[Re]Viewing the Chinese Landscape: Imaging the Body [In]Visible in Shanshuihua 山水畫
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Imagining a Universal Empire: a Study of the Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions Attributed to Li Gonglin
Journal of chinese humanities 5 (2019) 124-148 brill.com/joch Imagining a Universal Empire: a Study of the Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions Attributed to Li Gonglin Ge Zhaoguang 葛兆光 Professor of History, Fudan University, China [email protected] Abstract This article is not concerned with the history of aesthetics but, rather, is an exercise in intellectual history. “Illustrations of Tributary States” [Zhigong tu 職貢圖] as a type of art reveals a Chinese tradition of artistic representations of foreign emissaries paying tribute at the imperial court. This tradition is usually seen as going back to the “Illustrations of Tributary States,” painted by Emperor Yuan in the Liang dynasty 梁元帝 [r. 552-554] in the first half of the sixth century. This series of paintings not only had a lasting influence on aesthetic history but also gave rise to a highly distinctive intellectual tradition in the development of Chinese thought: images of foreign emis- saries were used to convey the Celestial Empire’s sense of pride and self-confidence, with representations of strange customs from foreign countries serving as a foil for the image of China as a radiant universal empire at the center of the world. The tra- dition of “Illustrations of Tributary States” was still very much alive during the time of the Song dynasty [960-1279], when China had to compete with equally powerful neighboring states, the empire’s territory had been significantly diminished, and the Chinese population had become ethnically more homogeneous. In this article, the “Illustrations of the Tributary States of the Myriad Regions” [Wanfang zhigong tu 萬方職貢圖] attributed to Li Gonglin 李公麟 [ca. -
Archaeological Observation on the Exploration of Chu Capitals
Archaeological Observation on the Exploration of Chu Capitals Wang Hongxing Key words: Chu Capitals Danyang Ying Chenying Shouying According to accurate historical documents, the capi- In view of the recent research on the civilization pro- tals of Chu State include Danyang 丹阳 of the early stage, cess of the middle reach of Yangtze River, we may infer Ying 郢 of the middle stage and Chenying 陈郢 and that Danyang ought to be a central settlement among a Shouying 寿郢 of the late stage. Archaeologically group of settlements not far away from Jingshan 荆山 speaking, Chenying and Shouying are traceable while with rice as the main crop. No matter whether there are the locations of Danyang and Yingdu 郢都 are still any remains of fosses around the central settlement, its oblivious and scholars differ on this issue. Since Chu area must be larger than ordinary sites and be of higher capitals are the political, economical and cultural cen- scale and have public amenities such as large buildings ters of Chu State, the research on Chu capitals directly or altars. The site ought to have definite functional sec- affects further study of Chu culture. tions and the cemetery ought to be divided into that of Based on previous research, I intend to summarize the aristocracy and the plebeians. The relevant docu- the exploration of Danyang, Yingdu and Shouying in ments and the unearthed inscriptions on tortoise shells recent years, review the insufficiency of the former re- from Zhouyuan 周原 saying “the viscount of Chu search and current methods and advance some personal (actually the ruler of Chu) came to inform” indicate that opinion on the locations of Chu capitals and later explo- Zhou had frequent contact and exchange with Chu. -
From Co-Loa to the Trung Sisters' Revolt
