青綠山水 (blue-green landscape) to shuimo shanshui 水墨山水

(monochrome ink landscape).

Early Tang scholars, reflecting on the preceding centuries, said that the endless elaboration and refinement led to cultural works becoming so fuhua

浮華 (floating and ornate) that they had lost their connection to their simpler and more substantial origins.415 The reflection paved the way for the revival of guwen. The term guwen generally signifies writing in an ancient style. At the time of Han Yu 韓愈 (768–824), the term meant 'literature of antiquity' or

'ancient literary style'.416 The revival of guwen during the Tang and Song is a complex phenomenon. The precedents for the stylistic moves associated with

414 Ibid. 415 Ibid., 77. 416 de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 568; and Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 2, 24.

151 guwen are different in nature from the self-conscious use of 'guwen,' by scholars such as Han Yu, as a term for a morally superior way of learning and writing in the 790s.417 For Bol, this difference is an artefact of the tension between the literary and intellectual history. In a sense, the tension between literary and intellectual history is a by–product of western scholarship, characterised by the separation of disciplines. Perhaps the key towards a better understanding of the phenomenon is to acknowledge that the guwen

古文 'movement' during the Tang was a literary-intellectual movement in which values were attached to a stylistic choice and that self-conscious thinking about values played a central role.418

From the history of Chinese literature, the guwen movement is often said to begin with Chen Ziang 陳子昂 (661-702) and the group around Li Hua 李華

(ca. 710–ca. 767) in the mid-eighth century.419 The reaction against the ornateness and surface decoration of pianwen (parallel style/prose) in this context was a call to break with recent tradition and start afresh. However, this preference for ancient models over modern practice is about stylistic change, rather than the intention it was meant to serve.

The rebellion of An Lushan 安祿山 in 755 destroyed the reality of a centralised state and ushered in a period of regional autonomy.420 For the next eight years or so, separatist military governors maintained their independence from the state. As the Tang coped with the rebellion and

417 Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 23. 418 Ibid. 419 Ibid., 23–24. 420 de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 574.

152 decentralisation, literary-intellectuals who tried to save siwen (This culture) began to speak of 'guren zhi dao 古人之道' (the way of the ancients) and

'shengren zhi dao 聖人之道' (the way of the sage).421 In the later half of the eighth century, the scholar-official Han Yu prompted a revival of guwen as an alternative to the highly rigid pianwen (parallel style/prose). The brilliantly crafted and sensuous qualities of pianwen were thought of as less effective in producing wen that showed the way to a moral order and more as a style with links to the cultures of an age in decline, namely the Wei, Jin and Nan-bei

Chao eras (220–589).422 In contrast, the firm simplicity of guwen was deemed more capable of stressing ethical values. Consequently, Han Yu is sometimes regarded as the founder of guwen by the intellectual historians.

However, from the literary perspective, he is generally credited with promoting a literary change that influenced Northern Song writing. This difference exemplifies the tension between literary and intellectual historians' interpretation of the guwen movement.

To Han Yu, learning guwen is not simply about analysing the manner in which the ancients wrote. It involves 'seeking a coherent understanding of the ancient texts, learning to write in an ancient manner, and being able to act in accord with ancient values.'423 In particular, he believes that what made guwen as a style of wenzhang different from merely imitating the morally

421 Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 2. 422 de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, 568. 423 Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 133.

153 correct ancient model is that doing it necessitates thinking for oneself.424 He asserts that

One reads books to do xue and strings together words to do wen, not to boast of how much [he has read in learning] or compete over embellishment [in writing]. For xue is how he does dao and wen is how he does li [normative patterns].425 讀書以為學，纘言以為文，非以夸多而斗靡也；蓋學所以為道，文所以為理耳。

... Learning the ancient dao is about seeking a coherent understanding of phrases [expressed in ancient texts that convey values that had guided the sages]. One who has apprehended these phrases [and their inferred values] aspires to be like those who practice the ancient dao.426 學古道則欲兼通其辭；通其辭者，本志乎古道者也

These sentiments infer that learning guwen is a means of learning about the dao. An important account of Han Yu's understanding of dao and morality is his essay on Yuan Dao《原道》(Finding the Source for Dao).427 Bol asserts that the essay is 'at once, a claim for the completeness of the dao of the sage, an attack on Buddhism and Daoism, an account of the parts that make up the whole, and an example of reconnecting culture and value in the microcosm of

424 Ibid., 125. 425 Han Yu Quanji《韓愈全集》／Juansi 卷四／Xu 序／Song Chen Xiucai dan xu〈送陳秀才彤序〉. Han Yu quanji《韓愈全集》, Qian Zhonglian, Ma Maoyuan xiaodian 錢仲聯, 馬茂元校點 (Shanghai 上海: Shanghai guji chubanshe 上海古籍出版社, 1997), 211. For English translation see Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 125. 426《韓愈全集》/卷五/哀辭/祭文/〈題歐陽生哀辭后〉：「愈性不喜書，自為此文，惟自書兩通：其一通遺清河崔群，群与余皆歐陽生友也，哀生之不得位而死，哭之過時而悲；其一通今書以遺彭城劉伉。君喜古文，以吾所為合于古，詣吾廬而來請者八九至，而其色不怨，志益堅。凡愈之為此文，蓋哀歐陽生之不顯榮于前，又懼其泯滅于后也。今l劉君之請，未必知歐陽生，其志在古文耳。雖然，愈之為古文，豈獨取其名讀不類于今者邪？思古人而不得見，學古道則欲兼通其辭；通其辭者，本志乎古道者也。古之道，不苟譽毀于人；劉君好其辭，則其知歐陽生也無惑焉。」 Han Yu quanji《韓愈全集》, 224. Also see Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 133, 284 427 For reference to the Yuan Dao see Han Yu 韓愈, "Yuan dao〈原道〉," in Xinyi guwen guanzhi《古文觀止新譯》, Xie Bingying dengzhu 謝冰瑩等注 (Taibei 臺北: Sanmin shuju 三民書局, Minguo 86 [1997]), 557–565. For an considered analysis of the text in English see Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 128–131.

154 a wenchang.'428 From the essay, it is clear that Han Yu's dao refers specifically to the gudao 古道 (ancient dao) that was passed down from Yao

堯 through the sage-kings to Confucius and Mencius.429 According to Han Yu, and as reiterated by Li Han 李漢 in the preface to the collection of Han Yu's writings,430

Wen is the device for threading dao.431 Those who are not deeply immersed in this dao of ours will not attain it.432 文者，貫道之器也，不深於斯道，有至焉者不也。

This assertion not only makes clear the relationship between wen and dao, but also emphasises the importance of a shared culture. In later times, some authoritative reference works attribute to Han Yu the Song phrase or the idea wen yi zai dao 文以載道, which means that wen is a vehicle for conveying the dao, even though the phrase appears in the writings of the moral philosopher

Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤 (1017–1073) during the eleventh century.433 Bol asserts that in Han Yu's case, the point is not that wen is a vehicle for dao. Rather, it is a device with which 'the ideas that constitute morality are linked coherently.'434 On the other hand, Zhou Dunyi's wen yi zai dao 文以載道 (wen

428 Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 128. 429 Ibid., 130. 430 Li Han is Han Yu's son-in-law. 431 The refers to Confucius's enigmatic claim in Lunyu 《論語》 4.15: '... There is one single thread binding my way together 吾道一以貫之.' For source text and English translation see The Analects, 32–33. 432 Changli xiansheng ji xu《昌黎先生集序》. Han Changli ji《韓昌黎集》 , Zhu Wengong xiao 朱文公校 (Xianggang 香港: Shangwu 商物, 1964), Xu 序. English translation with slight modifications in Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 136. 433 Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 110. 434 Ibid., 136.

155 is a vehicle for conveying the dao) offers a subtle deviation from Han Yu's idea of wen and dao. According to Zhou Dunyi,

Wen is a vehicle for conveying the dao. If the wheels and shafts of a cart are decorated but men do not use them, they are mere decoration – so much more so when the cart is empty. Literary elaboration is art. Morality is substantial. When one is earnest about the substance [of morality] and one with art writes it down, then if it is beautiful it will be cherished. When cherished, it will be transmitted, and then worthies will be able to arrive at it by learning. This then becomes instruction. That is why [Confucius] said, "If it is said without wen, it will not go far in practice." However, the unworthy will not learn... They do not know they should be concerned with morality. They instead regard literary elaborations as ability. They are being artful and nothing more. Alas, this defect has been with us for a long time.435 文所以載道也。輪轅飾而人弗庸，徒飾也，況虛車乎？文辭，藝也；道德實。篤其實而藝者書之，美則愛，愛則傳焉；賢者得以學而至之，是為教。故曰：言之無文，行之不遠。然不賢者，雖父兄臨之，師保勉之，不學也，強之不從也。不知務道德而第以文辭為能者，藝焉而已。噫!弊也久矣。

Zhou Dunyi asserts that language should not be a transparent vehicle for ideas.436 According to him, wen is valuable insofar as it embodied moral principles; and those concerned merely with the literary elegance of wen are deemed morally unworthy.437 Zhou Dunyi's dictum infers a covert political view during the Northern Song period because the government of the Song founders saw in the wen of the Tang a political and scholarly model.438

435 Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤/ Zhou Lianxi ji《周濂溪集》/卷六/〈通書二．文辭第二十八〉. Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤, "Tongshu er．Wenci diershiba〈通書二．文辭第二十八〉" in Zhou Lianxi xiansheng quanji《周濂溪先生全集》, (Congshu jicheng chubian 叢書集成初編), 117–18. For English translation see Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 254. 436 Ibid., 255. 437 Ibid. 438 Bol asserts that the founding Song government learnt two underlying principles of wen from the Tang. From the early Tang they learned that wen can be used to 'glorify the reunification and reverse the cultural decline of the Five Dynasties through the compilation and synthesis of cultural traditions and forms.' And from the late Tang guwen intellectual, they learned about establishing 'the independence of the scholarly community against the currents of times and seek for morality and the common interest.' Thus, wen not only

156 Emulating it meant both restoring civil (文) rule after a century dominated by the military (武) as well as unifying the empire under civil rule. The intellectual history of the Northern Song has its origins in these first decades and is underscored by a conviction that wen is a value common to the realms of both politics and learning. Therefore it may be assumed that such a view is commonly held by scholars of the time, including Zhou Dunyi. In this regard, the phrase wen yi zai dao 文以載道, during the Northern Song, has political overtones.

In a broader sense, Zhou Dunyi, like the other guwen advocates such as

Han Yu, maintains that what is important about wen is that it conveys the values of the Way of the Confucian sages. In retrospect, the famous dictum of the great Song literary-intellectual Su Shi: 'what I regard as wen, is sure to encompass the dao (我所謂文，必與道俱)' is a clear expression of the intimate relationship between wen and dao.439 Li Zhi 李廌(1059–1109),440 in the Shiyou tanji《師友談記》(Notes on Conversations with Teachers and

Peers), states

[Su] Dongpo once said, "The responsibility for wenzhang lies with shi who, famous in their time, make an alliance with each other. Then this dao will not decline. Today being a height of great peace, wenshi are

represents the 'emblem of the state and treasure of the nation;' man's possession of wen is the great dao for ordering and regulating the state. Ibid., 148. 439 Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》/Juanliushisan 卷六十三/ Ji Ouyang Wenzhong gong furen wen 祭歐陽文忠公夫人文/ Yingzhou 潁州/ Yi 一. Su Shi 蘇軾. ''Ji Ouyang Wenzhong gong furen wen Yingzhou yi〈祭歐陽文忠公夫人文潁州一〉,'' in Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》(Yuan Ze University [Taiwan], n.d.), http://cls.hs.yzu.edu.tw/su_shih/su_thing/article.htm (accessed 2 February 2007) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, follow this selection process: 體裁索引/32. 祭文/34. 祭文– 祭歐陽文忠公夫人文「潁州」一]. 440 Li Zhi is one of Su Shi's followers.

157 appearing one after another. The object is to make the wen of a single time have someone to take as an ultimate authority. In the past Ouyang Xiu turned this responsibility over to me. Therefore I have made the effort. At another time, when the leadership of the alliance of wenzhang will be charged to you gentlemen, it will be just as he passed it on to me.441 東坡嘗言：文章之任，亦在名世之士，相與主盟，則其道不墜。方今太平之盛，文士輩出，要使一時之文有所宗主。昔歐陽文忠常以是任付與某，故不敢不勉。異時文章盟主，責在諸君，亦如文忠之付授也。

These words not only recall Lunyu 9.5,442 they also define wenzhang 文章, and by extension wen, as an important aspect of the shi's cumulative cultural and intellectual tradition.443 The passage also suggests that Su Shi regards himself as a vehicle through which this culture is continued. In a sense, the responsibility of wen lies with the shi because by maintaining this cumulative tradition they could claim they are acting in accord with the natural order of things and are continuing the legacy of antiquity, just as Confucius did before them. However, Su Shi's idea of wen and dao differs slightly from the ideas of

Han Yu and Zhou Dunyi as I explain in the pages following.

In the eulogy for his brother by Su Zhe's 蘇轍 (1039–1112), he states

441 Li Zhi 李廌/Shiyou tanji《師友談記》. Li Zhi 李廌, Shiyou tanji《師友談記》, in Siku biji xiaoshuo congshu《四庫筆記小說叢書》, (Shanghai 上海: Shanghai Guji chubanshe 上海古籍出版社, 1992), 188. For English translation see Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 255. 442 Lunyu《論語》9.5, 'When the Master met with danger in Kuang, he said, "With King Wen dead, is not culture [wen] invested here in me? If Heaven intends this culture [siwen] to be destroyed, those who come after me will not be able to have any part of this culture. If Heaven does not intend this culture to be destroyed, then what can the men of Kuang do to me?" 子畏於匡，曰：「文王既沒，文不在茲乎？天之將尚喪斯文也，後死者不得與於斯文也；天之未喪斯文也；匡人其如予何？」.' Source text and English translation from The Analects, 76–77. 443 As Li Han 李漢 wrote of Han Yu in the Changli xiansheng ji xu《昌黎先生集序》 (Preface to the Collection of Writings by Master Changli ), 'Wen is the device for threading dao. Those who are not deeply immersed in this dao of ours will not attain it. 文者，貫道之器也，不深於斯道，有至焉者不也。' Also see the explanation of quote presented earlier in this section of the chapter.

158 ... With regard to wen, the Gentleman obtained [his special talent for] it from heaven. When young, he and I both took our father as our teacher. At first [my brother] liked the writing of Jia Yi and Lu Zhi. In discussing order and chaos in past and present, he did not speak emptily. But then he read the Zhuang Zi. He said with a sigh, "Previously, when I perceived something of what was within me, my mouth was unable to put [it] into words. Now I have seen the Zhuang Zi and grasped my own mind." Subsequently he produced [his three- part essay] "On Zhongyong." He discussed the subtleties, none of which had been explained by men in the past. He once said to me, "In my view among those who learn in today's world, only you can be ranked with me." But when he had been exiled to Hangzhou, he shut his door and lived in seclusion. He raced on with brush and ink, and his wen underwent a complete transformation. It came to be like "a stream coming down in flood," and, overwhelmed, I was no longer able to keep up with him...444 ... 公之于文，得之于天，少与轍皆師先君。初好賈誼、陸贄書，論古今治亂，不為空言。既而讀《庄子》，喟然嘆息曰：“吾昔有見于中，口未能言，今見《庄子》，得吾心矣。”乃出《中庸論》，其言微妙，皆古人所未喻。嘗謂轍曰：“吾視今世學者，獨子可与我上下耳。”既而謪居于黃杜門深居，馳騁翰墨，其文一變，如川之方至，而轍瞠然不能及矣。...

The passage states that Jia Yi 賈誼, Lu Zhi 陸贄 and Zhuang Zi 庄子 are important influences in shaping Su Shi's thinking. This could be inferred as referring to Jia Yi's idealisation of antiquity, Lu Zhi's pragmatic reformism, and

Zhuang Zi's relativism. Chen Chuanxi asserts that Su Shi's thoughts are exceedingly complicated:

... they simultaneously include the Confucian's approach to [achieving balance as prescribed by] the Zhongyong; and finding joy in heaven by submitting to [heaven's] decree; the Daoist's take on quietude and being content without indignity; the Buddhist's outlook towards

444 Su Zhe ji 蘇轍集/Luanchen houji《欒城後集》/Juan ershier 卷二十二/Wanxiong Zizhan Ruiming muzhiming〈亡兄子瞻端明墓志銘〉. Su Zhe 蘇轍, ''Wanxiong Zizhan ruiming muzhiming〈亡兄子瞻端明墓志銘〉,'' in Su Shi yanjiu 蘇軾研究, Su Zhe ji《蘇轍集》(Beijing Guoxue shidai wenhua chuanbo youxiangongsi 北京國學時代文化傳播有限公司, 2000), http://www.guoxue.com/sushiyjiu/szwj/szwj_073.htm (accessed May 22, 2006). For the English translation see Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 259.

159 transcending and renouncing worldly affairs;445 and the Daoist Religion's view on the dark emptiness and cultivating the body to prolong life.446

This suggests that Su Shi's thoughts are a synthesis of Confucian, Daoist and

Buddhist tenets. Most prominent in his writings, in my view, is the fusion of the Zhongyong as the balancing of two sides and Zhuang Zi's relativism. Su

Zhe's eulogy for his brother and the fifty essays that Su Shi submitted for the decree examination of 1061 lend further evidence to this claim.447

Retrospectively, Su Shi subscribes to the idea that values, methods, and strategies of the past can have a place, but none of them need be treated as an absolute.448 In a sense, he is a Confucian relativist who claims a common starting point with the moralists but rejects the presupposition of a single morality or a single doctrine as the dao of the sage.449 Thus, his idea of dao may be described as accommodating a plurality of interests. According to Su

Shi,

A thing [i.e., category] is of one li. If one has comprehended its idea, then one can do any part of it.450

445 Sida 四大, in Indian cosmology, refers to earth, water, fire and wind. Sidajiekong 四大皆空, in the Buddhist context, generally refers to worldly affairs as nothing but illusions. 446 '... 儒家的中庸和樂天知命，道家的清靜和知足不辱，佛家的超脫和四大皆空，以及道家[教]的玄虛和養身延年，他都兼而收之。' Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 139. 447 For a discussion on some of these essays see Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 259-282. 448 Ibid., 269. 449 Ibid., 259. 450 Sushi Wenji 蘇軾文集/Juan liushijiu 卷六十九/Tiba shutie 題跋書帖/Ba Jun Mo Feibai 跋君謨飛白. ''物一理也，通其意，則無適而不可。分科而醫，醫之衰也，占色而畫，畫之陋也。和、緩之醫，不別老少，曹、吳之畫，不擇人物。謂彼長於是則可也，曰能是不能是則不可。世之書篆不兼隸，行不及草，殆末能通其意者也。如君謨真、行、草、隸，無不如意，其遺力餘意，變為飛白，可愛而不可學，非通其意，能如是乎？'' Su Shi 蘇軾, ''Ba Jun Mo Feibai〈跋君謨飛白〉,'' in Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》, (Yuan Ze University [Taiwan], n.d.), http://cls.hs.yzu.edu.tw/su_shih/su_thing/article.htm

160 物一理也，通其意，則無適而不可。

By applying this view to his understanding of wen and dao, Su Shi posits that the cultural enterprise offers a platform in which one can learn to practise the dao. For example, he states:

... The sea of dharma of the Flower Garland is [as insubstantial as] a "grass hut"; how much more so poetry, calligraphy, and the zither. However, among those who learned dao in antiquity none began from emptiness. Wheelwright Bian chiseled wheels, and the hunchback caught cicadas [and, having done this all their lives, were regarded as being men of dao]. As long as one can develop one's cleverness and skill with it, nothing is too humble. If [Monk] Cong apprehends dao, then both his lute playing and calligraphy will gain in strength, and his poetry even more. If Cong is able to be like one mirror containing ten thousand, then his calligraphy and poetry ought to be even more unique, I shall peruse them, taking them as an indicator of the degree to which Cong has apprehended dao."451 ... 法界海慧，盡為蘧廬，而況書、詩與琴乎。雖然，古之學道，無自虛空入者。輸扁斲輪，傴僂承蜩，苟可以發其巧智，物無陋者。聰若得道，琴與書皆與有力，詩其尤也。聰能如水鏡以一含萬，則書與詩當益奇。吾將觀焉，以為聰得道淺深之候。

'One mirror containing ten thousand (水鏡以一含萬)' suggests and supports

Su Shi's idea that a thing is of one li 理 and if one has comprehended its idea, then one can do any part of it.452 This infers that anyone who can practice and apprehend the dao in one area, as Monk Cong has done, can also learn to practise it in other areas such as lute playing, calligraphy, poetry,

(accessed 31 January 2007) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, follow this selection process: 體裁索引/66.題跋書帖/48.〈跋君謨飛白〉]. English translation with slight modifications in Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 295. 451 Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》/Juan shi 卷十/Xu 序/Song Qiantangseng Encong guidushanxu〈送錢塘僧思聰歸孤山敘〉. Su Shi 蘇軾, ''Song Qiantangseng Encong guidushanxu〈送錢塘僧思聰歸孤山敘〉,'' in Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》, (Yuan Ze University [Taiwan], n.d.), http://cls.hs.yzu.edu.tw/su_shih/su_thing/article.htm (accessed 25 January 2007) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, follow this selection process: 體裁索引/19.序/15.〈送錢塘僧思聰歸孤山敘〉]. For English translation see Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 296. 452 Refer to quote in footnote entry 450.

161 etc. Su Shi's praises for his friend Wen Tong 文同 (1019–1079) further support this claim. Su Shi observes that

Yuke's [Wen Tong] literary work is the least of his virtue and his poetry, the minor part of his writing. What is not used in poetry overflows to become calligraphy and is transformed to become painting: both are what is left over from poetry. Those who appreciate his poetry and literary work are increasingly few. As for those who love his virtue as they love his painting–– alas!453 與可之文，其德之糟粕。與可之詩，其文之毫末。詩不能盡，溢而為書。變而為畫，皆詩之餘。其詩與文，好者益寡。有好其德如好其畫者乎？悲夫！

... Ziyou composed the "Ink Bamboo Prose Poem" for Yuke, [and he] wrote, "Cook Ding merely cut up oxen, but the nourisher of life chose him [as an example]. Wheelwright Bian carved wheels, but the reader of books agreed with him. Now then you, Master, make use of these bamboos and I take you to be a man of the dao, is this wrong?" Ziyou had not yet painted; therefore [he] only grasped [Yuke’s] idea and nothing more. As for me, how can [I] just understand [his] idea? I also understand his method...454 ... 子由為《墨竹賦》以遺與可曰：「庖丁，解牛者也，而養生者取之。輪扁，斲輪者也，而讀書者與之。今夫夫子之託於斯竹也，而予以為有道者，則非耶？」子由未嘗畫也，故得其意而已。若予者，豈獨得其意，并得其法。

453 Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》/Juan ershiyi 卷二十一／Zan 贊／Wen Yuke hua mozhu pingfeng zan〈文與可畫墨竹屏風贊〔一〕〉. Su Shi 蘇軾, ''Wen Yuke hua mozhu pingfeng zan〈文與可畫墨竹屏風贊〔一〕〉,'' in Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》, (Yuan Ze University [Taiwan], n.d.), http://cls.hs.yzu.edu.tw/su_shih/su_thing/article.htm (accessed 25 January 2007) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, follow this selection process: 體裁索引/74.贊/28. 文與可畫墨竹屏風贊〔一〕]. English translation from Christian Murck, "Su Shih's Reading of the Chung yung," in Bush and Murck, 269. 454 Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》/Juan shiyi 卷十一/Shuo 說/Wen Yuke hua Yundanggu yanzhu ji – yi〈文與可畫篔簹谷偃竹記〔一〕〉. Su Shi 蘇軾, "Wen Yuke hua Yundanggu yanzhu ji – yi〈文與可畫篔簹谷偃竹記〔一〕〉," in Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》, (Yuan Ze University [Taiwan], n.d.), http://cls.hs.yzu.edu.tw/su_shih/su_thing/article.htm (accessed 25 January 2007) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, follow this selection process: 體裁索引/42. 說/30.文與可畫篔簹谷偃竹記〔一〕]. English translation with modifications in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 207–208.

162 Christian Murck asserts that Wen Tong's virtue, as mentioned by Su Shi in the first passage above, connotes the power of the Way through which one is able to work creatively, as well as one's moral character.455 The second passage affirms Wen Tong's painting, in particular his bamboo, as a medium for expressing the dao.456 In sum and by extension, the passages above implies that a shi who can learn to practice the dao in the area of wen can do it in other areas such as painting, poetry, prose, and calligraphy. By defending the validity of the cultural enterprise in the shi world, Su Shi explained the importance of a cumulative cultural tradition to thinking about values. To him, wen is not simply a vehicle for moral ideas. Rather, it is one aspect of learning a universal process of uniting the interests of self and things.457 For the reasons outlined above, Su Shi's stance on wen and dao may be aptly summed up by the dictum wen yi guan dao 文以貫道, which means that wen is a means to threading the dao. However, there is a fundamental difference between earlier guwen advocates' and Su Shi's implied idea of the dictum. Instead of confining the means to thread the dao within the domain of wen, Su Shi saw the validity of the cultural enterprise as one possible way of practising his vision of morally engaged learning. To Su

Shi, one can not only take recreation in the arts (遊於藝) but also learn to practise the dao by pursuing interests in areas such as painting, poetry,

455 Murck, "Su Shih's Reading of the Chung yung," 269. 456 For Wen Tong's Bamboo see Figure VIII (List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 381). 457 Bol, "This Culture of Ours," 297–298.

163 prose or calligraphy.458 Through this, one may reveal to oneself and others the stage of one's development, and in so doing afford a platform for ideas that constitute morality and dao to be linked.459 Thus, the cultural enterprise, like wen, can also be a means to thread the dao (貫道). From this perspective,

Su Shi has altered the guwen tenets he has inherited.

Interestingly, the shift from pianwen to guwen parallels the shift from blue- green (青綠) to monochrome ink (水墨) landscape. During the period of the

Northern and Southern Dynasties, pianwen was at the height of its popularity, and it remained so into the earlier half of the Tang. Coincidentally, the most popular style for depicting landscape during the early Tang is the qinglü shanshui 青綠山水 (blue-green landscape). A key characteristic of qinglü shanshui is the use of resplendent mineral pigments derived from azurite

(blue) and malachite (green), which give the painting surface a jewel-like quality. The Minghuang's Journey to Shu《明皇幸蜀圖》is an extant work representative of this style.460 It is generally attributed to Li Zhaodao 李昭道

458 'You yu yi 遊於藝' (taking recreation in the arts) is a well-known phrase from Lunyu 《論語》 7.6: The Master said, "I set my heart on the Way, base myself on virtue, lean upon benevolence for support and take my recreation in the arts." 子曰：「志於道，據於德。依於仁，遊於藝。」 The Analects, 56, 57. 459 For example, Wen Tong's virtues and his expression of dao are conveyed in his bamboo painting. See footnote entry 453 and 454. 460 For a detailed analysis of the Minghuang's Journey to Shu《明皇幸蜀圖》see Li Lin-ts'an, "A Study of the Masterpiece 'T'ang Ming-huang's Journey to Shu'," Ars Orientalis IV, (1961): 315–321. Other selected references include Bi Yongnian 薛永年, "Minghuang xin Shu tu yu chunshan fanzhou tu duandai〈明皇幸蜀圖與春山泛舟圖斷代〉, Diancang gumeishu《典藏古美術》96 (September 2000): 38-39; Yang Xin 楊新, "Hu Tinghui zuopin de faxian yu 'Minghuang xin Shu tu' de shidai tantao〈胡廷暉作品的發現與「明皇幸蜀圖」的時代探討〉, Diancang gumeishu《典藏古美術》96 (September 2000): 28-33; and Elizabeth Lyons, " Ming Huang's Journey to Shu: The History of a Painting," Expedition vol. 28. no. 3 (Winter,

164 (active c. 670–730). There exist no less than three versions of this work, two at the National Place Museum in Taibei and one at the University of

Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology in Philadelphia.461

(See Figure VI and VII for the two examples from the National Place

Museum.)462 According to Max Loehr there are many stylistic differences between these three versions.463 But differences aside, one similarity between them is that each brilliantly combines decorative splendour with minute precision in the drawing. This recalls some of the primary characteristics of pianwen (parallel style/prose), which include being highly elaborate, decorative and luxuriant. In a sense, these characteristics are reflective of the Tang era's wealth and prosperity. However, pianwen and qinglü shanshui (blue-green landscape) began to lose their popularity after the An Lushan 安祿山 rebellion in 755.464 As mentioned earlier in this chapter, the firm simplicity of guwen was deemed more capable of stressing ethical values than pianwen. Likewise, qinglü shanshui made way for the more

1986): 22–28. Max Loehr, The Great Painters of China (London: Phaidon Press, 1980), 64–72. 461 The two versions of the work at the National Place Museum in Taibei are entitled Minghuang's Journey to Shu《明皇幸蜀圖》and Travellers in Spring Mountains《春山行旅圖》 respectively. The former is possibly a 10th–11th century copy of an 8th-century original. The latter is purported in current National Museum Publications to have been executed sometime during the Ming 明 period. The version from the University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology is entitled Minghuang's Journey to Shu《明皇幸蜀圖》and it is possibly a 14th–15th century copy done in the Tang 8th-century style. 462 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 378–380. 463 Loehr, The Great Painters of China, 70. 464 The Qinglü shanshui 青綠山水 style made a revival during the Yuan 元, one example being Zhao Mengfu's 趙孟頫 Quehua qiuse tu《鵲華秋色圖》(Figure XV). For a detailed analysis of the painting see Li Chu-Tsing, "The Autumn Colors on the Ch'iao and Hua Mountains: A Landscape by Chao Meng-Fu," Artibus Asiae Supplement vol. 21 (1965).

165 simplistic style of shuimo shanshui (monochrome ink landscape) after the An

Lushan rebellion. One likely reason for this was that, mo 墨 (ink) proved to be more lasting than colour pigments which tend to fade with time. Thus, mo was considered a more suitable medium for the shi 士, to whom inner reality (實) was valued over surface embellishment (華麗). In a sense, mo’s more permanent quality was like guwen, able to withstand the test of time. This was in contrast to colour pigments which, like pianwen, pale and fade into insignificance. Extant writings suggest that one of the earliest to render landscape in monochrome ink was Wu Daozi 吳道子 (Active c. 710–760). But it is Wang Wei 王維 (701–761) who is traditionally regarded as the founder of shuimo shanshui 水墨山水.465 The following discussion will attempt to clarify this assertion.

In the Lidai minghua ji, Zhang Yanyuan provides an account of the development of shanshuihua from the Wei and Jin period to the Tang:

... the change in the [representation of] landscape began with Wu Daozi], and was perfected by the two Lis [General Li and Grand secretary Li].466 山水之變。始於吳．成於二李。[李將軍李中書]。

In the Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, Chen discusses this assertion in depth explaining why both Li Sixun 李思訓 (651–716) and Li

Zhaodao were credited with perfecting the representation of landscape even

465 Sickman and Soper, The Art and Architecture of China, 92. 466 Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/Lunhua shanshui shu shi〈論畫山水樹石〉. For source text and English translation see Acker, Some Tang and Pre-Tang Texts on Chinese Painting-vol. 1, 156.

166 though Wu Daozi was known to be a younger contemporary of the two.467

Zhang Yanyuan's observation suggests that a major turning point for the representation of landscape occurs in the earlier half of the Tang, since all three men were active during that period. No authentic works by Wu Daozi are extant. However, Guo Ruoxu, quoting Jing Hao in the Tuhua jianwen zhi, states:

Wu Daozi's landscape reveals [he excels in] the brush but lacks ink.468 吳道子畫山水有筆無墨

Chen asserts that Wu Daozi's landscape is not fundamentally about how landscape is being inscribed in brush and ink.469 Nor is it about delineating the geographical form of landscape. Rather it is about expressing [landscape] with heroic spirit, [and in particular,] expressing the landscape that is lodged in one's breast.470 Wu Daozi may be not the father of shuimo shanshui 水墨

山水 but he certainly laid the foundation for Wang Wei to assume that role. In the Lidai minghua ji, Zhang Yanyuan states:

Wang Wei... painted landscape [in a style] that engages [both] the new and the old. Many of these, in family collections, are coloured by workmen under the direction of Yucheng. Wilderness and clumps of trees in the distance are [painted in an] exceedingly sketchy and clumsy [manner]. Then again, when [he] tried to work in the refined and skillful [style], [he] was still further removed from the truth. Wangchuan, [a work he] painted on a wall in the Qingyuan Temple,

467 Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 23–27. 468 Tuhua jianwen zhi 《圖書見聞志》/Quan er 卷二/ Jiyi shang 紀藝上/Tang mo ershiqi ren 唐末二十七人. Wang and Ren, Hua Xue Jicheng: Liuzhao–Yuan《畫學集成：六朝-元》, 326. 469 '吳道子寫山水不是以筆墨寫，不是寫山水的地理形勢，而是以其豪放之氣寫，寫的是胸中的山水...' Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 27. 470 Chen asserts that the landscape that is lodged in one's breast is a re- constructed landscape that is derived from the synthesis of the objective [study of physical] landscape and the subjective [depth of one's] emotions (其胸中山水乃是客觀山水和主觀情懷融化後的重新鑄成山水). Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 27.

167 [reveals] the gallant strength of [his] brushwork. I once witnessed [his] monochrome ink landscape; the trace of the brush is firm and [yet] liberating.471 王維... 工畫山水，體涉今古。人家所蓄，多是右丞指揮工人布色，原野蔟成遠樹過于普撲拙，复務細巧，翻更失真。清源寺壁上畫輞川，筆力雄壯。... 余曾見破墨山水，筆跡勁爽。

These observations by Zhang Yanyuan are invaluable in giving some idea of

Wang Wei's landscape style, because no authentic works by Wang Wei have survived,472 and attributed works vary considerably in style.473 It is said that

Wang Wei was familiar with and integrated both the old and new styles current in his time. Jing Hao, in the Bifa ji, provides a clue as to what constitutes the old and new. According to Jing Hao,

... It has long been known that suitability to type has to do with the laying of colours; [but the playing of] ink and washes to create composition began in our Tang period.474 夫隨纇賦彩，自古有能；如水暈墨章，與吾唐代。

The statement that 'suitability to type has to do with the laying of colours (隨

纇賦彩)' infers that the painting is rendered in colour. In context, this stands for the old style because painting rendered in colour has been around for a long time and predates the Tang. On the other hand, the reference in the previous quote to monochrome ink, said to be a product of the Tang, infers the new style. Chen contends that Wang Wei's landscape style is likely to be

471 The Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》/Juan shi 卷十/ Tangzhao xia 唐朝下. Wang and Ren, Hua Xue Jicheng: Liuzhao–Yuan《畫學集成：六朝-元》, 183. 472 In addition, issues regarding authenticity remain highly contentious. 473 Wang Wei was not held in particularly high regard during the Tang. Zhu Jingxuan 朱景玄 in the Tangzhao minghua lu《唐朝名畫錄》ranked Wu Daozi above him. By the Five Dynasties period, Jing Hao, in the Bifaji, placed Wang Wei above Wu Daozi. But Wang Wei's esteemed stature was firmly established during the Song by literati such as Su Shi. Su Shi's poem, title Wang Wei Wu Daozi hua《王維吳道子畫》which is part of his Fengxiang baguan《鳳翔八觀》poems, aptly summarises the distinction. The Xuanhe hua pu《宣和畫譜》further attests to the claim. 474 Bifaji《筆法記》VI.b.

168 a synthesis of Li Sixun and Wu Daozi.475 The work of Li Sixun is representative of the old style, which is characterised by the use of colour as well as the refined and meticulous use of the brush. That of Wu Daozi, on the other hand, is representative of the new style with its use of monochrome ink, and manners of expressing the landscape that is lodged in one's breast with heroic spirit. Beside the influences of Li Sixun and Wu Daozi, there is also the innovation in ink technique. Chen asserts that the term 'cucheng 蔟成', in the previously mentioned quote by Zhang Yanyuan,476 suggests that this is a cluster of marks made by the brush as a contrast to the meticulous outline traditionally used to delineate the form of the landscape before the application of colour completes the painting. This technique, which, according to Chen, was never mentioned before Wang Wei, allows a freer form of expression, and thereafter becomes a primary technique for painting landscape.477

Another important observation of Wang Wei's landscape style is Zhang

Yanyuan's mention of pomo 破墨. Zhang Yanyuan asserts that he has once seen Wang Wei's pomo landscape.478 Pomo, literally means 'breaking the ink'.

It is an ink-wash technique that involves the second application of ink before the first application dries, in order to break into the first layer of ink. According to Dong Qichang 董其昌 (1555–1636)), Wang Wei is said to have obtained a subtle atmosphere in his landscape by 'breaking the ink' into varied tones.479

The fundamental issue is not whether Wang Wei created this new technique

475 Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 43. 476 See footnote entry 471. 477 Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 44. 478 See footnote entry 471. 479 Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 45.

169 but, rather, how he paved the way and made popular the development of shuimo shanshui 水墨山水. For the reasons mentioned above, Wang Wei is traditionally credited as the founder of shuimo shanshui.

Further to the parallel between the shift from pianwen to guwen and the shift from blue-green (青綠) to monochrome ink (水墨) landscape; subsequent changes in the meaning of wen (from wenzhe guan dao zhi qi ye 文者，貫

道之器也 to wen yi zai dao 文以載道, and then to wen yi guan dao 文以貫道) also coincide with changes in the representation of landscape in painting.480

The monumental landscapes of the Northern Song call to mind the idea of wenzhe guan dao zhi qi ye 文者，貫道之器也 (wen is the device for threading dao) and wen yi zai dao 文以載道 (wen is a vehicle for conveying the dao ).481

The depiction of precipitous mountain peaks, coupled with the use of the vertical format, serves to not only accentuate the place of nature but also convey the values of the Way – particularly – the way of the Confucian sages.

In contrast, the less imposing lyrical landscapes of the Southern Song call to mind the idea of wen yi guan dao 文以貫道 (wen is a means for threading the dao). The shift to the more cogenial conditions in the South along with the general mountain scape there, facilitated the use of a smaller horizontal format. This format with a few rounded peaks scattered here and there

480 Wenzhe guan dao zhi qi ye 文者，貫道之器也 refers to wen is the device for threading dao; wen yi zai dao 文以載道 refers to wen is a vehicle for conveying the dao; and wen yi guan dao 文以貫道 refers to wen is a means for threading the dao. 481 As mentioned earlier, wenzhe guan dao zhi qi ye 文者，貫道之器也 (wen is the device for threading dao) and wen yi zai dao 文以載道 (wen is a vehicle for conveying dao 道) are subtly different. However, in a broader sense, the two dictums maintain that what is important about wen 文 is that it conveys the values of the Way of the Confucian sages.

170 across the vast expanse of misty landscape in the South, and the changing attitude towards wen affords a platform for ideas that constitute morality and dao to be conveyed on a more personal level. It is beyond the scope of this study to further investigate this assertion. In addition, the subject merits an in-depth study of its own. Nonetheless, I want to stress that the rise of shanshuihua as a major genre in traditional Chinese painting was, amongst other things, an expression of profound social change. This change was characterised by the political rise of the shi (literati) at the expense of the hereditary aristocracy during the Tang and Song, and was made manifest through the change in the meaning of wen and the change in the representation of landscape.

In retrospect, the question of whether shanshuihua is concerned with realism is, to a certain extent, dependent on how the term is defined. Bryson asserts that the term 'realism' cannot refer to an absolute conception of the 'real' because that 'conception' is not able to account for the changing character of the 'real'. He further elaborates that

The validity of the term needs to be made relative, and it is more accurate to say that "realism" lies rather in a coincidence between a representation and that which a particular society proposes and assumes is its reality; a reality involving the complex formation of codes of behaviour, law, psychology, social manners, dress, gesture, posture – all those practical norms which govern the stance of human beings toward their particular historical environment.482 In the context of shanshuihua, realism is framed by the complex intellectual culture of the shi. An important point to reiterate is that a shi who takes

482 Bryson, Vision and Painting, 13.

171 recreation in painting is regarded as an amateur painter, and never a professional painter. For example, Su Shi asserts that

Looking at scholars' painting is like judging the best horses of the empire: one sees how spirit has been brought out; but when it comes to artisan-painters, one usually gets whip and skin, stable and fodder, without one speck of superior achievement. After looking at a few feet or so, one is tired.483 觀士人畫如閱天下馬，取其意氣所到。若乃畫工，往往只取鞭策皮毛，槽櫪芻秣，無一點俊發，看數尺許便倦。

The term shirenhua 士人畫 emphasises the painter as scholar-official rather than the painter as artisan.484 Pierre Ryckmans aptly summarises the difference:

no amount of skill and beauty can redeem the paintings of the professionals and make up for the spiritual deficiency that taints their origins. Actually, technical virtuosity and seductiveness in a painting are considered vulgar as they precisely suggest the slick fluency of a professional answering a client's commission, and betray a lack of inner compulsion on the part of the artist. The professional works for an external reward, whereas the amateur seeks self-cultivation; to the former, painting is only a trade; to the latter, it is a spiritual discipline.485

Consequently, the art of the amateurs is deemed to possess true value because it is an expression of one's spiritual discipline rather than an expression of skill that could be tainted and/or betrayed by profit. However, one should be cautioned against undermining the role of the artisans and

483 Su Shi Wenji 《蘇軾文集》/Juan qishi 卷七十／You ba Han Jie huashan ershou zhi er〈又跋漢傑畫山二首之二〉. Su Shi 蘇軾, "Ba Han Jie huashan ershou zhi er〈跋漢傑畫山二首之二〉," in Su Shi Wenji《蘇軾文集》, (Yuan Ze University [Taiwan], n.d.), http://cls.hs.yzu.edu.tw/su_shih/su_thing/article.htm (accessed 25 January 2007) [Note: There is no direct web-link to the text. To access the text, follow this selection process: 體裁索引/70.題跋畫/23.〈又跋漢傑畫山二首之二〉]. English translation by Susan Bush in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 196. 484 Shirenhua 士人畫 seems to be a forerunner of Dong Qichang's 董其昌 wenrenhua 文人畫 (literati painting). 485 Simon Leys, The Angel and the Octopus (Sydney: Duffy & Snellgrove, 1999), 235.

