Online Appendix: Measurement Party-Level Indicators: Clientelism
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Slovenian Minority in Austria Tereza Smejkalová1
Slovenian minority in Austria Tereza Smejkalová1 Abstract: This paper will analyse the issue of the Slovenian minority in Austria and focus on its history, development and contemporary concerns as well as attitudes on both sides of this disputed subject. It also stresses the importance of tolerance, democracy and the respect of people’s values, which should be part of the contemporary world and especially of the European Union. If the language and culture of a minority are not adequately respected, the European Union should be concerned and act accordingly. However, in the case of the Slovenian minority this does not occur. Keywords: Slovenia, minority, language policy, and bilingual signposts The autochthonous Slovenian ethnic minority, which is a remnant of former Slavic groups that populated the entire south and east of today’s Austria, now lives in the south Austrian provinces of Carinthia and Styria. Although this minority has had its rights guaranteed by two international treaties – the Saint Germain Peace Treaty of 1919 and the Austrian State Treaty of 1955 – and European conventions, Austria has failed to fully implement them. The Slovenian minority in Styria is not even officially recognised, while ethnic Slovenians in Carinthia have had to fight for every benefit that should have been taken for granted. This status is also indisputably linked to the fact that the former head of the Freedom Party, who has been criticised for his xenophobic and racist statements, is currently the governor of Carinthia. Jorg Haider used the so-called bilingual signpost dispute (“Ortstafelsturm”) in the pre-elections campaign in the summer of 2006 and his actions have dramatically worsened the tensions between the two neighbouring countries. -
Bulgaria – the Difficult “Return to Europe”
European Democracy in Action BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT “RETURN TO EUROPE” TAMARA BUSCHEK Against the background of the EU accession of Bulgaria on 1st January 2007 and the first Bulgarian elections for the European Parliament on 20th May 2007, Tamara Buschek takes a closer look at Bulgaria’s uneven political and economic transition – at its difficult “return to Europe”. Graduated from Graz University (Austria) in 2003 with a Masters in Law [magistra juris] after finishing her studies in European and international law. After gaining a grant from the Chamber of Commerce in 2000 to complete an internship at the Austrian Embassy in London, she carried out research for her dissertation in criminal law – “The Prevention of Sexual Child Abuse – Austria/Great Britain” - in 2001 at the London School of Economics. She studied European and administrative law in Paris from 2001 to 2002 as part of an Erasmus year. She is quadrilingual (German, Bulgarian, English and French). « BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT RETURN TO EUROPE » MAY 2007 Table of Contents Introduction P. 1 2.3 The current governmental coalition, 2005-2007 and the P. 21 presidential election in 2006 I – Background Information P. 3 III - The first European Parliament elections, 20 May 2007 P. 25 1.1 Hopes and Fears P. 3 Conclusion P. 30 1.2 Ethnic Minorities P. 5 1.3 Economic Facts P. 7 Annex P. 32 II – Political Situation- a difficult path towards stability P. 9 Annex 1: Key facts P. 32 2.1 The transition from 1989 till 2001 P. 9 Annex 2: Economic Profile P. 33 2.1.1 The legislative elections of 1990 and the first P. -
2Nd Report by the Republic of Austria
Strasbourg, 1 December 2006 ACFC/SR/II(2006)008 [English only] SECOND REPORT SUBMITTED BY AUSTRIA PURSUANT TO ARTICLE 25, PARAGRAPH 1 OF THE FRAMEWORK CONVENTION FOR THE PROTECTION OF NATIONAL MINORITIES Received on 1 December 2006 ACFC/SR/II(2006)008 TABLE OF CONTENTS PART I...................................................................................................................................5 I.1. General Remarks..............................................................................................................5 I.2. Comments on the Questions and the Resolution of the Council of Europe ........................7 PART II ...............................................................................................................................17 II.1. The Situation of the National Minorities in Austria .......................................................17 II.1.1. The History of the National Minorities .......................................................................18 The Croat minority in Burgenland ........................................................................................18 The Slovene minority ...........................................................................................................19 The Hungarian minority .......................................................................................................21 The Czech minority..............................................................................................................21 The Slovak minority.............................................................................................................22 -
Codebook Indiveu – Party Preferences