From Co-loa to the Trung Sisters' Revolt: VIET-NAM AS THE CHINESE FOUND IT Received 27 September 1978 STEPHEN O'HARROW ISTORIANS AND archaeologists ignore each other at their peril, but the peril is Hgreater for the historian since concrete evidence which is at odds with a par ticular theory of historical development will simply not go away and eventually must be taken into consideration. In some areas of inquiry more than others, history and artifact must be at each other's service because neither alone can begin to suffice. Such is the case with the 300-year period in the area of the Red River delta and adjacent Thanh hoa Province in northern Viet-Nam, the cradle of the Vietnamese nation, between the middle of the third century B.C. and the revolt of the Trung Sisters in A.D. 40. It is a period which poses a number of highly interesting theoretical problems for the historian and philologist, and recent developments in archaeology have contradicted older biblio centric and sinocentric notions (the two often go hand in hand) to the extent that a thorough reexamination is in order. As a preliminary step in that direction, this article aims at outlining the sociohistorical situation of Viet-Nam when the first extensive im position of Chinese power on the area began. The object of the exercise is threefold: first, to point out what I believe are certain important historical implications of recent ar chaeological activity; second, to suggest a few notions of a theoretical nature which might address those historical implications; and third, to set the stage for a more extensive ex position at a later date of the development of Viet-Nam under Chinese hegemony from the first to the tenth centuries. -
Who Invented the Bronze Drum? Nationalism, Politics, and a Sino- Vietnamese Archaeological Debate of the 1970S and 1980S
Who Invented the Bronze Drum? Nationalism, Politics, and a Sino- Vietnamese Archaeological Debate of the 1970s and 1980s XIAORONG HAN EVER SINCE THE BIRTH OF MODERN ARCHAEOLOGY in the nineteenth cen tury, nationalism and politics have been important factors in its development, and as such, archaeologists in various parts of the world have been actively in volved in the construction of ethnic and/or national origins and identities, the corroboration of national myths, the disputes over territories and cultural inven tions, and so on (Diaz-Andreu and Champion 1996; Hudson 1999; Kohl and Fawcett 1995; Meskell 1998; Pai 2000; Silberman 1989; Trigger 1984). Although it is difficult to find a single country in which archaeology is completely free from the influence of nationalism and politics, it is understandable to find that archae ologists operating in authoritarian systems generally have a stronger tendency to develop a close relationship with the nation-state and involve themselves in poli tics because of a lack of academic freedom and independent sources of financial support. Nazi Germany, early twentieth-century Japan, and pre-World War II Soviet Union are extreme examples of the politicization of archaeology (Arnold and Hassman 1995; Hudson 1999: 35, 44; Shnirelman 1996; Trigger 1989: 178 179; Wiwjorra 1996). In post-war Asia, archaeologists in China and Viet Nam were actively engaged in the development of a new wave of nationalist archaeol ogy under the encouragement and sponsorship of the state (Glover 1999; Tong 1995). ' This paper intends to study the nationalist archaeology of China and Viet Nam in the 1970s and 1980s. -
Local Authority in the Han Dynasty: Focus on the Sanlao
Local Authority in the Han Dynasty: Focus on the Sanlao Jiandong CHEN 㱩ڎ暒 School of International Studies Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Technology Sydney Australia A thesis submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy University of Technology Sydney Sydney, Australia 2018 Certificate of Original Authorship I certify that the work in this thesis has not previously been submitted for a degree nor has it been submitted as part of requirements for a degree except as fully acknowledged within the text. I also certify that the thesis has been written by me. Any help that I have received in my research work and the preparation of the thesis itself has been acknowledged. In addition, I certify that all information sources and literature used are indicated in the thesis. This thesis is the result of a research candidature conducted with another University as part of a collaborative Doctoral degree. Production Note: Signature of Student: Signature removed prior to publication. Date: 30/10/2018 ii Acknowledgements The completion of the thesis would not have been possible without the help and support of many people. Firstly, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor, Associate Professor Jingqing Yang for his continuous support during my PhD study. Many thanks for providing me with the opportunity to study at the University of Technology Sydney. His patience, motivation and immense knowledge guided me throughout the time of my research. I cannot imagine having a better supervisor and mentor for my PhD study. Besides my supervisor, I would like to thank the rest of my thesis committee: Associate Professor Chongyi Feng and Associate Professor Shirley Chan, for their insightful comments and encouragement; and also for their challenging questions which incited me to widen my research and view things from various perspectives. -