172 professional painters in the development of shanshuihua. As Chen notes, it is the artisans and professional painters that laid the foundation upon which the literati improvised and innovated new styles and techniques, which they then adapted for shanshuihua.486

But the criteria that enable a landscape to be seen as 'real' and true to nature in this context cannot be expected to exactly coincide with the criteria utilised in the Western concept of realism. Jing Hao, in the Bifaji, posits that for a shanshuihua to be worthy, it has to attain tuzhen 圖真 (reality in painting), and to do so requires more than a representation of likeness.487 Here, Jing Hao's concept of tuzhen affords an understanding of the idea of realism.488

According to Jing Hao, zhen 真 means the completeness of qi (spirit), zhi 質 and xing 形.489 Munakata asserts that in order to obtain zhi, meaning substance or force to cause different natures into existence, one must realise the true nature of existence, which is in turn a manifestation of the Cosmos or

Dao. Qi (spirit), on the other hand, may best be achieved through an image which captures the object/subject's true nature. And xing or form appears to be primarily concerned with naturalistic idealism.490 Richard Edwards observes that shanshuihua

is a constant conscious play back and forth between the physical reality of the world and the subjective vision of the artist. In this relationship the artist is continually imitating the world – sometimes

486 Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 23. 487 Bifaji《筆法記》II.c, II.e, and VII.f. 488 Further reference to tuzhen see Chapter 5, section 5.322 (Tuzhen 圖真). For an explanation of the translation of the term tuzhen as 'reality in painting' see footnote entry 797. 489 Kiyohiko Munakata, "Ching Hao's Pi-fa-chi: A Note on the Art of Brush," Artibus Asiae Supplementum XXXI (1974): 3 and 4. 490 Ibid., 4.

173 more, sometimes less. But he never denies its appearance to the point of total abstraction. Nor in the other extreme, will the artist completely let go and claim for physical reality an existence independent of his own involvement.491

This infers that the idea of zhen or reality revolves around balancing the physical reality and the subjective lived experience. On this point, Ames argues:

'In our tradition, image in the vernacular combines the notions of perception and imagination, where the mimetic, representative, figurative and fictive connotations of the image are derived from the ontological disparity between a transcendentally "real" world and the concrete world of experience. The absence of such ontological disparity in the Confucian model will mean that image is the presentation rather than the representation of a configured world at concrete, literal, and historical level. Disengaged from an ontological prejudice that renders image fictive in some process of comparison and substitution, or of transference and analogy, the image assumes considerably more force as a mode of evidence alternative to logos in understanding and articulating our world. As the act of generating meaning by circumscribing, isolating, and compositing "things," it is the very differentia and character of reality.'492

In the context of shanshuihua, one aims to discover the zhen 真 or reality that is immanent in nature by intuition; and seeks to capture, through calligraphic brushwork, the spirit (氣) and substance (質) of the landscape beyond physical likeness. Here, the idea of reality and/or realism is informed by a culturally constructed set of values. If shanshuihua is said to be bound up with the visual and psychological perceptions of the landscape, then it cannot escape the phenomenological trace of the body activated through the act of seeing. In this sense, shanshuihua may be described as a means of seeing

491 Edwards, The World Around the Chinese Artist, 9. 492 Ames, "Meaning As Imaging: Prolegomena To A Confucian Epistemology," 228-229.

174 that balances the physical reality with the lived experience, as recalls the balancing principle of the Zhongyong.

In the following chapters, I will further clarify how this approach to seeing frames and constructs the represented landscape in shanshuihua.

175 chapter 4

Visiblising the [In]Visible

This chapter addresses the place of the body in shanshuihua. The body – as a subject – is a recent and still experimental product of American and

European scholarship. Charlotte Furth observes that 'the most familiar Euro-

American scholarship on the subject has shown us a Chinese body that has been not so much historicised as Orientalised: imaged as an embodiment of the life forms of the East as opposed to the West.'493 To the Western eye, apart from peg-doll like figurines, the body is insidiously 'invisible' in shanshuihua. But, as elaborated in the previous chapter, what is seemingly

'invisible' may be made visible. It may just be a case of knowing how and what to see. After all, seeing is not only an activity for the eye, it is also informed by knowledge. However, it requires one to have the refinement of sight to see the invisible or the effaced. In order to provide a coherent

493 Furth, A Flourishing Yin, 10–11.

176 construct of the body in shanshuihua, this chapter combines the fragmented ideas of the body cited in Chapters One, Two and Three with ideas from extant landscape texts (from the fourth to eleventh centuries). Emphasis is also placed on situating this body within its own cultural and historical context, thereby presenting the body as 'invisible' in shanshuihua not because it is absent or irrelevant; but rather it is precisely [in]visible because it has been naturalised within the landscape.

This chapter is divided into three sections: 'Body Politic,' 'Skin Deep,' and

'Inside Out.' 'Body Politic' examines the socio-political networks that are subtly woven onto the represented landscape. 'Skin Deep' looks at what lies on the surface of the represented landscape, and 'Inside Out' deals with what lies beyond the surface. In all, emphasis will be placed on piecing together the existing fragmented ideas of the body in shanshuihua.

4.1 BODY POLITIC

Critics may argue that one cannot draw a parallel between the body and body politic. This is because the term 'body politic' generally stands for 'a group of persons politically organised under a single governmental authority,' thus, it has nothing to do with the body per se. However, as earlier discussed, correlative thoughts that underscore the macrocosm of Heaven and Earth with the microcosm of the human body had already appeared in China by the third century B.C.E. By the second century B.C.E., the state began to derive

177 political norms from this correlative model.494 Once the idea was established that the body as representation of the universe was also a representation of the state, its legitimacy was seldom questioned or challenged. If the body as representation of the universe is also a representation of the state, then it is valid and relevant to draw a parallel between the body and body politic because the state is the body politic in this context. Thus, it is not surprising that an eleventh century landscape text such as the Linquan gaozhi expresses similar sentiments. According to the Linquan gaozhi,

… [A] mountain has water as blood, foliage as hair, mist [and] clouds as its spirit [and] character. Thus, [a] mountain [is said to] gain [its] life through water, its external beauty through vegetation, [and] its elegant charm through mist [and] clouds. Water has the mountain as its face, huts [and] pavilions as eyes [and] eyebrows, [and] anglers as its soul.495 山以水為血脈，以草木為毛髮，以煙雲為神彩，故山得水而活，得草木而華，得煙雲秀媚。水以山為面，以亭樹/榭為眉目，以漁釣為精神。

... In landscape, first pay attention to the major mountain, called the master peak. When the master peak is established, one can turn to others, near and far, large and small. We call it the master peak because, in this manner, it is sovereign over the entire scene. This is like the hierarchy of lord and ministers.496 山水先理會大山，名為主峰。主峰已定，方作以次，近者、遠者、小者、大者，以其一境主之於此，故曰主峰。如君臣上下也。 A great mountain is dominating as chief over the assembled hills, thereby ranking in an ordered arrangement the ridges and peaks, forests, and valleys as suzerains of varying degrees and distances. The general appearance is of a great lord glorious on [his] throne and

494 Dong Zhongshu’s Chunqiu Fanlu attests to the claim. 495 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉IX.b. 496 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Huajue〈畫訣〉. Source text see Guoli gugong bowuyuan 國立故宮博物院, Guo Xi Zaochuntu 《郭熙早春圖》 (Taibei 臺北: Guoli gugong bowuyuan yinhang 國立故宮博物院印行, Minguo 民國 68 [October 1979]), 11. English translation with modifications in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 178.

178 a hundred subjects hastening to pay him court, without any effect of arrogance or withdrawal [on either part].497 大山堂堂為眾山之主，所以分布以次岡阜林壑，為遠近大小之宗主也。其象若大君，赫然當陽，而百辟奔走朝會，無偃蹇背欲之勢也。

These passages not only underscore the idea that attributes of landscape are linked with bodily parts and substance; they also highlight socio-political networks as subtly woven onto the represented landscape. For instance, the central massif as chief over the lesser mounts is an allegory for a great lord on his throne with his subjects hastening to pay homage. The idea that both the lord and the subjects are 'without any effect of arrogance or withdrawal' implies a civilised court and, by extension, a well-regulated state. By integrating the state into the body/landscape equation, visions of nature become metaphors for the well-regulated state. An in-depth account of this idea and its implications for shanshuihua, particularly Guo Xi's Zaochuntu

(Early Spring), is presented later in Chapter Six.

4.2 SKIN DEEP

Schematically, a considerable proportion of a shanshuihua is taken up by the depiction of mountains. In this depiction, the rendering of the textures of rocks and mountains is an important feature. These textures, as implications of surface, afford a glimpse of the body as an examination of the term cun 皴 reveals the word cun means chapped or cracked [skin]. In the context of shanshuihua, cun generally implies the texture of a rock or mountain; while the word cunfa 皴法 refers to a Chinese painting technique developed after

497 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI.i.

179 the tenth century, which features modeling strokes. One of the earliest extant records of the word cun in a painting treatise is Guo Xi's Linquan gaozhi, which states:

The repeated application of light ink in circling strokes is called "circling with the light." Picking out an object with staccato strokes of a sharp brush, held almost horizontal, is called "texture stroke scrubbing."498 淡墨重叠旋旋而取之，謂之斡淡。以銳筆橫臥，重重而取之，謂之皴擦。

Cunca 皴擦, according to Li Lincan 李霖燦, implies a new technical term in painting at that time.499 In addition, he observes that the combination of the word cun with the word ca 擦 implies a slight difference to what is later understood as cunfa. This is because ca infers some form of shading rather than an absolute focus on the configuration of lines. Han Zhuo's 韓拙

Shanshui chun quanji《山水純全集》(Harmonious and Complete Compilation on Landscape), circa 1121, reveals that cun had lost its suffix ca by then, and had begun its evolution to cunfa.500 Li contends that cunfa appeared in shanshuihua no earlier than the Tang period (618–906). In addition, he asserts that the development of cunfa may be attributed to the period of the

Five Dynasties (906–960), and that the practise of cunfa was well established

498 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Huajue〈畫訣〉. Source text see Guoli gugong bowuyuan, Guo Xi Zaochuntu《郭熙早春圖》, 11. For English translation see Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 179. 499 Li Lincan 李霖燦, Shanshuihua cunfa, taidian zhi yanjiu《山水畫皴法．苔點之研究》 (Taibei 臺北: Guoli gugong bowuyuan 國立故宮博物院, Minguo 民國 67 [1978]), 3. 500 Shanshui chun quanji 《山水純全集》/〈論石〉: '... 有披麻皴者，有點錯皴者，或斫垛皴者，或橫皴者，或勻而連水皴紋者。一畫一點，各有古今家數，體法存焉。' Wang and Ren, Hua Xue Jicheng: Liuzhao–Yuan《畫學集成：六朝-元》, 612.

180 no later than the Northern Song (960–1127) period.501 But what exactly is cunfa?

From a technical point of view, cunfa may be understood on two levels: brush-mode and texture strokes.502 As brush-mode, cunfa is a typological aspect pertaining to configuration. As texture strokes, cunfa is a method of using ink-strokes to express texture. The Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》

(Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting) states that in painting a mountain, one must first establish the lunkuo 輪廓 (outline) of the mountain as well as the mailuo 脈絡 (arteries [and] veins) before applying the cun.503 (See Figure

Xe. and Figure Xf. for examples of the lunkuo and the mailuo outlines.504 For selected examples of various cunfa see Figures Xa to Xj.)505 The statement that one must establish the outline and arteries of the mountain infers that cun resembles a skin-like surface. In order to elucidate the significance of this implication, one must first address the Chinese painters' preoccupation with expressing the textures of rocks and mountains.

501 Li, Shanshuihua cunfa．taidian zhi yanjiu《山水畫皴法．苔點之研究》, 3. 502 Joan Stanley-Baker, "Repainting Wang Meng: Problems in Accretion.' Artibus Asiae, 50, no. 3/4 (1990): 170. 503 Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》/Shanshipu〈山石譜〉/Huashanqishoufa〈畫山起手法〉: ’First establishing the outline called linkup (wagon-wheel rims); after this come the brushstrokes used in modelling (cun). 山之輪廓先定然後皴’; and Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》/Shanshipu〈山石譜〉/Kaizhanggousuofa〈開嶂[金勾][金巢]法〉: ‘… In estimating the body of the mountain and placing its head, the brushstroke over the top, called zhangkai (encompassing the mountain range), is the top of the skull of the mountain. This is the dominating form of the mountain, but its qi is in the joining of brushstrokes like veins. [彳扁]體揣視更重顱骨結頂一筆所謂嶂開蓋山之顱骨是也此處起伏為一山之主而氣脈連絡并為通’ Sze, Mai-mai, trans. & ed. The Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting: Chieh Tzu Yuan Hua Chuan, 1679–1701 (New Jersey, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 153 and 155. 504 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 384. 505 Ibid., 383–86.

181 Li asserts that cunfa stands for an expression in brush and ink of the Chinese artists' conscientious observation of mountains, rocks, and their patterns as well as their li 理 ([natural] principle).506 The entry on shi 石 (rocks) in theYuanjian leihan《淵鑑纇函》(Classified Contents of the Mirror of Profound

Depths) provides an apt reference to the metaphoric significance of mountains and rocks:507

The essential energy of soil forms rock. Rocks are kernels of energy; the generation of rock from energy is like the body's arterial system producing nails and teeth.508 土精為石。石，氣之核也。氣之生石，猶人之精絡之生爪牙也。

The earth has the famous mountains as its support; rocks are its bones, rivers are its veins, grass [and] trees are its hair, [and] soil is its flesh.509 地以名山為輔佐，石為之骨，川為之脈，草木為之毛，土為之肉 .

This implies that rocks are both a compression of qi and an arterial conduction of qi. The Jieziyuan huachuan section on the Shanshipu〈山石譜〉

(Book of Rocks) further supports the claim:

In estimating people, their quality of spirit is as basic as the way they are formed; and so it is with rocks, which are the framework of heaven and earth and also have qi. That is the reason rocks are sometimes spoken of as yun'gen (roots of the clouds). Rocks without qi are dead

506 Li, Shanshuihua cunfa, taidian zhi yanjiu《山水畫皴法．苔點之研究》, 2. 507 The Yuanjian leihan《淵鑑纇函》is an encyclopedia completed in 1710 at the order of Kangxi 康熙 emperor (1654–1722). 508 Wuli lun〈物理論〉by Yang Quan 楊泉 (Jin 晉 dynasty), quoted in Yuanjian leihan《淵鑑纇函》/Juan ershiliu 卷二十六. Yuanjian leihan《淵鑑纇函》(Taibei 臺北: Xinxingshuju 新興書局 [reprint of original edition], 民國 Minguo 49 [1960]. For English translation see John Hay, Kernels of Energy, Bones of Earth: The Rock in Chinese Art (New York: China Institute in America, 1985), 52. 509 Bowu zhi《博物誌》by Zhang Hua 張華 (Jin dynasty), quoted in Yuanjian leihan 《淵鑑纇函》/Juan ershiliu 卷二十六. Yuanjian leihan《淵鑑纇函》(Taibei 臺北: Xinxingshuju 新興書局 [reprint of original edition], 民國 Minguo 49 [1960]. English translation with modifications in Hay, Kernels of Energy, Bones of Earth, 52.

182 rocks, just as bones without the same vivifying spirit are dry, bare bones. How could a cultivated person paint a lifeless rock?510 觀人者必曰氣骨石乃天地之骨而氣亦寓焉故謂之曰雲根無氣之石則為頑石猶無氣之骨則為朽骨豈有朽骨而可施於?人韻士筆下乎是畫無氣之石

The idea that rocks have qi may sound odd at first but if one were to approach it from the field of petrology, one may discover that the pattern of a rock reveals the pattern of energy distributed in its formation. The natural world is in a state of constant transformation (the changing of the seasons, the weather, tectonic movements, etc); and the patterns of a rock may reveal the lithification of sediments or changes in temperature, pressure, etc. John

Hay asserts that to the Chinese, the energy purported to be compressed within rocks remains, generally speaking, in the same phenomenal state until it surfaces; and when it does surface, it transforms into other states such as soil, vapour, and moisture.511 Such phenomena are often observable at places where vaporous emanations occur. For example, 'spray and mists are often seen at the conjunction of water and rock;' and clouds often cling to rock eminences.512 Thus, the expression – rocks as yun'gen 雲根 (roots of the clouds).

If rocks are conceived as a compression of qi, an arterial conduction of qi, and the interface where internal and external processes engage; then their very nature is characterised by this dynamism. Interestingly, the jingmo 經脈

510 Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》/Shanshipu〈山石譜〉/Huashiqishou dang fen sanmianfa〈畫石起手當三面法〉. Source text and English translation in Sze, The Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting, 129. 511 Hay, Kernels of Energy, Bones of Earth, 52–53. 512 Ibid., 53.

183 system in traditional Chinese medicine provides a close analogy for this dynamic interaction. The idea that the patterns of energy deep in the body's interior are palpable at its surface is based on acupuncture theory coincident with points locatable on the skin.513 The Chinese employ the term shi 勢 to suggest such a configuration of energy.514 For a scholar-painter, it is important to capture this dynamism or shi when he paints rocks. The

Jieziyuan huachuan states,

… One should certainly never paint rocks without qi. To depict rocks with qi, it must be sought beyond material and in the intangible. Nothing is more difficult. If the form of the rock is not clear in one's heart(-mind) and therefore at one's finger tips, as it was Wa Huang, the picture can never be completely realised.515 固不可而畫有氣之石即覓氣於無可捉摹之中尤難乎其難非胸中煉有媧皇指上立有顛未未可從事

This explains why it is said that 'a cultivated person could not paint a lifeless rock.'516 In addition, the textures of rocks and mountains, in the form of cun, are considered a suitable medium for revealing and expressing the pattern of energy as it is distributed. Thus, the plethora of cun created by the Chinese painters is not only an indication of thorough observation of the natural world; it is also a means for the painters to broaden their artistic repertoire.

513 See Angela Zito, "Silk and Skin: Significant Boundaries," in Body, Subject & Power in China, ed. Angela Zito and Tani E. Barlow (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), 111; and Ted J Kaptchuk, Chinese Medicine: The Web that has no Weaver (London: Rider, 1983), 77–78. 514 For an in-depth discussion on term 'shi ' and its applications in Chinese history and culture see, François Jullien, The Propensity of Things: Towards a Cultural Efficacy in China, translated by Janet Lloyd (New York: Zone Books, 1995). 515 Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》/Shanshipu〈山石譜〉/Huashiqishou dang fen sanmianfa〈畫石起手當三面法〉. Sze, The Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting, 129. 516 Ibid.

184 In sum, the textures of rocks and mountains, in the form of cun (modelling strokes), not only resemble a skin-like surface; they essentially are the 'skin'.

If rocks/mountains denote the 'skin,' then it is valid to re-view or redefine them, within the context of shanshuihua, as the interface where internal and external processes engage. This is the site of visibility and invisibility. The following section considers what lies beneath this 'skin'.

4.3 INSIDE OUT

One way to scrutinise what lies beneath the surface of a shanshuihua is to critically examine the kind of metaphors with which concepts of nature and vision have inescapably been invested in the body. Metaphors are important because of the open-ended way in which words can shift meanings and associations and, by extension, give play to a diversity of connotations and associations.517 In this sense, metaphors are a valid and potent instrument of knowledge. I will start the enquiry by examining the appropriation of physiological terms in selected landscape texts.

Jing Hao in the Bifaji asserts that

"There are four [types of] forces in brush[work]: muscle, flesh, bone, and spirit. Brush[stroke] that is interrupted but unbroken is called muscle. The thickening [and] thinning [width of a brushstroke], filled with inner reality, is called flesh. [Brushstroke that is] firm [and] upright, from the beginning to the end, is called bone. [If each] brushstroke delineating the [whole] painting is undefeatable, [the total force] is called spirit. From this [it may] be understood that [a brushstroke with] ink of too thick [quality] loses its structural form [and integrity]. [While a brushstroke with ink of] weak colour is defeated in the right spirit. [The brushstroke whose force of] muscle is dead cannot have [the force of] flesh either.

517 Furth, A Flourishing Yin, 15.

185 The brushstroke, which is completely interrupted, has no muscle. If [a brushstroke is] too effeminate, [it has] no bone."518 “凡筆有四勢，謂筋、肉、骨、氣。筆絕而不斷，為之筋。起伏成實，為之肉。生死剛正，為之骨。蹟畫不敗，為之氣。故知墨大質者，失其體；色微者，敗正氣；筋死者，無肉；蹟斷者，無筋；苟媚者，無骨。”

While this passage appropriates the physiological terms of muscle (筋), flesh

(肉), bone (骨) and spirit (氣), it conveys little about them. Jing Hao’s evaluation of selected painters in the Bifaji provides some pertinent clues. In

Section VI of the Bifaji, Jing Hao discusses the strength and weakness of selected painters since antiquity:

... It has long been known that suitability to type has to do with the laying of colours; [however techniques] such as 'watered ink for graded wash' began in our Tang period. Zhang Zao, the Second Secretary, paints trees [and] rocks full of spirit [and] resonance. [He] amasses all details with brush [and] ink; true thought is outstanding; [and there is] little emphasis on the five colours. There is none [like him] either from the past or now.519 夫隨纇賦彩，自古有能；如水暈墨章，與吾唐代。故張璪員外樹石，氣韻俱盛，筆墨積微；真思卓然，不貴五彩；曠古絕今，未之有也。

This statement is an important historical marker for monochrome ink shanshuihua because it clearly indicates that monochrome ink shanshuihua is a by-product of the Tang period and that pre-Tang landscapes are rendered in colour. There are two discernible characteristics to this new style of painting: the strength of the brush and the favouring of monochrome ink over colour. From the rest of the passage, one may sense Jing Hao's penchant for this new style of painting. In Jing Hao’s view,

There are only a few who reached perfection. Xie He classified Lu [Tanwei] as the leading [painter]. [However] nowadays it is difficult to

518 Bifaji《筆法記》IV.a. 519 Bifaji《筆法記》VI.b.

186 find genuine works [by Lu]. The extant paintings by Zhang Sengyou sadly lack the [basic] principles. 得之者少。謝赫品陸之為勝，今已難遇親蹤。張僧繇所遺之圖，甚虧其理。

Extant writings on Lu Tanwei 陸探微 (c.440–500) reveal that he is renowned for the strength of his brush.520 One writer, Zhang Huaiguan 張懷瓘 (active first half 8th Century) in the Huaduan《畫斷》(Judgement on Paintings) states that Lu's 'brush mark is strong [and] sharp, as if cut with an awl' (筆跡勁利，

如錐刀焉) and that 'Zhang [Sengyou] possesses flesh, Lu [Tanwei] possesses bone, [and] Gu [Kaizhi] possesses spirit' (張得其肉[， ]陸得其骨，

顧得其神).521 By commenting that Lu Tanwei possesses bone (骨), Zhang

Huaiguan is essentially referring to the strength of Lu Tanwei's brushstrokes.

As for the comment about Zhang Sengyou 張僧繇 (c.470–550) possessing flesh (肉), Zhang Huaiguan is referring to Zhang Sengyou's ability to capture an aspect of the appearance of his subjects that was not realised by his

520 Lu Tanwei from Wu (Jiangsu 江蘇), is one of the most celebrated pre-Tang painters. Max Loehr asserts that in Lu Tanwei's early years, he was 'attached to the entourage of, and painted the portrait of, a prince, Song Mingdi (reigned 465-72), described as a truculent politician, generous supporter of Buddhism, and lover of the arts. It would be perfectly proper, therefore to count Lu among the court painters, in contrast to the hermits, Zong Bing and Wang Wei.' See, Wang Bomin 王伯敏, Zhongguo huihua tongshi《中國會畫通史》, Shangce 上冊 (Beijing 北京: Shenghuo．Dushu．Xinzhi．Sanlianshudian 生活．讀書．新知．三聯書店, 2000): 146; Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 324; Max Loehr, The Great Painters of China (London: Phaidon Press, 1980), 23-26. 521 Zhang Huaiguan's Huaduan is no longer extant as a complete text. However, excerpts of the text is can be found in Zhang Yanyuan's Lidai minghua ji. The quotations mentioned are taken from Chapter Six of the Lidai minghua ji, '... 張懷瓘雲：顧、陸及張僧繇，評者各重其一，皆為當矣。陸公參靈酌妙，動与神會，筆跡勁利，如錐刀焉。秀骨清像，似覺生動，令人懍懍若對神明，雖妙極象中，而思不融乎墨外。夫象人骨風，張亞於顧[、]陸也。張得其肉，陸得其骨，顧得其神。'

187 predecessors, that of corporeality, plasticity, and volume.522 There are also two novel features of Zhang Sengyou's painting that are worth mentioning.

The first is his modelling with light and dark shades.523 The other is his

'boneless' technique of applying colour without ink outlines called 'mogu 沒骨

'. According to Max Loehr, Zhang Sengyou is recognised as the first to experiment with this boneless technique in his landscape.524 Interestingly, such technique is considered too effeminate by Jing Hao. In his discussion of the four characteristics of the brush, Jing Hao asserts that 'if [a brushstroke is] too effeminate, [it has] no bone (苟媚者，無骨)'; and that 'the thickening and thinning width of a brushstroke, filled with inner reality, is called flesh (起伏成

實，為之肉).' Here, the description of flesh (肉) relates to brushstrokes that have more structural form than the 'mogu 沒骨' (boneless) technique as said to be applied by Zhang Sengyou. It is possibly under such light that Jing Hao considered Zhang Sengyou's paintings to 'sadly lack truthfulness' (甚虧其理).

Other painters mentioned by Jing Hao are namely Ding Rong the recluse (頂

容山人) and Wu Daozi 吳道子. Ding Rong the recluse was said to 'display the masterly use of ink, [but] in the use of the brush [he displays a] lack of bone

(用墨獨得玄門，用筆全無其骨).' And Wu Daozi's ' brush[works] excel in the forms. The spirit of the bone is immense, [and] this is indisputable, however it

522 Zhang Sengyou, from Wu (Jiangsu 江蘇), is the most prominent painter of dragons and Buddhist and Daoist subjects under the Qi 齊 and Liang 梁 Dynasties. For selected information about Zhang see, Wang, Zhongguo huihua tongshi 《中國會畫通史》, Shangce 上冊., 147-148; Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting., 293; James Cahill, An Index of Early Chinese Painters and Paintings: Tang, Sung, and Yuan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 5; Loehr, The Great Painters of China, 26-29. 523 Loehr, The Great Painters of China, 27. 524 Ibid.

188 is a pity [that his brush] lacks ink (筆勝於象，骨氣自高，樹不言圖，亦恨無墨).'

In other words, the former was said to 'have ink but no brush' (有墨無筆), and the latter was said to 'have brush but no ink' (有筆無墨). Chapter 10 of the

Xuanhe Huapu, under the sub-heading of 'Jing Hao,' states that

to have brush but no ink, traces of the brush remain visible throughout, but lack naturalness. To have ink but no brush [means that] "axe and chisel" strokes are discarded [and replaced by] too erratic formations.525 善有筆無墨者，見落筆蹊徑而少自然，有墨無筆者，去斧鑿痕而多變態。

If this definition is correctly interpreted, one may assume that Jing Hao is critical of the 'haphazard effects' of ink washes. This may also explain why he considered Zhang Sengyou's mogu (boneless) style of painting to 'sadly lack truthfulness' (甚虧其理). The emphasis that Jing Hao placed on both the bi 筆

(the Chinese ink brush) and the mo 墨 (ink) gives the discussion and handling of bi and mo new significance. According to Chen Chuanxi, the term bi and mo in Jing Hao's Bifaji has already acquired new meaning, [and] its influences on [traditional] Chinese painting has also brought about new approaches [to the bi and mo]. Thereafter, the terms 'bi [and] mo' gradually come to stand for a [specific] technical term in Chinese painting, [and] such [a phenomenon] may be said to begin with [Jing] Hao.526 Also noteworthy is the use of physiological terms, jin 筋 (muscle), rou 肉 (flesh), gu 骨 (bone), and qi

525 For source text see Wang and Ren, Hua Xue Jicheng: Liuzhao–Yuan《畫學集成：六朝-元》, 511. 526 Quoting Chen Chuanxi 陳傳席: '“筆墨”一義在荊浩《筆法記》中已賦於新的意義，於中國畫的創作中也起到了新的作用。爾後，“筆墨”一辭逐為中國畫技法的代名辭，其善始於浩焉。' Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 71.

189 氣, to describe the characteristics of the bi. Not only do these terms allude to physiological structures/processes beneath the skin; they also infer and acknowledge that the bi, and by extension painting, is bound up with the body.

Interestingly, John Hay asserts that the meaning of physiological terms radiate out from the centers of particular knowledge.527 In this case, the knowledge is most likely that of medical practice. The classical Chinese understanding of the body, as Nathan Sivin and Manfred Porkert observe, 'is not the counterpart of Western anatomy but its antithesis.'528 This body identifies with functions rather than structures.529 To elaborate, Sivin asserts that whilst anatomy is concerned with the organism as a structure of parts, the classical (Chinese) understanding of the interior of the body, which

Porkert calls "orbisiconography" (臟象), is 'concerned with the dynamic interplay of what is best described as a number of functional systems'.530

According to Porkert, 'illustrations of orbisiconography were, as a rule, meant primarily as diagrams of functions, not as pictures of anatomical substrata.'531

Here, the line between the anatomical and physiological concepts is not easy to demarcate. Ilza Veith states that in the Huangdi Neijing, organs are described for their function rather than their location and structure. In addition, the theory of cosmogony (i.e. the continuous interaction of yin and yang, the

527 John Hay, "The Human Body as a Microcosmic Source of Macrocosmic Values in Calligraphy," in Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1983), 80. 528 Manfred Porkert, The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine: Systems of Correspondence (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 1974), xiii, and 108. 529 Porkert, The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine, xiii. Also see Unschuld, Medicine in China, 79; and Veith, Huang Ti Nei Ching Su Wen, 30. 530 Porkert, The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine, xiii. 531 Ibid.

190 four seasons, and the five elements) dominates the theories on structure as well as those on function.532 From the above it can be seen that there are clear differences between the Western and classical Chinese approach. Thus, framing the use of physiological terms in the Bifaji within the context of western anatomical framework is unlikely to be as useful as approaching the practice from a classical Chinese medical framework.

From a Chinese medical perspective, muscle (筋), flesh (肉), bone (骨) and spirit (氣) infer a sense of interconnectedness. To elaborate, the Huang di neijing states:

The heart is in accord with the pulse. The complexion of a person shows when the heart is in a splendid condition. The heart rules over the kidneys. The lungs are connected with the skin. The condition of the body hair shows when the lungs are in a splendid and flourishing condition. The lungs rule over the heart. The liver is connected (in accord) with the muscles. The condition of the finger and toe nails shows when the liver is in a splendid and flourishing condition. The liver rules over the lungs. The spleen is connected with the flesh. The colour and appearance of the lips show when the stomach is in a splendid and flourishing condition. The liver rules over the lungs. The kidneys are connected with the bones. The condition of the hair on the head shows when the lungs are in a splendid and flourishing condition . The kidneys rule over the spleen.533 心之合脈也，其榮色也，其主腎也。肺之合皮也，其榮毛也，其主心也。肝之合筋也，其榮爪也，其主肺也。脾之合肉也，其榮唇也，其主肝也。腎之合骨也，其榮髮也，其主碑也。

... The control of the five viscera [acts in the following way]: the heart controls the pulse; the lungs control the skin; the liver controls the muscles; the spleen controls the flesh; and the kidneys control the bones. This explains the five controls.534

532 Veith, Huang Ti Nei Ching Su Wen, 30. 533 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/ Wuzang shengcheng piendishi〈五藏生成篇第十〉. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 14. English translation with slight modifications in Veith, Huangti nei ching suwen, 140–141. 534 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/ Xuanming wuqi piendiershisan〈宣明五氣篇第二十三〉.

191 ... 五藏所主：心主脈，肺主皮，肝主筋，脾主肉，腎主骨，是謂五主。

These passages emphasise the interconnectedness of the muscle, flesh, and bone via symbolic correlation. Elsewhere in the Huang di neijing, qi is said to pervade in the nine orifices, five viscera, and twelve joints within the body.535

In this body, there are many overlapping systems and everything is interwoven into a dense web of functions.536 For example, bone (骨) is part of the qiheng zhi fu 奇恆之腑 (paraorbs),537 that forms a stem that serves as a

'framework of the body' and, 'moves active and structive physiological energies (qi and xue 血).'538 Hay observes that the 'bones are indeed a support for the body, or rather an organic "stem," but they share this function with the arteries and they can fulfill it only because they are a concretion and storage of energy transmitted from the shen 腎 orb ('kidneys and testes').'539

With regard to flesh (肉) and muscle (筋), Porkert states:

Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 35. English translation with slight modifications in Veith, Huangti nei ching suwen, 208. 535 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Shenqi tongtianlun piendisan〈生氣通天論篇第三〉, '... From the earliest times the communication with heaven has been the very foundation of life; this foundation exists between yin and yang and between heaven and earth and within the six points. The (heavenly) breath prevails in the nine divisions, in the nine orifices, in the five viscera, and in the twelve joints; the breath of heaven pervades them all. ... 夫自古通天者，生之本，本于陰陽。天地之間，六合之內，其氣九州、九竅、五臟十二節，皆通乎天氣。' Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 3. Translation with slight modifications in Veith, Huangti nei ching suwen, 105. 536 Hay, "The Human Body as a Microcosmic Source of Macrocosmic Values in Calligraphy," 84. 537 The Paraorbs refer to nao 腦 (brain), sui 髓 (medulla), gu 骨 (bone), mo 脈 (sinarteries), dan 膽 (gallbladder), and nuzibao 女子胞 (uterus). Its essential function is the storage of energy. See, Porkert, The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine, 112. 538 Porkert, The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine, 165. 539 Hay, "The Human Body as a Microcosmic Source of Macrocosmic Values in Calligraphy," 84.

192 Jirou 肌肉 or simply rou 肉 designates the flesh of the muscles, connoting not so much its motor function as the somatic element which gives the body its characteristic shape and which, by its changes, permits inferences to be drawn about the individual's nutrition and reserve capacities. In contradistinction jin 筋 (nervus, muscles and sinews) points to the mechanical elements, sometimes concealed, of locomotive system.540

It is worth noting that flesh (肉) and muscles (筋) do not store energy like the bones (骨). However, they do transmit it in the form of defensive qi (衛氣) that flows round the perimeter of the body (in the skin and muscles) protecting the body from pathological invasion.541 In retrospect, muscle, flesh, and bone need to be understood as part of a dense web of functions held together by the interplay of qi. The terms muscle, flesh, bone, and qi as postulated by Jing

Hao in the Bifaji become clearer when explained within this medical framework, as I elaborate below. But first, I explore the components of a bi

(the Chinese ink brush) and how it works with the mo (ink) as this will assist in elucidating the features of muscle, flesh, bone, and qi in a shanshuihua.

In general, the bi comprises two parts: the handle (筆桿), which is usually made of bamboo; and the brush which is usually made of animal hair/fur.542

The brush is further sub-divided into three sections: the root (筆根), belly (筆

腹), and tip (筆鋒). Refer to Figure IX for an illustration of the components of a bi.543 When one dips the brush into water and/or ink, the belly of the brush (筆

540 Porkert, The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine: Systems of Correspondence, 131–32. 541 Huang di neijing suwen《黃帝內經素問》/Bilun bian disishisan 痺論篇第四十三; and Huang di neijing lingshu《黃帝內經靈樞》/Yingwei shenghui dishiba 營衛生會第十八. Huangdi neijing《黃帝內經》, 59–61, 171–72. 542 Other materials for the handle include hard wood, and ivory. 543 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 382.

193 腹) holds or stores a good amount of fluid, acting not unlike a shen 腎

(kidneys) orb providing the bones with a concretion and storage of energy, ready to be transmitted when the tip of the brush touches the silk or paper.

Once the tip of the brush touches the silk or paper, the 'stored energy' is transmitted through it and manifests itself as a brushstroke. Here, the interface between inner store and outer manifestation forms a site of interaction. (This relation between inner and outer recalls a nei /wai 內外 or

'Inner/Outer' distinction that is fundamental to Chinese medical theory.544)

This interface/site, together with the bi, the mo, and the absorbency and receptiveness of silk and paper, affords a reading of the phenomenological trace of the body. Pierre Ryckmans provides a pertinent explanation in his observations of the characteristics of the materials that one uses in calligraphy.545 Ryckmans asserts that

ink, far from being stable and monochrome, offers a wide range of nuances; its shine, its depth, its blackness, its pallor, its thickness, its fluidity, its dryness, its wetness echo every mood and inflection of the brush itself, the work of which can be slow or fast, rough or smooth, impetuous or subdued, naive or cultured, violent or delicate... The silk and paper used for calligraphy have an absorbent quality: the lightest touch of the brush, the slightest drop of ink, registers at once – irretrievably and indelibly. This is a medium that tolerates no error, no correction, no hesitation. The brush acts like a seismograph of the mind, answering every

544 See Vivienne Lo, "Crossing the Neiguan 內關 "Inner Pass" - A nei/wai 內外 "Inner/Outer" Distinction in Early Chinese Medicine?," EASTM [East Asian Science, Technology, and Medicine] 17 (2000): 15–65; Angela Zito, Of Body and Brush: Grand Sacrifice as Text/Performance in Eighteen-Century China (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1997), 41; Hay, "The Human Body as a Microcosmic Source of Macrocosmic Values in Calligraphy," 89; Ted J. Kaptchuk, Chinese Medicine: The Web that has no Weaver (London: Rider, 1983), 77–78; and Porkert, The Theoretical Foundations of Chinese Medicine, 2, 114. 545 Ryckmans, pen-name Simon Leys, is a sinologist, essayist, and writer.

194 pressure, every turn of the wrist: the record of its course on the blank page is instantaneous, complete, and final.546

Apart from underscoring the phenomenological trace of the body, these observations on calligraphy and the nature of the materials used for it are relevant to shanshuihua because it is generally accepted that learning to paint is no different from learning calligraphy.547 In addition, Ryckmans' observation provide a framework for understanding Guo Xi's assertion that

One should master the brush and not be mastered by it; one should use the ink and not be used by it. Brush and ink may be trivial matters, but if one is unable to manage the two of them one will never reach the finest results. It is, moreover not difficult. One may approach [them] through calligraphy, which is just the same.548 一種使筆不可反為筆使，一種用墨不可反為墨用。筆與墨，人之淺近事，二物且不知所以操縱，即焉得成絕妙也哉！此亦非難，近取諸學書法，正與此類。

When Ryckmans' observations are taken into consideration along with Guo

Xi's position, and the earlier discussions (on the components of bi and mo, the Chinese classical medical framework, and Jing Hao's evaluation of selected painters), it is clear that a re-examination is overdue on the subject of the physiological terms in the Bifaji, particularly with regard to the four characteristics of the brush.

From a technical viewpoint, muscle (筋) or 'brush[stroke] that is interrupted but unbroken (筆絕而不斷),' infers the strength or pressure applied to the brush. Flesh (肉) or 'the thickening [and] thinning [width of a brushstroke]

546 Simon Leys, The Angel and the Octopus (Sydney: Duffy & Snellgrove, 1999), 34. 547 Linquan gaozhi 《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉III.a. 548 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Huajue〈畫訣〉. Source text see Guoli gugong bowuyuan, Guo Xi Zaochuntu《郭熙早春圖》, 11. English translation with modifications in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 179.