Codebook InDivEU – party preferences European University Institute, Robert Schuman Centre for Advanced Studies December 2020 Introduction The “InDivEU – party preferences” dataset provides data on the positions of more than 400 parties from 28 countries1 on questions of (differentiated) European integration. The dataset comprises a selection of party positions taken from two existing datasets: (1) The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File The EU Profiler/euandi Trend File contains party positions for three rounds of European Parliament elections (2009, 2014, and 2019). Party positions were determined in an iterative process of party self-placement and expert judgement. For more information: https://cadmus.eui.eu/handle/1814/65944 (2) The Chapel Hill Expert Survey The Chapel Hill Expert Survey contains party positions for the national elections most closely corresponding the European Parliament elections of 2009, 2014, 2019. Party positions were determined by expert judgement. For more information: https://www.chesdata.eu/ Three additional party positions, related to DI-specific questions, are included in the dataset. These positions were determined by experts involved in the 2019 edition of euandi after the elections took place. The inclusion of party positions in the “InDivEU – party preferences” is limited to the following issues: - General questions about the EU - Questions about EU policy - Questions about differentiated integration - Questions about party ideology 1 This includes all 27 member states of the European Union in 2020, plus the United Kingdom. How to Cite When using the ‘InDivEU – Party Preferences’ dataset, please cite all of the following three articles: 1. Reiljan, Andres, Frederico Ferreira da Silva, Lorenzo Cicchi, Diego Garzia, Alexander H. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Explaining Vote for Populist Parties: the Impact of the Political Trust, the Economic and the Political Context Danilo Serani De
Explaining vote for populist parties: the impact of the political trust, the economic and the political context Danilo Serani Department of Political and Social Sciences Universitat Pompeu Fabra [email protected] Abstract Over the last decades, the uneven electoral success of populist parties in Europe sparked the interest of many scholars. Until now, special attention has been devoted only to radical (especially right-wing) populist parties, at the same time as the impact of political trust on the vote for these parties has not been sufficiently addressed. In this paper, I focus on the direct and conditional effects of the trust in the main political actors on the vote for radical and non-radical populist parties. By using data from the European Social Survey (2004- 2014), this paper investigates the association between political trust and the Great Recession, as well as with the ideological convergence of the establishment parties. The results seem to confirm that political (dis)trust has a direct impact on the vote for a populist party, and its effects are accentuated during a crisis and when the establishment parties converge to the center. Key words Political trust, voting behavior, populism, multilevel analysis, economic crisis Paper prepared for the WAPOR Conference, Barcelona, November 24-25th 2016 This is a draft, please do not quote or circulate without author’s permission Introduction Over the last three decades, Europe witnessed the spread of the third wave of populism (Mudde, 2007). Far from being a transitory anomaly of liberal democracies, populist challengers of the establishment parties managed themselves to consolidate their position in the party systems. -
GENERAL ELECTIONS in FRANCE 10Th and 17Th June 2012
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN FRANCE 10th and 17th June 2012 European Elections monitor Will the French give a parliamentary majority to François Hollande during the general elections on Corinne Deloy Translated by Helen Levy 10th and 17th June? Five weeks after having elected the President of the Republic, 46 million French citizens are being Analysis called again on 10th and 17th June to renew the National Assembly, the lower chamber of Parlia- 1 month before ment. the poll The parliamentary election includes several new elements. Firstly, it is the first to take place after the electoral re-organisation of January 2010 that involves 285 constituencies. Moreover, French citizens living abroad will elect their MPs for the very first time: 11 constituencies have been espe- cially created for them. Since it was revised on 23rd July 2008, the French Constitution stipulates that there cannot be more than 577 MPs. Candidates must have registered between 14th and 18th May (between 7th and 11th May for the French living abroad). The latter will vote on 3rd June next in the first round, some territories abroad will be called to ballot on 9th and 16th June due to a time difference with the mainland. The official campaign will start on 21st May next. The French Political System sembly at present: - the Union for a Popular Movement (UMP), the party of The Parliament is bicameral, comprising the National former President of the Republic Nicolas Sarkozy, posi- Assembly, the Lower Chamber, with 577 MPs elected tioned on the right of the political scale has 313 seats; by direct universal suffrage for 5 years and the Senate, – the Socialist Party (PS) the party of the new Head the Upper Chamber, 348 members of whom are ap- of State, François Hollande, positioned on the left has pointed for 6 six years by indirect universal suffrage. -
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗
The Political Legacy of Entertainment TV∗ Ruben Durantey Paolo Pinottiz Andrea Teseix August 2018 Abstract We study the political impact of commercial television in Italy exploiting the stag- gered introduction of Berlusconi's private TV network, Mediaset, in the early 1980s. We find that individuals with early access to Mediaset all-entertainment content were more likely to vote for Berlusconi's party in 1994, when he first ran for office. The effect persists for five elections and is driven by heavy TV viewers, namely the very young and the elderly. Regarding possible mechanisms, we find that individ- uals exposed to entertainment TV as children were less cognitively sophisticated and civic-minded as adults, and ultimately more vulnerable to Berlusconi's populist rhetoric. Keywords: Entertainment TV, Voting, Cognitive Abilities, Civic Engagement JEL codes: L82, D72, Z13 ∗We thank Alberto Alesina, Filipe Campante, Antonio Ciccone, Stefano DellaVigna, Ruben Enikolopov, Ray Fisman, Greg Huber, Brian Knight, Valentino Larcinese, Marco Manacorda, Torsten Persson, Barbara Petrongolo, Andrei Shleifer, Francesco Sobbrio, Joachim Voth, David Weil, Katia Zhu- ravskaya, and seminar participants at Bocconi, CREI, NYU, MIT, Sciences Po, Brown, Dartmouth, Sorbonne, WZB, Surrey, Queen Mary, Yale, EIEF, LSE, Namur, Bank of Italy, Warwick, UPF, and participants at the AEA Meetings, the EUI Conference on Communications and Media Markets, and the Lisbon Meeting on Institutions and Political Economy for helpful comments. We are very grateful to Ben Olken and Ruben Enikolopov for their help with the ITM software. We thank Nicola D'Amelio and Giuseppe Piraino for their assistance with data collection and Laura Litvine for her outstanding help with the digitization of the transmitters data. -