I. the Excellencies and Above Chancellor of State 相國 and Assisting Chancellor 丞相
THE HUNDRED OFFICES OF WEI AND JIN A Brief Summary of the Bureaucracy of Wei and Jin Times Yang Zhengyuan This grew largely from a collection of personal notes used in trying to achieve some degree of consistency in the translation of office titles in various other translation projects. Hundred Offices (baiguan) 百官 is a term for bureaucracy. Though a thorough study of the government of the Han dynasty already exists in the form of The bureaucracy of Han times by Hans Bielenstein, the book is limited in scope to the early and middle Han dynasty. Bielenstein himself calculates the date of the Treatise on Bureaucracy of the Hou Han shu (HHS), a major source for his book, to between September 141 and September 142, meaning that it provides no information on the evolution of the bureaucracy through the collapse of Han or through the Three States period (220 – 280) to Jin. This work is not meant to be a replacement for Bielenstein’s work, but a supplement. Therefore emphasis is placed on differences and changes from the Han bureaucracy, and some familiarity with Bielenstein’s work and the basic structure of the Han bureaucracy is assumed. As San Guo zhi (SGZ) itself does not contain Treatises or Tables, the main sources are the Treatises on Bureaucracy in the Song shu (SS) of Shen Yue and Jin shu (JS) of Fang Xuanling et al. The translation of bureaucracy titles derives mainly from the continually evolving Dubs-Bielenstein-de Crespigny system, with some additional modifications. The main departure from the Dubs-Bielenstein- de Crespigny system is the effort to group together offices by level to aid the casual reader in guessing relative rank. -
Originally, the Descendants of Hua Xia Were Not the Descendants of Yan Huang
E-Leader Brno 2019 Originally, the Descendants of Hua Xia were not the Descendants of Yan Huang Soleilmavis Liu, Activist Peacepink, Yantai, Shandong, China Many Chinese people claimed that they are descendants of Yan Huang, while claiming that they are descendants of Hua Xia. (Yan refers to Yan Di, Huang refers to Huang Di and Xia refers to the Xia Dynasty). Are these true or false? We will find out from Shanhaijing ’s records and modern archaeological discoveries. Abstract Shanhaijing (Classic of Mountains and Seas ) records many ancient groups of people in Neolithic China. The five biggest were: Yan Di, Huang Di, Zhuan Xu, Di Jun and Shao Hao. These were not only the names of groups, but also the names of individuals, who were regarded by many groups as common male ancestors. These groups first lived in the Pamirs Plateau, soon gathered in the north of the Tibetan Plateau and west of the Qinghai Lake and learned from each other advanced sciences and technologies, later spread out to other places of China and built their unique ancient cultures during the Neolithic Age. The Yan Di’s offspring spread out to the west of the Taklamakan Desert;The Huang Di’s offspring spread out to the north of the Chishui River, Tianshan Mountains and further northern and northeastern areas;The Di Jun’s and Shao Hao’s offspring spread out to the middle and lower reaches of the Yellow River, where the Di Jun’s offspring lived in the west of the Shao Hao’s territories, which were near the sea or in the Shandong Peninsula.Modern archaeological discoveries have revealed the authenticity of Shanhaijing ’s records. -
Supplementary Material (ESI) for Environmental Science: Processes & Impacts This Journal Is © the Royal Society of Chemistry 2013