195 filled with inner reality (起伏成實),' infers the rhythmical quality of the line which points to or is suggestive of corporeality, plasticity, and volume. Bone

(骨) or '[brushstroke that is] firm [and] upright, from the beginning to the end

(生死剛正),' infers compositional strength and structure. Spirit (氣) or

'brushstroke delineating the [whole] painting is undefeatable (蹟畫不敗),' infers the total force/disposition (勢) of the painting. Fundamental to understanding these physiological terms is to approach them as a collective entity that is bound up with the body. Not only in a metaphorical way but also in a kinaesthetic sense, whereby one is mindful of the posture, arm, hand, and fingers all working together to realise the brushstroke. Here, brushstrokes are revealed as the traces of the painter's hand and bodily movements. According to Bryson, traditional Chinese painting bears the presence or physical trace of the marker via the calligraphic lines. Bryson further comments that, in shanshuihua, 'landscape is certainly the subject, but equally the subject is the work of the brush in "real time" as an extension of the painter's own body.'549 A viewer may re-enact the performative aspect of the painter’s body of labour in the wake of the traces displayed by the calligraphic lines. Thus, the appropriation of terms such as jin 筋 (muscle), rou 肉 (flesh), gu 骨 (bone), and qi 氣 in describing the brushwork of shanshuihua is a reference to the corporeal – in a physiological rather than an anatomical sense. David Clarke asserts that Chinese literati painting and

549 Bryson, Vision and Painting, 89.

196 calligraphy not only emphasise indexical signs, they also foreground them.550

If a viewer grasps the phenomenological trace of the body through the tensions and balance of these indexical marks, then such a body is an indexical one rather than an iconic representation. In order to further explore the indexical representation of the body in shanshuihua, the concept of yi or idea as a direct index or 'imprint' of intention first requires clarification. In the following, I draw on the concepts of painting as an imprint of the heart-mind and the three states of poetic imagination to address the way painting expresses the heart-mind's intent.551 As mentioned earlier in Chapter One,

Guo Ruoxu in the Tuhua jianwen zhi situates poetry and calligraphy as imprints of the heart-mind. He does this by asserting that painting is the equivalent of calligraphy and quoting Yang Xiong's assertion that words are the sounds of the heart-mind and calligraphy its visualisation.552 The root of this assertion can be traced to the tradition and nature of poetry because it is commonly held that poetry expresses [the heart-mind's] intent in words.553

Interestingly, poetry, calligraphy and painting are generally considered as the same artform to a scholar painter because they stem from a common root- metaphor, namely wen 文 (external appearances and forms).554 By the Song period, these three modes of aesthetic practice often appear combined in a

550 David Clarke, “Iconicity and indexicality: The body in Chinese Art,” in Semiotica 155, 1/4 (2005): 230. 551 These concepts were briefly mentioned earlier in Chapter One, section 1.3 (Artistic Creativity As Process of Self-Cultivation) and 1.4 (The Meaning Surpasses the Image). 552 See Chapter One, section 1.3 (Artistic Creativity As Process Of Self- Cultivation). 553 Shangshu《尚書》/Shundian〈舜典〉and《詩經》／Daxu〈大序〉. Also see Chapter One, section 1.4 (Meaning Surpasses the Image). 554 Reference to wen see Chapter Three, section 3.2 (Aspects of Realism).

197 single work of the scholar-artist. Together, they are known as the Sanjue 三

絕 or Three Perfections of the cultivated scholars. The intimate relationship between poetry, calligraphy and painting meant that it was conceivable to discuss the idea of painting as an imprint of the heart-mind within an established poetic framework such as Wang Changling's three states of poetic imagination. According to Wang Changling, the three states of poetic imagination are namely wujing 物境, qingjing 情境, and yijing 意境.555 In the pages following, I address these concepts within the context of a shanshuihua. The first of the three states is wujing. The word wu 物 means object, and the word jing 境 stands for state or realm. A literal translation of wujing as 'object state' does little to clarify the term. Thus, it is more appropriate to translate wujing as 'physical state' because wujing is essentially concerned with the physical aspects of the object. Jing Hao in the

Bifaji provides an interesting frame of reference. He posits that a painter examines an object in order to grasp its reality (度物象而取其真).556 This not only implies the need for thorough observation, it also infers that wujing in the context of a painting may be understood as being bound up with form (形) and verisimilitude. The second of the three states of poetic imagination is qingjing. The word qing is bound up with feelings and emotions. Thus, the translation of qingjing as 'affective state'. The prolific Tang poet Bai Juyi 白居

易 (772–846) asserts that the prerequisite for touching the heart-mind is

555 Fong, Beyond Representation, 61. 556 Bifaji《筆法記》II.c.

198 affective feelings (感人心者，莫先乎情).557 Shanshui is a highly affective subject. The famous Confucian dictum 'The wise find joy in water; the benevolent find joy in mountains' exemplifies this love and affection for shan and shui.558 A similar sentiment is expressed in the opening lines of the Hua shanshui xu.559 The third state of the poetic imagination is yijing or idea state.560 Guo Xi in the Linquan gaozhi asserts that it is the love of shanshui that underscores the fundamental yi 意 or idea behind the honour that is accorded to shanshuihua.561 In retrospect, the expression of shanshui in the form of a painting is not unlike an expression of a poet's intent. Here the intent is specifically bound up with the form, feelings, and idea relating to shanshui. This sheds light on both the literati's insistence that the idea of a painting is more significant than the physical reality of it; and why painting is said to reflect the man, his ideas, his thoughts, and his self-cultivation.562

Hence, when viewing a shanshuihua, one could have an empathic engagement with the painter not only as an embodied being through the legibility of the brush marks but also a direct indexical imprint of the painter's heart-mind. On a more profound level, these indexical marks may be translated into recognisable forms that facilitate one's engagement with the spirit of the landscape. In the Hua shanshui xu, Zong Bing infers that representation of landscape is inevitably bound up with an expression of the

557 Yuyuan jiushu《與元九書》. 558 Lunyu《論語》6.23. Source text and the English translation from The Analects, 52–53. 559 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》I. 560 Further reference to the concept of yijing see Chapter One, section 1.4 ((Meaning Surpasses the Image). 561 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉I. 562 Ibid.

199 Dao.563 By extension, viewing a shanshuihua is also about savouring the spirit of the landscape. This spirit may be made visible through metaphors locating it in the natural world and reinventing as a natural body. However, this body belies its seeming naturalness because it is also steeped in political and cultural contexts. As in the case of the Linquan gaozhi, visions of nature become metaphors for the well-regulated state.

4.4 CONCLUSION

In sum, the chapter reveals a display of body politic; the skin (which happens to be the largest component of the body); and the indexical body. These not only exemplify that there is no lack of bodies in shanshuihua; it also reveals the intimate body/landscape correlation. Fundamental towards making these bodies visible is about knowing what and how to see. However, amid this multiplicity of bodies, there is an important but often neglected approach on the body/landscape equation – bodily consciousness. In the following chapters, I seek to address this imbalance and elucidate why bodily consciousness is a vital element in the aesthetic experience of viewing and reading a shanshuihua.

563 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》I.a and I.c.

200 chapter 5

[Re]viewing landscape (and) texts

It is generally accepted that no one ever writes of a 'landscape' in wholly neutral terms. Likewise, 'landscape' as a concept in shanshuihua is not only imbued with its own nuances, it also presupposes the notion of a 'natural view'. Martin Powers asserts that this 'view' involves an aesthetic experience that is in dialogue with paintings of such views.564 In the following pages, I argue that bodily consciousness not only constitutes an integral part of the aesthetic experience, it also deepens one's understanding of shanshuihua.

As Maurice Merleau-Ponty aptly put it, 'the problem is to understand these strange relationships which are woven between the parts of the landscape, or between it and me as an incarnate subject, and through which an object

564 Martin Powers, “How to Read a Chinese Painting: Jing Hao’s Bifaji” in Ways with Words: Writing about Reading Texts from Early China, ed. Pauline Yu, Peter Bol, Stephen Owen, and Willard Peterson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 222.

201 perceived can concentrate in itself a whole scene or become the imago of a whole segment of life.'565

This Chapter is divided into three parts: 'A Question of Place,' 'Shanshuihua as Representing Place,' and '[Re]viewing Texts'. 'A Question of Place' re- examines the concept of landscape and investigates the concept of place. It argues that body, landscape and place are interrelated, and that the lived body functions as the central mediating phenomenon. Next, 'Shanshuihua as

Representing Place' centers on elucidating shanshuihua as not just a representation of landscape but rather as having specific implications for place, thereby setting a precedent and positing the need to [re]view landscape (and) texts. Lastly, '[Re]viewing Texts' puts forth a case for a

[re]vision of three selected landscape texts. Using a hermeneutical approach, the inquiry focuses on discerning the way in which these texts speak their own story for our understanding.

5.1 A QUESTION OF PLACE

In Chapter One, I argued that shanshuihua is not just a representation of landscape but is also about the imaging of the creative process. Problems emerge if one subjects this idea to a conventional reading and/or viewing of shanshuihua. Amongst other things, the conventional reading and/or viewing of shanshuihua is unable to address the performative aspect of shanshuihua.

Furthermore, indications of bodily experience within the context of

565 Maurice Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception, trans. by Colin Smith (London: Routledge, 2002), 61.

202 shanshuihua tend to be either taken for granted or understood as common sense. For example, it is generally accepted, as Guo Xi advocated in the

Linquan gaozhi, that one can travel, gaze, roam, and reside within a shanshuihua.566 Yet the significance of bodily experience as a relevant and essential part of painting and/or viewing of shanshuihua has rarely been examined, with the exception of Edward S. Casey's 'Representing Place

Elsewhere'.567 I contend that the problem, in part, is exacerbated by the term

'landscape.' To elaborate,

Landscape: literally, ''shape of the land''; a word deriving from the Dutch landschap that signifies (a) a vista or ''cut'' (hence the -scape) of the perceived world, construed as ''country'' or ''land'' or ''field'' set within a horizon; (b) the circumambience provided by a particular place; (c) by extension, seascape, cityscape, and so on; (d) a genre of painting that, in contrast with landskip, is concerned with the material essence of a place or region rather than with its precise topography, and with transplacement rather than with transposition.568

These definitions of landscape are valid and correct. However, shanshui, and its representation, goes beyond these definitions. In order to reveal shanshuihua's involvement with embodiment, a different approach to the subject is required. Rather than subjugating shanshuihua to the conventional definitions of landscape, I contend that it is more appropriate to subject it to a phenomenological reading, particularly one that considers shanshuihua as a representation of place instead of landscape. Crucial to this proposition is the idea that the term place, unlike the term landscape, is inevitably bound up

566 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉II.c. 567 Edward S. Casey, Representing Place: Landscape Painting & Map (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2002), 92–116. 568 Ibid., 348–349.

203 with embodiment. Before proceeding with the case for 'Shanshuihua as

Representing Place', it is important to clarify the meaning of the term place.

Place is a contested concept and the subject of a long-running debate for a number of disciplines such as architecture, ecology, philosophy, and human geography. To further complicate the understanding of the concept, place means different things to different people. For example, to an architect, place may refer to the built environment; and to a philosopher, it may refer to a way of being-in-the-world.569 However, it is generally accepted that while the abstract connotations of the term space discourage experiential exploration, place in contrast emphasises 'subjective' or 'lived' aspects.570 This discussion will not offer an extended investigation of what place means to the disciplines mentioned above. Rather, it will elucidate the concept of place from the perspectives of human geography and phenomenology. The inquiry is divided into two parts. The first centers on summarising the general characteristics of a geographic concept of place. The second focuses on

Casey's phenomenological view of the subject in place. I contend that understanding place as a powerful conceptual structure and an integral part of human life, will assist in elucidating the ways in which shanshuihua is involved with embodiment.

Place is one of the most fundamental concepts in human geography. The concept took shape in the 1950s, and was generally conceived in 'absolute terms, simply as a largely self-contained gathering of people in a bounded

569 Tim Cresswell, Place: a short introduction (Malden, Massachusetts: Blackwell Publishing Ltd, 2004), 12. 570 Ibid., 21; and Edward Relph, Place and Placelessness (London: Pion, 1976), 8.

204 locale (territory).'571 In the 1970s, geographers such as Edward Relph and

Yi-Fu Tuan sought to challenge this notion of place as a quantitative framework of geometric relationships, focusing instead on the experiential attribute of place via the capabilities of human agency.572 According to Relph, place is a fusion of human and natural order.573 In addition, he asserts that

the basic meaning of place, its essence, does not... come from locations, nor from the trivial functions that places serve, nor from the community that occupies it, nor from the superficial or mundane experiences... The essence of place lies in the largely unselfconscious intentionality that defines places as profound centers of human existence.574

As with Relph, Tuan posits that place is a significant center of our immediate experiences of the world. For Tuan, the term expresses the way humans create and maintain centers of meaning through fields of care. This understanding draws attention to the sensual, aesthetic and emotional response.575 Both Relph and Tuan focus on place as an integral part of human experience. The roots of this engagement could be traced back to the philosophies of existentialism and phenomenology; and in particular, to the work of Martin Heidegger and Merleau-Ponty.576 More recent developments

571 Phil Hubbard, Rob Kitchin, and Gill Valentine, eds. Key Thinkers on Space and Place (London: Sage, 2004), 5. 572 See Yi-Fu Tuan, Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977); Edward Relph, Place and Placelessness (London: Pion, 1976); and Yi-Fu Tuan, Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes and Values (Englewood Cliff, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1974). 573 Relph, Place and Placelessness, 141. 574 Ibid., 43. 575 Yi-Fu Tuan has written many books on the subject of place. Two of the most widely cited are Space and Place: The Perspective of Experience and Topophilia: A Study of Environmental Perception, Attitudes and Values. 576 Selected references include Cresswell, Place., 12, 15–51; Hubbard, Kitchin, and Valentine, Key Thinkers on Space and Place, 5; and Lewis Holloway and Phil

205 on the concept include Doreen Massey's view of a 'progressive sense of place'; and Nigel Thrift's idea of 'place as practice'. In 'A Global Sense of

Place,' Massey suggests that place is a locus of complex intersections without a clear inside and outside; it is the outcome of power geometries; and it operates across spatial scales from the local to global.577 In this context, place is understood as being made up of flows and movements, rather than rootedness and tradition.578 Thrift's approach to the subject of place emphasises events, processes and practices rather than the more orthodox focus (within cultural geography) on interpretation and representation.579 Fed by his interest in the metaphor of performance and his advocacy of non- representation theory, Thrift argues that place is constructed by people doing things, and thus, it is never 'finished' but is constantly being performed. In this sense, place needs to be understood as both a kind of practice and an embodied relationship with the world.580

The geographic idea of place, as postulated by Relph to Nigel, affords a glimpse of the diverse ways in which the subject has been conceptualised, theorised and analytically employed. Whilst the concept of place may attract complex and varied interpretations, there are two points upon which scholars

Hubbard, People and Place: the Extraordinary Geographies of Everyday Life (Harlow, Essex: Pearson Education Limited, 2001), 70-71. 577 Selected references include Doreen Massey, Spatial divisions of labour: Social structures and the geography of production, 2nd edition (New York: Routledge, 1995); Doreen Massey "A Global Sense of Place," in her Space, place, and gender (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), 146–156. 578 Massey, "A Global Sense of Place", 146–156. 579 Cresswell, Place, 37. 580 See Nigel Thrift, "Performing cultures in the new economy," in Annals of the Association of American Geographers 4 (2000): 674-692; and Nigel Thrift, "Afterwords," in Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 18, no. 3 (2000): 213-255.

206 generally agree. The first point maintains that place, at a basic level, relates to how we make the world meaningful and the way we experience the world.581 The second point contends that place is involved with embodiment.582 As noted earlier, geographers are not alone in their efforts to comprehend place. Among the many scholars in other disciplines, Casey’s reinvigoration of a phenomenological view of place is an important addition to the debate.583 The following discussion uses Casey's phenomenological view as a platform to elucidate the body–landscape interplay connected with place; and to argue that shanshuihua should be considered as a representation of place rather than landscape.

In Getting Back into Place: Toward a Renewed Understanding of the Place-

World, Casey recounts the creation of the world as narrated in the opening lines of the Enuma Elish, a creation liturgy that dates to approximately 1900

B.C.E.584 What is notable from this Babylonian text is the idea that the world, and its set of distinct places, is created from the recumbent body of Tiamat by

Marduk's cosmogonic actions. Casey asserts that

If the Babylonia legend is telling us anything, it is that body and place belong together from the beginning. Their fate is linked––not only at the start but at subsequent stages as well.585

581 Cresswell, Place, 12. 582 This claim is further attested by Nigel Thrift in his article on 'Space: the fundamental stuff of geography' in Key Concepts in Geography, ed. Sarah L. Holloway, Stephen P. Rice and Gill Valentine (London: Sage, 2003), 95–108. 583 Edward S. Casey, philosopher and phenomenologist, wrote three clear and insightful books on the significance and history of place. They are Representing Place: Landscape Painting & Map; The Fate of Place: A Philosophical History; and Getting Back into Place: Toward a Renewed Understanding of the Place-World. 584 Casey, Getting Back into Place, 43–45. 585 Ibid.

207 Interestingly, the above-mentioned Babylonian myth recalls the popular

Chinese myth about the creation of the world by the primordial giant Pan Gu.

For the Chinese, this interplay between body and place [/landscape] extends beyond the Pan Gu myth; and as mentioned earlier in Chapter Two, it developed into a product of Chinese ordering imagination.586 Apart from the foreshadowing in myths, Casey argues that one can elicit the intimate inter- involvement of body and place through our own bodily enactment. Citing

Immanuel Kant on 'there can be no doubt that all our knowledge begins with experience,' Casey contends that the same can be said about the knowledge of a place, inferring that knowledge of a place begins with the bodily experience of being-in-place.587 Drawing on Merleau-Ponty, Casey emphasises that place is a central ontological structure of being-in-the world because 'we are bound by body to be in place'.588 Thus, one's body continually takes one in place. In doing so, the body, even though one rarely attends to its exact role, is at once an agent and vehicle, articulator and witness of being- in-place.589 He further adds that without the good graces and excellent services of one’s body, one would be lost, disoriented and/or confused in a place.590 At this juncture, it is worth returning to the question of the nature of place. As Casey puts it, place is a 'main unit of landscape; scene of situatedness; experienced by the entire body; having its own history; not to

586 See Chapter Two, section 2.1 (The Body as Representation of the Universe). 587 Casey, Getting Back into Place, 46. 588 Ibid., 104. 589 Ibid., 48. 590 Ibid.

208 be confused with space.'591 This seems to infer that place, landscape, and body are somehow connected. Herein begs the next question, how do body, landscape and place fit together? According to Casey,

Body and landscape present themselves as coeval epicenters around which particular places pivot and radiate. They are, at the very least, the bounds of places. In my embodied being I am just at a place as its inner boundary; a surrounding landscape, on the other hand, is just beyond that place as its outer boundary. Between the two boundaries––and very much as a function of their differential interplay––implacement occurs.592

This implies that place is what takes place between body and landscape. If this is so, then giving priority to place in the study of shanshuihua opens up new ways to read and view shanshuihua. I contend that the significance of bodily consciousness as an integral part of the aesthetic experience and of deepening one's understanding of shanshuihua becomes clearer if one considers shanshuihua not so much as representing landscape but rather, as representing place.

5.2 SHANSHUIHUA AS REPRESENTING PLACE

Interestingly, Chinese philosophical terms such as yin and yang; tian and di

地; and qi hold specific implications for place.593 For instance, before yin and yang were defined as female and male respectively, these two metaphysical principles implied a sense of place.594 The character yin originally meant 'the shady side of a hill', hence implying a valley or other unilluminated low place; and the character yang meant 'the sunny side of the mountain', hence

591 Casey, Representing Place, 350. 592 Casey, Getting Back into Place, 29. 593 Casey, Representing Place, 97 and 98. 594 Ibid., 97.

209 implying a mountaintop or the eminence itself.595 Likewise, tian and di hint at being explicitly placial terms. According to the Xici zhuan〈繫辭傳〉

(Commentary on the Appended Phrases) in the Zhouyi,596

Heaven is noble, [and] earth is humble; [thus] qian [and] kun are defined. [In correspondence with this difference between] low [and] high, superior [and] inferior [places] are established.597 天尊地卑乾坤定矣卑高以陳貴賤位矣

The Huainanzi, offering a more elaborate view of this cosmological placement of tian and di, states

595 Willard J. Peterson, ''Making Connections: ''Commentary on The Attached Verbalizations'' of The Book of Change,'' Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42, no. 1 (June 1982): 84. 596 An alternative way of referring to the ''Commentary on the Appended Phrases'' is the ''Great Commentary'' (Dazhuan 〈大傳〉). The Dazhuan is also rendered into English as the ''Great Appendix'' and the ''Great Treatise''. 597 Zhouyi《周易》／Quanqi 卷七／Xici shang 繫辭上／Diyizhang 第一章. Scripta Sinica 漢籍電子文獻, Shisanjing zhushu (Yibayiwu nian Ruanyuan keben) 十三經注疏(一八一五年阮元刻本), 'Qinding Sikuquanshu zongmu Zhouyi zhengyi shiquan 欽定四庫全書總目周易正義十卷,' (Taibei 臺北: Academia Sinica 中央研究院, November 1997), http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms- bin/ftmsw3?ukey=777502788&path=/1.1.8.2.1.2.143p (accessed 9 September 2008) [Note: If the direct web-link is not working, follow this selection process: http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms-bin/ftmsw3, then select 瀚典：十三經注疏（一八一五元刻本）／周易／卷七／繫辭上／143]. English translation with modifications in Richard Wilhelm, The I Ching or Book of Changes, trans. Cary F. Baynes (London: Arkana, 1989), 280. 598 Huainanzi《淮南子》3:1a. For source text see Chen, Xinbian Huainanzi《新編淮南子》, 150. English translation by Burton Watson in de Bary and Bloom, Sources of Chinese Traditions, vol. 1, 346–347.

210 天墜未形，馮馮、異異、洞洞、灟灟，故曰太昭【始】，道【太】始于【生】虛霩，虛霩生宇宙，宇宙生元氣，元氣有漢【涯】垠，清陽者薄靡而為天，重濁者滯凝而為地，清妙之合專易，重濁之凝竭難，故先天成而地後定。

Not only do these two passages imply the hierarchical position of tian and di, they also infer to tian and di as collocation of place. Interestingly, Guo Xi in the Lin quan gaozhi asserts,

When planning to paint, [one] must first balance heaven [and] earth. What is meant by this? Supposing [one] has a foot and a half of material, you should leave heaven its due portion above and earth its place below, and then with ideas in mind set up the scene/scenery in between...599 凡經營下筆，必全天地。何謂天地？謂如一尺半幅之上，上留天之地位，下留地之地位，中間方立意定景

It is worth noting that the schematic arrangement of tian and di with scene/scenery occupying the middle seems to correspond to the concept of the sancai 三才. The sancai refers to tian, di and ren 人 (human). It is generally accepted that this idea of the three elements first appeared in the

Zhouyi. According to the Zhouyi,

The Changes is a book vast and great; embracing everything. The dao of heaven is in it; the dao of man is in it; [and] the dao of earth is in it. It combines [and takes the lines representing] the three [primal] powers and doubles them; that is why there are six [lines]. The six [lines] are nothing other than the dao of the three [primal] powers.600

599 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Huajue〈畫訣〉. Guoli gugong bowuyuan 國立故宮博物院, Guo Xi Zaochuntu 《郭熙早春圖》 (Taibei 臺北: Guoli gugong bowuyuan yinhang 國立故宮博物院印行, Minguo 民國 68 [October 1979]), 11. 600 Zhouyi 《周易》／Quanba 卷八／Xici xia 繫辭下. Source text is from Script Sinica 漢籍電子文獻, Shisanjing zhushu (Yibayiwu nian Ruanyuan keben) 十三經注疏(一八一五年阮元刻本), 'Qinding Sikuquanshu zongmu Zhouyi zhengyi shiquan 欽定四庫全書總目周易正義十卷,' (Taibei 臺北: Academia Sinica 中央研究院, November 1997), http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms- bin/ftmsw3?ukey=-1491599335&path=/1.1.9.2.9.175p (accessed 9 September 2008) [Note: If the direct web-link is not working, follow this selection process:

211 易之為書也．廣大悉備．有天道焉．有人道焉．有地道焉．兼三材而兩之．故六．六者非它也三材之道也

The passage infers that the three primal powers (tian, di and ren) may be represented by six lines. This arrangement of six lines is known as gua 卦 (a hexagram). The lines of a hexagram, stacked horizontally on top of each other, are read from the bottom up with the first and second lines denoting di, the third and fourth denoting ren, and the remaining two denoting tian.

Likewise, Guo Xi's schematic arrangement for a painting is composed of di at the bottom and tian on top, with jing 景 (which hints at the ren element) in the middle. The correspondence between the tian and di elements is relatively straightforward and does not require further explanation. But how does jing correspond to the ren element? In the Bifaji, Jing Hao asserts that

... Scene refers to being faithful to the law of the seasons, [and in the] search for the sublime, create reality.601 景者，制度時因，搜妙創真。

Here, Jing Hao implies that jing is concerned with rendering the reality of place. If the jing of a painting is concerned with the reality of place; and if place has some relationship to humans and the human capacity to produce and consume meaning;602 then it is plausible to infer that jing is bound up with the ren (human) element. Thus, Guo Xi's schematic arrangement for a painting not only recalls the structural composition of a gua; it may also be said to correspond with the sancai. The sancai is of particular importance http://www.sinica.edu.tw/ftms-bin/ftmsw3, then select 瀚典：十三經注疏（一八一五元刻本）／周易／卷八／繫辭下／175]. English translation with modifications in Richard Wilhelm, The I Ching or Book of Changes, trans. Cary F. Baynes (London: Arkana, 1989), 351 and 352. 601 Bifaji《筆法記》II.g. 602 Cresswell, Place, 7.

212 because it embraces the idea that a human being has the propensity to participate 'in the transforming and nourishing process of heaven and earth' and to become a co-creator alongside heaven and earth.603

At this juncture, it is important to point out that a commonality between the four terms – yin, yang, tian and di – is none other than qi. Their relationships may be aptly summarised by a passage in the Yuanqilun, taken from the

Yunji qiqian:

When the primordial breath burgeoned forth, the heaven and earth divided and formed the trigrams qian and kun, yin and yang came into force by dividing. It was then the primordial breath engendered the central harmony which is none other than man...604 洎乎元气蒙鴻，萌芽茲始，遂分天地，肇立乾坤，啟陰感陽，分布元氣，乃孕中和，是為人矣。

As mentioned in Chapter Two, it is generally held that the differentiation of the primal qi, through the forces of yin and yang, creates the myriad phenomena of the world and their subsequent transmutations. In addition, qi permeates everything and the same qi that proliferates in the natural world also circulates through the human body. Thus, body and place realise not only a common essence but also their own most intimate unity vis-à-vis the ubiquitous qi. Further to yin, yang, tian, di and qi hinting at being place–specific terms, there are other clues that allude to shanshuihua as representing place. Fundamental to the claim is the idea that place, as Casey

603 Zhongyong《中庸》22. I have presented the quote in full earlier in Chapter One. 604 Yunqi qiqian《雲笈七籤》/Juanwushiliu zhujiaqifabuyi 卷五十六諸家氣法部一 /Yuanqilun 元氣論. Source text is from http://www.guoxue.com/zibu/dao/yun7/yj7_058.htm (accessed March 22, 2007). For English translation see Jean Lévi, "The Body: The Daoists' Coat of Arms," 109.

213 asserts, is what takes place between body and landscape. I will elaborate on this idea in the following pages.

In the opening lines of the Hua shanshui xu, Zong Bing looked for precedents for the love of landscape in the lives of sages and virtuous recluses. This allowed him, later in the text, to explicitly equate his experience as a painter of landscape with that of the sages. According to Zong Bing, landscape has a physical existence, yet tends towards the spiritual (質有而趨靈) due to the way it displays the beauty of the Dao through its form (山水以形媚道).605 Thus, sages respond to landscape because it is in their nature to follow the Dao through their spirit (夫聖人以神法道). Further this response is comprehensible by virtuous men (而賢者通). By extension, virtuous men can also purify their thoughts (澄懷) by savouring (味) the forms or images (像) of landscape. This, as mentioned earlier in Chapter One, recalls the famous dictum in the Lunyu,

The Master said, "The wise find joy in water; the benevolent find joy in mountains... "606 子曰：「知者樂水，仁者樂山... 」

Both this dictum and Zong Bing’s assertion infer that one can find an intimate relationship between landscape and the understanding of the natural world through one's bodily experience. Jing Hao in the Bifaji provides an explanation of how this relates to shanshuihua. Jing Hao asserts that a painter of landscape 'must understand clearly the origin of things (須明物象

之原)' and this, among other things, involves examining the object's

605 Hua shanshu xu《畫山水序》I. 606 Lunyu《論語》6.23. Source text and the English translation are taken from The Analects, 52–53.

214 appearance in order to grasp its reality (度物象而取其真).607 This sentiment is reiterated in Guo Xi's Linquan gaozhi. According to Guo Xi

One must go in person to the mountains [and] streams to discover it. The significant aspects of the landscape will then be apparent. 608 蓋身即山川而取之，則山水之意度見矣。

In other words, Guo Xi is advocating that one who is learning to paint landscape must personally journey among mountains and streams to experience and discover the essence of shanshui. Elsewhere in the Linquan gaozhi, he adds that not making clear and thorough observations is one of several faults in painting.609 Making thorough observations, among other things, consists of observing the subject from both near and far. If one looks from a distance, one may discover the dominating characteristics and dynamism of the subject; and if one looks from nearby, one may discover the individual characteristics and basic substance of the subject. Altogether, Guo

Xi lists four characteristics of a landscape:

A mountain nearby has one aspect, several miles away it has another aspect, and some tens of miles away yet another. Each distance has its particularity. This is called "the form of the mountain changes with each step." The front of a mountain has one appearance. The side has another appearance, and the rear yet another. Each angle has its particularity. This is called "the form of the mountain viewed from each side [is not the same]." Thus can one mountain combine in itself the forms of several thousand mountains. Should one not explore this? Mountains look different in the spring [and] summer, look different in autumn [and] winter. This is called "the scenery of the four seasons is not the same." A mountain in the morning has one appearance, in the evening [it] has another.610 Dull [and] bright days give further mutations. This is called "the changing aspects of dawn and of dusk are not the

607 Bifaji《筆法記》II.c and V.a. 608 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI.b. 609 Ibid., VIII.b. 610 In other words, a mountain in the morning has a different appearance from in the evening.

215 same." Thus one mountain combines in itself the significant aspects of several thousand mountains. Should one not investigate this?611 山近看如此，遠數里看又如此，遠十數里又如此，每遠每異，所謂山形步步移也，山正面如此，側面又如此，背面又如此，每看每異，所謂山形面面看也，如此是一山而兼數十百山之形狀，可得不悉乎？山春夏看如此，秋冬看如此，所謂四時之景不同也。山朝看如此，暮看又如此，陰晴看有如此，所謂朝暮之變不同也。如此，是一山而兼數十百山之意態，可得不究乎？

These attributes– shanxing bubu yi 山形步步移 (the form of the mountain changes with each step), shanxing mianmian kan 山形面面看 (the form of the mountain viewed from each side [is not the same]), sishi zhi jing butongye 四

時之景不同也 (the scenery of the four seasons is not the same), and zhaomu zhi bian butongye 朝暮之變不同也 (the changing aspects of dawn and of dusk are not the same)– not only underscore the importance of thorough observation of the subject, they also infer that one's living-moving body can serve to both structure and configure entire scenarios of the landscape

[/place]. An excerpt from Sullivan's gently reflective book, Birth of Landscape

Painting in China, puts the above-mentioned quotes in the context of shanshuihua. Sullivan notes that the scholar-painter may spend years wandering in the mountains communicating with nature, mindful of the procession of the seasons, night and day, etc. This journey in a real landscape enables visual and psychic experiences to be interwoven in the painter's mind. Such experiences can only find expression in a language that is 'visual enough for forms to be apprehended, conveyed, and recognised for what they are, yet abstract enough to confer upon the forms created the

611 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI.j.

216 validity of a general eternal truth.'612

In summary, the above-mentioned texts support my argument that extant landscape texts allude to shanshuihua as implying the representation of place. The examples from the selected landscape texts not only underscore the importance of bodily experience, they also point towards the intimate relationship between body and landscape/shanshui. It is therefore plausible to conceive of a shanshuihua as a representation of place in accordance with the genii loci.

5.3 [RE]VIEWING TEXTS

The preceding section argues that shanshuihua's involvement with embodiment via the engagement of place is not a foreign phenomenon. The phenomenon may not be fully expressed or articulated in extant landscape texts or relevant commentaries, but this does not imply that the claim is invalid. A way to further reveal shanshuihua's involvement with embodiment is to [re]view extant landscape texts. Texts on shanshuihua were not written as abstract exercises.613 They present concrete painting techniques familiar to the author. In addition, the language that an author adopts says much about the concepts of representation underlying the essay. As the writers of the landscape texts are not available to comment on their making or

612 Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 2. 613 Martin Powers asserts that Chinese texts on painting were not written as abstract exercises. Here, I have appropriate his stance for a more specific reference, that of texts on shanshuihua. See Martin Powers, “How to Read a Chinese Painting: Jing Hao’s Bifaji” in Ways with Words: Writing about Reading Texts from Early China, ed. Pauline Yu, and others (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 222.

217 significance, it is the reader's task to discern, make sense of, and find ways to discover their meaning. With this in mind, I propose a [re]view of selected landscape texts via a hermeneutical process. The hermeneutical process, according to Rolf von Eckartsberg, demands that

One embeds oneself in the process of getting involved in the text, one begins to discern configurations of meaning, of parts and wholes and their interrelationships, one receives certain messages and glimpses of an unfolding development that beckons to be articulated and related to the total fabric of meaning. The hermeneutical approach seems to palpate its object and to make room for that object to reveal itself to our gaze and ears, to speak its own story into our understanding.614

Thus, the aim of the [re]vision is twofold. The first aim is to deepen our understanding of interpretive practices that may be all too easily taken for granted. The second is to allow the selected texts to reveal themselves to 'our gaze and ears, to speak their own story into our understanding'.

This inquiry is further divided into two parts: 'Landscape Texts' and 'Viewing

Positions'. 'Landscape Texts' provides a general introduction to extant landscape texts up to the Song period. In addition, three landscape texts are singled out as case studies for the [re]view. 'Viewing Positions' explores how specific terms in the three selected landscape texts inform and address vision and/or visuality. In particular, emphasis is placed on elucidating the concepts of changshen, tuzhen and yi, thereby presenting shanshuihua as being bound up with the mediation of the bodily experiences of both the painter and the intended viewer.

614 Rolf von Eckartsberg, ''Existential-phenomenological research,'' in Phenomenological Inquiry in Psychology, ed. Ron Valle (New York: Plenum, 1998), 50.

218 5.31 Landscape Texts

Zhang Yanyuan, in Chapter Five of the Lidai minghua ji, listed twenty-three painters from the Jin period and their respective biographical accounts and paintings.615 The titles of the paintings reveals that figure subjects were one of the favourite themes. Also apparent from the titles is the emergence of a new subject matter in painting – shanshui. Selected examples include: Gu Kaizhi's

顧愷之 Lushan huitu《廬山繪圖》(Painting of Mount Lu) and Juan liu fu tu:

Shanshui《絹六幅圖: 山水》(Set of Six Painting: Mountains [and] Water); Xia

Houzhan's 夏侯瞻 Chui shan tu《倕山圖》(Reclining Mountains); Dai Kui's 戴

逵 Wu zhong xi shan yi ju tu《吳中溪山邑居圖》(Dwelling Amid Mountain [and]

Stream in Wuzhong); and Kui Zibo's 逵子勃 Jiuzhou mingshan tu《九州名山

圖》(Famous Mountains in the Nine Regions). Referring to the same period, the scholar-painter Gu Kaizhi (ca. 344– ca. 406) remarks, in the Lunhua《論畫》

(Discussion on Painting), that in painting the most difficult subject to render is human and next to that is landscape.616 Together these sources suggest that landscape was not an uncommon subject in painting by the Jin period.

One of the earliest extant texts dealing with the subject of shanshui is the Hua yuntaishan ji《畫雲臺山記》(Record on the Painting of Cloud Terrace

Mountain). The text, attributed to Gu Kaizhi, represents a tentative description of a projected work based on a narrative about Zhang Daoling 張

615 Wang and Ren, Hua Xue Jicheng: Liuzhao–Yuan《畫學集成：六朝 -元》, 141-151. 616 Lunhua《論畫》: '... Of painting, the most difficult [to render] is human, next is landscape. 凡畫，人最難，次山水。' Ibid., 3.

219 道陵 giving his disciples a test.617 The opening lines of the Hua yuntaishan ji states:

The mountain has a face, hence its back is shadowed. I would cause auspicious clouds in the west to flow to the east. For colours of the sky and water on a clear day, I generally use only azure pigment, finishing the white silk above and below as if in bright sunlight. In the mountain that stretches out to the west, I will distinctly define the relative distances, starting from the eastern base. Shifting to not quite the midpoint, I will make five or six purple boulders like firm clouds which, buttressing a ridge, mount it and ascend. I will cause the [ridge's] momentum (勢) to writhe and coil, and like a dragon, embrace a peak to ascend vertically. Below it, I will make piled-up ridges and cause them to appear to ascend in a congealed mass... 618 山有面則背向有影，可令慶雲西而吐於東方，清天中凡天及水色，盡用空青，竟素上下，以映日西去。山別詳其遠近，發跡東基，轉上未半，著紫石如監雲者五六杖，夾崗乘其間而上，使勢婉嬗如龍，因抱峰直頓而上。下作積岡，使望之蓬蓬然凝而上。...

It is clear that the text is concerned with the composition and arrangement of landscape elements. However, the Chinese art historian Chen Chuanxi posits that the Hua yuntaishan ji cannot be considered a 'proper' theoretical discussion on shanshuihua because it focuses on compositional arrangements (of the narrative) and formalistic concerns such as colour, rather than on the theoretical discussion of the subject of landscape.619

Nonetheless, it signals the beginning of a series of specialised works that came to be written on the subject of landscape. Some of these works include

Zong Bing's Hua shanshui xu; Wang Wei's 王微 Xuhua《敘畫》(Accounts of

Painting); Xiao Yi's 蕭繹 Shanshui song shi ge《山水松石格》(Principles of

617 Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 20. 618 Hua yuntaishan ji《畫雲臺山記》. For source text see Wang and Ren, Hua Xue Jicheng: Liuzhao–Yuan《畫學集成：六朝-元》, 6. English translation with slight modifications in Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 34. 619 Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 1.

220 Landscape, Pines, and Rocks); Wang Wei's 王維 Shanshui lun《山水論》

(Discussion on Landscape); Jing Hao's Bifaji, Hua shanshui fu《畫山水賦》

(Painting Landscape Prose); Li Cheng's 李成 Hua shanshui jue《畫山水訣》

(Secrets to Painting Landscape); Guo Xi's Linquan gaozhi; and Han Zhuo's

韓拙 Shanshui chun quanji《山水純全集》(The Essential Collection of

Landscape).

For this inquiry, I have singled out three landscape texts for a closer reading.

They are Zong Bing's Hua shanshui xu, Jing Hao's Bifaji, and Guo Xi's

Shanshui xun from the Linquan gaozhi. These three texts not only represent the different stages of development in shanshuihua, they also discuss on the subject of landscape in quite distinctive ways up to the Song period. For a more considered and organised approach towards a critical analysis of the texts, I will start with background information on the author, followed by an abridged account of the text. To avoid disrupting the flow of argument, I have excluded the annotations, commentaries and translations I have made/worked on for the respective texts. (See Appendix for the full English translation of each of these texts.)

5.311 Landscape Text I: Hua Shanshui Xu《畫山水序》 Preface to Painting Landscape

Zong Bing 宗炳 (375–443), cognomen Shaowen 少文, was a painter and essayist from Henan 河南 province who was active during the Liu Song 劉宋 period (420–78). According to the Songshu《宋書》(Book of the Song), he

221 was versed in books and the qin 琴 (a musical instrument).620 Above all, he was known for his love of traveling to the mountains. Among the extant texts attributed to Zong Bing, two of his most well-known works were the Mingfo lun《明佛論》(Discourses Illuminating the Buddha) and the Hua shanshui xu.