Brazauskas in Power: an Assessment
Brazauskas in Power: An Assessment * JULIUS SMULKSTYS The victory of Lithuania's Democratic Labor Party (LDDP) in the parliamentary elections of October and November 1992 was lamented by many in the West as the return of the former Communists to power in a country that had played a major role in the dismantling of the Soviet Union. If just a few years ago Lithuania had been the trailblazer in the struggle for independence and democracy, now it seemed to be the leader in efforts to reverse the trends that began in 1988. But to those familiar with the recent history of Lithuania, the election results had no such ominous implications. They merely reflected the growing sophistication of the voters and their reliance on democratic institutions to settle political differences and to redirect as well as to reaffirm economic, social and political reforms. It was the case of a young democracy coming into its own. As in other former republics of the Soviet Union, democratization in Lithuania had to overcome numerous obsta- cles—the most visible ones being the absence of democratic political culture, relentless pressure from Moscow and the resultant siege-like atmosphere, and the rapidly deteriorating economic conditions. One of the important forces that helped to preserve fledgling democratic institutions was the Communist Party of Lithuania (Lietuvos Komunistų Partija—LKP) and its successor, Lithuania's Democratic Labor Party. Without their early commitment, the struggle for democracy and indepen- dence in Lithuania would have been much more difficult. The meaning of the 1992 elections, therefore, can only be fully evaluated and understood in the context of the party's role in promoting change, a role that originated six years ago. -
English Version of This Report Is the Only Official Document
Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights THE ITALIAN REPUBLIC PARLIAMENTARY ELECTIONS 4 March 2018 ODIHR Election Assessment Mission Final Report Warsaw 6 June 2018 TABLE OF CONTENTS I. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY .......................................................................................................... 1 II. INTRODUCTION AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ............................................................... 3 III. BACKGROUND ........................................................................................................................... 3 IV. LEGAL FRAMEWORK ............................................................................................................. 4 V. ELECTORAL SYSTEM .............................................................................................................. 5 VI. ELECTION ADMINISTRATION .............................................................................................. 6 VII. VOTER REGISTRATION .......................................................................................................... 8 VIII. CANDIDATE REGISTRATION ................................................................................................ 9 IX. ELECTION CAMPAIGN .......................................................................................................... 11 X. CAMPAIGN FINANCE............................................................................................................. 12 XI. MEDIA ....................................................................................................................................... -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE in LITHUANIA a Story of Peaceful Liberation
NONVIOLENT RESISTANCE IN LITHUANIA A Story of Peaceful Liberation Grazina Miniotaite The Albert Einstein Institution www.aeinstein.org 2 CONTENTS Acknowledgments Introduction Chapter 1: Nonviolent Resistance Against Russification in the Nineteenth Century The Goals of Tsarism in Lithuania The Failure of Colonization The Struggle for the Freedom of Religion The Struggle for Lithuanian Press and Education Chapter 2: Resistance to Soviet Rule, 1940–1987 An Overview Postwar Resistance The Struggle for the Freedom of Faith The Struggle for Human and National Rights The Role of Lithuanian Exiles Chapter 3: The Rebirth From Perestroika to the Independence Movement Test of Fortitude The Triumph of Sajudis Chapter 4: Towards Independence The Struggle for Constitutional Change Civil Disobedience Step by Step The Rise of Reactionary Opposition Chapter 5: The Struggle for International Recognition The Declaration of Independence Independence Buttressed: the Battle of Laws First Signs of International Recognition The Economic Blockade The January Events Nonviolent Action in the January Events International Reaction 3 Chapter 6: Towards Civilian-Based Defense Resistance to the “Creeping Occupation” Elements of Civilian-Based Defense From Nonviolent Resistance to Organized Civilian-Based Defense The Development of Security and Defense Policy in Lithuania since 1992 Concluding Remarks Appendix I Appeal to Lithuanian Youth by the Supreme Council of the Republic of Lithuania Appendix II Republic in Danger! Appendix III Appeal by the Government of the Republic