Electronic Supplementary Material (ESI) for Environmental Science: Processes & Impacts This journal is © The Royal Society of Chemistry 2013 Supplementary Material MANUSCRIPT TITLE: PAHs in Chinese environment: levels, inventory mass, source and toxic potency assessment AUTHORS: Ji-Zhong Wang, Cheng-Zhu Zhu, Tian-Hu Chen Affiliation: School of Resources and Environmental Engineering, Hefei University of Technology, Hefei 230009, China JOURNAL: Journal of Environmental Monitoring NO. OF PAGES: 43 NO. OF TABLES: 4 NO. FIGURES: 1 Electronic Supplementary Material (ESI) for Environmental Science: Processes & Impacts This journal is © The Royal Society of Chemistry 2013 Table S1. Basic information of natural source and economic and social development (all of these data were obtained from a database called Scientific Database of Chinese Academy of Sciences 1). Land area Watershed Glacier/desert Urban area Rural area Transportation Total water resources (km2) area (km2) area (km2) (km2) (km2)a area (km2)b volume (× 108 m3) Northern China Beijing 1.6E+04 1.1E+02 0.0E+00 5.5E+03 9.9E+03 3.6E+02 4.1E+01 Tianjing 1.2E+04 3.0E+02 0.0E+00 4.3E+03 7.0E+03 3.3E+02 1.5E+01 Hebei 1.9E+05 6.3E+02 1.1E+03 5.8E+03 1.8E+05 3.1E+03 2.4E+02 Shanxi 1.6E+05 5.6E+02 1.6E+03 8.8E+03 1.4E+05 1.6E+03 1.4E+02 Inner Mongolia 1.2E+06 4.0E+03 2.5E+05 1.3E+04 9.1E+05 3.2E+03 5.1E+02 Total 1.5E+06 5.6E+03 2.5E+05 3.8E+04 1.2E+06 8.6E+03 9.4E+02 Northeastern China Liaoning 1.6E+05 1.5E+03 0.0E+00 1.5E+04 1.5E+05 2.2E+03 3.6E+02 Jilin 1.8E+05 1.2E+03 4.0E+01 5.9E+04 1.2E+05 -
Piece Mold, Lost Wax & Composite Casting Techniques of The
Piece Mold, Lost Wax & Composite Casting Techniques of the Chinese Bronze Age Behzad Bavarian and Lisa Reiner Dept. of MSEM College of Engineering and Computer Science September 2006 Table of Contents Abstract Approximate timeline 1 Introduction 2 Bronze Transition from Clay 4 Elemental Analysis of Bronze Alloys 4 Melting Temperature 7 Casting Methods 8 Casting Molds 14 Casting Flaws 21 Lost Wax Method 25 Sanxingdui 28 Environmental Effects on Surface Appearance 32 Conclusion 35 References 36 China can claim a history rich in over 5,000 years of artistic, philosophical and political advancement. As well, it is birthplace to one of the world's oldest and most complex civilizations. By 1100 BC, a high level of artistic and technical skill in bronze casting had been achieved by the Chinese. Bronze artifacts initially were copies of clay objects, but soon evolved into shapes invoking bronze material characteristics. Essentially, the bronze alloys represented in the copper-tin-lead ternary diagram are not easily hot or cold worked and are difficult to shape by hammering, the most common techniques used by the ancient Europeans and Middle Easterners. This did not deter the Chinese, however, for they had demonstrated technical proficiency with hard, thin walled ceramics by the end of the Neolithic period and were able to use these skills to develop a most unusual casting method called the piece mold process. Advances in ceramic technology played an influential role in the progress of Chinese bronze casting where the piece mold process was more of a technological extension than a distinct innovation. Certainly, the long and specialized experience in handling clay was required to form the delicate inscriptions, to properly fit the molds together and to prevent them from cracking during the pour. -
The Rituals of Zhou in East Asian History
STATECRAFT AND CLASSICAL LEARNING: THE RITUALS OF ZHOU IN EAST ASIAN HISTORY Edited by Benjamin A. Elman and Martin Kern CHAPTER FOUR CENTERING THE REALM: WANG MANG, THE ZHOULI, AND EARLY CHINESE STATECRAFT Michael Puett, Harvard University In this chapter I address a basic problem: why would a text like the Rituals of Zhou (Zhouli !"), which purports to describe the adminis- trative structure of the Western Zhou ! dynasty (ca. 1050–771 BCE), come to be employed by Wang Mang #$ (45 BCE–23 CE) and, later, Wang Anshi #%& (1021–1086) in projects of strong state cen- tralization? Answering this question for the case of Wang Mang, how- ever, is no easy task. In contrast to what we have later for Wang Anshi, there are almost no sources to help us understand precisely how Wang Mang used, appropriated, and presented the Zhouli. We are told in the History of the [Western] Han (Hanshu '() that Wang Mang em- ployed the Zhouli, but we possess no commentaries on the text by ei- ther Wang Mang or one of his associates. In fact, we have no full commentary until Zheng Xuan )* (127–200 CE), who was far re- moved from the events of Wang Mang’s time and was concerned with different issues. Even the statements in the Hanshu about the uses of the Zhouli— referred to as the Offices of Zhou (Zhouguan !+) by Wang Mang— are brief. We are told that Wang Mang changed the ritual system of the time to follow that of the Zhouguan,1 that he used the Zhouguan for the taxation system,2 and that he used the Zhouguan, along with the “The Regulations of the King” (“Wangzhi” #,) chapter of the Records of Ritual (Liji "-), to organize state offices.3 I propose to tackle this problem in a way that is admittedly highly speculative. -