The Hua shanshui xu is one of the earliest extant theoretical discussions on shanshuihua. Sullivan remarks that the Hua shanshui xu is impregnated with ideas.621 Cahill went a step further by translating it under the heading of

'Landscape Daoism.'622 More recently, Susan Bush has attempted to place it in the context of 'landscape Buddhism' of Mount Lu;623 while Chen asserts that it is more appropriate, in a strict sense, to regard the Hua shanshui xu as a xuan lun 玄論 (Discussion on Dark Studies).624 The various interpretations of the text should not be deemed as contradictory. As a member of the literati,

Zong Bing would be well-informed about the Dao expounded by the

Confucians, Daoists, and Buddhists.625 Their different interpretations of the

Dao could be expected to exert different degrees of influence on Zong Bing.

620 據《宋書》/〈列傳第五十三〉記述：「宗炳，字少文，南陽涅陽人，祖父宗承，宜都太守，父親繇之，湘鄉令，母同郡師氏。聰辦有學義，教授諸子，妙善琴書，精於言理，每遊山水，往輒忘歸。」又宗炳的文章，據《隋書、經籍志》著錄有十六卷，今日已失。現存於《全宋文》中尚有〈明佛論〉又稱〈形盡神不滅論〉、〈答何衡陽書〉、〈又答何衡陽書〉、〈寄雷次宗書〉第七篇；和繪畫有關方面的文章有〈獅子擊象圖〉、〈畫山水序〉。 621 Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 102. 622 James Cahill, "Confucian Elements in the Theory of Painting," in Confucianism and Chinese Civilisation, ed. Arthur F. Wright (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1975), 81-82. 623 According to Susan Bush, certain Japanese scholars such as Nakamura Shigeo and Hatano Takeshi have suggested that the Hua shanshui xu also reflects a Buddhist perspective. In her essay, "Tsung Ping's Essay on Painting Landscape and the "Landscape Buddhism" of Mount Lu," Bush presented some of their interpretations and added further information in an attempt to place the Hua shanshui xu in the context of "landscape Buddhism" of Mount Lu. See Bush and Murck, Theories of the Arts in China, 132-164. 624 Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 9. 625 Ibid., 8.

222 However, it should be noted that the demarcation between the Confucian,

Daoist, and Buddhist ideas of Dao only exists on an ideological level. Hence,

Zong Bing's understanding of Dao is more likely to be syncretic than divisive.

Wang Bomin 王伯敏 posits that

[to the] painters of landscape, particularly the literati painters from antiquity; Confucian, Daoist, and Buddhist thoughts are fused together in a [melting] pot. Often these literati would either advance [their career in government] as officials or retreat to become recluses. Embracing reclusion within the heart of landscape: becoming acquainted with mists and clouds time and again; reclining in the midst of foliage and mountains; [and] delighting in listening to the sound of the streams.626 山水畫家，尤其是古代的文人畫家，熔儒、道、釋思想於一爐，他們的處世，每每近則為仕，退則為隱，隱則縱情於山水間，終日與煙雲為友，以臥青山，聽流泉為樂...

All things considered, the Hua shanshui xu is an important landscape text for

[at least] two reasons. It marks the emergence of landscape as an independent genre in painting, and it signals the departure of landscape as subservient to figure subjects and narratives.627

The Hua shanshui xu has been introduced to the Western world through at least eight English translations, and they are namely: Susan Bush and Hsio- yen Shih, eds. Early Chinese Texts on Painting (Cambridge, Massachusetts:

Harvard University Press, 1985), 36–38; Susan Bush, "Tsung Ping's Essay on Painting Landscape and the "Landscape Buddhism" of Mount Lu," in

Theories of the Arts in China, ed. Susan Bush and Christian Murck (New

Jersey, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1983), 144-146; William

Reynolds Beal Acker, Some Tang and Pre Tang Texts on Chinese Painting, vol

626 Wang, Shanshuihua zongheng tan《山水畫縱橫談》, 2. 627 Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 9.

223 II. (Netherlands: E.J. Brill, 1974), 116–117; Lin, Yutang, The Chinese Theory of Art: Translations from the Masters of Chinese Art (London: Heinemann,

1967), 31–33; Michael Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China

(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1962), 102–103; Osvald Sirén,

Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles, Vol I. (New York: Hacker

Art Books Inc., 1958), 36–37; Alexander C. Soper, "Early Chinese Landscape

Painting," Art Bulletin, 23, no. 2 (1941), 164; and Shio Sakanishi, The Spirit of the Brush: Being the Outlook of Chinese Painters on Nature from Eastern Chin to Five Dynasties A.D. 317–960 (London: John Murray, 1939), 37–40. Most of the earlier translations are quite awkward because they tend to interpret rather than translate the meaning of the text.628 However, I want to stress that the earlier efforts are important in their own right. In a sense, they may be seen as the equivalent of making a rough cut to shape a piece of jade. This rough cut then affords the opportunity to be polished and refined at a later date.629 In my attempt to [re]view the text, I have appropriated some of Susan

Bush's translation of the Hua shanshui xu.630 However, I have consciously adopted a more neutral position than hers. Bush's position tends to be biased towards a Daoist meditative framework, which in my view is problematic. As

628 It may be impossible for a translator to find an exact equivalence between source language and target language. However, Eugene Nida asserts that it is possible to translate the meaning, and in his words, 'translating meaning is possible, but only if one takes into consideration the total range of verbal signs which do have significance. These may include phonetic symbolism of sounds (often spoken as onomatopoetic features), lexical units, propositions (in the form of the sentences), structural units of paragraphs, sections, and chapters, and the numerous rhetorical features which are so important in marking emphasis, indicating similarities and contrasts, and providing aesthetic appeal.' See, Eugene Nida, Translating Meaning (San Dimas, California: English Language Institute), 1982. 629 Analogous to polishing and refining the jade (琢玉). 630 Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 36–38.

224 mentioned earlier, Zong Bing's understanding of Dao is more likely to be syncretic than divisive.

5.312 Landscape Text II: Bifaji《筆法記》 Record on [the Art of] the Brush

Jing Hao 荊浩 (ca. 855–915) is regarded as one of the most famous landscape artists of the early Five Dynasties (907–960) period.631 However, there is not much information about his life in extant records. He is known to have been active under the late Tang and to have died before the end of the

Liang (907–922) during the Five Dynasties (907–960) period. The eleventh- century art historian Liu Daochun 劉道醇 (active mid 11th century) in the

Wudai minghua buyi 《五代名畫補遺》(A Supplement on the Famous Painters of the Five Dynasties) states,632

Jing Hao, cognomen Haoran, [is] from Qinshui, Henan.633 [He is] a Confucian scholar [who is] versed in the classics, history; [and is] accomplished in writing. For about 5 years or so, [he] declined to serve in government. Instead [he] chose a reclusive [life] in the valley of Honggu in Mount Taiheng. Calling himself Honggu zi, often paints mountain, water, trees, [and] rocks for self-gratification...634

631 For selected references on the biography of Jing Hao see, Chen, Zhongguo shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 67; Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting., 301; and Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi", 50–56. 632 The Shengchao minghua pin《聖朝名畫評》(Critique of Famous Painters of the Present Dynasty) and the Wudai minghua buyi were both compiled by Liu Daochun. They are records of the biographies of artists from the formative eras of the Five Dynasties and early Northern Song. In these works, Liu Daochun divided paintings into genres such as figure, landscape, and animal; and artists were graded into the three traditional classes on the basis of their performance within each particular genre. The three traditional classes are namely: the shen 神 (divine), miao 妙 (sublime), neng 能 (capable). In the Sikuquanshu《四庫全書》, the Shengchao minghua pin has been re-named as the Songchao minghua pin 《宋朝名畫評》(Critique of Famous Painters of the Song Dynasty). 633 Henan 河南 is the southern part of present day Shanxi 山西 province. 634 Wang and Ren, Hua Xue Jicheng: Liuzhao–Yuan《畫學集成：六朝-元》, 285.

225 荊浩，字浩然，河南沁水人。業儒，博通經史，善屬文。偶五季多故，逐退藏不仕，乃隱於太行山之洪谷，自號洪谷子，常畫山水樹石以自適。

The Bifaji is an essay on landscape painting attributed to Jing Hao.635 This landscape text is presented in the form of a conversation between an old man and a young man, whereby the young man receives advice about the essentials of painting. Bush posits that the Bifaji is couched in the form of a

Daoist fable but presents Confucian views, emphasising the moral education of the artist.636 The Bifaji is an important landscape text not only because it sheds light on the intellectual thoughts and inclinations of a painter of landscape during the late Tang and Five Dynasties period but also documents the emergence of monochrome ink landscape.637

The Bifaji has been introduced to the Western world through various English translations. Selected English translations include Kiyohiko Munakata, "Ching

Hao's "Pi-fa-chi": A Note on the Art of Brush," Artibus Asiae Supplementum, vol. 31 (1974): 11–49; Lin Yutang, The Chinese Theory of Art: Translations from the Masters of Chinese Art (London: Heinemann, 1967), 63-68; Osvald

Sirén, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles, Vol I. (New York:

Hacker Art Books Inc., 1958), 187–191; and Shio Sakanishi, The Spirit of the

Brush: Being the Outlook of Chinese Painters on Nature from Eastern Chin to

Five Dynasties A.D. 317–960 (London: John Murray, 1939), 82–85. Munakata wrote one of the most comprehensive analyses of the Bifaji in English with

635 For a copy of the source text, see Wang and Ren, Hua Xue Jicheng: Liuzhao–Yuan《畫學集成：六朝-元》, 191–194. 636 Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 141. 637 Bifaji《筆法記》VI.b, '... It has long been known that suitability to type has to do with the laying of colours; [but the playing of] ink and washes to create composition began in our Tang period.

226 annotations.638 Another notable study of the text, this time in Chinese, is by

Xu Fuguan in his seminal book, Zhongguo yishu jingshen《中國藝術精神》.639

I have modified Munakata's translation for my [re]view of the Bifaji.

5.313 Landscape Text III: Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/ Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉 The Lofty Message of Forests and Streams / Advice on Landscape

Guo Xi 郭熙 (ca. 1010– ca. 1090), cognomen Guo Fu 郭夫, is a native of

Wenxian 溫縣 in Heyang 河陽 (present day Henan 河南). He once served as an artist-scholar at the Academy of Painting (圖畫院藝學) and was greatly admired by the Song emperor, Shenzong 神宗 (r. 1068–1085). Guo Xi was praised by Guo Ruoxu 郭若虛, in the Tuhua jianwen zhi《圖畫見聞志》(Record of Things Seen and Heard in connection with Paintings), as the supreme figure amongst landscape painters of his time.640

The Linquan gaozhi is an extant landscape text attributed to Guo Xi. It sums up the creative development and theoretical discussions of shanshuihua just before the late Northern Song period.641 In addition, it is representative of the beginning of landscape as a mature genre in painting and thus is generally accepted as a major landscape text after Jing Hao's Bifaji. Like the Bifaji, the

Linquan gaozhi is more concerned about the creative process than with the authentification and/or commentaries of paintings. The Siku quanshu zongmu

638 Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi". 639 Xu, Zhongguo yishu jingshen《中國藝術精神》, 276–300. 640 Tuhua jianwen zhi《圖畫見聞志》, Jiyi xia/shanshui men 〈記意下/山水門〉. Wang and Ren, Hua xue jicheng《畫學集成: Liuchao-Yuan 六朝-元》, 351. 641 Chen, Zhongguo Shanshuihuashi《中國山水畫史》, 125.

227 tiyao〈四庫全書總目提要〉states that,

There are six sections in this [landscape] text... [The first] four sections [of the text], from Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉(Advice on Landscape) to Huati〈畫題〉(Themes on Painting) are in Guo Xi's words with [added] commentaries by Guo Si. The Huage shiyi〈畫格拾遺〉(Principles of Painting), [which is a] record of [Guo] Xi's genuine works during his lifetime; [and] the Huaji〈畫記〉(Record on Painting), [which] recounts the events that were favourably disposed towards [Guo] Xi during the reign of Shenzong – are considered to be [Guo] Si's writing. Together [the text is] regarded as the work of one author.642

As mentioned earlier, the first four sections of the text were considered to be

Guo Xi's words. These four sections are namely, Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉

(Advice on Landscape), Huayi〈畫意〉(Meaning of Painting), Huajue〈畫訣〉

(Secrets of Painting), and Huati〈畫題〉(Themes on Painting).

The Shanshui xun is basically a summary of Guo Xi's thoughts and experiences in painting landscape. The Huayi is concerned with issues pertaining to the yijing or idea-realm in a painting. Huajue is primarily concerned with technical matters such as brushwork and composition. And

Huati elucidates the purpose of painting. In addition to the six sections, the text begins with a preface by Guo Si 郭思 and ends with a post-script by Xu

Guanning 許光凝. For the [re]view, I will concentrate on the Shanshui xun〈山

水訓〉. This is because the Shanshui xun is a record of Guo Xi's thoughts and experiences in painting landscape. By extension, it reveals the creative

642 〈四庫全書總目提要〉/ 卷一百十二子部二十二/《林泉高致集》/一卷（浙江范懋柱家天一閣藏本）: '... 今案書凡六篇，...自〈山水訓〉至〈畫題〉四篇，皆熙之辭，而思為之注。為〈畫格拾遺〉一篇，記熙生平真跡，〈畫記〉一篇，述熙在神宗時寵過之事，則當為思所論撰，而并為一編者也。' Guoli gugong bowuyuan 國立故宮博物院, Guo Xi Zaochuntu 《郭熙早春圖》 (Taibei 臺北: Guoli gugong bowuyuan yinhang 國立故宮博物院印行, Minguo 民國 68 [October 1979]).

228 process that is bound up with the painting of landscape. The Shanshui xun has been introduced to the English-speaking world through at least three

English translations. They are Susan Bush and Hsio-yen Shih, eds. Early

Chinese Texts on Painting (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University

Press, 1985), 150-154;643 Lin, Yutang, The Chinese Theory of Art: Translations from the Masters of Chinese Art (London: Heinemann, 1967), 71–80;644 and

Osvald Sirén, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles, Vol I. (New

York: Hacker Art Books Inc., 1958), 220–227. For the [re]view of the Shanshui xun, I have used and made modifications to Bush’s translation. As Bush’s translation is incomplete, I have supplemented the missing parts with my own.

5.32 Viewing Positions

The task of [re]viewing the selected landscape texts can be quite daunting.

To avoid the pitfall of attempting too much and yet yielding nothing, this inquiry begins by identifying a key term from each of the selected texts. As shanshuihua is essentially a form of visual art, a crucial criterion for the selection is based on addressing the viewing process. For this investigation, I have singled out changshen from the Hua shanshui xu, tuzhen from the Bifaji, and yi from the Shanshui xun passage taken from the Linquan gaozhi. In particular, emphasis will be placed on elucidating the selected terms and addressing how these terms inform the aesthetic viewing of shanshuihua.

643 Note this version is incomplete. 644 The Lin Yutang's version is missing the last six sentences in the Shanshui xun.

229 Thereby making it possible for the landscape texts to unfold their involvement with embodiment.

5.321 Changshen 暢神

The possibility of both re-experiencing a phenomenon as it first affected the painter of shanshui and also having the chance to become acquainted with sages and virtuous men from the past through the act of viewing necessarily informs a way of seeing that is both active and complex. To explain how this way of seeing affects an understanding of shanshuihua, I draw upon the concept of changshen, as articulated by Zong Bing in the closing lines of the

Hua shanshui xu. Changshen may be translated as 'rejoicing in spirit'. In the context of the Hua shanshui xu, it may be understood as feelings of exhilaration experienced by the viewer in response to the [re]presented landscape(s) in a shanshuihua.645 For a better understanding of changshen, one must first clarify the notion of shen 神 (spirit) in relation to painting generally.646

In extant writings on painting during the Wei and Jin period, shen 神 tends to relate to the subject or object of the painting. For example, Gu Kaizhi in the

Weijin shengliu shuzan《魏晉勝流書贊》(Eulogies on Paintings of/by Notables of the Wei and Jin Dynasties) mentioned yi xing xie shen 以形寫神 (describing

645 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》IV.c. 646 I will keep the Chinese character script for shen 神 in the following discussion in order to clarify the usage of the term in a different context.

230 the spirit through form), chuanshen 傳神 (transmit the spirit), and tongshen 通

神 (penetrate the spirit). According to Gu Kaizhi,

No living person salutes with his hands or gazes with his eyes if there is nothing before him. To describe the spirit through form but omit its actual object is perverse as a means of trapping life and deficient as an effort to transmit spirit. To lack such actual objects [of attention] is a great failing. To have an object but lack accuracy is a lesser failing. One should not ignore this. The clarity or ambiguity of a single image is not equivalent to penetrating to the spirit through [its] apprehension of an object.647 凡生人亡有手揖眼視而亡所對者，以形寫神，而空其實對，荃生之用乖，傳神之趨失矣。空其實對則大失，對而不正，則小失，不可不察也。一像之明珠，不若悟對之通神也。

This passage infers that when depicting the subject/object in a painting, the shidui 實對 of the subject/object must first be established before one can

'describe the spirit through form' (以形寫神). Here, shidui may be understood as the substance of the subject/object, which is concerned with the physical and tangible as opposed to shen which tends towards the spiritual and intangible. I consider this claim below.

Gu Kaizhi is particularly famous for his portraits. He is said to have waited several years before dotting the eyes of the subjects in his paintings.648 When asked the reason,

Gu replied: "The beauty or ugliness of the four limbs bears no relation to the most subtle part [of a painting]. What conveys the spirit and portrays likeness lies precisely in these dots."649 顧曰：四體妍蚩，本無關於妙處；傳神寫照，正在阿堵之中。

647 Weijin shengliu shuzan《魏晉勝流書贊》. Source text from Wang and Ren, Hua Xue Jicheng: Liuzhao–Yuan《畫學集成：六朝-元》, 9-10. For English translation see Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 33-34. 648 '顧長康畫人，或數年不點晴。' Note, the main source of information about Gu Kaizhi's 顧愷之 life and activity is recorded in a chapter in the Jinshu 晉書 (History of the Jin), 92; 21a-22a. 649 Chen, Zhongguo huihua lilunshi《中國繪畫理論史》, 10.

231 In another incident,

[When] Gu Changkang [Kaizhi] painted Pei's portrait, [he] added three hairs on the jaw. [When] someone asked [his] reason for this, Gu replied: "Pei has a [discernible] trait there and this is just it. A viewer who seeks it [in the painting], will perceive [these] three hairs as an enhancement to the spirit, more so than were they not there. 顧長康畫裴叔則，頰上益三毛。人問其故？顧曰：裴楷俊郎有識具，正此是其識具。看畫者尋之，定覺益三毛如有神明，殊勝未安時。

The dotting of the eyes in the first example and the adding of the three hairs in Pei's portrait in the second, may be considered as examples of shidui because it is these considered embellishments that enhance the images with shen. Here, if one applies Gu Kaizhi's assertion about the relationship between yi xing xie shen (describing the spirit through form), chuanshen

(transmit the spirit) and tongshen (penetrate the spirit); yi xing xie shen infers a reliance on the form of the subject/object of the painting to convey and transmit the spirit (傳神). If the subject/object of the painting is able to transmit the spirit, it is then possible to penetrate the spirit (通神). Thus, shen in this context is bound up with the form of the subject/object of the painting.

By contrast, the 'shen' in changshen (rejoicing in spirit) is not directly bound up with the expression of form. Instead, changshen is bound up with the act of seeing because it describes an affecting emotion expressed through the gaze or glance of the viewer in response to the painting. As Zong Bing asserts, if a painting is well executed, the eyes will respond and the spirit will be affected accordingly.650 Here, vision is the means by which the viewer both connects with and experiences the marvel of landscape and the Dao in the painting. Thus, the 'shen ' in changshen, in contrast to yi xing xie shen

650 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》IV.a and b.

232 (describing the spirit through form), highlights a shift in approach to the idea of seeing. Changshen implies that seeing is no longer confined to the expression of the form, rather it is active, reciprocal, and performative. It is active, because one could, through unrolling a painting, ponder the four corners of the world (坐究四荒) or roam (遊) in grottoed peaks and cloudy forests, and with purifying thoughts (澄懷) savour such images (味像).651 It is reciprocal, because one could respond to these images and be acquainted with sages and virtuous men from the past; and thus one could rejoice in

[one's] spirit (暢神) through the experience. It is performative, because the painting is very much 'alive' and 'animated' through the viewer's [conscious] act of transposing the self onto the painting via the engagement of sight and knowledge.652

5.322 Tuzhen 圖真

In the Bifaji, Jing Hao asserts that tuzhen 圖真 (reality in painting) is not just about attaining verisimilitude, but rather it is about capturing reality or truth.653

To reiterate, tuzhen means the completeness of qi 氣, zhi 質, and xing 形. Qi or spirit may best be achieved through an image that captures the object's true nature.654 Zhi, meaning substance, is about obtaining and realising the true nature of existence, which is, in turn, a manifestation of the Dao. As for

651 Ibid., I.a, I.c, and IV.c. 652 Ibid., IV.a, IV.b, and IV.c. 653 For an explanation of the translation of the term tuzhen as 'reality in painting' see footnote entry 797. 654 Bifaji《筆法記》II.c, II.e and II.g.

233 xing or form, Munakata asserts that Jing Hao appears to be referring to naturalistic idealism.655

As a guide to achieving tuzhen, Jing Hao introduced the so-called Liuyao (Six

Essentials); elucidated on the four characteristics of the brush (筆有四勢); and raised concerns about the two faults (病) of representation. He also asserted that real landscape can only be achieved if one can reach the state of forgetting technical matters of the brush and ink (可忘筆墨而有真景). In the following, I will examine particular attributes of tuzhen in order to illustrate how they afford an understanding of the viewing process of a shanshuihua.

The first part of this discussion examines the relationship between tuzhen and the considered choice of subject matter. The second part is concerned with the phenomenological trace of the body. In particular, emphasis is placed on elucidating the relationship between the body, Liuyao (Six

Essentials), and the characteristics of the brush. The third part examines the idea of qi (spirit) in the context of tuzhen.

In the Bifaji, Jing Hao places great emphasis on elucidating how one should render landscape elements; in particular, that of the pine tree and the physical attributes of a mountain. The choice of subject is crucial because

Jing Hao continually draws attention to the pine tree and its association with an exemplary person (君子).656 In fact, the text begins by referring to a chance

655 Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi", 4. 656 Bifaji《筆法記》V.a, '... Even as a tiny sapling it stands upright. [Thus already reveals its] posture of independence and nobility. [Even when its] branches grow low, sideways or downwards, [it] never falls to the ground. In the forest, the horizontal layers of its branches appear to be piled upon one another [– resembling the wind that blew gently over swaying grass]. [Thus,] they are like

234 encounter with pine trees, followed by advice on how to render them, and ending with a eulogy in praise of the pine tree. The association of the pine with the spirit and character of an exemplary person infers the attachment of moral values to painting by virtue of the subject portrayed.657 Here, the choice of subject is important, in the same way like the notion of zhengming

(rectification of name) is important in the Confucian context. According to the

Lunyu,

... When names are not correct, what is said will not sound reasonable; when what is said does not sound reasonable, affairs will not culminate in success; when affairs do not culminate in success, rites and music will not flourish; when rites and music do not flourish, punishments will not be exactly right; when punishments are not exactly right, the common people will not know where to put hand and foot. Thus when the gentleman names something, the name is sure to be usable in speech, and when he says something this is sure to be practicable. The thing about the gentleman is that he is anything but casual where speech is concerned.658 ... 名不正，則言不順；言不順，則事不成；事不成，則禮樂不興；禮樂不興，則刑罰不中；刑罰不中，則民無所錯[措]手足。659 故君子名之必可言，言之必可行也。君子於其言，無所苟而己矣。

Zhengming (rectification of name) stresses the correct use of words. However,

'correct use' is not about choosing the correct words to describe things, rather it is a matter of bringing one's character and actions into agreement with the

the noble air of an exemplary person [which passes over the bowed heads of the humbly respectful]... 萌心不低。勢既獨高，枝低复偃，倒挂未墜於地下，分層似疊於林間，如君子之德風也。' 657 Munakata asserts that the real aim of the Bifaji《筆法記》is to obtain Reality of Nature. He further elaborates that Reality of Nature in this context is 'a manifestation of Cosmos, the harmonious structure based upon Confucian moral virtues, which was a counterpart to the reality of human society (of that time) characterised by, at least, temporarily, chaos and injustice.' See, Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi", 8. 658 Lunyu《論語》13.3. Source text and the English translation from The Analects, 120–121. 659 This is possibly a typographical error. The correct character should be '措' (measure or step) not '錯' (mistake).

235 normative ideals built into the names of fundamental human relationships. In the context of the Bifaji, the choice of the subject is crucial because the chosen subject has functions similar to those of the correct word. By extension, the represented image of the subject is imbued with normative ideals. To illustrate the point more clearly, I will appropriate and re-phrase the words in the Lunyu by substituting ming 名 (names) essentially with the notion of the chosen subject [of the painting]:

... When the subjects names are not correct, what is represented said will not appear sound reasonable; when what is represented said does not appear sound reasonable, affairs will not culminate in success; when affairs do not culminate in success, rites and music will not flourish; when rites and music do not flourish, punishments will not be exactly right; when punishments are not exactly right, the common people will not know where to put hand and foot. Thus when the gentleman chooses a subject [to paint] names something, the subject name is sure to be usable in speech, and when he paints says something this is sure to be practicable. The thing about the gentleman is that he is anything but casual where painting speech is concerned.

After all, painting is meant to be a worthy activity for the virtuous. In the words of Jing Hao,

Limitless desire is a threat to life. [That is why] virtuous men thoroughly enjoy [playing] the qin, calligraphy, and painting. These [worthy activities] replace the worthless desire.660 嗜欲者，生之賊也。名賢縱樂琴書圖畫，代去雜欲

This implies that a worthy activity like painting is concerned with self- cultivation because it replaces worthless desire (代去雜欲). In this sense, painting is not just a mere image of the subject/object represented, nor is it a case of art for art's sake. Thus, the viewing of a shanshuihua is never simply a viewing of a particular span of scenery because the represented image (such

660 Bifaji《筆法記》II.g.

236 as the pine) is imbued with complex intellectual, social, and cultural meanings.

The second part of this discussion of the viewing process of shanshuihua concerns the phenomenological trace of the painter's body in the work. The phenomenological trace of the body is noticeably present in Jing Hao's assertion that there are four characteristics of the brush: muscle (筋), flesh

(肉), bone (骨), and spirit (氣).661 The appropriation of physiological terms to describe the characteristics of the brush has already been articulated in extant calligraphy texts such as the Bizhen tu《筆陣圖》(Battle Array of the

Brush).662 This text, attributed to Lady Wei 衛夫人 (272–349), states:

... [One who] excels in the brush displays bone. [One who] does not excel in brush displays flesh. Much bone and weak flesh is known as muscle script. Much flesh and weak bone is known as sloppy ink. Much strength [and] rich in muscle is [considered as] sagely. Lack of strength and lack of muscle is [considered as] sickly.663 善筆力者多骨，不善筆力者多肉，多骨微肉者謂之筋書，多肉微骨者謂之墨豬。多力豐筋者聖，無力無筋者病

On one level, both the Bifaji and the Bizhen tu highlight the intimate relationship between calligraphy and painting. On another level, their use of physiological metaphors contribute to ideas about the phenomenological trace of the body in a painting. For a start, the term shi 勢 suggests a

661 Ibid., IV.a. 662 The authorship of the Bizhen tu is the subject of contention. Sun Guoting 孫過庭 in the Shupu《書譜》postulated that the text is possibly the work of a person from the Six Dynasties period. However, Zhang Yanyuan in the Fashu Yaolu《法書要錄》attributed the text to Lady Wei of the Jin period. Generally, the Bizhen tu is regarded as one of the earliest texts on calligraphy. 663 Ge, Lu 葛路, Zhongguo gudai huihua lilun fazhanshi《中國古代繪畫理論發展史》 (Shanghai 上海: Shanghai renmin meishu chubanshe 上海人民美術出版社, 1982), 31.

237 particular configuration of dynamism.664 Such dynamism is visible through the tensions and balance in a painting or calligraphy via the brushwork. By extension, a viewer may grasp the kinaesthetic movements of the painter in the act of painting/writing through the brushwork.665 This phenomenological trace of the body is important because it is directly and indirectly an indication of qi in the painting.666 Qi plays an important role in achieving tuzhen because, as mentioned earlier, 'reality (真) means [both] spirit and substance are strong' (真者，氣質俱盛). In addition, Jing Hao emphasised that '[when painting] mountains [and] water, the force of form must be in accord with spirit

(山水之像，氣勢相生).' In fact, both the first of the Liuyao (Six Essentials) in painting and one of the two faults concerning representation are related to qi

(spirit).667 Interestingly, Jing Hao's choice of word for articulating problems or faults in painting is bing 病. A literal translation of the word bing is illness. This puts further emphasis on the usage of physiological terms to describe the characteristics of the brush. If ascertaining the quality of a painting involves a reading of the presence or absence of qi (spirit), then verisimilitude is

664 The term 'shi 勢' is also used extensively in describing the movements or traces of the brush in calligraphy. For selected references see, the essay on Caoshu shi《草書勢》by Cuiyuan 崔瑗 (Eastern Han), Jiushi《九勢》by Caiyong 蔡邕 (Han). For an in-depth discussion on the term 'shi ' and its applications in Chinese history and culture see, François Jullien, The Propensity of Things: Towards a Cultural Efficacy in China, translated by Janet Lloyd (New York: Zone Books, 1995). 665 For an in-depth discussion about calligraphy and the phenomenological trace of the body see, Hay, "The Human Body as a Microcosmic Source of Macrocosmic Values in Calligraphy", 74-102. 666 As mentioned earlier on page 234, qi is associated with the rendering of landscape elements through the brush because '[if] spirit [is in accord], the heart-mind will guide the brush, then the image will not be flawed (氣者，心隨筆運，取象不惑).' Also see Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》IV.a and b. 667 Bifaji《筆法記》IV.b.

238 necessarily placed below spontaneous expression. And if the phenomenological trace of the body via the brushwork is indicative of qi

(spirit) in a painting, then the viewing process is inevitably bound up with tracing the phenomenological mark made by the body.

Tuzhen is not unlike the concept of chuanshen 傳神 (transmitting the spirit) as articulated by Gu Kaizhi in the Weijin shengliu shuzan.668 Essentially, both are concerned with describing the qi (spirit). As mentioned earlier, Jing Hao asserted that to attain zhen 真 (reality) in a tu 圖 (painting), both qi (spirit) and zhi (substance) must be strong.669 In this sense, tuzhen is concerned with yi xing xie qi 以形寫氣, meaning to describe the qi (spirit) through form.

Chuanshen (transmitting the spirit), on the other hand, is concerned with yi xing xie shen 以形寫神, which also means to describe the shen 神 (spirit) through form.670 Here, 'qi' and 'shen' relate to the same thing, which is the spirit of the represented subject/object. Thus, yi xing xie qi 以形寫氣 and yi xing xie shen 以形寫神 also refer to the same thing, namely describing the spirit through form. However, there is also a marked difference between the two in that Jing Hao is concerned with describing the spirit of landscape (寫

山水之氣), whereas Gu Kaizhi is concerned with describing the spirit of figure subjects (寫人物之神). If tuzhen (reality in painting) is concerned with describing the spirit of landscape (寫山水之氣), by extension, it also provides

668 See section 5.321 (Changshen 暢神). 669 Bifaji《筆法記》II.e. 670 See section 5.321 (Changshen 暢神).

239 the viewer with a guide to both judge the quality of a painting as well as experience the spirit of landscape (體山水之氣).

5.323 Yi 意

In the opening lines of the Shanshui xun, Guo Xi states the raison d'être for an exemplary person's love of landscape and asserts that it is this love of landscape that underscores the fundamental yi 意 (idea or meaning) behind the honour which the world accords to shanshuihua.671 In this sense, yi is bound up with landscape elements. However, Guo Xi also asserts that yi extends beyond the scenery (景).672 This calls to mind the term yijing 意境

(idea-realm). As mentioned in Chapter One, feelings are born when one contemplates a particular scene before the act of painting. This merging of

'scene' (景) and 'emotion' is what is referred to as yijing.673 According to Wang

Yaoting 王耀庭, Guo Xi's observation and comments on yi and jing (scenery) suggest that he (Guo Xi) may have been the first person to touch upon notions that relate to yijing in a painting.674 But what exactly is yi within the context of the Linquan gaozhi? The following discussion explores three aspects of the idea of yi. The first point posits that yi affords a platform for one to be transposed, or more precisely to be placed in a corresponding mood to travel (行), gaze forth (望), roam (遊), and reside (居) in a shanshuihua. The

671 Linquan gaozhi 《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉I. 672 Ibid., VI.l. 673 See Chapter One, section 1.4 (The Meaning Surpasses the Image). 674 Wang, Yaoting, Looking at Chinese Painting: A Comprehensive Guide to the Philosophy, Technique and History of Chinese Painting. Translated by the Stone Studio. (Tokyo: Nigensha Publishing Co Ltd, 1996), 23.

240 second point argues that yi is bound up with the mediation of bodily experience. The third point puts forth the argument that yi is an important concept in the painting and appreciation of shanshuihua.

Guo Xi posits that it is possible for subtle hands (妙手) to reproduce all the rich splendour of a landscape in a shanshuihua in which one may then sit to one's heart's content among streams and valleys without leaving one's room.675 In addition, Guo Xi asserts that an exemplary person's thirst for forests and streams is due to the desire for places of beauty wherein one may travel, gaze forth, roam, and reside. Any painting attaining these effects is to be considered excellent and it is with this in mind that a painter should create and a viewer should examine. This, according to Guo Xi, is what is meant by not losing the fundamental yi (idea).676 Thus, the essential element is the yi of the painting because it is the yi that affords a platform for putting one in a corresponding mood to travel, gaze forth, roam, and reside in the

[re]presented landscape. Here, it is important to reiterate that although yi is bound up with landscape elements, it is also bound up with elements beyond mere scenery.677 Thus, there is a need to examine these aspects.

As mentioned earlier, Guo Xi contends that one needs to first make clear and thorough observations of landscape elements before painting a shanshuihua.678 Coupled with one's broad knowledge/cultivation and experience, one may then grasp the essential details of a landscape, and by

675 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉I.b. 676 Ibid., II.c. 677 Ibid., VI.l. 678 Ibid., VI.b..

241 extension convey the message of streams and forests in a shanshuihua.679 In this sense, the yi (idea) of a shanshuihua is not only bound up with one's experiences in a real landscape, it is also bound up with one's broad knowledge/cultivation. A quote from Merleau-Ponty helps explain the relationship between experiences in a real landscape and broad knowledge/cultivation, as well as their affinity with the notion of yi. In the

Phenomenology of Perception, Merleau-Ponty asserts that one could not grasp the unity of the object without the mediation of bodily experience.680

Similarly, Guo Xi posits that in learning to paint a landscape, one must go in person to discover it. Only then will the significance of the landscape be apparent.681 In addition, this direct experience of being in a real landscape can be conveyed by a painting.682 To put these ideas into context: in roaming amongst mountains, forests and streams, one's bodily experience may facilitate the drawing together of some form of perception about the place and space. According to Sullivan, such a journey in space and time, in a real landscape belongs 'not to the world of philosophers and metaphysicians but to a world in which visual and psychic experiences are inextricably woven.'683

However, these visual and psychic experiences cannot be conveyed without the mediation of bodily experience. For example, in the opening lines of the

Shanshui xun Guo Xi observes:

... The cries of the gibbons [and] the calls of the birds seem to fall faintly on [one's] ears. The glow of the mountains [and] the colour of

679 Ibid., VIII.b. 680 Merleau-Ponty, Phenomenology of Perception, 235. 681 Linquan gaozhi 《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI.b. 682 Ibid., I.b. 683 Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 2.

242 the water [will] dazzle [one's] eyes. Could this fail to quicken one's interest and thoroughly capture one's heart? 684 ( 爰)聲鳥啼，依約在耳，山光水色，滉瀁奪目，斯豈不快人意，實獲我心哉[！]

The cries of the gibbons and the calls of the birds imply sound, whilst the glow of the mountains and the colour of the water dazzling one's eyes imply sight.

Hearing and sight are performed and experienced by the body. In this context, they can elicit an emotional response towards the landscape by quickening one's interest and thoroughly capturing one's heart. If one's bodily experience of being in a real landscape may elicit an emotional response, then it is plausible to infer that bodily experience not only records but also incites memory. In this way, collective experiences within similar places, spaces and times add to memory, thereby enabling the painter or the viewer to conceive of a coherent perception of the landscape. This coherent perception of the landscape in turn finds expression in a language that is both visual and abstract. In Sullivan's words it is 'visual enough so that the forms that gave rise to [landscape painting] may be apprehended, conveyed, and recognised for what they are, yet abstract enough to confer upon the forms thus created the validity of a general eternal truth.'685 Casey reiterated Michael Sullivan's remarks by asserting:

particular features of the landscape world were given reliably similar, if not always identically the same, forms of representation. These forms - forms of mountains and rivers, hills and huts, trees and bushes, pathways and bridges - amounted to a virtual visual vocabulary, a coherent set of conventional symbols whose ready interpretability and recognisability could be counted on not only by a painter's own contemporaries but by many succeeding generations of viewers, at

684 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉I.b. 685 Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 2.

243 least until the end of the Northern Song era (i.e. A.D. 1100). Although Chinese landscape painting does not represent anything transcendent, for example, in the manner of the apocalyptic sublime, it does embody a symbolic language of emblematic signs whose meaning, if not universal, is rarely difficult to decipher.686

In addition, Casey contends that the interpretability and recognisability of these forms/signs in a shanshuihua across succeeding generations of viewers are in part due to the sharing of the same philosophical and social framework. In Casey's words, these forms and signs will remain 'meaningful for all others who can, even from afar, sense and savour this significance.'687

Importantly, yi is not just about the thought or idea. Instead, yi has an intimate relationship with the brush and ink, because brushwork is one of the means to convey the message of streams and mountains. In Guo Xi's words,

Brushwork that is erratic [and] incomplete is deemed careless, [and] carelessness conveys no real idea. Ink that is not moist [and] shining is deemed dull; [and] dullness conveys no liveliness.688 筆跡不混成謂之( 束)，( 束)則無真意；墨色不滋潤謂之枯，枯則無生意。

Crucial to this claim is the presence of the yi before the brush descends. In short, biyi zai xian 筆意在先 (idea precedes the brush). This infers that if the yi is clear and coherent, it will guide the hand, and thus, the brushwork will be firm and complete. A unique characteristic of the Chinese ink and brush method is the way the phenomenological trace of the body is visible through the brush marks. These record the strength and speed with which the artist renders the brush in the act of painting or writing. Thus, yi is evident through the phenomenological trace of the body via the brush marks.

686 Casey, Representing Place: Landscape Painting & Map, 96. 687 Ibid. 688 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshuixun〈山水訓〉VIII.g.

244 In summary, the yi of a shanshuihua may be said to be inextricably bound up with one's broad knowledge/cultivation; one's experiences and responses to the real landscapes; a performative way/act of seeing; the brushwork, and the body. In other words, the act of viewing the [re]presented landscape in a shanshuihua is framed by one's physical, mental, and psychological experiences and responses to the real landscapes as well as one's broad knowledge/cultivation (which is to a certain extent influenced by philosophical and social framework). The mediation of bodily experience in a real landscape incites memory that may be woven with one's broad knowledge/cultivation. This in turn affects one's response towards the

[re]presented landscape. Thus, I contend that the coherent perception of the landscape via bodily experience is a crucial factor that enables yi to act as a catalyst/platform for one to be transposed onto the [re]presented landscape in a painting. Above all, yi also involves one's attitude towards landscapes.

According to Guo Xi, if one approaches landscapes with a heart in tune with forest and stream, one will value them highly, but if one approaches them with the eyes of arrogance and extravagance, then one will value them little.689 In retrospect, Guo Xi posits that if all these details are ordered in one's breast, one will not see the silk and be unaware of the brush and ink, and be truly transposed onto the [re]presented landscape in the painting.690 I contend

689 Ibid., II.a, '... There is a proper way to look at landscape. [Look] with a heart in tune with forest [and] streams, then [one] will value them highly. [Approach] with the eyes of arrogance [and] extravagance, then [one] will value them little.' 690 Ibid., VIII.a, '... If all is ordered in detail in one's breast, one's eye will not see the silk and one's hand will be unaware of brush and ink, [and] through the immensity and vastness [of one's mind] everything will become one's own painting.'

245 that this is what Guo Xi meant by the subtle power (妙) of a painting beyond its mere yi.691

5.4 CONCLUSION

This chapter has sought to understand shanshuihua's involvement with embodiment via the engagement of place. The [re]view of selected landscape texts following this investigation afforded a platform for the performative aspect of shanshuihua to be addressed. In addition, the review affirmed the claim that bodily consciousness constitutes an integral part of the aesthetic experience of viewing a shanshuihua. As such, shanshuihua may be said to be an expression of experience by experience. The following chapter will explore the implications of reading shanshuihua as a process bound up with bodily consciousness.