A Brief Analysis of the Visual Language Features of Chinese Ink and Wash Landscape Paintings
2021 4th International Conference on Arts, Linguistics, Literature and Humanities (ICALLH 2021) A Brief Analysis of the Visual Language Features of Chinese Ink and Wash Landscape Paintings Lai Yingqin Dept of Ceramic Art, Quanzhou Vocational College of Arts and Crafts, Quanzhou, 362500, China Keywords: Chinese painting, Ink, Landscape, Visual language Abstract: Ink and wash can be connected into lines by brushing, rubbing, drawing, drawing, and drawing on rice paper, and the points can be connected into lines, and the lines can be gathered into surfaces, and the surface can be transformed into a space with both virtual and real. Ink and wash landscape paintings are shaped in this way. A visual language that speaks less and more. It can describe both the real scene that people see, and the illusory scene that people see. That's it, the visual language of ink and wash landscape painting can be brilliant and intoxicating. It is based on the specific performance of stippling, which gives people a visual impact, and is laid out in the invisible surroundings, making people think about the scenery. 1. Introduction Since entering the modern industrialized society, due to the profound influence of modern industrialization culture, especially machine aesthetics, art design culture is in the ascendant, in the field of visual design, people can see images everywhere, such as “font design, logo design, illustration” Design, layout design, advertising design, film and television design, packaging design, book binding design, CIS design, display design, graphic design, etc.” (1), all have entered the field of vision of people, and even some product designs (including industrial product design, The content and form of home design, clothing design) and space design (including indoor and outdoor design, display design, architectural design, garden design and urban design) have also entered people’s vision as visual content. -
Xue Susu (1573-Ca.1650) Was a Courtesan Who Lived in the Final Years of the Ming Dynasty
ESTEEMED LINK: AN ARGUMENT FOR XUE SUSU AS LITERATI A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DIVISION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAWAI’I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN ART HISTORY MAY 2011 By Cordes McMahan Hoffman Thesis Committee: Kate Lingley, Chairperson John Szostak Paul Lavy Xue Susu (1573-ca.1650) was a courtesan who lived in the final years of the Ming dynasty (1368-1644). She was a multi-faceted artist, known for her painting, poetry and heroic personal- ity. An active participant in literati culture for most of her life, Xue’s body of work contains sev- eral outstanding paintings which demonstrate her grasp of the artistic concerns of literati painting practice at that time. Modern scholarship of Chinese women artists is a growing field, and it is now unthinkable to exclude women in the broad category of Chinese painting. However, examinations of individual artists, have been limited. For example, Xue Susu has been the subject of articles by Tseng Yu- ho (Betty Ecke); she was featured in an encyclopedic exhibition of Chinese women painters titled Views from Jade Terrace: Chinese Women Artists 1300-1912, and she is listed in several survey texts of Chinese art history.1 These considerations of Xue Susu demonstrate that modern scholarship acknowledges her as a talented painter. However, Xue is usually only considered in aggregate with other women painters with the grouping, gender being the primary identifier for artistic identity. The problem at hand then becomes that the majority of Xue Susu’s surviving work is dissimilar in stylistic choice to the general group of female painters of her era.