691 Ibid., VI.m, '... To look at such painting puts one in the corresponding frame of mind, as though [one were] really on the point of going there. This is the subtle [appeal] of a painting beyond its mere idea (意).'

246 chapter 6

Animating the body

This chapter is an extension of the argument that bodily consciousness constitutes an integral part of the aesthetic experience and of deepening one's understanding of shanshuihua. In particular, emphasis is placed on addressing the implications of reading shanshuihua as a process bound up with bodily consciousness. This inquiry is divided into three parts:

'[Re]viewing Zaochuntu《早春圖》,' 'Expressing the Dati 大體 and Xiaoti

小體,' and 'Quoting Shanshuihua.' '[Re]viewing Zaochuntu《早春圖》' is a case study that employs the Zaochuntu and Linquan gaozhi as platforms to visiblise the body/bodies in shanshuihua. A key reason for the selection is based on the rare occurrence of an extant landscape text and an extant shanshuihua both attributed to the same author. This makes possible a comparative study between theory and practice. Next, 'Expressing the Dati 大

體 and Xiaoti 小體' draws on the concepts of the dati and the xiaoti to convey

247 the idea of bodily experience as palimpsest hidden beneath landscape elements. The inquiry will also address the transformative nature of the body in the context of social and political change, thereby presenting the body as dynamic agent of change in shanshuihua. Lastly, 'Quoting Shanshuihua' examines the effects of quoting the body/landscape equation in contemporary work.

6.1 [RE]VIEWING ZAOCHUNTU《早春圖》

The Zaochuntu or Early Spring is one of the masterpieces of Northern Song monumental landscape painting (Figure XI).692 Dated 1072, this monumental landscape was painted by Guo Xi in the style of Li Cheng 李成 (919–67). It depicts a precipitous mountain peak flanked by deep valleys, and partially shrouded in mist. The continuous stretch of mountains structured in a sinuous

S-shape and the evanescent use of ink washes express a dynamic sequence of movement that seems to pulsate, flow, disappear and then appear again.693 The pulsating rhythm of the painting not only captures the very essence of spring, it also suggests the mysterious forces of nature and the cosmos at work. The theme of the Zaochuntu is aptly summed up by

Qianlong 乾隆, the Qing Emperor who reigned from 1736 to 1795, in a poem he inscribed onto the painting.

Trees just budding leaves, streams starting to thaw; immortals reside in uppermost levels of pavilions.

692 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 387. 693 The 'S'-shape was popularly engaged as a kind of painting device during the Northern Song period. See Stanley Murashige, "Rhythm, Order, Change, and Nature in Guo Xi's Early Spring." Monumental Serica, vol. 43 (1995): 365–379.

248 No need to rely on willows [and] peaches for embellishment; spring mountains have long seen qi like steam. 樹纔發葉溪開凍，樓閣仙居最上層；不籍柳桃閒點綴，春山早見氣如蒸。

Beyond the imagery that conveys connotations of early spring, the Zaochuntu is steeped in meaning that belies its apparent naturalness. Acting as as an eidetic filter that insinuates itself into the ordering and conditioning of reality, the painting conceals as much as it reveals. Thus, the aim of this inquiry is to make visible the body or bodies seemingly effaced from the painting.

The body as representation of the universe is a product of Chinese ordering imagination. By extension, the Zaochuntu, as a representation of landscape and the cosmos at work, cannot escape the association with the body.694 This affinity, as mentioned earlier in Chapter Four, is inferred by Guo Xi in the

Linquan gaozhi.

... [A] mountain has water as blood, foliage as hair, mist [and] clouds as its spirit [and] character. Thus, [a] mountain [is said to] gain [its] life through water, its external beauty through vegetation, [and] its elegant charm through mist [and] clouds. Water has the mountain as its face, huts [and] pavilions as eyes [and] eyebrows, [and] anglers as its soul.695 山以水為血脈，以草木為毛髮，以煙雲為神彩，故山得水而活，得草木而華，得煙雲秀媚。水以山為面，以亭樹/榭為眉目，以漁釣為精神。

Here, attributes of landscape are linked with bodily parts and substance.

Further to the body–landscape/cosmos correlation, the Linquan gaozhi also infers the integration of the state into the equation. To quote the Linquan gaozhi,

694 See Chapter Two, section 2.1 (The Body as Representation of the Universe) of this thesis. 695 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉IX.b.

249 … A great mountain is dominating as chief over the assembled hills, thereby ranking in an ordered arrangement the ridges and peaks, forests, and valleys as suzerains of varying degrees and distances. The general appearance is of a great lord glorious on [his] throne and a hundred subjects hastening to pay him court, without any effect of arrogance or withdrawal [on either part].696 大山堂堂為眾山之主，所以分布以次岡阜林壑，為遠近大小之宗主也。其象若大君，赫然當陽，而百辟奔走朝會，無偃蹇背欲之勢也。

The chief mountain as great lord over his subjects implies a dynamic, harmonious society and an ideal socio-hierarchy. This perception of social hierarchy is also evident in the Zaochuntu through the portrayal of a huge central mountain dominating over peaks and valleys with complementary placement of figures. Alfreda Murck asserts that the country folk and fishermen at the bottom of the composition represent the foundation of society. Higher up on the far left are two monks ascending a path on a side mountain. Still higher but closer to the central massif, an official rides on a horse accompanied by two porters.697 Apart from the two figures, who are almost obscured by the mist and climbing the path above the official, the placement of all the figures seemed to fit the societal model.

In general, the Zaochuntu may be read as a vision of the world emerging from the yin of winter, and thus an auspicious New Year’s image that celebrates a new beginning. The auspiciously titled Zaochuntu may well imply the metaphor of spring as imperial favour.698 This interpretation is, in part, based on the time of its creation and the careful consideration that Guo Xi, as a subject of the court, would have to make as to what would please the

696 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI.i. 697 Alfreda Murck, The Subtle Art of Dissent: Poetry and Painting in Song China (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000), 34. 698 Ibid.

250 emperor. Scarlett Jang asserts that Guo Xi's careful consideration may be predicated on the reward he might receive for his success.699 At the time when the Zaochuntu was painted, one of the most important political events in Song history was just gaining momentum: the promulgation of Wang

Anshi’s 王安石 (1021–86) Xinfa 新法 (New Policies). The Xinfa is a program of institutional reforms and policy initiatives drawn up in the early 1070s.700

The new emperor Shenzong 神宗 (r. 1067–85) publicly supported Wang

Anshi's 'activist' policy. The Zaochuntu may be read as a celebration of the dawn of the new era and the success of the Xinfa that Shenzong and Wang

Anshi had brought to the empire. Alfreda Murck asserts that 'court literary conventions prompt one to read in the composition a declaration that nature is flourishing in the warmth of spring just as the body politic is thriving under the beneficent, well-managed rule of the emperor.'701 In this context, the

Zaochuntu images the correspondences between the body, cosmos, and the state. Further to this display of body politic, a closer examination of the ink wash and brushwork is required to clarify and make visible other glimpses of the body.

Most of the Zaochuntu is rendered in delicate and subtle ink wash. The lunkuo or outlines of the mountains are executed using thick and bold brushstrokes, in contrast to the thin but firm lines for the branches and needles of the giant pine. Xu Guohuang asserts the the transition between

699 Scarlett Jang, Issues of Public Service in the Themes of Chinese Court Painting, PhD desertion (University of California, Berkeley, 1989), 60. 700 Bol, "This Culture of Ours", 213. 701 Murck, The Subtle Art of Dissent, 36.

251 the thick and thin brushwork recalls the suppleness expressed in the style of the running and cursive script in Chinese calligraphy.702 As Ryckmans puts it,

Like painting, (which, being born of the same brush, is its younger brother rather than its twin) Chinese calligraphy addresses the eye and is an art of space; like music, it unfolds in time; like dance, it develops a dynamic sequence of movements, pulsating in rhythm. It is an art that radiates such physical presence and sensuous power... at times even, its execution can verge on an athletic performance...703

The brush, as mentioned earlier in Chapter Four, acts like a seismograph of the mind, responding to every pressure and every turn of the wrist. At the same time, the record of its course on the blank page is instantaneous and final. Therefore, each detail in the Zaochuntu such as the textures of rocks (in the form of cun or modelling strokes) and the calligraphic lines for the pine trees is an imprint of the phenomenological trace of Guo Xi's body. Further to this phenomenological trace of the painter's body, it is prudent to examine the effect of the bodily experience of both the painter and the viewer respectively.

Guo Xi asserts that a painter may convey the message of streams and forests in a shanshuihua if he can grasp the essential details of a landscape.

He does so by both discovering the real landscape in person and also responding to it in the light of his broad knowledge/cultivation.704 A similar sentiment is expressed earlier by Jing Hao. According to Jing Hao, when painting a landscape, one 'must understand clearly the origin of things (須明

物象之原),' and one needs to 'examine an object's appearance in order to

702 Xu Guohuang, Li Guo shanshuihua xi te zhan (Taibei: Guoli gugong bowuyuan, Minguo 67 [1999]), 3. 703 Leys, The Angel and the Octopus, 25-26. 704 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VIII.b.

252 grasp its reality (度物象而取其真)'.705 Such thorough observation and understanding of the nature of things recalls Guo Xi’s emphasis on the significance of bodily experiences in a real landscape.706 A close examination of the Zaochuntu reveals that Guo Xi has seamlessly interwoven nature, human activities, and artificial structures. The meticulous treatment of atmospheric conditions, evergreen and deciduous trees, textures of rocks, etcetera, point to Guo Xi's intimate observations of nature. In these regards, the Zaochuntu is an imprint of both Guo Xi’s bodily experiences and broad knowledge/cultivation. Furthermore, one can discern the phenomenological trace of his body through the brushmark because the speed and strength of how he renders the brush and ink, coupled with the receptivity of silk/paper, directly and indirectly bear his presence or physical 'trace' (跡). Bryson states that the landscape in shanshuihua is 'certainly the subject, but equally the subject is the work of the brush in "real time" and as an extension of the painter's own body.'707 I contend that an awareness of the painter's body and his bodily experience (of real landscapes) provides a valuable platform to clarify Guo Xi's claim that a viewer may transpose himself into a shanshuihua.

In Guo Xi's words,

It is now possible for subtle hands to reproduce them in all their rich splendour without leaving [one's] room, [and one may] sit till one's heart's content among streams [and] valleys... 708 今得妙手鬱然出之，不下堂筳，坐窮泉壑’

705 Bifaji《筆法記》V. 706 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI.b. 707 Bryson, Vision and Painting: The Logic of the Gaze, 89. 708 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉I.b.

253 It is generally accepted opinion that in landscapes there are those through which one may travel, those through which one may gaze forth, those through which one may roam, and those through which one may reside. Any paintings attaining these effects are to be considered excellent… 709 世之篤論，謂山水有可行者，有可望者，有可游者，有可居者。畫凡至此，皆入善品。

A similiar sentiment expressed by Zong Bing in the Hua shanshui xu states that one may unroll a painting and respond to the uninhabited wilderness or roam in grottoed peaks and cloudy forests. In other words, as a viewer, one may re-experience nature's grandeur as it first affected the painter, and in the process rejoice in one's spirit (暢神).710 This idea that one may be transposed into a shanshuihua not only predates but also lends support to Guo Xi's assertion that one may travel, gaze forth, roam, and/or reside in a shanshuihua. The Three Distances (三遠), as mentioned in the

Linquan gaozhi, further attest to the idea that shanshuihua is not meant to be viewed as a static image.711 Not only do the Three Distances promote multiple perspectives, they also incite a sense of directional movements for a viewer to navigate within the painting. Interestingly, Casey asserts that

Just as we may say with Kant, "There can be no doubt that all our knowledge begins with experience," so we can say that knowledge of place begins with the bodily experience of being-in-place...712 My body continually takes me into place. It is at once agent and vehicle, articulator and witness of being-in-place. Although we rarely attend to its exact role, once we do we cannot help but notice its importance. Without the good graces and excellent services of our bodies, not only would we be lost in place–acutely disoriented and confused–we would

709 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉II.c. 710 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》IV.c. 711 Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉XI.a. 712 Casey, Getting Back into Place, 46.

254 have no coherent sense of place itself… Our living-moving bodies serve to structure and to configurate the entire scenario of place.713

This quote underscores the living-moving body as an agent, vehicle and articulator. Furthermore, these roles of the body not only inform but also construct knowledge of place, thereby implying that body and place are inseparable, as argued in the previous chapter. If shanshuihua is regarded as representing place, and if body and place are inseparable, then the notion that 'The wise find joy in water; the benevolent find joy in mountains' must be, in one way or another, bound up with bodily experiences in landscape.714 By extension, the idea that a viewer may transpose himself onto a shanshuihua via the yi 意 of a painting is, in part, based on corresponding bodily experiences within real landscapes and a shared intellectual tradition. Here, the bodily experiences in real landscapes and the broad knowledge and cultivation of the painter is important but equally important are those of the viewer. If shanshuihua is bound up with the visual and psychological perceptions of the landscape – lived and remembered – then it cannot escape the phenomenological trace of the body activated through the act of seeing. In the pages following, I present a self-conscious re-vision of the

Zaochuntu in the voice of the first person in order to articulate how such a position makes the body/bodies within a shanshuihua come to life or, rather, to visibility.

713 Ibid., 48. 714 Lunyu《論語》6.23. The Analects, 52–53.

255 6.12 Activating the I / Eye

I see a landscape, a configuration of shan and shui. I see a central peak flanked by deep valleys (Figure XIa).715 The mists, which veil parts of the landscape, suggest the vaporising of water as the sun warms up the earth. I recall Qianlong’s poem inscribed on the top right hand corner of the

Zaochuntu. I turn my eyes to the top right hand corner and read the poem

(Figure XIb).716

Trees just budding leaves, streams starting to thaw; immortals reside in uppermost levels of pavilions. No need to rely on willows and peaches for embellishments; spring mountains have long seen qi like steam. 樹纔發葉溪開凍，樓閣仙居最上層；不籍柳桃閒點綴，春山早見氣如蒸。

The idea that 'spring mountains have long seen qi like steam' evokes the memory of cold moist air, a misty spring morning and the gentle warmth of the sun. On the pictorial front, the evanescent use of ink washes, the manipulation of empty space and the employment of the sinuous S-shape combine to reveal the consummate skill of the painter and the conceptual subtlety of the pulsating rhythm of early spring. As I contemplate the meaning and connotations of early spring, my eyes begin to wander. Before long, I am observing the texture of the rocks (Figure XIh).717 The brushwork for the rocks is predominantly round and turning, like roiling clouds. Thus, the term juanyun cun 卷雲皴 or roiling cloud texture stroke. Here, the round and turning brushwork is an imprint of the subtle turning of the wrist. In contrast to the

715 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 388. 716 Ibid., 389. 717 Ibid., 395.

256 texture of the rock, the branches of the gigantic pine trees are rendered in fine yet firm lines, resembling crab-claws (Figure XIc).718 On the tips of some of these crab-claws branches are pine needles, which are executed with an almost staccato-like gesture and rhythm. Next, I begin to take note of the buildings, located on the right corner of the middle section (Figure XId).719

The minutiae of architectural forms of the pavilions is a delight to observe.

Such meticulous brushwork recalls a type of Chinese painting called jiehua 界

畫.720 (Jiehua is a term translated as 'boundary painting' or ruled-line painting' to denote the accurate depiction of architectural forms using straight edges.)

Soon after, my eyes lead me towards the waterfalls nearby (Figure XIe).721 As

I follow the cascading waterfalls, I can almost hear the sound of the water and see the glistening lichen on the slippery rocks. I pause for a moment to take a deep breath for I am intrigued by the brilliant use of empty space to both depict the waterfalls as well as to suggest depth, space, and the temporal.

This calls to mind a quote from Jerome Silbergeld:

Voids are the ultimate in visual abstraction, and they contribute immeasurably to the suggestive quality of Chinese painting.722

718 Ibid., 390. 719 ibid., 391. 720 For an introduction to jiehua see, Anita Chung, Drawing Boundaries: Architectural Images in Qing China (Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2004); Nancy Shatzman Steinhardt, "Representation of Chinese walls cities in pictorial and graphic art," in City Walls: The Urban Enceinte in Global Perspective, ed. James D. Tracy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), 419–460; Robert Maeda, "Chieh-hua: Ruled-Line Painting in China," Ars Orientalis 10, (1975): 123–41; and William Trousdale, "Architecture Attributed to Chao Po-chü," Ars Orientalis (1963): 285–313. 721 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 392. 722 Jerome Silbergeld, Chinese Painting Style: Media, Methods, and Principles of Form (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1982), 48.

257 As I ponder the idea of empty space and of abstraction, my thoughts drifted to thinking about the expression, 'experiencing the spirit of landscape (體山水之

氣).' As mentioned earlier in Chapter Five, this qi infers the 'spirit' of shanshui, and also points to it as a natural phenomenon. The qi that permeates in landscape and within the painting is the same qi that moves not only inside my body but also between it and another. This has a poetic resonance: in sharing the same qi, my body, the landscape and the painting realise a common essence which is underscored by an intimate unity. My sense of euphoria mellows into a humbling experience as Du Fu's Chunwang

(Spring gazing) comes to mind. Next, I start to take note of the fishermen on the lower right hand corner (Figure XIf) and of other figures within the landscape.723 Across to the left from the fishermen, are a woman, children and a dog. I can almost hear the chattering of the children and the barking of the dog as they head further inland (Figure XIg).724 The journey continues...

As I transpose myself into the Zaochuntu, I am employing my senses and bodily experience to help me structure a coherent understanding of the painting. Fundamental to this journey is my broad knowledge and bodily experience of real landscapes. David Seamon remarks that the physical form of the body immediately 'regularises our world in terms of here-there, near-far, up-down, above-below, and right-left.'725 Thus, as I move within the

723 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 393. 724 Ibid., 394. 725 David Seamon, "A Way of Seeing People and Place: Phenomenology in Environment-Behavior Research," in Theoretical Perspectives in Environment- Behavior Research: Underlying Assumptions, Research Problems, and Methodologies, ed. Seymour Wapner, Jack Demick, C. Takiji Yamamoto and Hiroufmi Minami (New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers, 2000), 162.

258 Zaochuntu, I am in place, I am here, I am there, I am near, and I am far. In other words, I am engaged. As mentioned earlier, the use of multiple perspectives in shanshuihua incites a sense of directional movements for the viewer to navigate within the painting. This calls for an upright living-moving body. In retrospect, if one's living-moving body serves to structure and configure one's understanding of place, than it can also serve a similar function in the context of a painting.

6.2 EXPRESSING THE DATI 大體 AND XIAOTI 小體

Further to the earlier examination and discussion of the plethora of bodies to be found in shanshuihua, one point in particular requires further clarification, namely the intervention of bodily experience. In the pages following, I will draw on the concepts of dati and xiaoti to explain how the intervention of bodily experience may be compared to a palimpsest hidden beneath landscape elements. I will also use the concepts to suggest that such an exploration is fruitful for an understanding of shanshuihua.726

Dati and xiaoti has been translated as 'great body' and 'small body' by Tu

Weiming as well as 'the parts of his person that are of greater importance' and 'the parts of his person that are of smaller importance' by D.C. Liu.727

Rather than adopting the translation by Tu or Liu, I have opted to translate dati as the 'greater body-person' and xiaoti as the 'smaller body-person.' The following discussion not only considers the reasons for these specific word

726 The concepts of dati and xiaoti have been briefly cited in Chapter Two. 727 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought," 65, and Mencius, 259.

259 choices, it will also clarify the reason for framing this inquiry within the context of dati and xiaoti rather than shen (body) and xin (heart-mind).728

In general, the term ti denotes the body. But in this case, it bears connotations beyond its usual role. As Mengzi puts it, ti refers to the parts of a person and these parts differ in importance (體... 有大小).729 Further, he asserts that dati infers the xin 心 or heart-mind, and the xiaoti infers the physical body.730 The xin is deemed of greater importance because it is bound up with thinking (思), hence the dati. Tu's commentary on two of the

Liuyi (Six Arts), archery and charioteering, provides a pertinent perspective on the relationship between xin and the physical body. According to Tu,

Although the arts of archery and charioteering may not have comparable cosmic significance, the physical exercises involved are, nevertheless, laden with far-reaching implications. An exemplary archer... is not merely a skilful marksman but a "profound person" (君子) who, having mastered all the techniques of the art, constantly turns inwards to examine himself, especially when he fails to hit the target. If the case of Wang Liang in Mencius is any indication, the art of charioteering also involves complex rituals of self-mastery. The discipline required builds one's sense of developing the proper forms of conduct as well as one's strength.731

This implies that the moral qualities of the xin (heart-mind) have physical correlates. Also noteworthy is Mengzi's assertion about

... shooting from beyond a hundred paces. It is due to your strength that the arrow reaches the target, but it is not due to your strength that it hits the mark.732

728 The literal translation for xin is the 'heart.' In the context of this discussion, xin is not an organ but rather denotes a faculty. Thus, it is rendered as 'heart- mind.' 729 Mengzi《孟子》, VIA.14. Mencius, 256-57. 730 Mengzi《孟子》, VIA.15. Ibid., 258-59. 731 Tu, "The Idea of the Human in Mencian Thought," 62. 732 Mengzi《孟子》, VB.1.

260 由射於百步之外也，其至，爾力也；其中，非爾力也。

In this sense, the xin and the physical body, and by extension, the dati and xiaoti, are considered parts of an integrated whole in which there is no

Cartesian split between body and mind. Thus, the translation of the prefix da and xiao as 'greater' and 'smaller' is more appropriate than 'big' and 'small' because the former translation underscores the comparative yet complementary nature of dati and xiaoti. Further, it is generally accepted within the Confucian framework that a person cannot be dissociated with the biological and social realities of human life. In this sense, the translation of ti as 'body' is inadequate because the term can be misconstrued as pertaining to the physical form, which is misleading. Thus, the word 'body-person' better addresses the complexity of the term ti.

In addressing and analysing the significance of bodily experience in shanshuihua, it is important to note that there are two bodies at work in this context: the painter's and the viewer's. For both the painter and the viewer, the journey begins in a real landscape. Guo Xi advocates that one must go in person to the mountains and streams to discover the landscape, and only then will significant aspects of it be apparent.733 This advice becomes clearer when one acknowledges the role of the lived body. As discussed earlier, one's living, moving body mediates between one's awareness of a place and that place itself. In Casey's words, this living and moving body serves to

Mencius, 218–219. 733 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI.b.

261 structure and configure the entire scenario of place.734 Part of the process of becoming intimately acquainted with shan and shui is through sensing the place through one's bodily experience, not only in a physical way but also through acts of remembrance. This journey in a real landscape is, in a sense, nurturing both the dati and xiaoti. For instance, the physical exercises involved help the scholar-painter to build his physical strength, thus nurturing his xiaoti. Acts of remembrance (from current and previous journeys), together with the scholar-painter's broad knowledge and cultivation transform the encounter, consciously and sub-consciously, into self-reflection. This enables the scholar-painter to acknowledge the transient nature of his life in contrast to the eternity of shan and shui, as well as to discover his true place in the scheme of things. In this regard, self-reflection nurtures the dati because it calls for the scholar-painter to turn inwards to examine himself.

The journeys are only a part in the process of painting a shanshui. Among other things, the process includes acts of remembrance, the scholar-painter's broad knowledge and cultivation, acts of forgetting, and the interaction between the scholar-painter (his techniques) and the nature of the materials

(ink, brush, silk/paper).735 Further, shanshui, as argued earlier in Chapter One and Chapter Three, is not only a fitting subject for the scholar-painter to paint,

734 Casey, Getting Back into Place, 48. 735 Jing Hao in the Bifaji asserts that one can only achieve real landscape in painting if one can forget the technical matters of the brush and ink (see Bifaji 《筆法記》VII.f.) Similiar sentiment is expressed in Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》 /Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VIII.a, '... If all is ordered in detail in one's breast, one's eye will not see the silk and one's hand will be unaware of brush and ink, [and] through the immensity and vastness [of one's mind] everything will become one's own painting. 歷歷羅列於胸中而目不見絹素，手不知筆墨，磊磊磕磕，杳杳漠漠，莫非吾畫。'

262 it is also a suitable subject for him to learn, as it involves practising the dao.

Also noteworthy is the fact that these scholar-painters are men who extol the virtues of self-cultivation. In this regard, painting shanshui may be considered a form of self-cultivation because the process points to a deliberate attempt to allow civilising influences to work creatively as well as to work through improving the moral character of the scholar-painter. As such, a scholar- painter may spend years wandering among mountains and streams communicating with nature. By doing so, he hopes that nature may reveal to him a visible manifestation of the rhythm of the cosmic order.736 This journey in a real landscape in space and time enables visual and psychic experiences to be interwoven and when expressed in the form of a shanshuihua, the abstract yet visual form embodies the thoughts of a world both real and imaginary. Here, the bodily experience of the scholar-painter is hidden beneath landscape elements of the painting like a palimpsest.

While the term 'bodily experience' is generally accepted and defined as perception and action through the medium of the body in the real world, it should be noted that the intervention of bodily experience in shanshuihua, as argued earlier, is bound up with self-cultivation. As such, the meaning and understanding of the term 'bodily experience' in this specific context is incomplete without a consideration and acknowledgement of its transformative attribute. For instance, one's bodily experience in a real landscape is, amongst other things, bound up with one's broad knowledge and cultivation. This is influenced in turn by the social, political, and

736 Sullivan, Birth of Landscape Painting in China, 2.

263 philosophical conditioning of the time. Together, one's bodily experience and one's broad knowledge and cultivation converge and interact to form a new dynamic, as a 'subtext' for representing shanshui. Underlying this subtext is a body that is dynamic, transformative, and susceptible to change. It is important to note that this body is not a necessary or logical outcome of the

'body as representation of the universe,' although it is clearly indebted to it.

Rather, it is, as argued earlier, a subtext. The following discussion examines the effect of this subtext on Song to Yuan landscapes, thereby presenting this body as a dynamic agent of change in shanshuihua. (As the subject is exceedingly complicated, the approach to the inquiry is theoretical.) In order to present this idea, it is necessary to first provide the background to Song and Yuan landscapes.

During the early Song, visions of natural hierarchy and the body became metaphors for the well-regulated state. These visions were accompanied by the flowering of monumental landscape. This highly realistic descriptive style, was exemplified by Guo Xi's Zaochuntu and Fan Kuan's 范寬 Xi shan xinglü tu

《谿山行旅圖》(Travellers Among Mountains and Streams).737 At the same time, the rise of the new scholar-official class at the expense of the hereditary aristocracy underscored the shift in aesthetic taste.738 This new ruling elite regarded public service as its principal calling and extolled the virtues of self- cultivation. Often political setbacks or career disappointments forced these

737 Fan Kuan, native of Huayuan 華原 (modern day Yaoxian 耀縣) in Xiaxi 陝西 Province was active 990–1020. For his Xi shan xinglü tu see Figure XII (List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 396). 738 See Chapter Three for further reference.

264 men to retire from political engagement. During such times, many asserted their identity as literati through artistic pursuits. In applying their knowledge and critical standards to the arts, they nurtured the rise and development of the scholar-artists aesthetic. Amongst other things, these scholar-artist were greatly concerned with the distinction between the work of a scholar and that of an artisan. This aesthetic, according to Fong, places emphasis on simplicity, naturalness and self-expression, over representational skills.739

Unlike the highly descriptive style favoured by the painters from the Imperial

Painting Academy, the amateur scholar-artist pursued a style of painting that employed calligraphic brushwork for self-expressive ends. Fong explains that

as a literary artist he [the scholar-artist] excelled in calligraphy, so he relied on calligraphy to express himself in painting; and as an antiquarian he learned as much from art as from nature, looking to the past for inspiration and renewal.

The shift in the meaning of wen also had an impact on the scholar-artist aesthetic. For instance, in Chapter Three I mentioned the shift in the meaning of wen from wen yi zai dao (wen as a vehicle for conveying the dao ) to the idea of wen yi guan dao (wen as a means for threading the dao). This shift signalled the departure from the official view that art must serve the state to the embracement of art as a forum for personal expression. (In this context,

Su Shi's advocation that one can not only take recreation in the arts but also learn to practice the dao by pursuing interests in them was exceedingly

739 Wen C. Fong, Images of the Mind: Selections from the Edward L. Elliott Family and John B. Elliott Collections of Chinese Calligraphy and Painting at The Art Museum, Princeton University (New Jersey, Princeton: The Art Museum, Princeton University, 1987), 51.

265 influential.)740 Rejecting the highly descriptive style of monumental landscapes, the amateur scholar-painter opted instead for the lyrical and intimate interpretation of landscapes with particular emphasis on calligraphic expression. Proponents of this style of shanshuihua include Mi Fu 米芾

(1052–1107), the accomplished scholar-painter and the leading connoisseur of the time, and his son Mi Youren 米友仁 (1074–1151). Examples attributed to Mi Fu and Mi Youren respectively are Chunshan ruisong《春山瑞松》

(Mountains and Auspicious Pines in Spring) and Xi shan yanyu《溪山煙雨》

(Mist and Rain on Streams and Mountains).741 Characteristic of the Mi's style is the simplified and blurry form of the mountain rendered in wet ink dots, commonly known as the Mi dian 米點 (Mi[-family] dots).742 This painting style, representing a significant break from the detailed style of monumental landscape, is precursor to the evocative ink-wash landscapes of the later

Southern Song period, exemplified by the works of Ma Yuan 馬遠 (fl. ca.

1190-1224) and Xia Gui 夏圭 (fl. 1180-1230). (Fong maintains that this shift from monumental to the lyrical/intimate landscape was complete by the mid- twelfth century.)743

740 See Chapter Three, section 3.2 (Aspects of Realism) of this thesis. 741 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 397–98. [Cahill's note for the Chunshan ruisong states the painting as 'Verdant Mountains with Pine Trees.' See James Cahill, An Index of Early Chinese Painters and Paintings: Tang, Sung, and Yuan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 162.] 742 For information about the evolution of the Mi dian style see Valérie Malenfer Ortiz, Dreaming the Southern Song Landscape: The Power of Illusion in Chinese Painting (Boston, Massachusetts: Brill Academic Publishers, Incorporated: 1999), 111-113. 743 Fong, Images of the Mind, 55.

266 The collapse of the Southern Song in 1279 not only resulted in the reunification of China, this time under the foreign rule of the Mongols, it also laid the foundations for the next shift in the stylistic representation of shanshuihua. During this time, commonly known as the Yuan period, many educated Chinese were barred from government service. Many of these disenfranchised men turned to cultural pursuits as a way to occupy their time and also as a means of expressing themselves. Going beyond representation, the scholar-painter sought expression through calligraphic brushwork in the styles of earlier masters. The aim of evoking selected antique styles was to identify oneself with the values associated with the old masters. Here, the painting of shanshui was no longer about the description of the visible world.

Instead, it became a means for the scholar-painter to convey the inner landscape of his xinyin 心印 or the imprint of his heart-mind. An example of this style of landscape is the Qiao Hua qiuse《鵲華秋色》(Autumn Colours on the Qiao and Hua Mountains) by Zhao Mengfu 趙孟頫 (1254-1322), a prominent Yuan official and one of the most influential painters and calligraphers of his day.744 In the Qiao Hua qiuse, Zhao Mengfu rejected the realistic description of both monumental and lyrical landscapes, returning, instead, to the archaic blue-green idiom, with particular emphasis on calligraphic brushwork.

The shifts in stylistic representation, from the monumental landscape of the

Northern Song to the lyrical landscape of the Southern Song and then to the heart-mind landscape of the Yuan, document changing aesthetic tastes in

744 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 399–400.

267 light of social and political change. However, despite the shifts in stylistic representation, the body continues to play a crucial role, as indicatedly by the table below.

Northern Song Southern Song Yuan Style Monumental Lyrical landscape Heart-mind landscape landscape

Theoretical platform Body as Body as Body as representation representation representation of the of the of the universe universe universe

Sub-text State Universal self Individual self Place: body/landscape

Table VI: Style and Subtext

As argued earlier, one's bodily experience and broad knowledge/cultivation converge to form new dynamics as a 'subtext' for representing shanshui. This idea becomes clearer when shanshui is understood within the context of place. Place, as argued in Chapter Five, is intimately bound up with the body and landscape. Further, place is susceptible to shifts in meaning. Cresswell

(citing the work of Seamon, Thrift, de Certeau et.al) asserts that

place is made and remade on a daily basis. Place provides a template for practice – an unstable stage for performance. Thinking of place as performed and practised can help us think of place in a radically open and non-essentialised way where place is constantly struggled over and reimagined in practical ways. Place is the raw material for the creative production of identity rather than an a priori label of identity. Place provides the conditions of possibility for creative social practice. Place in this sense becomes an event rather than a secure ontological thing rooted in notions of the authentic. Place as an event is marked by openness and change rather than boundedness and permanence.745

745 Cresswell, Place, 48.

268 Similarly, shanshui as place is continuously being performed, reimagined, and made relevant. On one level, the essence of shanshui remains fairly stable. For example, the love for shanshui as manifestation of the working of the dao is clearly expressed in the often quoted dictum: 'the wise find joy in water; the benevolent find joy in mountains (知者樂水，仁者樂山).'746 Likewise, the idea of the body as representation of the universe continues to be an important theoretical platform for the imaging of shanshui. But on another level, the idea of shanshui is far from stable. Now and again it is re-imagined.

For instance, in the Zaochuntu, the body as representation of the universe is also a representation of the state. The inclusion of the state into this Chinese imaging order is a way of portraying the state's dynamism as a reflection of nature's processes, thus implying the Song rule as heaven's will. Here, the state is the subtext in the body/landscape equation in shanshuihua. By the time of the Southern Song, amid the shifts in the meaning of wen and the change to the more cogenial conditions of the south (in contrast to the northern topological features), this body has transformed from a representation of the state to a representation of the universal self. During the

Yuan, mountains and streams no longer belong to the Chinese, at least on a theoretical basis, and thus a rejection of this landscape is a form of subtle dissent against the foreign rule of the Mongols. In lieu of that, the body is again subjected to another transformation. This time, shanshuihua becomes a representation of the individual self as the scholar-painter turns inwards.

746 Lunyu《論語》6.23. Source text and English translation from The Analects, 52–53.

269 This provides a pertinent explanation for the rejection of realism in shanshuihua during the Yuan.

In sum, shanshui continually preserves its relevance by re-inventing itself, particularly in light of social and political change. The shifts in stylistic representation are evidence of these re-inventions. What has changed is not the essence of shanshui, but rather its subtext. Underlying this subtext is a body which is a dynamic agent of change.

6.3 QUOTING SHANSHUIHUA

This section marks a shift in the focus of this enquiry away from the distant past and into the contemporary period. This leap has two objectives. The first objective is to examine the work of selected contemporary Chinese artists who employ the shanshui and body correlation. The second is to acknowledge shanshuihua's past as well as its future by arguing that the value of contemporary shanshuihua lies not in the mere copying of the old masters but in quoting them.747

The appropriation of the body/landscape correlation by contemporary

Chinese artists suggests that the idea that the body is intimately bound up with shanshui is not unfamiliar to the initiated. Several contemporary examples that point towards the intimate connection between the body and shanshui are Zhongguo shanshui . wenshen《中國山水．紋身》(Chinese

Landscape: Tattoo) series by Huang Yan 黃岩, Shanshui《山水》([Chinese]

747 The concept of 'quotation' is appropriated from Mieke Bal. Mieke Bal, Quoting Caravaggio: Contemporary Art, Preposterous History (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1999).

270 Landscape) series by 劉韡 Liu Wei, and the Keju tu zhi yi – liaofa《可居圖之

一．療法》(Accommodation I: Therapy) by Wei Dong 魏東. I address the implications of their employment of the body/landscape correlation in the following pages.

Huang Yan was born in 1966 in Jilin 吉林. He graduated from the Changchun shifan xueyuan 長純師範學院 (Changchun Normal Academy) in Jilin Province in 1987. He currently resides and works in Beijing. According to the curator and critic Gu Zhenqing 顧振清, Huang began developing the idea for the

Zhongguo shanshui . wenshen (Chinese Landscape: Tattoo) series as early as 1994.748 (See Figure XVI and XVII.)749 To make this works, Huang forsook the traditional xuan 宣 paper or silk, opting instead for the skin as a platform to paint the shanshui. Priming the skin on the face or torso with white powder, reminiscent of face painting in Beijing opera, Huang then rendered the shanshui elements in ink and pigments before documenting the completed shanshuihua by taking a photograph. Drawing on the traditions of shanshuihua, face painting for Beijing opera and wenshen 紋身 (tattoo), the

Zhongguo shanshui . wenshen series is both a fusion and an expression of paradoxical encounter between traditional culture and the contemporary world. On one level, this series may be considered a literal translation or expression of the idea of the body as representation of the landscape/universe. On another level, the series appears to challenge the

748 Gu Zhenqing 顧振清, Shanshui jingshen《山水精神》. http://www.art-here.net/html/av/7499.html (accessed September 2008). 749 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 401–02.

271 traditional ideals of shanshui. There are two reasons for this contention. The first reason deals with the perceived notion of shanshui as eternal. As mentioned earlier in Chapter One, the scholar-painter desires to represent landscape is to discover a reality that is immanent in nature – a reality that acknowledges the transient nature of human lives in light of the timelessness of shan and shui. Contrary to this idea, Huang's 'landscapes' are far from permanent because they can be easily washed off. In addition, the aura of the original is further destroyed by the enduring re-presentation of the work in the form of a photograph. The second way in which the series challenges the traditional ideals of shanshuihua is in its attitude towards shanshui. The love of shanshui by the literati was largely built on a shared literary culture and learnt experience, which coalesced into a form of spiritual experience. In the context of the Zhongguo shanshui . wenshen series, the subject of shanshui appears superficial rather than as something meaningful and spiritual. This is inferred partly by the derogatory nature of wenshen (tattoo). Wenshen has been known and practised in China for a long time. However, the practice was never considered desirable, nor was it ever held in high regard for its own artistic merit. This perception may have been due to the commonly held belief that one's body is a precious gift from one's parents. For example,

Lunyu《論語》8.3 recounts a gravely ill Zengzi 曾子 showing his disciples his hands and feet to illustrate that he has avoided the risk of the mutilation of his body, a duty that he owed to his parents.750 It was thought that one should never subject one's body to abuse or allow it to be defaced by a tattoo.

750 The Analects, 68–69.

272 (Tattoos were traditionally used in China to mark criminals.) Thus, presenting shanshui in the form of a 'tattoo' implies something derogatory. Interestingly,

Huang writes:

landscape is an abode in which my mortal body can reside, landscape is my rejection of worldly wrangling, landscape is a release for my Buddhist ideas.751

Yet one cannot help but question whether Huang's attitude towards shanshui implies a sense of cultural baggage or whether it expresses the idea that in this post-modern world, tradition can be appropriated or discarded at will.

After all, traces of the shanshui can be easily washed off. What is left of the image is a photograph, which can be readily reproduced to meet demands of a capitalistic market.

The next series I want to discuss is Liu Wei's Shanshui《山水》

([Chinese] Landscape). (See Figure XVIII and Figure XIX.)752 Liu Wei was born in 1972 in Beijing and graduated from the Zhongguo meishu xueyuan 中

國美術學院 (China Academy of Art) in 1996.753 He currently lives and works in

Beijing. At first glance, Liu's Shanshui series recalls the massif peaks in shanshuihua or those in Huangshan 黃山 (Mount Huang). (See Figure XX.)754

Closer scrutiny reveals that these 'landscapes' are made from photographic composites of human buttocks. These landscapes/human buttocks imply the presence of muscle, flesh, bone, and spirit, which calls to mind Jing Hao's

751 http://www.vam.ac.uk/vastatic/microsites/1369_between_past_future/ exhibition.php (accessed Jan 22, 2009). 752 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 403–04. 753 The Zhongguo meishu xueyuan was previously known as the Zhejiang meishu xueyuan 浙江美術學院 (Zhejiang Academy of Art). 754 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 404.

273 proposition of the four types of forces in brushwork.755 This series of photographs is both humorous and confronting. On one level, it is an ideological attack on the 'preciousness' attached to the tradition of shanshui.

On another level, it provides a rare occasion for the Chinese to laugh at themselves because it is sometimes noted that the Chinese culture in general displays little sense of humour.

Wei Dong is another with a contemporary perspective on shanshuihua. Wei was born in 1968 in inner Mongolia. He graduated with a Bachelor of Arts in the Shoudu shifan daxue 首都師范大學 (Capital Normal University) in Beijing

1991. His Keju tu zhi yi – liaofa 《可居圖之一–療法》(Accommodation I:

Therapy) is both a parody of shanshuihua and a critique of the moral values of contemporary Chinese society.756 (See Figure XXI.)757 The title of the work calls to mind Guo Xi’s remarks on places wherein one may reside. According to Guo Xi, an exemplary person seeks places of beauty, which are places where one may reside.758 While shanshuihua emphasises a collective masculine body that is dispersed through the brushwork, along with metaphors located in the natural world, Wei, by contrast, uses the shanshui as a setting for a colossal, sexualised and seemingly corrupt female body. I contend that it is not Wei's intention to portray a misogynistic view of women, but rather a depiction of a corrupt male body may be viewed as a direct attack

755 See Chapter Four, section 4.3 (Inside Out). Also see Bifaji《筆法記》IV.a. 756 The translation of the title Keju tu zhi yi – liaofa《可居圖之一–療法》as 'Accommodation I: Therapy', is from Peter Lee, ed. Wei Dong 魏東 The Age of Innocence 純真年代, (Hong Kong: Plum Blossoms International Ltd, 1998), 25. 757 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 405. 758 Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉II.c.

274 on the Chinese government. Nonetheless, the work is beautiful executed. Not only does it address the tradition of shanshuihua, it also highlights the way social realism in art was embraced in the recent past by the People's

Republic of China government. In this sense, the work stands at a crossroads between satisfying and balancing the demands for traditional and current political and social and needs.

The three examples above imply that the body/landscape correlation is an important means for Chinese artists to explore new ways of communicating with the rest of the world. Interestingly, the tradition of shanshuihua continues to be re–validated by artists (both from China and elsewhere) through the act of quoting the tradition. For example, artists like Ian Fairweather (1891–1974),

Roy Lichtenstein (1923–1997), and Xu Bing 徐冰 (b.1955) have in the recent past 'quoted' shanshuihua 山水畫. Ian Fairweather's West Lake,

Hangchow (Figure XXII)759 and Roy Lichtenstein's Landscape in Scroll (Figure

XXIII)760 call to mind the quintessential form of a shanshuihua.761 However, the treatment of landscape for each painting is quite different, as I will elaborate.

Ian Fairweather's West Lake, Hangchow, which was made during the formative part of his career, reveals a simplicity and lack of artifice. Guo Xi infers that when painting a shanshuihua, one portrays the general idea but

759 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 406. 760 Ibid., 407. 761 Ian Fairweather learned to speak and write Chinese. He translated literature and sometimes signed and dated his work in Chinese. His years in China (from 1930 to 1933, and again in 1935) had a lasting influence in his artistic creations.

275 does not create overly detailed form.762 Li Zehou 李澤厚 refers to this as

'imaginative realism' which is 'the realistic portrayal of images evoked by a scene or object when the general idea is grasped and the artist's feelings infuse his work.'763 Though basic and simple, Fairweather's West Lake,

Hangchow, is exceedingly beautiful and elegant. Such qualities are suggestive of pingdan tianzhen 平淡天真,764 a concept that implies an open and honest expression of emotion as well as the rejection of artifice.765 These are qualities that are sincerely cherished and embraced by the Chinese literati.

The second example of a Western artist respectfully quoting shanshuihua is

Roy Lichtenstein’s Chinese Landscape series. This is a series of artworks that he worked on from 1994 to 1997, in which he used his ubiquitous benday dots to imitate classic Chinese landscape painting. According to Lichtenstein, the inspiration for this series was a 1994 exhibition of landscape monotypes and pastels by Edgar Degas. This 'stimulated his interest in lyrical and atmospheric Chinese mountain scenes, which he studied in the color

762 Linquan gaozhi 《林泉高致》/Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI.d. 763 Li Zehou, The Path of Beauty: A Study of Chinese Aesthetic. Trans. Gong Lizeng (Beijing: Morning Glory, 1988), 217. 764 Ping 平 literally means 'even'. Dan 淡 literally means 'weak' or 'light'; and it implies 'bland' or 'pale'. Tian 天 literally means 'heaven'; and it connotes 'natural'. Zhen 真 literally means 'true', 'real' or 'genuine'. Valérie Malenfer Ortiz translated the expression Pingdan tianzhen 平淡天真 as 'plain tranquility and natural perfection' (Ortiz 1999, 105). See Valérie Malenfer Ortiz, Dreaming the Southern Song Landscape: The Power of Illusion in Chinese Painting (Boston, Massachusetts: Brill Academic Publishers, Incorporated: 1999), 105. 765 One of the first to promote pingdan tianzhen as a criterion of judgment for painting was Mi Fu. Since then, it has become a desideratum of artistic expression for the scholar–painter. For selected reference see Chen, Zhongguo huihua lilunshi《中國繪畫理論史》, 139–144; Ortiz, Dreaming the Southern Song Landscape, 106–121; and Peter C. Sturman, Mi Youren and the inherited literati tradition: Dimensions of ink-play, PhD desertion (Yale University, 1989), 108–125.

276 reproductions of art books.'766 Landscape in Scroll (Figure XXIII)767 is one example from Lichtenstein's Chinese Landscape series. What is remarkable about this work is how Lichtenstein reinterprets the representation of space within a shanshuihua. The rhythmic repetition of the mountain contours captured by the benday dots transforms and reinvigorates shanshuihua into a stunning contemporary statement of great appeal.

The last example of respectful quoting is Reading Landscape: After Yuan

Jiang by the contemporary Chinese artist Xu Bing 徐冰 (Figure XXIV).768 This work is an installation that extends an original Qing dynasty shanshuihua past its frame. The scene beyond Yuan Jiang's 袁江 original was extended by Xu using exaggerated Chinese characters and pictographs that signify landscape elements such as mountain, cloud, river and forest.769 These colourful characters and pictographs, made from acrylic and wood, 'sprawl' out of the painting and onto the floor. Xu remarks that the installation is about human interaction with nature; and he emphasises that this interaction is always mediated by language.770 This fusion of shanshuihua and calligraphy not only plays on images and words, it also affords a platform for the

766 Barbara Stern Shapiro, 'Roy Lichtenstein: Landscapes in the Chinese Style' (Museum of Fine Art, Boston, n.d.), http://www.mfa.org/exhibitions/sub.asp?key=15&subkey=652 (accessed March 22, 2004). 767 List of Illustrations and Tables in Volume II, 407. 768 Ibid., 408. 769 Yuan Jiang, born in Yangzhou 揚州 in the Jiangsu 江蘇 province, was a painter of shanshui during the Qing period. 770 Interview with Xu Bing by Britta Erickson during the Word Play: Contemporary Art by Xu Bing exhibition at the Arthur Sackler Gallery (21 Oct 2001-12 May 2002). http://www.asia.si.edu/exhibitions/online/xubing/default.html (accessed May 22, 2007).

277 interaction between tradition and the contemporary: between past and present.

In sum, quoting shanshuihua is not only vital for this new art, it is also fundamental to the source from which it is derived. And in the words of Mieke

Bal:

Like any form of representation, art is inevitably engaged with what came before it, and that engagement is an active reworking. It specifies what and how our gazes see. Hence, the work performed by later images obliterates the older images as they were before that intervention and creates new versions of old images instead. This process is exemplified by an engagement of contemporary culture with the past that has important implications for the ways we conceive of both history and culture in the present.771

Fundamentally, it is about approaching shanshuihua with fresh eyes rather than regarding it as merely a historical object. The intervention of the 'present' validates the past, present, and future life of a great artistic tradition.

771 Bal, Quoting Caravaggio, 1.

278 Conclusion

Chapter One examined the idea of shanshuihua as not [just] an image. In this chapter I argued that there is a subtle but distinct difference between shanshuihua and fengjinghua, which is characterised by the absence of mimesis in the former. Also, by referring to the Zhongyong, the chapter suggested that painting was both a means and process of self-cultivation.

Taking the above mentioned into consideration, I further argued that the meaning in a shanshuihua takes precedence over the form. Chapter Two considered the Chinese perception of the body by examining the ways

Chinese discourses, particularly cosmology, medicine, politics and philosophy subjectivise the body. The investigation revealed that the so- called Chinese body is not a 'body' that is based on a western scientific anatomical model, but rather one that draws on metaphors and other tropes to socially construct a body that is both one and many. Chapter Three addressed ways of seeing and aspects of realism by first examining Chinese words associated with vision and visuality, and then by explaining the idea of

279 zhen 真 (truth or realism) within the Chinese visual tradition. In particular, I argued that the idea of zhen within Chinese visual tradition is not only framed by the complex intellectual culture of the shi (literati), it also provides a thick description of how vision aligns with interpretation to produce meanings and codes of recognition.772 Chapter Four combined the fragmented ideas of the body cited in Chapters One, Two and Three with ideas from extant landscape texts (from the fourth to eleventh centuries) to piece together a coherent construct of the body in shanshuihua. The inquiry not only revealed the intimate body/landscape correlation, it also confirmed the idea that there is no lack of bodies in shanshuihua. Chapter Five addressed an important but often neglected approach to the body/landscape equation – bodily consciousness.

By presenting shanshuihua as a representation of place rather than of landscape, I argued that body, landscape and place are interrelated, and that the living-moving body functions as the central mediating phenomenon in the process of gaining an in-depth understanding of shanshuihua. Three landscape texts were selected to further [re]view shanshuihua's involvement with embodiment, with particular emphasis on elucidating concepts like changshen, tuzhen and yi and the ways these concepts inform and address vision and/or visuality. The [re]view affirmed the idea of shanshuihua as being bound up with the bodily experience of both the painter and the intended viewer. Chapter Six began with a reading of shanshuihua as a process bound up with bodily consciousness. Through the employment of the Zaochuntu and the Linquan gaozhi as case-study, I argued that one's living-moving body

772 See footnote entry 372 for an explanation of "Thick description".

280 serves to structure and configure the understanding of place/shanshui and, by extension, serves a similar function within the context of a shanshuihua.

Next, drawing on the concepts of the dati and xiaoti, I explained how the intervention of bodily experience might be comparable to a palimpsest hidden beneath landscape elements. I further argued that shanshui continually preserved its relevance by re-inventing itself in the light of social and political change. Above all, it was the subtext, made manifest by a body that is a dynamic agent of change that has altered rather than the essence of shanshui. Lastly, I argued that the intervention of the 'present' validates the past, present, and future life of a shanshuihua, and that the future of shanshuihua lies not in the copying of the old masters, but rather in quoting or referring to it in some way.

In sum, I see shanshuihua as a twofold journey: a journey that takes the painter and viewer alike into a world both real and imaginary. This journey is concerned with a place that is lived in and remembered, and is inherently bound up with body. For a start, the body/landscape correlation is a part of the Chinese ordering imagination.773 As discussed in Chapter Two, intellectuals began to derive from this cosmological theory a political principle by the third century B.C.E. Once they succeeded in correlating the structure of heaven, earth and body with the state, they then re-introduced it into mainstream thought. The appropriation of the body–cosmos–state concept into Chinese medical classics such as the Huangdi neijing further helped

773 See Chapter Two, section 2.1 (The Body as Representation of the Universe).

281 naturalise it as a fundamental belief system.774 In the same way, the body in shanshuihua was naturalised within the natural world, as discussed in

Chapters Four and Five. [Re]viewing Guo Xi's Zaochuntu further uncovered the way shanshuihua is intimately bound up with not just the one body but a plethora of bodies.

These include the cosmological body, body politics, the physiological body, the cultivated body, phenomenological trace of the painter’s body (via the brushwork), and the phenomenological body of the viewer (activated by his vision, broad knowledge/cultivation and a shared intellectual tradition). In this sense, the 'body' is far from invisible within shanshuihua. Importantly, this body is not based on a Western scientific anatomical model but on a model that draws on metaphors and other tropes to socially construct a complex web of interrelated meanings. This body is dispersed through these metaphors, which locate it in the natural world, by transformational resonance.775 It is also dispersed through the dynamism or the shi 勢 of the brushwork which embodies the cosmic–human reality of qi.776 Such a body is not so much an iconic representation but rather an indexical one.

In retrospect, this thesis contends that what we do not recognise remains invisible. Likewise, the seemingly invisible body in shanshuihua can be made visible if we know how and what to see. Here, the viewing process is not about the vision of a representation in perspectival form and space but, rather,

774 Furth, A Flourishing Yin, 23. 775 Hay, “The Body Invisible in Chinese Art,” 44. 776 Ibid.

282 a type of vision that is active, reciprocal, and performative.777 This viewing process is active because one may travel, gaze forth, or roam within a shanshuihua.778 It is reciprocal because one can respond to the image and, with Zong Bing's words in mind be acquainted with sages and virtuous men from the past, and rejoice in [one’s] spirit (暢神) through the experience.

Viewing is also performative because the painting is very much 'alive' and

'animated' through the viewer's conscious act of transposing the self onto the painting via the engagement of sight, bodily experiences, and broad knowledge/cultivation. Here, the 'I' is also the active 'eyes'. For the above- mentioned reasons, I contend that shanshuihua needs to be understood and read not [just] as an image but also as a creative process that is inevitably bound up with the body.

Understanding the place of the body within shanshuihua affords a platform for understanding the Chinese psyche. Traditionally, the basic theoretical and practical question that a Confucian has to address is how to establish a secular harmonious world. The individual self in this context is never an isolated entity but is defined as a social being. Hu Shi 胡適 asserts that 'in the

Confucian human-centered philosophy, human cannot exist alone; all actions must be in a form of interaction between one human and another.'779 Here, the collective body triumphs over the individual self. Paradoxically, the cornerstone of Confucian ethics is shu 恕 or reciprocity, a concept that can

777 See Chapter Five, section 5.321 (Changshen 暢神). 778 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》IV.c. Also see Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》/ Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉II.c. 779 Hu Shi 胡適, Zhongguo zhexueshi dagang《中國哲學史大綱》(Shanghai 上海: Shangye chubanshe 商業出版社, 1919), 116.

283 only be accomplished or performed by the individual self. In shanshuihua, the scholar-painter found an ideal subject that not only permits him to depict a collective body but also provides a means to express his broad knowledge and cultivation. This may explain why the literati held shanshuihua in such high regard, and why it has remained popular for over a thousand years.

For my part, this journey, researching and learning about shanshuihua, may be best described as what the Australian artist Brett Whiteley called difficult pleasure. I shall endeavor to extend my research further in the area of Yuan shanshui as well as continue developing a contemporary focus to the ways quoting shanshuihua validates the tradition. Above all, I hope that this thesis is the beginning of encouraging others to both look at and understand shanshuihua with 'fresh eyes'.

284 Appendix I

Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》 Preface to Painting Landscape

Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》I. a. Sages, possessing the Dao, respond to things. The virtuous, purifying their thoughts, savour images. 聖人含道應物，賢者澄懷味像。

b. As for landscape, it has physical existence, yet tends towards the spiritual. Therefore, recluses such as Xuan Yuan,780 Yao, Kong,781 Guang Cheng, Da Kui, Xu Yu, [and] those from Guzhu insisted upon roaming in the mountains Kong Dong, Ju Ci, Miao Gu, Ji Shou, [and] Da Meng. These have been praised as the pleasures of the humane and wise.782 至於山水，質有而趨靈，是以軒轅、堯、孔、廣成、大隗、許由、孤竹之流，必有崆峒、具茨、藐姑、箕首、大蒙之游焉，又稱仁智之樂焉。

780 Xuan Yuan refers to the legendary Huangdi 黃帝. 781 'Kong' here refers to Kongzi/Confucius 孔子. 782 Lunyu《論語》6.23, 'The Master said, "The wise find joy in water; the benevolent find joy in mountains. The wise are active; the benevolent are still. The wise are joyful; the benevolent are long-lived." 子曰：「知者樂水，仁者樂山。知者動，仁者靜。知者樂，仁者壽。」' The source text and the English translation in The Analects, 52–53.

285 c. Sages follow the Dao through their spirits, [and] the virtuous comprehend this. Landscape displays the beauty of the Dao through its forms, [and] humane men delight [in this]. Are these not similar? 夫聖人以神法道而賢者通，山水以形媚道而仁者樂，不亦幾乎！

Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》II. a. [As] I long for [Mount] Lu [and Mount] Heng, [and am] cut off from the [Mount] Jing [and Mount] Wu; [I] did not realise that old age was approaching.783 余眷戀盧衡，契闊荊巫，不知老之將至。

b. Ashamed of being unable to concentrate [my] vital breath and attune [my] body; [and] afraid to be among those at the Stone Gate [who attempt the impossible].784 Therefore [I] paint images and spread colour, constructing cloudy peaks. 愧不能凝氣怡身，傷石門之流，於是畫象布色，構茲雲嶺。

Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》III. a. If truths that were abandoned before [the period of] middle antiquity may still be sought [in the imagination] a thousand years later, [and] if meaning that is subtler than the images of speech can be grasped by the mind in books and writings. What then of [the places] where one has [actually] wandered, [and] the sights one has [actually] seen – where forms are described as forms, [and] where colour are rendered as colour.

783 Lunyu《論語》7.19, 'The Governor of She asked Zilu about Confucius. Zilu did not answer. The Master said, "Why did you not say something to this effect: he is the sort of man who forgets to eat when he works himself into a frenzy over some problem, who is so full of joy that he forgets his worries and who does not notice the onset of old age?" 葉公問孔子於子路，子路不對。子曰：「女奚不曰，其為人也，發憤忘食，樂以忘憂，不知老之將至云爾？」' Ibid., 60-61. 784 Lunyu《論語》14.38, 'Zilu put up for the night at the Stone Gate. The gatekeeper said, "Where have you come from?" Zilu said, "From the Kongs'." "Is that the Kong who keeps working towards a goal the realisation of which he knows to be hopeless?" 子路宿於石門。晨門曰：「奚自？」子路曰：「自孔氏。」曰：「是知其不可而為之者興？' Ibid., 144–45.

286 colour. 夫理絕於中古之上者，可意求於千載之下；旨微於言象之外者，可心取於書策之內。況乎身所盤桓，目所綢繆，以形寫形，以色貌色也。

b. Further, Mount Kunlun is immense [and] the eyes' pupils small. If [the former] come within an inch of a view[er], its total form will not be seen. If it is at a distance of several miles, then it can be encompassed by the inch-small pupils. Truly the farther it is, the smaller it will appear. 且夫崑崙山之大，瞳子之小，迫目以寸，則其形莫睹；迥以數里，則可圍於寸眸，誠由去之稍闊則其見彌小。

c. Now if one spreads out the silk to capture the distant scene, the form of [Mount] Kun[lun's] Lang [peak] can be encompassed in a square inch. A vertical stroke of three inches will equal a height of thousands of feet, [and] a horizontal ink [spread] of several feet will form a distance of a hundred miles. 今張綃素以遠映，則崑閬之形可圍於方寸之內，豎劃三寸當千仞之高，橫墨數尺體百里之遠。

d. That is why those who look at paintings are only troubled by awkwardness in the likeness, [and] do not consider that diminution detracts from verisimilitude. This is a natural disposition.785 是以觀畫圖者，徒患纇之不巧，不以制小而累其似，此自然之勢。

e. In this way, the lofty elegance of [Mount] Song [and Mount] Hua [as well as] the soul of Xuanpin can all be included in one picture.786 如是則嵩華之秀，玄牝之靈，皆可得之於一圖矣。

785 Interestingly, Iei 纇, according to the Shuowen jiezi《說文解字》and Huainanzi 《淮南子》, infers the idea of imperfection, blemish or having flaws. 說文譽問疏証自序：「如玉之有瑕，如絲之有纇。」淮南子氾論訓：「明月之珠，不能無纇。」 786 Xuanpin 玄牝 is the Dark Spirit of the Universe or the 'Mysterious Female', by extension the yin 陰 principle. In the context of shanshui 山水, xuanpin 玄牝 infers the deep valleys.

287 Hua shanshui xu《畫山水序》IV. a. If response by the eye [and] accord by the mind is considered a universal principle; [when] similitude is skillfully achieved, eyes will also respond [and] accord will affect the spirit and, as spirit soars, truth will be attained. Even though one should again futilely seek out remote cliffs, what more could be added?787 夫以應目會心為理者，纇之成巧，則目亦同應，心亦俱會。應會感神，神超理得，雖復虛求幽巖，何以加焉。

b. Furthermore, the spirit, which is essentially limitless, resides in forms and stimulates all kinds of life, [and] truth enters into reflections and traces. One who can truly describe things subtly will also truly achieve this. 又神本亡端，棲形感類，理入影跡，誠能妙寫，亦誠盡矣。

c. Thus, [I] live at leisure, regulating [my] vital breath, brandishing the wine-cup [and] sounding the qin. Unrolling paintings in solitude, [I] sit pondering the four corners of the world. Without resisting the multitude of natural promptings, alone [I] respond to uninhabited wilderness [where] grottoed peaks tower on high, cloudy forests dense [and] vast. The sages and virtuous men who have shone forth throughout the ages had a myriad charms [of nature] fused into their spirit. What then should I do? [I] rejoice in [my] spirit, and that is all. What could be placed above that which rejoices in the spirit? 於是閒居理氣，拂觴鳴琴，披圖幽對，坐究四荒，不違天勵之藂，獨應無人之野，峰岫嶢嶷，雲林森渺，聖賢映於絕代，萬趣融其神思，余復何為哉？暢神而己。神之所暢熟有先焉。

787 As mentioned in Chapter One, it is difficult to adhere to a single translation into English for any particular Chinese words. Thus, I have compromised depending on the demands of the text. The aim is to preserve a sense of fidelity to the text. For example, the word li is variously translated as 'universal principle' or 'truth.'

288 Appendix II

Bifaji《筆法記》 Record on [the Art of] the Brush

Bifaji《筆法記》I. a. [Among the] Taihang Mountains there is a valley called Honggu, where I cultivated about half an acre of field to sustain [myself].788 太行山有洪谷，其間畝之田，吾常耕而食之。

b. One day [I] climbed to Shenzheng ridge to have a view of all the four directions.789 On the way back, [I] entered a huge doorway leading to a rock cave.790 [Inside there was a] moss- grown path dripping with water, [and] strange stones enveloped in mysterious vapour. [I] hastened along the path, [and found an area] covered with old pine trees. Among [the

trees,] one [had grown to] occupy a huge area by itself, [and 788 The Mu 畝: Conversion of Historical Values Table Period its] aged1 mu bark 畝 was= m 2coveredmu with 畝 lichen.per acre [It resembledmu 畝 per a] hectareflying Early Zhou 周 dragon192 riding the sky, [or a]21 coiling dragon aiming52 to reach the 791 350-104 BC milky way.461 (or The192) trees that9 formed(or 21) a grove, [looked]22 (or 52) fresh in Han 漢 to Tangspirit 唐 [and]457-523 were flourishing.9-8 Those that could 22-19not [be grouped 792 Song 宋 together],573 crouched by themselves.7 Some exposed17 [their] Yuan 元 winding840 roots out of the ground;5 some lay directly12 across a Ming 明 wide stream;640 [others] suspended6 over cliffs [and16 still others] Qing 清 crouched706 in the middle of 6the ravines; [and some]14 grew Republic mosses666 [and] cracking rocks.6 Amazed at this 15curious sight, [I] References for wanderedthe above-mentioned around admiring table is the taken scenery. from Endymion Wilkinson, Chinese History: A Manual, Revised and Enlarged (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 2000), 243. 789 Shenzheng shan 神鉦山 is presumably a ridge on one of the many mountains in the Taihang 太行 mountains.

289 doorway leading to a rock cave.790 [Inside there was a] moss- grown path dripping with water, [and] strange stones enveloped in mysterious vapour. [I] hastened along the path, [and found an area] covered with old pine trees. Among [the trees,] one [had grown to] occupy a huge area by itself, [and its] aged bark was covered with lichen. [It resembled a] flying dragon riding the sky, [or a] coiling dragon aiming to reach the milky way.791 The trees that formed a grove, [looked] fresh in spirit [and] were flourishing. Those that could not [be grouped together], crouched by themselves.792 Some exposed [their] winding roots out of the ground; some lay directly across a wide stream; [others] suspended over cliffs [and still others] crouched in the middle of the ravines; [and some] grew mosses [and] cracking rocks. Amazed at this curious sight, [I] wandered around admiring the scenery. 有日登神鉦山四望，迴跡入大巖扉，苔徑露水，怪石祥煙，疾進其處，皆古松也。中獨圍大者，皮老蒼蘚，翔鱗乘空，蟠蚪之勢，欲附雲漢。成林者，爽气重榮。不能者，抱節自屈。或迴根出土，或偃截巨流，挂岸盤溪，披苔裂石。因驚其異，遍而賞之。

c. From the next day onwards, [I] brought [my] brush to this place and sketched [the trees]. [After sketching] some ten thousand copies, [my drawings] came to look like the real [trees]. 明日攜筆復就寫之，凡數萬本，方如其真。

d. In the following spring, [I] went to Stone-drum Cave and met an old man. Answering his questions, [I] explained the reason for [my] visit [and what I had experienced]. The old man [asked]: "Do you know the art of the brush?" I replied: "Old man, your appearance is that of a rustic. How do you know the art of the brush?" The old man [retorted]: " How can you know what I hold inside?" Hearing this, [I was both] ashamed and surprised.

790 Yanfei 巖扉 generally means 'rocks,' 'cliff,' or 'rock-cave.' In this context, Munakata asserts that the phrase refers to 'door to the cave.' See Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi," 17–18. 791 In the Daya 大雅 section of the Shijing《詩經》(Classic of Poetry) under 蕩之什, there is a poem titled, Yunhan〈雲漢〉(258). In the poem 'yunhan 雲漢' refers to the milky way. 792 Munakata asserts that the phrase 'Those that could not [be grouped together], crouched by themselves (不能者，抱節自屈)' refers to, as an allusion, a man of principle who cannot cope with his social environment. See, Munakata "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi," 18–19.

290 inside?" Hearing this, [I was both] ashamed and surprised. 明年春，來於石鼓嚴間，遇一叟。因問，具以其來所由而答之。叟曰：“子知筆法乎？” 曰：“叟，儀形野人也，豈知筆法邪？” 叟曰：“子豈知吾所懷耶？”聞而慚駭。

Bifaji《筆法記》II. a. The old man said: "A youth who is eager to learn, can accomplish it in the end.793 [Now,] there are Six Essentials in painting: The first is called 'Spirit'. The second is called 'Resonance'. The third is called 'Thought'. The fourth is called 'Scene'. The fifth is called 'Brush'. And the sixth is called 'Ink'." 叟曰：“少年好學，終可成也。夫畫有六要：一曰氣，二曰韻，三曰思，四曰景，五曰筆，六曰墨。”

b. I said: Painting [畫] is equivalent to flower [華, or outward appearance].794 That is, reality is achieved when lifelikeness is attained. How could this [truth] be distorted ?" 曰：“畫者，華也。但貴似得真，豈此撓矣。”

c. The old man said: "Not so. Painting (畫) is equivalent to measuring (畫).795 [One] examines an object to grasp its reality. [One must] grasp the outward appearance (華) from 793 Lau translatedthe 'haoxueoutward 好學 appearance' as 'eager of to an learn'. object, In [and]the passage the inner above, reality I have adopted his translation(實) from for the the inner term reality 'haoxue of '.that See object. The Analects796 [One], 47. must not take 794 Munakata notesthe outward that Zheng appearance Xuan 鄭玄 as(127-200) the inner of reality.the Han If Dynasty,[one] does in not annotating oneunderstand of the phrases this of method the Liji 《禮記》[of understanding, states: Hua, truth], hua ye[one] 華畫也 may - 'Flower' means attain'painting'. lifelikeness (Liji zhengyi but never禮記正義 achieve [The Thirteen reality in Classics painting." Series,797 Jiaqing 嘉慶 ed.] 6.18a). See, Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi," 11 and 19. 795 Munakata asserts that the meaning of the second hua 畫 is explained, in the following sentence in Bifaji《筆法記》, as du 度 (... 畫者，畫也。度物象而取其真。). Thus, the meaning of the second hua stands for 'to measure,' to estimate,' etc. On a different note, Zhang Yanyuan, in Chapter 1, section 1 (On the Origins of Painting 敘畫之源流) of the Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》, states that 'The Guang-ya lexicon (compiled in the 3rd century CE) says, "To paint is to resemble". The Er-ya lexicon (compiled earlier in the 5th - 4th century BCE) says, "To paint is to give form". The Shou-wen dictionary (121 CE) says, "the character for hua is (derived from) the raised paths between fields. It gives the appearance of boundary paths and edges of field, and therefore is itself a drawing." 廣雅云。畫纇也。爾雅云。畫形也。說文云。畫畛也。象田畛畔。所以畫也。' Thus, hua (畫) in a sense, infers the notion of 'measuring' because it is about defining physical forms and mapping localities. Reference to Munakata's comments see, Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi," 19. For reference to the quotes from the

291 measuring (畫).795 [One] examines an object to grasp its reality. [One must] grasp the outward appearance (華) from the outward appearance of an object, [and] the inner reality (實) from the inner reality of that object.796 [One] must not take the outward appearance as the inner reality. If [one] does not understand this method [of understanding truth], [one] may attain lifelikeness but never achieve reality in painting."797 叟曰：“不然。畫者，畫也。度物象而取其真。物之華，取其華；物之實，取其實。不可執華為實。若不知術，苟似，可也；圖真，不可及也。”

d. I said: "What [do you] mean by lifelikeness and what [do you] mean by reality?" 曰：“何以為似？何以為真？”

e. The old man said: "Lifelikeness means to achieve the form [of an object] but to leave out its spirit. Reality means [both] spirit and substance are strong. If spirit is conveyed through outward appearance, [and] not through the image [in totality], then the image is dead." Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》, see Acker, Some Tang and Pre-Tang Texts on Chinese Painting vol 1, 67-70. 796 Munakata asserts that the idea of the balance between hua 華 (outward appearance) and shi 實 (inner reality) goes back to Confucius. For further reference see Lunyu《論語》6.18 [source text and the English translation in The Analects, 50–51.]; and Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi,": 19–20. 797 My word choice for 'reality' over 'truth' for the translation of the word zhen within the specific context of tuzhen is based on the work of the respected scholar of Chinese Art Kiyohiko Munakata and informed by the ideas of Michel Foucault. First, Munakata initially translated the term zhen as 'reality' or 'truth' in Ching Hao's Pi-fa-chi [Bifaji]: A Note on the Art of Brush. However, throughout his translation of the Pi-fa-chi, he consistently adopted the term 'reality' to denote zhen within the context of tuzhen. Second, the term 'truth,' according to Foucault is problematic because it is generally regarded as having an 'objective' quality. Foucault posits that truth is something that is itself a part of, or embedded within, a given power structure and thus shifts through various episteme throughout history. And third, both 'reality' and 'truth' are defined by the Oxford English dictionary (2006) respectively as follows: Reality 1 the state of things as they actually exist, as opposed to an idealistic or notional idea of them. 2 a thing that is actually experienced or seen. 3 the quality of being lifelike. 4 the state or quality of having existence or substance. Truth 1 the quality or state of being true. 2 (also the truth) that which is true as opposed to false. 3 a fact or belief that is accepted as true. In retrospect, 'reality' is a more relevant word choice for zhen within the context of tuzhen because it implies that a compound like tuzhen could mean the verity of an image or even sometimes 'verisimilitude'.

292 then the image is dead." 叟曰：“似者，得其形，遺其氣。真者，氣質俱盛，凡氣傳於華，遺於象，象之死也。” f. I thanked [the old man] and said: "Now [I] understand that calligraphy and painting are to be learned by the virtuous. [I am] only a farmer and have no qualification for learning these. [Although, I] enjoy playing with the brush, [I] could not achieve anything in the end. [I am] ashamed [to say this] but even if [I have the luck of] receiving [your kind teaching, I am] sure [I] would not be able to paint [the right way]." 謝曰：“故知書畫者，名賢之所學也。耕生知其非本，翫筆取與，終無所成。慚惠受要，定畫不能。” g. The old man said: "Limitless desire is a threat to life. [That is why] virtuous men thoroughly enjoy [playing] the qin, calligraphy, and painting. These [worthy activities] replace the worthless desire. Since you have already familiarised [yourself] with a good thing [like painting], [you] should persevere with this study from the beginning to the end, [and] never hesitate. [Now,] I will give you the instructions of the essentials of painting. [If] spirit [is accord], the heart-mind will guide the brush, then the image will not be flawed. [If] resonance [is conveyed], forms will be established by hiding the [obvious] traces [of the brush], [and also by] observing proprieties and avoiding vulgarity. Thought, [refers to] grasping essential details, [and] letting the idea develop into forms. Scene [refers to] being faithful to the law of the seasons, [and in the] search for the sublime, create reality. [As for the] brush, though [it] follows the rules [of painting], its movement is unimpeded; [it is] neither substance nor form, as if [it is] in flight or in motion. Ink, [is concerned with] the heightening or lowering of tone. The depth or shallowness of an object, [and] the colouring [should be] so natural that it does not seem to be [the work of] the brush." 叟曰：“嗜欲者，生之賊也。名賢縱樂琴書圖畫，代去雜欲。子既親善，但期終始所學，勿為進退。圖畫之要，與子備言：氣者。心隨筆運，取象不惑。韻者，隱跡立形，備遺不俗。思者，刪撥大要，凝想形物。景者，制度時因，搜妙創真。筆者，雖依法則，運轉變通，不質不形，如飛如動。墨者，高低暈淡，品物淺深，文采自然，似非因筆。”

293 Bifaji《筆法記》III. a. The old man continued: "[Painting can be classified into] divine (神), sublime (妙), distinctive (奇), skilful (巧).798 [In the class of the] divine, [the painting looks as if there were] no trace of [human] effort, [and] form seemed to be spontaneously created. [In the class of the] sublime, [the painter would be able to first] grasps the workings of heaven and earth, [as well as] the nature of all things. Then in a style appropriate to the subject [of the painting,] forms flow [spontaneously] through the brush. [In the class of the] distinctive, traces [of the brush] are inconsistent to the real scene or unbalanced, but [the work] still preserves some truth. Such [a painter] is said to have [the skill of the] brush but the absence of thought. [In the class of the] skilful, [the painter would] cut and piece together fragments of beauty, [and in] assembling these, feign a masterpiece. [Not only is] style forced, [but] spirit and forms are exaggerated. Such is attributed to a lack in inner reality and excesses in outward appearance." 复曰：“神、妙、奇、巧。神者，亡有所為，任運成象。妙者，思經天地，萬纇性情，文理合儀，品物流筆。奇者，蕩跡不測，與真景或乖異，致其理偏，得此者亦為有筆無思。巧者，雕綴小媚，假合大經，強寫文章，增邈氣象，此謂實不足而花有餘。”

Bifaji《筆法記》IV. a. "There are four [types of] forces in brush[work]: muscle, flesh, bone, and spirit. Brush[stroke] that is interrupted but unbroken is called muscle. The thickening [and] thinning [width of a brushstroke], filled with inner reality, is called flesh. [Brushstroke that is] firm [and] upright, from the beginning to the end, is called bone.799 [If each] brushstroke delineating the [whole] painting is undefeatable, [the total force] is called spirit. From this [it may] be understood that [a brushstroke 798 I have followedwith] Munakata's ink of too translationthick [quality] of theloses terms its structuralshen 神, miao form 妙 [and, qi 奇 and qiao 巧 as divine,integrity]. sublime, [While distinctive a brushstroke and skilful with inkrespectively of] weak becausecolour is he had provided extensivedefeated accountsin the right for spirit. the respective [The brushstroke word choice. whose See forceMunakata, of] "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi,":muscle is dead30–32. cannot have [the force of] flesh either. The 799 It is unclear brushstrokewhat shengsi which 生死 means is completely in this passage. interrupted Munakata has no posits muscle. that Ifit 勢 implies the force[a (brushstroke) of the brush is] tooto give effeminate, life to the [it dead has] matter.no bone." In spite of his considered argument for the assertion, the sentence does not seem to make much sense. Osvald Sirén, on the other hand, takes it to mean "from the beginning to the end". Here, my preference is for Sirén's interpretation because it sounds more coherent with the rest of the passage. For reference see, Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi,": 35–36, and Osvald Sirén, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles (New York: Hacker Art Books Inc., 1958), 235.

294 spirit. From this [it may] be understood that [a brushstroke with] ink of too thick [quality] loses its structural form [and integrity]. [While a brushstroke with ink of] weak colour is defeated in the right spirit. [The brushstroke whose force of] muscle is dead cannot have [the force of] flesh either. The brushstroke which is completely interrupted has no muscle. If [a brushstroke is] too effeminate, [it has] no bone." “凡筆有四勢，謂筋、肉、骨、氣。筆絕而不斷，為之筋。起伏成實，為之肉。生死剛正，為之骨。蹟畫不敗，為之氣。故知墨大質者，失其體；色微者，敗正氣；筋死者，無肉；蹟斷者，無筋；苟媚者，無骨。”

b. "There are two kinds of faults [in painting]: the first [comprises faults] not connected with form, [and] the second [comprises faults] connected with form. The faults concerned with form [include]: flowers and trees are out of season, houses [are] smaller than human figures, trees [are] higher than mountains, [and] bridges [are] detached from riverbank. These are calculable faults. For such faults, it is still possible to make corrections by changing the forms. The faults not connected with form [include]: the absence of spirit [and] resonance, [and] objects which violate the rules of nature. [In these cases,] even if brush and ink are applied, everything is dead. Since these [paintings] are categorically inferior, [they] cannot be corrected." “夫病有二：一曰無形，二曰有形。有形病者，花木不時，屋小人大，或樹高於山，橋不登於岸，可度形之纇是也。如此之病，尚可改圖。無形之病，氣韻俱泯，物象全乖，筆墨雖行，纇同死物，以斯格拙，不可刪修。”

Bifaji《筆法記》V. a. [Since] you like to paint clouds, trees, mountains and water; [you] must understand clearly the origin of things. [When a] tree grows, [it] follows its nature [which it receives from heaven]. The nature of a pine tree is as follows - it may grow curved, but never [appear] crooked [or deformed], [it may be] dense or [it may be] sparse, [and] neither blue nor green. Even as a tiny sapling it stands upright. [Thus already it reveals its] posture of independence and nobility. [Even when its] branches grow low, sideways or downwards, [it] never falls to the ground. In the forest, the horizontal layers of its branches appear to be piled upon one another [– resembling the wind that blows gently over swaying grass]. [Thus,] they are like the noble air of an exemplary person [which passes 295 over the bowed heads of the humbly respectful].800 Sometimes a pine tree is painted as a flying or coiling dragon, [with its] branches and leaves growing in frantic disarray. Such is not the spirit resonance of pine trees. the wind that blows gently over swaying grass]. [Thus,] they are like the noble air of an exemplary person [which passes over the bowed heads of the humbly respectful].800 Sometimes a pine tree is painted as a flying or coiling dragon, [with its] branches and leaves growing in frantic disarray. Such is not the spirit resonance of pine trees. 子既好寫雲林山水，須明物象之原。夫木之為生，為受其性。松之生也，枉而不曲遇，加密如疏，非青非翠，從微自直，萌心不低。勢既獨高，枝低复偃，倒挂未墜於地下，分層似疊於林間，如君子之德風也。有畫如飛龍蟠蚪，狂生枝葉者，非松之氣韻也。

b. The cypress tree has the following nature – [it] grows full of movement and has many turnings. [It is] luxuriant but not showy. [Its] trunk has many knots and [it is] clearly sectioned. [Its] twisting patterns [are the result of] following [the movement of] the sun. [Its] leaves are like knotted threads, [and its] branches are like hemp clothes [on the body]. Sometimes [the tree is] painted [with its leaves smooth] like a snake and [its branches supple] like silk clothes. [And sometimes, it is drawn with its] inside hollow [and its] twisted patterns inverted. These are all wrong. Each species of tree, [such as] catalpas, paulownias, camellias, oaks, elms, willows, mulberries, [and] pagoda- trees, differs from the others in form and character. [Such matters are so obvious that] even thinkers far from each other come to the same conclusion. Each one may be clarified [by yourself]. 柏之生也，動而多屈，繁而不華，捧節有章，文轉隨日，葉如結線，枝似衣麻。有畫如蛇如素，心處逆轉，亦非也。其有揪、桐、椿、櫟、榆、柳、桑、槐，形質皆異，其如遠思即合，一一分明也。

c. [When painting] mountains [and] water, the force of form must be in accord with spirit.801 Thus, [a] pointed [top] is called [a] peak; [a] flat [top] is called [a] 'head'; [a] rounded [top] is called [a] 'hump'; connected [peaks] are called 'ranges'; that which

has a hole [on the side] is called [a] 'cavern'; [and those with] 800 Lunyu《論語》12.19, 'Confucius said: "...By nature the exemplary person is steep walls are called 'cliffs'. Between [two] cliffs [or] below like wind and the small man like grass. Let the wind sweep over the grass and it is sure to bend."the 孔子對曰 cliffs are：「 called...君子之德風 'grottoes'.，小人之德草 A pass 。going草上之風 through，必偃 mountains。」' Source text andis English called translation[a] 'gorge', in[while The Analectsa pass] ,which 114–115. is blocked [at one 801 François Jullien,end] inis discussingcalled [a] 'gully'.calligraphy, A gully asserts with runningthat 'shi watercan be is defined called [a] overall as the forceravine, that [but runs that through which] the comes form outof the from written the mountain character isand called animates it aesthetically.'[a] torrent. I [Although]have adopted peaks Jullien's and translationhumps high of aboveshi for arethe above passage. Jullien,separated, The Propensity hills andof Things ranges, 76. below are connected. These reflect forests and streams, creating a sense of the far and near. [A] painting of mountains [and] water that fails to adhere296 to these formal characteristics is not correct. [In] some paintings of flowing water, the brushstroke is too frantic, [these] lines are like snapped threads, [and there is] no rising and falling of waves. Such [paintings] are not correct. Fog, clouds, and haze are sometimes light and sometimes heavy, [their] movements depend [much] on the wind, [and their] [a] 'hump'; connected [peaks] are called 'ranges'; that which has a hole [on the side] is called [a] 'cavern'; [and those with] steep walls are called 'cliffs'. Between [two] cliffs [or] below the cliffs are called 'grottoes'. A pass going through mountains is called [a] 'gorge', [while a pass] which is blocked [at one end] is called [a] 'gully'. A gully with running water is called [a] ravine, [but that which] comes out from the mountain is called [a] torrent. [Although] peaks and humps high above are separated, hills and ranges below are connected. These reflect forests and streams, creating a sense of the far and near. [A] painting of mountains [and] water that fails to adhere to these formal characteristics is not correct. [In] some paintings of flowing water, the brushstroke is too frantic, [these] lines are like snapped threads, [and there is] no rising and falling of waves. Such [paintings] are not correct. Fog, clouds, and haze are sometimes light and sometimes heavy, [their] movements depend [much] on the wind, [and their] forms can never be the same. [Thus, one] needs to disregard the minor details, [but] grasp the essential forms. [If one could] first comprehend these do's and don'ts, then [one] may indeed learn [about] the method of the brush. 山水之象，氣勢相生。故尖曰峰，平曰頂，圓曰巒，相連曰嶺，有穴曰岫，峻壁曰崖，崖間崖下曰巖，路通山中曰谷，不通曰峪，峪中有水曰溪，山夾水曰澗。其上峰巒難異，其下岡岭相連，掩映林泉，依稀遠近。夫畫山水，無此象亦非也。有畫流水，下筆多狂，文如斷線，無片浪高低者，亦非也。夫霧雲煙靄，輕重有時，勢或因風，象皆不定，須去其繁章，采其大要。先能知此是非，然後受其筆法。

Bifaji《筆法記》VI. a. I said: "Among those who have learned [the art of painting] since antiquity, who [do you think] is the best equipped [with the Six Essentials]?" 曰：“自古學人，孰為備矣？”

b. The old man said: "There are only a few who reached perfection. Xie He classified Lu [Tanwei] as the leading. [However] nowadays it is difficult to find [Lu's] genuine works. The extant paintings by Zhang Sengyou sadly lack the [basic] principles. It has long been known that suitability to type has to do with the laying of colours;802 [however techniques] such as 'watered ink for graded wash' began in our Tang period. Zhang Zao, the Second Secretary, paints trees [and] rocks full of spirit [and] resonance. [He] amasses all details with brush [and] ink; true thought is outstanding; [and there is] little 297 emphasis on the five colours. There is none [like him] either from the past or now. [In the paintings of] Zhu Ting and the priest, Bai Yun, spirit [and] forms are sublime, [and there is a firm] grasp of the nature of the subject. [Thus, their paintings are] different from the common [ones done by other painters], [and the] depth [of their paintings] is unfathomable. Wang principles. It has long been known that suitability to type has to do with the laying of colours;802 [however techniques] such as 'watered ink for graded wash' began in our Tang period. Zhang Zao, the Second Secretary, paints trees [and] rocks full of spirit [and] resonance. [He] amasses all details with brush [and] ink; true thought is outstanding; [and there is] little emphasis on the five colours. There is none [like him] either from the past or now. [In the paintings of] Zhu Ting and the priest, Bai Yun, spirit [and] forms are sublime, [and there is a firm] grasp of the nature of the subject. [Thus, their paintings are] different from the common [ones done by other painters], [and the] depth [of their paintings] is unfathomable. Wang [Wei], the junior Councillor, is [both] elegant [and] beautiful in [his] use of brush [and] ink. Spirit [and] resonance [in his works] are noble [and] lofty. [He] paints with masterly skill, [and] truth [and] thought stirred [in his paintings]. General Li's [paintings reveal] principles [that] are profound and thoughts [that] are far-reaching. [His] brushstrokes are extremely beautiful. [Although his paintings show] great skill and ornamental beauty, [they are] weak in the handling of ink- wash. Ding Rong, the recluse, paints tree and rock that show [signs of] hesitation, [and his] sharp corners lack strength. [His paintings] display the masterly use of ink, [but] in the use of the brush [he displays a] lack of bone. Nonetheless, [he paints in a] free and easy [manner] without losing the true spirit of the forms [of his subject]. [Such works can only be said to be] skilful but lack masterly touch. Wu Daozi's brush[works] excel in the forms. The spirit of the bone is immense, [and] this is indisputable, however it is a pity [that his brush] lacks ink. Second Secretary Chen, the monk Dao Fen, and others are slightly above mediocrity. [The] compositions [of their paintings] are ordinary, [their] handling of brush [and] ink show [too many] traces of [their] labour. Now [I have] revealed to you the method [of painting], [although I still feel that I] have not been thorough enough in explaining [the details] with words. 叟曰：“得之者少。謝赫品陸之為勝，今已難遇親蹤。張僧繇所遺之圖，甚虧其理。夫隨纇賦彩，自古有能；如水暈墨章，與吾唐代。故張璪員外樹石，氣韻俱盛，筆墨積微；真思卓然，不貴五彩；曠古絕今，未之有也。麴庭與白雲尊師，氣象幽妙，俱得其元，動用逸常，深不可測。王右丞[王維]筆墨宛麗，氣韻高清，巧寫象成，亦動真思。李將軍理深思遠，筆跡甚精，難巧而華，大虧墨彩。頂容山人樹石頑澀。稜角無（足追），用墨獨得玄門，用筆全無其骨，然於放逸，不失真元氣象，無 802 'Suitability to大創巧媚 type has。 to吳道子筆勝於象 do with the laying，骨氣自高 of colours，樹不言圖 (隨纇賦彩，)' is亦恨無墨 the fourth。 of Xie He's 謝赫陳員外 Liufa 六法及僧道芬以下 (Six Laws) ，in麤昇凡俗 the Guhua， pinlu作用無奇《古畫品錄》，筆墨之行. Source，甚有 text and English in Acker,行蹟。 Some今示子之徑 Tang and，不能備詞 Pre Tang。 Texts on Chinese Painting vol 1, 4.

298 用墨獨得玄門，用筆全無其骨，然於放逸，不失真元氣象，無大創巧媚。吳道子筆勝於象，骨氣自高，樹不言圖，亦恨無墨。陳員外及僧道芬以下，麤昇凡俗，作用無奇，筆墨之行，甚有行蹟。今示子之徑，不能備詞。

Bifaji《筆法記》VII. a. After much hesitation [I] bought out and presented [to the old man] the sketches [I had drawn] of the extraordinary pine trees. 遂取前寫者異松圖呈之。

b. The old man said: "The flesh of the brush does not conform to the basic rules, and the muscle and bone are not well applied. How can this [deficient handling of brush] serve [to paint] extraordinary pine trees? I have now taught you the art of the brush" [After saying this, he] brought out a few scrolls of silk and instructed [me to] paint [on them]. 叟曰：“肉筆無法，筋骨皆不相轉，異松何之能用？我既教子筆法，乃資素數幅，命對而寫之。”

c. The old man said: "Your hands move [just] as my mind wishes. I hear that [one] must examine [people's] words, besides knowing the act [of what people do]. Would you compose a poem for me?" 叟曰：“爾之手，我之心。吾聞察其言而知其行。子能与吾言詠之乎？”

d. I thanked [the old man] and said: "Now I apprehend that 'teaching is a job for the sages and virtuous, who will not resign [from the job] even if [they are] not paid. The deeds [of those who taught] are appreciated and responded [by those who have been taught]. Since [you have] invited [me] to try, [I] will not disobey [your] request. Thus I composed this - "Eulogy to an Old Pine Tree": 謝曰：“乃知教化，聖賢之職也。祿與不祿，而不能去。善惡之蹟，感而應之。誘進若此，敢不恭命。”因成古松，贊曰：

299 e. Not withering, not embellishing; It is only that chaste pine.803 不凋不榮，惟彼貞松。 [His] force is high and steep; Yet [he is] humble and polite. 勢高而險，屈節以恭。 The leaves spread open [like a] green umbrella; [And] the branches coil [like a] red dragon. 葉張翠蓋，枝盤赤龍。 [He holds] vines in the lower part; [And] grasses grow under [his] dark shadow. 下有蔓草，幽陰蒙茸。 How did [he] get [his] life; With [his] force nearing the peak of the clouds. 如何得生，勢近雲峰。 In a view up the towering trunk; The piled [layers of leaves are] a thousand folds. 仰其擢幹，偃舉千重。 [As he] towers in the middle of a ravine; [His] green contours [are] enveloped by the mist. 巍巍溪中，翠暈煙龍。 The branches growing downwards; Twisting and wandering freely 奇枝倒掛，徘徊變通。 When [they] come to meet the lowly at the base; [They are] friendly, without being equalised. 下接凡木，和而不同。 What the ancient poems [praised in him]; [Was this] noble air of an exemplary person. 以貴詩賦，君子之風。 The breeze is pure and keeps blowing; [Its] faint sound [is] crystallised in the sky. 風清匪歇，幽音凝空。

f. After a while the old man said: "[I] wish you would keep working hard. [Only when you reach the state of] forgetting [the technical matters of] the brush [and] ink, then [you] may achieve the real landscape [within you]. My place of living is within the Stone-drum Cave and my name is Shigu yan zi (Master of Stone-drum Cave)." 叟嗟異久之，曰：“願子勤之，可忘筆墨而有真景。吾之所居，即石鼓嚴間，所字即石鼓嚴子也。”

803 English translation of the poem [highlighted in grey] is adopted from Munakata’s translation with slight modifications. See, Munakata, "Ching Hao's "Pi-fa-chi," 35–36.

300 g I said: "Please [let me] follow and serve [you]." 曰：“願從待之。” h. The old man said: "You need not." 叟曰：“不必然也。” i. After expressing [my] gratitude and saying farewell [to the old man, I left]. Some days later [I] visited [his place] and found no traces [of him]. Since then [I have] studied [what the old man has taught me about] the method of the brush, [and] evaluated the teaching that was imparted. Now [I have] put together and edited [the old man's] teachings in order to present them as the standard rules of painting for later generations. 遂亟辭而去。別日訪之而無蹤。後習其筆術，嘗重所傳。今進修集，以為圖畫之軌轍耳。

301 Appendix III

Linquan gaozhi《林泉高致》 The Lofty Message of Forests and Streams / Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉 Advice on Landscape

Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉I. a. What does an exemplary person's love of landscape consist of? The cultivation of fundamental simplicity in rural retreats [is his] frequent occupation. The carefree spirit of streams [and] mountains [is his] frequent delight. The secluded freedom of fishermen [and] woodmen [is his frequent] enjoyment. The gibbons [as well as] the flight [and] cries of cranes [are his] frequent companion. The bridles and fetters [of everyday world] are what human nature constantly abhors. The immortals [and] sages in mists [and] clouds are what human nature constantly longs for but are unable to see. In a time of peace and plenty, [when the intentions of] ruler [and] parents are both high minded, [and] if purifying oneself is of little significance and virtues [allied with office holding] are revered, then can the humane retire afar in order to practice a retreat from worldly affairs? [And,] if so, will one [necessarily] share the fundamental simplicity of [legendary recluses such as Xu Yu, associated with Mount] Ji and [River] Ying or participate in the lingering renown of Huang and Qi?804 [Their songs, such as the] 'Ode to the white pony' and the 'Hymn to the Purple Fungus' are gone forever and are unattainable. But, are the longing for forests [and] streams, [and] the 804 Huang and Qicompanionship are the names of of mists two of [and] the four clouds, old menthen of to Mount be experienced Shang at the beginning ofonly the in Han dreams Dynasty. and be denied to [the waking senses of] hearing [and] sight? 302 the Purple Fungus' are gone forever and are unattainable. But, are the longing for forests [and] streams, [and] the companionship of mists [and] clouds, then to be experienced only in dreams and be denied to [the waking senses of] hearing [and] sight? 君子之所以愛夫山水者，其旨安在？邱園養素，所常處也。泉石嘯傲，所常樂也。漁樵隱逸，所常適也。( 爰)鶴飛鳴，所常觀也，塵器韁鎖，此人情所常厭也。煙霞仙聖，此人情所常願而不得見也。直以太平盛日，君親之心兩隆，苟潔一身出處，節義斯係，豈仁人高蹈遠引，為難世絕俗之行，而必與箕潁埒素，黃(糸奇)同芳哉，白駒之詩，紫芝之詠，皆不得已而長(彳生)者也。然則林泉之志，煙霞之侶，夢寐在焉，耳目斷絕。

b. It is now possible for subtle hands to reproduce them in all their rich splendour without leaving [one's] room, [and one may] sit to one's heart's content among streams [and] valleys. The cries of the gibbons [and] the calls of the birds seem to fall faintly on [one's] ears. The glow of the mountains [and] the colour of the water [will] dazzle [one's] eyes. Could this fail to quicken one's interest and thoroughly capture one's heart? This is the ultimate meaning behind the honour which the world accords to landscape [painting]. If this aim is not principal and [landscape] is approached with a trivial attitude, it is no different from desecrating a divine vista and polluting the clear wind. 今得妙手鬱然出之，不下堂筳，坐窮泉壑，( 爰)聲鳥啼，依約在耳，山光水色，滉瀁奪目，斯豈不快人意，實獲我心哉[！] 此世之所以貴夫山水之本意也。不此之主而清心臨之，豈不蕪雜神觀，溷獨清風也哉！

Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉II. a. There is a proper way to paint landscape. When spread out on an ambitious scale it should still have nothing superfluous. Restricted to a small view it should still lack nothing. There is a proper way to look at landscape. [Look] with a heart-mind in tune with forest [and] streams, then [one] will value them highly. [Approach] with the eyes of arrogance [and] extravagance, then [one] will value them little. 畫山水有體，鋪舒為宏圖而無餘，消縮為小景而不少。看山水亦有體，以林泉之心臨之則價高，以矮侈之目臨之則價低。

303 b. Landscapes are vast things. One should look at them from a distance. Only then [will one] see, in a single view, the forms [as well as] the [sweeping] force [and] atmosphere of mountain [and] water. Figure paintings of gentlemen [and] ladies done on a miniature, if held in the hand or put on the table, may be taken in at one glance as soon as they are opened. These are the methods of looking at paintings. 山水大物也，人之看者，須遠而觀之。方見得一障山川之形勢氣象。若士女人物，小小之筆，即掌中几上一展便見，一覽便盡。此看畫之法也。 c. It is generally accepted opinion that in landscapes there are those through which one may travel, those through which one may gaze forth, those through which one may roam, and those through which one may reside. Any paintings attaining these effects are to be considered excellent, but those suitable for travelling [and] gazing forth are not as successful in achievement as those suitable for roaming and residing. Why is this so? If [one] surveys present day scenery, in a hundred miles of land, only about one out of three places or so will be suitable for roaming [and] residing, yet they will certainly be selected as such. An exemplary person's thirst for forests [and] streams is due precisely to such places of beauty. Therefore, it is with this in mind that a painter should create and a viewer should examine. This is what [one] means by not losing the fundamental idea. 世之篤論，謂山水有可行者，有可望者，有可游者，有可居者。畫凡至此，皆入善品。但可行可望，不如可游可居之為得。何者？觀今山川，地占數百里，可游可居之處十無三四，而必取可居可游之品，君子之所以渴林泉者，正為佳處故也。故畫者當以此意造，而覽者又當以此意求之，謂不失本意。 d. Painting also has laws of physiognomy. The descendents of Li Cheng are prosperous [and they] flourish in large numbers. [All] [his] foothills [and] ground areas are substantial [and] generous; lofty above and abundant below, they correspond to the indications of progeny. This is not merely in accord with physiognomy, but with general principles [of development] as well. 畫亦有相法，李成子孫昌盛，其山腳地面皆渾厚闊大，上秀而下豐，人之有後之相也，非必論相理當如此故也。

304 Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉III. a. [When] one learns to paint, [it is] no different from learning calligraphy. [In learning] calligraphy, [if one] selects [as one's model calligraphers such as] Zhong [Yao],805 Wang [Xizhi],806 Yu [Shinan],807 or Liu [Gongquan],808 after long study [one] should certainly achieve some similarity. 人之學畫，無異學書，書取鐘、王、虞、柳，久必入其彷彿。

b. Great masters [and] learned scholars do not restrict [themselves] to one school, but must select from many for comparison, [and] discuss widely to investigate on a broad basis in order to eventually achieve one's personal style. 至於大人通士，不居於一家，必兼收並攬，廣議博考，以使我自成一家，然後為得。

c. At present scholar[-painters] from Qi [and] Lu809 work exclusively in Yinqiu's [Li Cheng] style, and scholar[-painters] from Guan [and] Shan810 work exclusively in Fan Kuan's style; even though [the areas between] Jin-Lu and Guan-Shan extend for several thousand miles, prefecture after prefecture, county after county, [and] person after person, comprising of a great many subjects worth representing. Specialization in one school has always been a fault since antiquity. It is just like someone who plays but one tune and will not listen to anyone else. [Such a person] cannot blame those who will not listen [to him]. Obvious from common experience, the human senses of hearing and sight delight in what is new and are wearied by what is old. Hence, [I] consider the fact that the great masters [and] learned scholars do not restrict themselves to one school to be a similar phenomenon. 今齊魯之士唯摹營邱，關陝之士唯摹范寬，一已之學猶為蹈襲，況齊魯關陝輻員數千里，州州縣縣人人作之哉[！]專門之學，自古為病，正謂出於一律而不肯聽者，不可罪下聽之人，迨由陳迹人之耳目，喜新厭故，天下之通情，余以謂大人通士不苟 805 Zhong Yao 鐘繇於一家者此也 (151-230)。 is famous for his skill in the li 隸 (official) style. 806 Wang Xizhi 王羲之 (309-ca. 365) is generally regarded as a Sage of Calligraphy (書聖). The most famous example of his writing is the Lantingxu〈蘭亭序〉 (Preface to the Poems Composed at the Orchid Pavilion), which recorded a famous gathering of some 42 literary figures during the Spring Purification Festival of 353 at a place called Lanting 蘭亭. 807 Yu Shinan 虞世南 (558-638) is a renowned calligrapher of the early Tang period. He studied with the monk Zhiyong 智永, who is said to be a seventh- generation descendant of Wang Xizhi. 808 Liu Gongquan 柳公權 (778-865) is one of the masters of late Tang calligraphy famous for his kaishu 楷書 (Regular Script). 809 Present day Shandong province. 810 Present day Shaanxi province

305 自古為病，正謂出於一律而不肯聽者，不可罪下聽之人，迨由陳迹人之耳目，喜新厭故，天下之通情，余以謂大人通士不苟於一家者此也。

Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉IV. a. There is a good discussion on the art of writing by [the famous Tang poet and essayist] Liu Zihou [Zongyuan] 811 that, [in my opinion,] does not only apply to writing. Every task has its secret, a proper way of doing it, painting not least of all. What is meant by this? 柳子厚善論為文。余以謂不止於文，萬事有訣，盡當如是，況於畫乎，何以言之？

b. Each scene in a painting, regardless of size and complexity, must be unified through its attention to the essence [of the subject]. If essence is lacking, then spirit cannot be transmitted. It must be completed with the spirit in every part. If spirit is not complete in every part, then essence will not be clear. [The scholar-painter must] accord [his] work with overriding respect, otherwise [his] thought will have no depth. Fastidious attention must be given throughout, otherwise the scene will seem incomplete. 凡一景之畫，不以大小多少，必須注精以一之，不精則神不專；必神與俱成，神不與俱成則精不明；必嚴重以肅之，不嚴則思不深；必恪動以周之，不恪則景不完。

c. If [the creative energy that one] gathers is listless and [one] forces it, the traces [made by the brush] will be insipid and indecisive. Such is the fault of not attending to the essence. 故積惰氣而強之者，其跡軟懦而不決，此不注精之病也。

811 Liu Zihou 柳子厚 is Liu Zongyuan 柳宗元 (773-819), a famous poet and essayist. Bush points out that Liu Zongyuan noted the dangers of a 'trifling mind,' 'an indolent mind,' 'dulled energy,' and 'brash energy' in an essay on literature, "A reply to Wei Zhongli Discussing the Dao of a Teacher". See, Bush and Shih, Early Chinese Texts on Painting, 156.

306 d. If [one’s] energy is dulled and [one] uses it distractingly, forms will be crude and lifeless. The fault is that of not putting spirit in every part. 積昏氣而汩之者，其狀黯猥而不爽，此神不與俱成之弊也。

e. If [one] approaches [the subject] in a light-hearted manner, its forms will be sketchy and inadequate. Such is the fault of not according [the work with] overriding respect. 以輕心掉之者，其形脫略而不圓，此不嚴重之弊也。

f. If [one] abruptly disregards [the subject], composition will be careless and not cohesive. Such fault is that of not paying fastidious attention. 以慢心忽之者，其體疏率而不齊，此不恪勤之弊也。

g. If indecisive, it will offend the canon of distinctiveness. If lifeless, it will offend the canon of refreshing purity. If it is inadequate, it will offend the canon of composition. If not cohesive, it will offend the canon of alternating rhythm. Such are the gravest faults of painters. However, these [faults] can serve [as a guide for] the intelligent. 故不快[決]則失分解法，不爽則失瀟洒法，不圓則失體裁法，不齊則失緊慢法，此最作者之大病也，然此可與明者道。

Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉V.812 a. {In the past [I, Guo] Si[,] often saw [my] father working on several paintings. Sometimes [he would] put one aside and ignore it. For about ten or twenty days, [he] would not give it a glance, then [he would] repeat the process [two or] three times. [It was] a case of losing interest [in the work]. If this is a case of losing interest [in the work], then is this not the listless energy [he] mentioned? But when working while [being] inspired [and when he was able to see his way, he] would completely forget about everything else. When [his] concentration was disturbed by even a single external interruption, [he] would put [his work] aside and ignore it. [And] is this not the dulled energy [he] mentioned? Each time when [he] put [his] brush to work, [he would sit] by a bright window at a clean table. To [the] left and right were lighted 812 This sectionincense. records the[He comments would lay byout] Guo fine Si brush郭思, which and subtle are placed ink, washwithin braces, {}, for clarity. [his] hands, [and] clean the ink slab as though [he was] receiving a major guest. [His] spirit at ease and [his] interest 307 settled, only then [did he] proceed. Is this not a case of not daring to approach [the subject] in a light-hearted manner? Once the composition was laid out, [he] would work through it [in detail]. Once [the painting] was built up, [he] would [add the] enrich[ing shades of ink]. Though the first time seemed enough, [he] would work over it again, and perhaps yet again. when [he] put [his] brush to work, [he would sit] by a bright window at a clean table. To [the] left and right were lighted incense. [He would lay out] fine brush and subtle ink, wash [his] hands, [and] clean the ink slab as though [he was] receiving a major guest. [His] spirit at ease and [his] interest settled, only then [did he] proceed. Is this not a case of not daring to approach [the subject] in a light-hearted manner? Once the composition was laid out, [he] would work through it [in detail]. Once [the painting] was built up, [he] would [add the] enrich[ing shades of ink]. Though the first time seemed enough, [he] would work over it again, and perhaps yet again. Every painting would be reworked several times from start to finish, and [he] would-be alert as though on guard against some insidious enemy until it was done. Is this not what [he said] about not daring to abruptly disregard the subject? Whatever task [one cares to mention], no matter [how] large or small, must be handled in a similar way in order to be properly concluded. If my father so often repeated this advice in different fashions, was it not to teach me to honour it to the end of my life, taking it as a path to progressive self- cultivation?} 思平昔見先子作一二圖，有一時委下不顧，動經一二十日不向，再三體之，是意不欲；意不欲者，豈非所謂惰氣者乎？又每乘與得意作，則萬事俱忘，及事泊志撓外物有一，則亦委而不顧，委而不顧者，豈非所謂昏氣者乎？凡落筆之日，必明窗淨几，焚香左右，精筆妙墨，盥手滌，如迓大賓，必神閒意定，然後為之，豈非所謂不敢以輕心掉之乎？已營之，又撤之，已增之，又潤之，一之可矣，又再之，再之可矣，又復之，每一圖必重重複複終終始始，如戒嚴敵然後竟，此豈所謂不敢以慢心忽之乎？所謂天下之事，不論大小，例須如此而後有成。先子向思每丁寧委曲論及此，豈教思終身奉之以為進修之道也耶？

Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VI. a. One who is learning to paint flowers puts a stalk of flower into a deep hole to look at it from above. This shows the flowers [fully] from the four sides. One who is learning to paint bamboo selects one branch of bamboo, and as the moonlight reflects its shadow up on a plain [white] wall, this brings out its true form. Is there any difference in learning to paint a landscape? 學畫花者，以一株花置深坑中，臨其上而瞰之，則花之四面得矣。學畫竹者，取一枝竹，因月夜照其影於素壁之上，則竹之真形出矣。學畫山水何以異此。

308 b. One must go in person to the mountains [and] streams to discover it. The significant aspects of the landscape will then be apparent. 蓋身即山川而取之，則山水之意度見矣。

c. To discover the depth [or dominating characteristics] of rivers [and] valleys in a real landscape, [one] looks at them from a distance; to discover [their] shallowness [or close-up characteristics, one] looks at them from nearby.813 To discover the dynamism of rocks [and] cliffs in a real landscape [one] looks at them from a distance; [and] to discover their [basic] substance, [one] looks at them from nearby. 真山水之川谷，遠望之以取其深，近遊之以取其淺，真山水之岩石，遠望之以取其勢，近看之以取其質。

d. Clouds [and] vapors in a real landscape differ through the four seasons. [They are] genial in spring, profuse in summer, sparse in autumn, [and] somber in winter. If a painting shows the major aspects and does not create overly detailed forms, then the prevailing attitude of clouds [and] vapors will appear alive. 真山水之雲氣四時不同，春融治，夏蓊鬱，秋( 束)薄，冬黯淡，畫見其大象而不為斬刻之形，則雲氣之態度活矣。

e. Mists [and] haze in a real landscape differ through the four seasons. Spring mountains are gently seductive and seem to smile. Summer mountains seem moist in their verdant hues. Autumn mountains are bright and clear, like colorful garments. Winter mountains are withdrawn in melancholy, apparently asleep. If a painting shows the major idea (yi 意) without distracting signs of technique, then the atmospheric conditions will seem correct. 真山水之煙嵐四時不同，春山澹冶而如笑，夏山蒼翠而如滴，秋山明淨而如(米莊)，冬山慘淡而如睡，畫見其大意而不為刻畫之迹，則煙嵐之景象正矣。

813 The literal meaning for shen 深 is deep/depth. The literal meaning for qian 淺 is shallow. In traditional Chinese painting, what is deeper, bigger and/or further tends to be rendered in darker tones; and vice versa. Thus, the usage of the words shen and qian in this context is suggestive of depth. By extension, shen infers the dominating characteristics of a landscape, while qian infers the close- up characteristics of a landscape.

309 f. Wind [and] rain in a real landscape can be grasped when seen from a distance. Near to, one may be fascinated by the dynamism but will be unable to examine the overall pattern in the confused flow. 真山水之風雨，遠望可得，近者玩習，不能究一川徑隧起止之勢。 g. Shade and light in a real landscape can be comprehended if seen from a distance. From nearby one's grasp will be narrowed for [one] cannot obtain [a picture of] what is hidden and what revealed by light [and] dark. 真山水之陰晴，遠望可盡，而近者拘狹，不能得一山明晦隱見之迹。 h. On mountains, figures indicate paths [and] roads. On mountains, lookout pavilions indicate scenic spots. On mountains, vegetation is light or dark to differentiate respective distances. On mountains, streams and valleys are cut short or continuous to differentiate depths of recession. On streams, bridges hint at human activity. On streams, fishing skiffs and tackle hint at human interests. 山之人物以標道路，山之樓觀以標勝？，山之林木映蔽以分遠近，山之溪谷繼續以分深淺。水之津符橋彴以足人事，水之魚艇釣竿以足人意。 i. A great mountain is dominating as chief over the assembled hills, thereby ranking in an ordered arrangement the ridges and peaks, forests, and valleys as suzerains of varying degrees and distances. The general appearance is of a great lord glorious on [his] throne and a hundred subjects hastening to pay him court, without any effect of arrogance or withdrawal [on either part]. A tall pine stands erect as the mark of all other trees, thereby ranking in an ordered arrangement the subsidiary trees and plants [as numerous admiring assistants]. The general effect is of an exemplary person dazzling in [his] prime with all lesser mortals in [his] service, without insolent or oppressed attitudes [on either part]. 大山堂堂為眾山之主，所以分布以次岡阜林壑，為遠近大小之宗主也。其象若大君，赫然當陽，而百辟奔走朝會，無偃蹇背欲之勢也。長松亭亭，為眾木之表，所以分布以次藤蘿草木，為振挈依附之師帥也。其勢若君子，軒然得時，而眾小人為之役使，無憑陵愁挫之態也。

310 j. A mountain nearby has one aspect, several miles away it has another aspect, and some tens of miles away yet another. Each distance has its particularity. This is called "the form of the mountain changes with each step." The front of a mountain has one appearance. The side has another appearance, and the rear yet another. Each angle has its particularity. This is called "the form of the mountain viewed from each side [is not the same]." Thus can one mountain combine in itself the forms of several thousand mountains. Should one not explore this? Mountains look different in the spring [and] summer, look different in autumn [and] winter. This is called "the scenery of the four seasons is not the same." A mountain in the morning has one appearance, in the evening [it] has another. Dull [and] bright days give further mutations. This is called "the changing aspects of dawn and of dusk are not the same." Thus one mountain combines in itself the significant aspects of several thousand mountains. Should one not investigate this? 山近看如此，遠數里看又如此，遠十數里又如此，每遠每異，所謂山形步步移也，山正面如此，側面又如此，背面又如此，每看每異，所謂山形面面看也，如此是一山而兼數十百山之形狀，可得不悉乎？山春夏看如此，秋冬看如此，所謂四時之景不同也。山朝看如此，暮看又如此，陰晴看有如此，所謂朝暮之變不同也。如此，是一山而兼數十百山之意態，可得不究乎？ k. In spring, mists [and] clouds [on a] mountain stretch out incessantly [and] people are full of joy. In summer, the fine trees [in a] mountain offer profuse shade and people are full of satisfaction. In autumn, the bright [and] clear [leaves on the trees in a] mountain flutter [and] fall, and men are full of melancholy. In winter, the dark fogs [enveloping a] mountain dim and choke [the scene], and men are full of loneliness. 春山煙雲綿聯人欣欣，夏山下嘉木繁陰人坦坦，秋山明淨搖落人蕭簫，冬山昏霾翳塞人寂寂。 l. To look at such painting puts one in a corresponding mood, [and one] seems in fact to be in these mountains. This is the idea (yi 意) of a painting beyond its mere scenery. 看此畫令人生此意，如真在此山中，此畫之景外意也。 m. [One] sees a white path disappearing into the blue mists and thinks of travelling on it. [One] sees the glow of setting sun over level waters and dreams of gazing on it. [One] sees hermits and mountain dwellers, and thinks of lodging with them. [One] sees cliffs by lucid water or streams over rocks, 311 and longs to roam there. To look at such painting puts one in the corresponding frame of mind, as though [one were] really on the point of going there. This is the subtle [appeal] of a painting beyond its mere idea (意). hermits and mountain dwellers, and thinks of lodging with them. [One] sees cliffs by lucid water or streams over rocks, and longs to roam there. To look at such painting puts one in the corresponding frame of mind, as though [one were] really on the point of going there. This is the subtle [appeal] of a painting beyond its mere idea (意). 見青煙白道而思行，見平川落照而思望，見幽人山客而思居，見巖扃泉石而思遊。看此畫令人起此心，如將真即其處，此畫之意外妙也。

Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VII. a. The mountains in the southeast are often strange [and] beautiful, [and this is] not because the universe is especially partial to that area. The land in the southeast lies very low, [and] floodwaters return through it, scouring out and exposing the subsurface. Thus the soil is thin, [and] the water is shallow. The mountains abound in strange peaks [and] precipitous cliffs, seeming to protrude far out beyond the stars. Waterfalls are a thousand feet high, plunging down from out of the clouds. The scarcity of waterfalls like that on Mount Hua [in Shensi] is not due to [the mountains] not being a thousand feet high. But, even though these are solid and massive [mountains], [they] mostly rise from the surface of the earth and not from its center. 東南之山多奇秀。天地非為東南私也，東南之地極下，水潦之所歸，以漱濯開露之所出，故其地薄，其水淺，其山多奇峰塉壁，而斗出霄漢之外，瀑布千丈，飛落於雲霞之表。如華山垂溜，不千丈也，如華山者鮮爾，縱有渾厚者，亦多出地上，而非地中也。

b. The mountains of the northwest are often solid and massive, [and this is] not because the universe is especially partial to the area. The land in the northwest is very high and full of water sources that are buried in the bulging contours of the earth. Hence the soil is thick and the water is deep. The mountains have numerous piles of peaks, twisting through unbroken ranges of a thousand miles or so. Great hills have summits (頂), and wind along to eminent heights in every direction of the wild terrain. The scarcity of mountains like the central Shao-shi peak of Mount Song [in Henan] is not due to the lack of exceptional heights. But, even though there are peaks which thrust up to exceptional heights, [they] mostly rise from the center of the earth and not from its surface.

312 西北之山多渾厚。天地非為西北偏也，西北之地極高，水源之所出，以岡隴臃腫之所埋，故其地厚，其水深，其山多堆阜(石盤)礴而連延不斷於千里之外，介邱有頂而迤萃於四逵之野。如嵩少室，非不峭也，如嵩少者鮮爾，縱峭者，亦多出地中而非地上也。

Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉VIII. a. Mount Song has many fine streams; Mount Hua has many fine peaks; Mount Heng has many fine creviced peaks; Mount Chang has many fine ranges. Mount Tai has an especially fine central/master peak. Tiantai, Wui, Lu [and] Huo, Yandang, Min [and] E[mei], Wu gorge, Tiantan, Wangwu, Linlu, Wudang are among the famous [mountains] and magnificent districts of the empire.814 There the earth shows [her] treasures and hides away the cave where sages dwell. [These mountains are] strange and towering, god-like in their beauty, [and] their essential wonder cannot be fathomed. If one wishes to grasp their creation, there is no way more spiritual than love, no way finer than diligence, no way greater than wandering to one's satiety or grazing to one's fill. If all is ordered in detail in one's breast, one's eye will not see the silk and one's hand will be unaware of brush and ink, [and] through the immensity and vastness [of one's mind] everything will become one's own painting. Thus did Huai-su [8th century] hear the nighttime waters of the Jia-ling River, and this sage of grass-writing achieved yet greater beauty. [Thus did] Zhang Dian815 [8th century] see the sword dance of Lady Gongsun and the power of his brush became yet nobler. 嵩山多好溪，華山多好峰，衡山多好別岫，常山多好例嶂，泰山特好主峰。天台、武夷、廬霍、雁蕩、岷峨、巫峽、天壇、王屋、林慮、武當、皆天下名巨鎮，天地寶藏所出，仙聖窟宅所隱，奇崛神秀，莫可窮其要妙。奪其造化則莫神于好，莫精於勤，莫大於飽游飫看，歷歷羅列於胸中而目不見絹素，手不知筆墨，磊磊磕磕，杳杳漠漠，莫非吾畫。此懷素夜聞嘉陵江水聲而草聖益佳，張巔見公孫大娘舞劍器而筆勢益俊者也。

814 Tiantaishan 天台山 is in Zhejiang; Wuishan 武夷 is in Fujian; Lushan 廬山 is in Jiangxi [and] Huoshan 霍山 is in Shannxi, Yandangshan 雁蕩山 is in Zhejiang; Minshan 岷山, E[mei] shan 峨眉山, and Wu gorge巫峽are in Sichuan; Tiantanshan 天壇山 is in Henan; Wangwu shan 王屋山 is in Shannxi; Linlushan 林慮山 is in Henan; and Wudangshan 武當山 is in Hubei. 815 Zhang Dian 張巔 is Zhang Xu 張旭, cognomen Bogao 伯高. He is a calligrapher famed for his grass-script (草書).

313 b. Nowadays, those who wield the brush display a lack of broad knowledge/cultivation; [they] do not make clear and thorough observations; [their] experiences are insufficient; [and they] do not grasp the essential details. Yet when [they] get hold of [a piece of] paper or [a bit of the] wall, [they] at once [wave the brush and] let the ink flow. How can [they] then compose the scenery with its mist [and] clouds to convey the [message of] streams and mountains? 今執筆者，所養之不擴大，所覽之不淳熟，所經之不眾多，所求之不精粹？而得紙拂壁，水墨遽下，不知何以掇景於煙霞之表，發與於溪山之巔哉。 c. [Such a] hasty act by the younger generation manifest as various faults [in painting]. What then does it mean to have broad knowledge/cultivation? Painters of today portray 'The Humane Delight in the Mountains' by depicting an old man with [possibly one] hand on the side of [his] cheek by the side [gazing at mountain] peaks. [In the case of] portraying 'The Wise Delight in Water', [they] depict an old man [who seems to be] listening [to the water] upfront on a cliff. Such is the fault of not having broad knowledge/cultivation. To convey [the idea of] 'The Humane Delight in the Mountains', [one should] seize Bai Letian's painting of 'Grass-hut Studio' as a reference, whereby [one finds] pleasure and contentment from dwelling within mountains. [And in the case of] ''The Wise Delight in Water', [one should] seize Wang Mojie's 'Wang Chuan Estate' as a reference, whereby [one discovers] the all-encompassing delights of river and streams. [For] the delights of the humane [and] the wise, how can [they] be conveyed by the mere form [and presence] of a man? 後生妄談，其病可數。何謂所養欲擴大？近者畫手有仁者樂山圖，作一叟支頤於峰畔，知者樂水圖，作一叟側耳於巖前，此不擴大之病也。蓋仁者樂山，宜如白樂天草堂圖，山居之意裕足也；知者樂水，宜如王摩詰輞川圖，水中之樂饒給也。仁知所樂，豈只一夫之形狀可見之哉。 d. What does it mean to make observations [in a] clear [and] thorough [way]? Painters of today depict mountains with no more than three or five peaks, [and] depict water with no more than three or five waves. Such is the fault of not making clear [and] thorough [observations]. In the case of representing mountains, [there should be] high [and] low; large [and] small; ridges stretch towards the back; the peaks of the mountain ranges [appear to] salute reverently; [and] the limbs entirely responsive.816 This is the ideal beauty of mountains. One who paints water [should represent the characteristics of water through] order and confusion, whirling, splashing, overflowing,314 [and] and leading out towards a far expanse. The representation of water is satisfying only when it is sufficiently abundant. responsive.816 This is the ideal beauty of mountains. One who paints water [should represent the characteristics of water through] order and confusion, whirling, splashing, overflowing, [and] and leading out towards a far expanse. The representation of water is satisfying only when it is sufficiently abundant. 何謂所覽欲淳熟？近世畫手，畫山則峰不過三五峰，畫水則波不過三五波，此不淳熟之病也。蓋畫山高者下者，大者小者，脊脈向背，脈頂朝揖，其體渾然相應，則山之美意足矣。畫水者齊者泊者，卷而飛激者，引而舒長者，其狀宛然自足，則水之態富瞻也。

e. What does it mean to have insufficient experience? Painters of today [who are] born in Wu [and] Yue paint the towering and barren [landscape] of the southeast.817 Those who live Xian [and] Qin, represent the strong and toppling Kuan [and] Long [mountains]. Those who learn from Fan Kuan, lack the refined beauty of Yingqiu [Li Cheng]. Those who learn from Wang Wei lack Guan Tong's boney style [which is a reference to structural manner]. These examples are the faults of having insufficient experiences. 何謂所經之不眾多？近世畫手生吳越者寫東南之聳瘦，居咸秦者貌關隴之狀浪，學范寬者乏營丘之秀媚，師王維者缺關同之風骨，凡此之纇，咎在於所經之不眾多也。

f. What does it mean by not grasping the essential details? A mountain of a thousand li cannot be marvelous in its entirety. And how can a watercourse of a hundred li be beautiful in its entirety. The Taihang [ranges] reposes in Huaxia,818 but it faces Linlu [a place in Henan]. Tai Shan occupies Qi and Lu [in Shantung], but its most beautiful aspects are in Longyan. [If these mountains are] all painted in a similar way, what difference will there then be from a map? These examples are the faults of not grasping the essential details.

816 Osvald Sirén asserts that this recalls a quote from Mencius VIIA, 21: '... That which a gentleman follows as nature, that is to say, benevolence, rightness, the rites and wisdom, is rooted in his heart, and manifests itself in his face, giving it a sleek appearance. It also shows in his back and extends to his limb, rendering their message intelligible without words. ... 君子所性，仁義禮智根於心，其生色也，晬然見於面，盎於背，施於四體，四體不言而喻。' See, Sirén, Chinese Painting, 224; and Mencius, 294–95. 817 Here, Wu 吳 refers to Jiangsu 江蘇region and Yue 越 refers to the Zhejiang 浙江 region. 818 Huaxia 華夏 refers to old central China.

315 何謂所取之不精粹？千里之山不能盡奇，百里之水豈能盡秀，太行枕華夏而面目者林慮，泰山占齊魯而勝絕者龍嚴，一概畫之，版圖何異，凡此之纇，咎在於所取之不精粹也。

g. Thus, to paint only sloping banks leads to coarseness; to paint only solitary [and] leisurely [places] leads to callousness; to paint only figures leads to vulgarity; to paint only high buildings leads to confusion; to paint only stones leads to exposing the bones; [and] to paint only the soil leads to too much flesh. Brushwork that is erratic [and] incomplete is deemed careless, [and] carelessness conveys no real idea. Ink that is not moist [and] shining is deemed dull; [and] dullness conveys no liveliness. Water that does not murmur [and] flow is called dead water. Clouds that are not animated are called frozen clouds. [A] mountain that does not have bright [and] dark [parts] is deemed as having no light [and] shade. [A] mountain that is not [partly] invisible and [partly] visible is deemed as not having mist [and] haze. Now, [a] mountain [where the] sun shines is bright in all directions; [and where the] sun does not shine, it is dark in all directions. [A] mountain is generally shaped by the light [and] the shade; [whereby] light [and] darkness is indistinct. Thus, this is called light [and] shade is indistinct. Now, [a] mountain has invisible mists [and ]haze, [and] partly visible mists [and] haze. [A] mountain by nature encompasses mists [and] haze which [is partly] invisible [and] visible without distinction. Thus, this is called mists [and] haze are indistinct. 故專於坡陀失之，專於幽閒失之碎，專於人物失之俗，專於樓觀失之冗，專於石則骨露，專於土則肉多。筆跡不混成謂之( 束)， ( 束)則無真意；墨色不滋潤謂之枯，枯則無生意。水不潺湲則謂之死水，雲不自在則謂之凍雲。山無明晦則謂之無日影，山無隱見則謂之無煙靄。今山日到處明，日不到處晦，山因日影之常形也，明晦不分焉，故曰無日影。今山煙靄到處隱，煙靄不到處見，山因煙靄之常態也，隱見不分焉，故日無煙靄。

Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉IX. a. [A] mountain [has the significance of] a major object. Its form may rear up and [may be] towering. [It] may be lofty [and] broad; may sprawl; may spread vast [and] extensive; may be solid [and] massive; may be heroic [and] martial; may be sacred; may be awe-inspiring; may glare down; [or] may hold court [to its environment]. [It] may be capped [with further peaks; or] may ride upon lesser slopes. [It] may [have others which] lean upon it in front; [or] may [have others which] depend upon it in the rear. [It] may [seem to] gaze down [from316 its eminence] and survey [the ground] below. [It] may [seem to] wander down to direct its surroundings. Such are the major formations of mountains. which] lean upon it in front; [or] may [have others which] depend upon it in the rear. [It] may [seem to] gaze down [from its eminence] and survey [the ground] below. [It] may [seem to] wander down to direct its surroundings. Such are the major formations of mountains. 山大物也，其形欲聳拔，欲偃蹇，欲軒豁，欲箕跼，欲(石盤) 礴，欲渾厚，欲雄豪，欲精神，欲嚴重，欲顧盻，欲朝揖，欲上有盖，欲下有乘，欲前有據，欲後有依，欲下瞰而若臨觀，欲下(石隹)而若指摩。此山之大體也。 b. Water [has the significance of] a living object. Its form may be deep [and] peaceful, may be lithe [and] slippery. [It] may spread to the horizon, [or] may circle back again. [It] may be fat and oily, may spray out in a screen, [or] may shoot out [like an arrow]. [It] may have many sources, [and] may flow far into the distance. [It] may fall piercing the heavens, [and] may thunder into the ground. [It] may bear anglers at their ease, [and] may border happily [murmuring] foliage. [It] may embrace mists [and] clouds; [rendering the sight] elegant [and] enticing. [It] may shine in valleys [and] gorges; [rendering the sight] bright [and] splendid. Such are the living formations of water. [A] mountain has water as blood, foliage as hair, mist [and] clouds as its spirit [and] character. Thus, [a] mountain [is said to] gain [its] life through water, its external beauty through vegetation, [and] its elegant charm through mist [and] clouds. Water has the mountain as its face, huts [and] pavilions as eyes [and] eyebrows, [and] anglers as its soul. Thus, water [is said to] gain its charms through the mountain, its vivacity through huts [and] pavilions, [and] its wide-ranging freedom through the anglers. Such is the interaction of mountain [and] water. 水活物也，其形欲深靜，欲柔滑，欲汪洋，欲迴環，欲肥膩，欲噴薄，欲激射，欲多泉，欲遠流，欲瀑布插天，欲濺撲入地，欲漁釣怡怡，欲草木欣欣，欲挾煙雲而秀媚，欲照溪谷而光輝。此水之活體也。山以水為血脈，以草木為毛髮，以煙雲為神彩，故山得水而活，得草木而華，得煙雲秀媚。水以山為面，以亭樹/榭為眉目，以漁釣為精神。故水得山而出，得亭榭而明快，得漁釣而曠落。此山水之布置也。

317 Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉X. a. There are high mountains and low mountains. The arteries of the high mountain run low. Its limbs spread wide, [and] its base is powerful [and] solid. Ridgelines of creviced peaks [or] rounded crests crowd together [and] interweave in unbroken gleaming links. Such is [a] high mountain. Thus, this type of high mountain is called not solitary, [and] called not reclining. The arteries of [a] low mountain run high. Its head [summit] comes halfway down, merging straight into its neck. The base is broad spread, [and] earthen mounds erupt in profusion. It extends deep down into the earth, none can measure how far. Such is [a] low mountain. Thus, this type of mountain is called not insubstantial, [and] called not incoherent. If [a] high mountain is solitary, it is because its body is reclining. If [a] low mountain is slight, [it is because its] aspect does not cohere. Such are the configurations of mountains [and] water. 山有高有下。高者血脈在下，其肩股開張，其腳狀厚，巒岫岡勢陪擁相勾連。映帶不絕，此高山也。故知如是高山謂之不孤，謂知不仆。下者血脈在上，其巔定半落，項領相攀，根基龐大，堆阜臃腫，直不深插，可測其淺深，此淺山也。故如是淺山謂之不薄，謂之不泄。高山而孤，體幹有仆之理，淺山而薄，神氣有泄之理。此山水之體裁也。

b. A mountain gains life through water, [and] water gains its charms through the mountain. 山得水而活，水得山而媚。

c. Rocks are nature's bones. [With] bones, value [is placed on their being] strong [and] well-covered; while not poking through the surface. Water is nature's blood. [With] blood, value [is placed on its] circulating and not congealing. 石者，天地之骨也，骨貴堅深而不淺露。水者，天地之血也，血貴周流而不凝滯。

d. [A] mountain without mist [and] clouds is like spring without flowers [and] grass. 山無煙雲，如春無花草。

318 e. [A] mountain without clouds is not refined; without water it is not charming. Without paths it is not lively; without forests it is not growing. Without deep distance it seems shallow; without level distance it does not recede, [and] without high distance it stays low. 山無雲則不秀，無水則不媚，無道路則不活，無林木則不生，無深遠則淺，無平遠則近，無高遠則下。

Shanshui xun〈山水訓〉XI. a. Mountains have three types of distance. Looking up to the mountain['s peak] from its foot is called high distance. From in front of the mountain looking past it to beyond is called deep distance. Looking from a nearby mountain at those more distant is called level distance. The feature of high distance [is] clear [and] bright; the feature of deep distance [is that it becomes] steadily more obscure; the feature of level distance [combines both] bright [and] dark [qualities]. The disposition of high distance is of lofty grandeur. The idea of deep distance is of repeated layering. The idea of level distance is of spreading fourth to merge into mistiness [and] indistinctness. 山有三遠：自山下而仰山巔，謂之高遠；自山前而窺山後，謂之深遠；自近山而至遠山，謂之平遠。高遠之色清明，深遠之色重晦，平遠之色有明有晦。高遠之勢突兀，深遠之意重疊，平遠之意冲融而縹緲。

b. Figures in the three distances appear as follows. Those in the high distance [are] clear [and] distinct; those in the deep distance [are] fine [and] tiny. Those in the level distance [are] remote [and] undisturbed. If they are clear [and] distinct, then [they] cannot be short. If they are tiny, then [they] cannot be tall. If they are remote, then [they] cannot be large. Such are the three distances. 其人物之在三遠也，高遠者明瞭，深遠者細碎，平遠者冲澹；明瞭者不短，細碎者不長，冲澹者不大。此三遠也。

c. Mountains have three degrees of size. [A] mountain [appears] larger than [a] tree, [and a] tree larger than [a] man. If [a] mountain is not greatly larger than [a] tree, then [this] mountain is not large at all. If [a] tree is not greatly larger than [a] man, then [this] tree is not large at all. In comparing [the size of a] tree against [the size of a] human figure, [one] begins with the leaves. In comparing [the size of a] human figure against [the size of a] tree [one] begins with the head. A number of leaves319 can be approximated to a human head. A human head can be made the size of a bunch of leaves. The size of figures, the size of trees, [and] the size of mountains all acquire their standard in this manner. Such are the three degrees of size. leaves. In comparing [the size of a] human figure against [the size of a] tree [one] begins with the head. A number of leaves can be approximated to a human head. A human head can be made the size of a bunch of leaves. The size of figures, the size of trees, [and] the size of mountains all acquire their standard in this manner. Such are the three degrees of size. 山有三大；山大於木，木大於人，山不數十百如木之大則山不大，木不數十百如人之大則木不大。木之所以比夫人者，先自其葉，而人之所以比夫木者，先自其頭，木葉若干，可以敵人之頭，自若干葉而成之，則人之大小，木之大小，山之大小，自此而皆中程度。此三大也。 d. [According to Wang Wei: "] Distant mountains have no texture strokes; distant water has no waves; distant figures have no eyes.[" They] do not really lack them, but merely seem to do so. 遠山無皴，遠水無波，遠人無目。非無也，如無也，如無爾。 e. [One may] wish to make [a] mountain high, but if it is visible throughout its entirety, then [it] will not [appear] high. If mists [and] haze encircle [its] waist, then [it] will seem high. [One may] wish the river [to flow] afar, but if it is visible throughout its entirety, then [it] will not [appear] long. If hidden sections interrupt its course, then [it] will [appear] long. 山欲高，盡出之則不高，煙霞鎖其腰則高矣。水欲遠，盡出之則不遠，掩映斷其脈則遠矣。 f. If a mountain is not visible from [its] waist [up], then [it] will [appear] high. If a river's course is interrupted, then [it] will [appear] long. If a mountain is visible in its entirety, not only will [it] no longer reach [its] height through soaring aloft, but [one] might as well paint a giant pestle. If a river is visible in its entirety, not only will [it] no longer go afar through twisting [and] bending, but [one] might as well paint an earthworm. 山因藏其腰則高，水因斷其灣則遠。蓋山盡出，不唯無秀拔之高，兼何異畫确觜。水盡出，不唯無盤摺之遠，兼何異畫蚯蚓。 g. The streams, hills, woods and trees in the center twist [and] wind. [These are] arranged into a scene that [appears to] come forward [from a distance. If one] does not avoid these details, [they] will satisfy the viewer's close scrutiny. From the aspect of level distance, repeat layering of peaks and ridges [seems to] dissipate indistinctly [into the vista]. [If one] does not avoid these distances, they will broaden a viewer's gaze. 320 these distances, they will broaden a viewer's gaze. 正面溪山林木，盤折委曲，鋪設其景而[來]，不厭其詳，所以足人之近尋也。傍邊平遠，嶠嶺重疊，釣連縹緲而去，不厭其遠，所以極人目之曠望也。

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352 Chinese Character List

Baopuzi neipian 抱朴子內篇

Bi 筆

Bifaji 筆法記

Chen Chuanxi 陳傳席

Cheng 成 (complete)

Cheng 誠 (creativity, sincerity, truth, or integrity.)

Cheng jiao hua 成教化

Chunqiu fanlu 春秋繁露

Chunshan ruisong 春山瑞松

Chunshanxinglütu 春山行旅圖

Dao 道

Daoxue 道學

Dati 大體

Daxue 大學

353 Di 地

Dong Qichang 董其昌

Dong Zhongshu 董仲舒

Fan Kuan 范寬

Fenjie fa 分解法

Fengjinghua 風景畫

Fengshan 封禪

Fuhua 浮華

Ge Hong 葛洪

Gu 骨

Gudao 古道

Guren zhi dao 古人之道

Gua 卦

Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之

Guan 觀

Guanzhui bian 管錐編

Guanzi 官子

Guo Ruoxu 郭若虛

Guwen 古文

Han 漢

Han Wudi 漢武帝

Han Yu 韓愈

354 Han Zhuo 韓拙

Hua 化

Huaduan 畫斷

Hua shanshui xu 畫山水序

Hua yuntaishan ji 畫雲臺山記

Huainanzi 淮南子

Huangdi 黃帝

Huangdi neijing 黃帝內經

Huashi 畫史

Huayulu 畫語碌

Jia Yi 賈誼

Jian 見

Jiao 教

Jieziyuan huachuan 芥子園畫傳

Jifa 祭法

Jin 津 (fluid)

Jin 晉 (denotes a dynastic period)

Jinman fa 緊慢法

Jing 精 (essence)

Jing 景 (scene)

Jing Hao 荊浩

Jing luo 經絡

355 Ju 居

Junzi 君子

Kan 看

Kong Ji 孔伋

Laozi 老子

Li 里 (mile)

Li 理 (principle)

Li 禮 (ritual)

Li Han 李漢

Lidai minghua ji 歷代名畫記

Liji 禮記

Lingshu 靈樞

Linquan gaozhi 林泉高致

Liufa 六法

Liufu 六腑

Li Sixun 李思訓

Li Zhaodao 李昭道

Li Zhi 李廌

Liu An 劉安

Liu Xie 劉勰

Liuyao 六要

Lu shan 廬山

356 Lu Tanwei 陸探微

Lu Zhi 陸贄

Lü Buwei 呂不韋

Luoshenfu 洛神賦

Lüshi chunqiu 呂氏春秋

Mai 脈

Mengzi 孟子

Miao 妙

Mifu 米芾

Ming 名

Minghuang xin shu tu 明皇辛蜀圖

Mi Youren 米友仁

Mo 墨

Mogu 沒骨

Mozhu 墨竹

Mu 目

Mu bu xia ji 目不暇給

Mu bu xia jie 目不暇接

Nan-bei Chao南北朝

Neipian 內篇

Quyang Xun 歐陽詢

Pan Gu 盤古

357 Pianwen 駢文

Pomo 破墨

Qi 氣

Qian Zhongshu 錢鍾書

Qiaohua qiuse 鵲華秋色

Qin 秦

Qing 情

Qinglü shanshui 青綠山水

Rou 肉

Sancai 三才

Sanjiao 三焦

Sanwu liji 三五歷記

Shan 山

Shanhai jing 山海經

Shanshuihua 山水畫

Shanshui chun quanji 山水純全集

Shanshui lun 山水論

Shanshui xun 山水訓

She 射 (archery)

Shen 身 (body)

Shen 神 (spirit)

Shenhui 神會 (spiritual communion)

358 Sheng 聲

Shengren zhi dao 聖人之道

Shi 士

Shi 視

Shi er bu jian 視而不見

Shiji 史記

Shijing 詩經

Shitao 石濤

Shu 書 (calligraphy, book)

Shu 數 (number)

Shu 恕 (reciprocity)

Shuhua tong yuan 書畫同原

Shui 水

Shuimo shanshui 水墨山水

Shun 舜

Si 思

Sima Qian 司馬遷

Sishu 四書

Siwen 斯文

Su Shi 蘇軾

Su Zhe 蘇轍

Sun Chuo 孫綽

359 Suwen 素問

Taiping guangji 太平廣記

Taisu 太素

Ticai fa 體裁法

Ti xi lin bi 題西林壁

Tian 天然

Tiandi 天地

Tianran 天然

Tuhua jianwen zhi 圖畫見聞志

Tuzhen 圖真

Waipian 外篇

Wang 望 (gaze forth)

Wang Changling 王昌齡 (698–756),

Wang Wei 王微 (415–443)

Wang Wei 王維 (701–761)

Wang Xizhi 王羲之

Wei 魏

Wen 文

Wenrenhua 文人畫

Wen Tong 文同

Wen xin diao long 文心雕龍

Wen yi guan dao 文以貫道

360 Wen yi zai dao 文以載道

Wenzhang 文章

Wen zhe guan dao zhi qi ye 文者，貫道之器也

Wu 物

Wuhang 五行

Wufuxu 五符序

Wujing 五經

Wuzang 五臟

Xia Gui 夏圭

Xiaosa fa 瀟洒法

Xiaoti 小體

Xin 心

Xing 行 (roam)

Xing 形 (form)

Xing 性 (nature)

Xishan xinglü tu 谿山行旅圖

Xiu 修

Xiushen 修身

Xu Zheng 徐整

Xuanhe huapu 宣和畫譜

Xuanyanshi 玄言詩

Xue 血 (blood)

361 Xue 穴 (acupuncture point)

Yan 言

Yang 陽

Yang Yan 楊炎

Yang Xiong 揚雄

Yao 堯

Ye 液

Yi 意 (idea)

Yi 藝 (the arts)

Yi chun bi xian 意存筆先

Yi jing 意境 (idea realm)

Yijing 易經

Yi yu yu xiang 意餘於象

Yiwen leiju 藝文類聚

Yi zai bi xian 意在筆先

Yin 陰 (opposite of yang 陽)

Yin 音 (sound)

Yinyang 陰陽

You 遊

You Tiantaishan fu 遊天台山賦

Yu 御 (charioteering)

Yu 育 (nourishing)

362 Yuanjian leihan 淵鑑纇函

Yue 樂

Yueji 樂記

Yun 韻

Yunji qiqian 雲笈七籤

Zaochuntu 早春圖

Zao wu zhe 造物者

Zhang Daoling 張道陵

Zhang Huaiguan 張懷瓘

Zhang Junfang 張君房

Zhang Shunmin 張舜民

Zhang Xuan 張萱

Zhang Yanyuan 張彥遠

Zhen 真

Zhengming 正名

Zhenshi 真實

Zhexue 哲學

Zhi 質 (substance)

Zhuangzi 莊子

Zhongyong 中庸

Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤

Zhouyi 周易

363 Zhu Xi 朱熹

Zhuang Zi 庄子

Zisi 子思

Zisizi 子思子

Zong Bing 宗炳

364 volume II

List of Illustrations and Tables Part I: List of Illustrations 1. Figure I. 372 Hunting and Harvesting Scenes, Eastern Han dynasty, 25–220. Rubbing of a tomb tile from Chengdu, Sichuan Province, 39.50 x 48.00cm. Chengdu Museum.

2. Figure II. Luoshenfu《洛神賦》(The Nymph of the Lo River), copy of the twelfth or thirteenth century. Section of a handscroll, (h. 24.13cm). Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.

3. Figure III. 373 Engraved Scenes From Six Stories Of Filial Sons, Sixth century. Attributed to Lu Tanwei 陸探微 (c. 440–500). Nelson Gallery and Atkins Museum, Kansas City. . Figure IIIa The Story of Filial Grandson Yuan Gu 原穀, detail from the Nelson Gallery Sarcophagus. . Figure IIIb 374 Shun 舜 Escaped from the Well, and His Marriage to the Two Daughters of Emperor Yao 堯, detail from the Nelson Gallery Sarcophagus.

4. Figure IV 375 敦煌莫高窟 Dunhuang Mogao Cave 285, south wall. "Five Hundred Thieves Taking Refuge on the Buddha " avadana, Western Wei dynasty (535–557). [Source: Dunhuang wenwu yanjiuyuan 敦煌文物研究院. Zhongguo shiku: Dunhuang Mogaoku, I《中國石窟．敦煌莫高窟 (一)》 (Beijing 北京: Wenwu chubanshe 文物出版社, 1989).] . Figure IVa 376 South wall. Section of "Five Hundred Thieves Taking Refuge in the Buddha" avadãna. [Source: Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles, Vol III. (New York: Hacker Art Books Inc., 1958), plate 36.] . Figure IVb South wall. Section of "Five Hundred Thieves Taking Refuge in the Buddha" avadãna. [Source: Osvald Siren, Chinese Painting: Leading Masters and Principles, Vol III. (New York: Hacker Art Books Inc., 1958), plate 36.]

5. Figure V 377 敦煌莫高窟 Dunhuang Mogao Cave 428, Northern Zhou dynasty (557–581). [Source: Shih Hsio-Yen, "Readings and Re-Readings of Narrative in Dunhuang Murals," Artibus Asiae 53, No.1/2 (1993): 75.] . Figure Va South side east wall. Mahasattva jataka.

366 . Figure Vb North side east wall. Sudana jataka.

6. Figure VI. 378 Minghuang xin shu tu《明皇幸蜀圖》(Minghuang's Journey to Shu), Tang dynasty style, possibly a 10th–11th century copy of an 8th-century original. Anonymous. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 55.90 x 81.00cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei. . Figure VIa 379 Section of hanging scroll. . Figure VIb Section of hanging scroll.

7. Figure VII 380 Chunshanxinglütu《春山行旅圖》(Travellers in the Spring Mountains) 幅上有仿宋徽宗題「唐李昭道春山行旅圖」, Ming dynasty. Attributed to Li Zhaodao 李昭道 (Active c. 670–730). Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 95.50 x 55.30cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

8. Figure VIII. 381 Mozhu《墨竹》(Ink Bamboo), Song dynasty. Wen Tong 文同 (1018–1079). Hanging scroll, ink on silk, 131.60 x 105.40cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

9. Figure IX. 382 Components of a Brush.

10. Figure X. 383 Excerpts from the Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》(The Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting). [Source: Sze, The Mustard Seed Garden Manual of Painting, 141, 142, 146, 150, 153, 155, 162, 163, 164, and 176.] . Figure Xa. Brushstroke style of Fan Kuan 范寬 and Xia Gui 夏圭. . Figure Xb. Example of Jiesuocun 解索皴. (Fan Kuan 范寬 often used this brushstroke) . Figure Xc. Example of a combination of pimacun 披麻皴 and fupicun 斧劈皴. (Wang Wei 王維 often used this combination) . Figure Xd. Brushstroke style of Jing Hao 荊浩 and Guan Tong 關仝. . Figure Xe. 384 Method of beginning to paint mountains. . Figure Xf. Method of establishing the outline and interlocking brushstrokes.

367 . Figure Xg. 385 Gaoyuan 高遠 High Distance . Figure Xh. Shenyuan 深遠 Deep Distance . Figure Xi. Pingyuan 平遠 Level Distance . Figure Xj. 386 Guo Xi 郭熙

11. Figure XI. 387 Zaochuntu《早春圖》(Early Spring), Song dynasty. Guo Xi 郭熙 (1023–ca. 1085). Hanging scroll, ink and light colours on silk, 158.30 x 108.10cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei. . Figure XIa. 388 Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring. . Figure XIb. 389 Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring. . Figure XIc. 390 Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring. . Figure XId. 391 Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring. . Figure XIe. 392 Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring. . Figure XIf. 393 Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring. . Figure XIg. 394 Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring. . Figure XIh. 395 Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring.

12. Figure XII. 396 Xishan xinglü tu《谿山行旅圖》(Travellers Among Streams and Mountains), Song dynasty. Fan Kuan 范寬 (ca. 960-ca. 1030). Hanging scroll, ink and light colours on silk, 155.30 x 74.40 cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

13. Figure XIII. 397 Chunshan ruisong《春山瑞松》(Mountains and Auspicious Pines in Spring), Song dynasty. Attributed to Mi Fu 米芾 (1052–1107). Ink and light colours on paper, 35.00 x 44.10cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

14. Figure XIV. 398 Xishan yanyu《溪山煙雨》(Mist and Rain on Streams and Mountains), Song dynasty. Attributed to Mi Youren 米友仁 (1074–1151). Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 71.30 x 34.90cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

368 15. Figure XV. 399 Qiaohua qiuse《鵲華秋色》 (Autumn Colours on the Qiao and Hua Mountains), Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368). Zhao mengfu 趙孟頫, Handscroll, ink and colour on paper, 28.40 x 90.20cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei. . Figure XVa 400 Section of the《鵲華秋色》Autumn Colours on the Qiao and Hua Mountains.

16. Figure XVI. 401 Shanshui．wenshen《中國山水．紋身》(Chinese Landscape: Tattoo), 1999. Huang Yan 黃岩 (b. 1966). C-type prints Collection Artur Walther

17. Figure XVII. 402 Shanshui．wenshen《中國山水．紋身》(Chinese Landscape: Tattoo), 1999. Huang Yan 黃岩 (b. 1966). C-type prints Collection Artur Walther

18. Figure XVIII. 403 Shanshui《山水》(Landscape: Celestial mountain, in 5 parts), 2004. Liu Wei 劉韡 (b. 1972). Gelatin silver prints, 300.60 x 122.50cm

19. Figure XIX 404 Shanshui． zhier 《山水》之二 (Landscape Series No. 2), 2004. Liu Wei 劉韡 (b. 1972). Gelatin silver prints, 200.00 x 120.00cm

21. Figure XXI 405 Keju tu zhi yi – liaofa 《可居圖之一–療法》(Accommodation I: Therapy), Wei Dong 魏東 (b.1968), 1998. Ink and colour on paper, 42.00 x 75.00cm. [Source: Peter Lee, ed. Wei Dong 魏東 The Age of Innocence純真年代, (Hong Kong: Plum Blossoms International Ltd, 1998), 25.]

22. Figure XXII. 406 West Lake, Hangchow, 1933. Ian Fairweather (1891–1974). Oil and gouache on paper on canvas on cardboard, 47.50 x 55.00cm board; 63.00 x 72.50 x 6.00cm frame. Art Gallery of New South Wales, Sydney.

369 23. Figure XXIII. 407 Landscape in Scroll, 1996. Roy Lichtenstein (1923–1997). Oil and Magna on canvas, 263.50 x 125.70cm. Roy Lichtenstein Foundation.

24. Figure XXIV. 408 Reading Landscape: After Yuan Jian, 2001. Xu Bing 徐冰 (b. 1955). Wood, PVC, acrylic paint, and Chinese landscape painting. Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington DC.

25. Figure XXV. 409 The Family of Felipe IV, or Las Meninas, Ca. 1656. Diego Rodríguez de Silva y Velázquez. Oil on canvas, 318.00 cm x 276.00 cm. Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid. . Figure XXVa. 410 Perspectival analysis of Velázquez's Las Meninas. [Source: Martin Kemp, The Science of Art: Optical themes in western art from brunelleschi to Seurat (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 107.]

Part II: List of Tables 1. Table I. 412 Symbolic Correlations. [Adapted from Needham1962: 262–63, Porkert 1974: 117–46, Veith 1984: 208, and Furth 1999: 22.]

2. Table II. 413 Words Containing the Mu 目 Radical.

3. Table III. Transformation of the Shi 士 [Source: Bol, "This Culture of Ours", 34.]

4. Table IV. 414 Differences between Liufa 六法 (Six Laws) in the Guhua pinlu《古畫品錄》, Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》.

5. Table V. 415 Comparing the Liufa 六法 and the Liuyao 六要. [Adapted and modified from Yu Jianhua 俞劍華, Zhongguo huihua shi 《中國會畫史》, Shangce 上冊 (Shanghai 上海: Shanghai shudian 上海書店, n.d.), 151.]

6. Table VI. Style and Subtext [Also see page 282.]

370 volume II

List of Illustrations and Tables Part I: Illustrations

371 Figure I. Hunting and Harvesting Scenes, Eastern Han dynasty, 25–220. Rubbing of a tomb tile from Chengdu, Sichuan Province, 39.50 x 48.00cm. Chengdu Museum.

Figure II. 《洛神賦》The Nymph of the Luo River, copy of the twelfth or thirteenth century. Attributed to Gu Kaizhi 顧愷之 (c. 346–c.407). Section of a handscroll, (h. 24.13cm). Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C.

372 Figure IIIa. Illustrates: The Story of Filial Grandson Yuan Gu 原穀, detail from the Nelson Gallery Sarcophagus, Sixth century. Attributed to Lu Tanwei 陸探微 (c. 440–500). Nelson Gallery and Atkins Museum, Kansas City.

373 Figure IIIb. Illustrates: Shun 舜 Escaped from the Well, and His Marriage to the Two Daughters of Emperor Yao 堯, detail from the Nelson Gallery Sarcophagus, Sixth century. Attributed to Lu Tanwei 陸探微 (c. 440–500). Nelson Gallery and Atkins Museum, Kansas City.

374 Figure IV. 敦煌莫高窟 Dunhuang Mogao Cave 285, south wall – "Five Hundred Thieves Taking Refuge on the Buddha " avadana, Western Wei dynasty (535–557).

375 Figure IVa. Section of 敦煌莫高窟 Dunhuang Mogao Cave 285, south wall – "Five Hundred Thieves Taking Refuge on the Buddha " avadana, Western Wei dynasty (535–557).

Figure IVb. Section of 敦煌莫高窟 Dunhuang Mogao Cave 285, south wall – "Five Hundred Thieves Taking Refuge on the Buddha " avadana, Western Wei dynasty (535–557).

376 Figure Va. 敦煌莫高窟 Dunhuang Mogao Cave 428, south side east wall – Mahasattva jataka, Northern Zhou dynasty (557–581).

Figure Vb. 敦煌莫高窟 Dunhuang Mogao Cave 428, north side east wall – Sudana jataka, Northern Zhou dynasty (557–581).

377 Figure VI. 《明皇幸蜀圖》Minghuang's Journey to Shu, Tang dynasty style, possibly a 10th–11th century copy of an 8th-century original. Anonymous. Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 55.90 x 81.00cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

378 a

Figure III a and b. 《明皇幸蜀圖》Minghuang's Journey to Shu, Tang dynasty style, possibly a 10th–11th century copy of an 8th-century original. Anonymous. Sections of hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

379 Figure VII. 《春山行旅圖》Travellers in the Spring Mountains 幅上有仿宋徽宗題「唐李昭道春山行旅圖」, Ming dynasty. Attributed to Li Zhaodao 李昭道 (Active c. 670–730). Hanging scroll, ink and colour on silk, 95.50 x 55.30 cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

380 Figure VIII. 《墨竹》Ink Bamboo, Song dynasty. Wen Tong 文同 (1018–1079). Hanging scroll, ink on silk, 131.60 x 105.40cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

381 Figure IX. Components of a Brush.

382 c

d b Figure X. Excerpts from the Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》. a. Brushstroke style of Fan Kuan 范寬 and Xia Gui 夏圭. b. Example of Jiesuocun 解索皴. (Fan Kuan 范寬 often used this brushstroke) c. Example of a combination of pimacun 披麻皴 and fupicun 斧劈皴. (Wang Wei 王維 often used this combination) d. Brushstroke style of Jing Hao 荊浩 and Guan Tong 關仝.

383 f

Figure X. Excerpts from the Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》. e. Method of beginning to paint mountains. f. Method of establishing the outline and interlocking brushstrokes.

384 g h

Figure X. Excerpts from the Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》. [Remarks about the three types of mountain perspective.] g. Gaoyuan 高遠 High Distance h. Shenyuan 深遠 Deep Distance i. Pingyuan 平遠 Level Distance i

385 Figure X. Excerpt from the Jieziyuan huachuan《芥子園畫傳》. j. Guo Xi 郭熙

386 Figure XI. 《早春圖》Early Spring, Song dynasty. Guo Xi 郭熙 (1023–ca. 1085). Hanging scroll, ink and light colours on silk, 158.30 x 108.10cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

387 Figure XIa. Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring.

388 Figure XIb. Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring.

389 Figure XIc. Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring.

390 Figure XId. Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring.

391 Figure XIe. Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring.

392 Figure XIf. Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring.

393 Figure XIg. Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring.

394 Figure XIh. Section of the《早春圖》Early Spring.

395 Figure XII. 《谿山行旅圖》 Travellers Among Streams and Mountains, Song dynasty. Fan Kuan 范寬 (ca. 960-ca. 1030). Hanging scroll, ink and light colours on silk, 155.30 x 74.40 cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

396 Figure XIII. Chunshan ruisong《春山瑞松》(Mountains and Auspicious Pines in Spring), Song dynasty. Attributed to Mi Fu 米芾 (1052–1107). Ink and light colours on paper, 35 x 44.1cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

397 Figure XIV. Xishan yanyu《溪山煙雨》(Mist and Rain on Streams and Mountains), Song dynasty. Attributed to Mi Youren 米友仁 (1074–1151). Hanging scroll, ink on paper, 71.3 x 34.9cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

398 Figure XV. Qiaohua qiuse《鵲華秋色》(Autumn Colors on the Qiao and Hua Mountains), Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368). Zhao Mengfu 趙孟頫. Handscroll, ink and color on paper, 28.4 x 90.2cm. National Palace Museum, Taibei.

399 Figure XVa. Section of the《鵲華秋色》Autumn Colors on the Qiao and Hua Mountains.

400 Figure XVI. Shanshui．wenshen《中國山水．紋身》(Chinese Landscape: Tattoo), 1999. Huang Yan 黃岩 (b. 1966). C-type prints Collection Artur Walther

401 Figure XVII. Shanshui．wenshen《中國山水．紋身》(Chinese Landscape: Tattoo), 1999. Huang Yan 黃岩 (b. 1966). C-type prints Collection Artur Walther

402 Figure XVIII. Shanshui《山水》(Landscape: Celestial mountain, in 5 parts), 2004. Liu Wei 劉韡 (b. 1972). Gelatin silver prints, 300.60 x 122.50cm

403 Left: Figure XIX. Shanshui． zhier 《山水》之二 (Landscape Series No. 2), 2004. Liu Wei 劉韡 (b. 1972). Gelatin silver prints, 200.00 x 120.00cm

404 Figure XXI. Keju tu zhi yi – liaofa 《可居圖之一–療法》(Accommodation I: Therapy), 1998. Wei Dong 魏東 (b.1968). Ink and colour on paper, 42.00 x 75.00cm. [Source: Peter Lee, ed. Wei Dong 魏東 The Age of Innocence 純真年代, (Hong Kong: Plum Blossoms International Ltd, 1998), 25.]

405 Figure XXII. West Lake, Hangchow, 1933. Ian Fairweather (1891–1974). Oil and gouache on paper on canvas on cardboard, 47.50 x 55.00cm. Art Gallery of New South Wales, Sydney.

406 Figure XXIII. Landscape in Scroll, 1996. Roy Lichtenstein (1923–1997). Oil and Magna on canvas, 263.5 x 125.7cm. Roy Lichtenstein Foundation.

407 Figure XXIV. Reading Landscape: After Yuan Jian, 2001. Xu Bing 徐冰 (b. 1955). Wood, PVC, acrylic paint, and Chinese landscape painting. Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Washington DC.

408 Figure XXV. The Family of Felipe IV, or Las Meninas, Ca. 1656. Diego Rodríguez de Silva y Velázquez. Oil on canvas, 318.00 cm x 276.00 cm. Museo Nacional del Prado, Madrid.

409 V – 'vanishing point' XY, TD – diagonals through units twice as deep as wide JKLM – central axis of room VZ – half the viewing distance

Figure XXVa. Perspectival analysis of Velázquez's Las Meninas. [Source: Martin Kemp, The Science of Art: Optical themes in western art from brunelleschi to Seurat (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990), 107.]

410 volume II

List of Illustrations and Tables Part II: Tables

411 Table I: Symbolic correlations. Adapted from Needham1962: 262–63, Porkert 1974: 117–46, Veith 1984: 208, and Furth 1999: 2

412 . Words associated with 眼睛 yanjing - eyes the components of the 眉 mei - eyelash eyes. 眸 mou - the pupil of the eye 瞳 tong - the pupil of the eye 眶 kuàng - eye socket

. Words associated with 盼 pan - look forward to the eyes. 睡 shuì - sleep 瞎 xia - blind 目睹 mudu - witness 瞄 miao - aim

. Words associated with 瞧 qiao - look seeing and looking. 瞪 deng - stare 睹 du - look at, observe 眨 zha - wink, blink 眯 mi - squint

Table II: Words Containing the Mu 目 Radical

Tang Northern Song Southern Song 唐北宋南宋 Quality of the elite Aristocrats Scholar-officials Literati (birth) (service) (culture) As social element Great clans Civil-bureaucratic Local elites families

Table III: Transformation of the Shi 士

413 Guhua pinlu According to Qian Lidai minghua ji 《古畫品錄》 Zhongshu 錢鍾書 and 《歷代名畫記》 1 William Reynolds Beal Acker, this is how the sentences should be parsed and punctuated: 一氣韻生動是也一，氣韻，生動是也。[Qian] 一曰。氣韻生動。一: 氣韻; 生動是也。[Acker] The first is called The first is 'spirit resonance' "engender [a sense of] which refers to liveliness movement [through] spirit and animation. consonance." [Cahill] 二骨法用筆是也二，骨法，用筆是也。[Qian] 二曰。骨法用筆。二: 骨法; 用筆是也。[Acker] The second is called "use The second is 'bone method' the brush [with] the 'bone which refers to the use of method''. brush. [Cahill] 三應物像形是也三，應物，像形是也。[Qian] 三曰。應物像形。三: 應物; 像形是也。[Acker] The third is called The third is 'respond to "responding to things, object' which refers to the image [depict] their forms." delineation of form. [Cahill] 四隨類賦彩是也四，隨類，賦彩是也。[Qian] 四曰。隨類賦彩。四: 隨類; 賦彩是也。[Acker] The fourth is called The fourth is 'accord with "according [adapting?] to type' which refers to the kind, set forth [describe] application of colour. colours [appearances]." [Cahill] 五經管置位是也2 五，經管，置位是也。[Qian] 五曰。經管位置。五經管位置是也五: 經管; 置位是也。[Acker] The fifth is called "dividing The fifth is 'plan and position' and planning, positioning which refers to composition. and arranging." [Cahill] 六傳移模寫是也六，傳移，模寫是也。[Qian] 六曰。傳移模寫。六: 傳移; 模寫是也。[Acker] The sixth is called The sixth is 'transmit and "transmitting and pass on' which refers to conveying [earlier models, copying [earlier models]. through] copying and transcribing. [Cahill] Table IV: Differences between Liufa 六法 (Six Laws) in the Guhua pinlu《古畫品錄》, Lidai minghua ji《歷代名畫記》.

1 Lidai minghua ji 《歷代名畫記》/Juanyi zhi lunhua Liufa 卷一之論畫六法 (Chapter 1, Section 4: Discussing the Six Laws in Painting). 2 Generally, the fifth of the Liufa 六法 (Six Laws) is listed as '五經管位置是也'. However, as Chen Chuanxi 陳傳席 observed, the Song 宋 edition in Japan's Dongjing dongyang shuyuan 東京東洋書院 listed it as '五經管置位是也'. Here, I have followed Chen Chuanxi 陳傳席 in listing it as '五經管置位是也' because the Song 宋 edition is the earliest extant copy.

414 Liufa The first is The second The third is The fourth The fifth is The sixth 六法 'spirit is 'bone 'respond to is 'accord 'position is Six resonance' method' object' with type' and plan' 'transmit Laws which which which which which refers and pass refers to refers to the refers to refers to to on' which liveliness use of the the composition refers to and brush delineation application copying animation of form of colour [earlier models]

一，氣韻，二，骨法三，應物，四，隨類，五，經管，六，傳生動是也，用筆是也像形是也賦彩是也位置是也移，模寫是也

Liuyao The first is The second The third The fourth The fifth is The sixth 六要 called is called is called is called called is called Six 'Spirit' 'Resonance' 'Thought' 'Scene' 'Brush' 'Ink' Essen- tials 一曰氣二曰韻三曰思四曰景五曰筆六曰墨

Table V: Comparing the Liufa 六法 and the Liuyao 六要.

Northern Song Southern Song Yuan Style Monumental Lyrical landscape Heart-mind landscape landscape Theoretical platform Body as Body as Body as representation of representation of representation of the the the universe universe universe Sub-text State Universal self Individual self Place: body/landscape

Table VI: Style and Subtext.

415