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La Guerre Civile Et La Légitimité Du Pouvoir Impérial Romain

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La Guerre Civile Et La Légitimité Du Pouvoir Impérial Romain Aude-Lucie Vial La guerre civile et la légitimité du pouvoir impérial romain Ier – IIIe siècles Vol. 1 Mémoire de Diplôme d'Études Approfondies (D.E.A.) préparé sous la direction de M. le professeur Jean-Pierre MARTIN Université Paris IV-Sorbonne UFR d'Histoire 10 octobre 2005 1 Introduction À lire les œuvres des historiens antiques, les guerres civiles jalonnaient l'histoire de la Rome antique. Ces luttes fratricides marquèrent les contemporains, les Romains vivaient dans la hantise de les voir ressurgir et élaborèrent ce qui devint un motif littéraire, celui de l'impiété de la guerre civile1. Impie tant sur le plan les dommages subis par les dieux que sur celui de la lutte entre concitoyens et parents elle donnait lieu à une manifestation de l'ira deorum. Ainsi l'expliquait Appien d'Alexandrie, « comme on peut s'y attendre lorsque tant de milliers d'hommes issus d'un même peuple marchent les uns contre les autres, bien des faits extraordinaires survenaient.2 » Appien toujours, son spécialiste, distingue une gradation entre les simples luttes entre citoyens ou séditions, et les guerres (civiles) à proprement parler. Il en dégage les causes : « Jusqu'alors, massacres et séditions n'affectaient que des groupes de citoyens ; mais, par la suite, c'est avec de grandes armées, comme à la guerre, que les chefs de factions s'affrontèrent3 ». La guerre civile était une prolongation de la sédition, elle supposait la présence de deux armées et de personnages charismatiques ennemis. Elle se définissait tant sur le plan quantitatif – un grand nombre de citoyens devait être engagé – que qualitatif – il ne s'agissait plus de luttes entre chefs de bandes de citoyens, comme dans le cas des partisans de Clodius et de Milon, mais d’une guerre entre des armées dirigées par de véritables généraux. Les guerres serviles qui eurent lieu en Sicile en 135 et en 132 av. J.-C., en Campanie en 103 1 Nous avons traité (en partie) cet aspect dans notre mémoire de maîtrise. Vial (A.-L.), La place et le rôle de la religion dans les crises de succession sous l'Empire Romain. Ier-IIIe siècles, vol. 1, Mémoire de maîtrise, histoire, Paris, Université Paris IV-Sorbonne, p. 100-104. Ce topos est présent surtout dans les guerres civiles de la fin de la république et de 68-69 ap. J.-C., mais de manière ponctuelle pour celles suivant la mort de Commode et la crise du IIIe siècle. À ce propos nous pouvons remarquer que plus les auteurs sont proches chronologiquement des événements, moins les présages sont mentionnés. Ainsi, Dion Cassius mentionne plus de présages, manifestant l'ira deorum pour la période augustéenne que pour la période commodienne, empereur dont il était le contemporain. 2 B.C., II, 77 3 B.C., I, 55, cité par P. Jal, La guerre civile à Rome. Étude littéraire et morale, Paris, PUF, 1963 (Publications de la faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Paris, série « Recherches », t. VI), p. 8. 2 av. J.-C. n’étaient pas considérées comme des guerres civiles, un des camps étant composé de non citoyens ; il en va de même pour la guerre sociale, les rebelles de 91-98 av. J.-C. étaient citoyens latins. Paul Jal définit la guerre civile comme une lutte entre citoyens4. Les guerres civiles de la fin de la république eurent un caractère original, enrichi d'une problématique unique et nouvelle : le choix du nouveau régime5. « Bref, écrit-il, il était pratiquement impossible de demeurer absolument neutre dans une lutte d’idées qui concernait de près ou de loin tout citoyen romain. La guerre civile est une guerre révolutionnaire ; en tant que telle, c’est un conflit moral et psychologique, tout autant que militaire et politique.6 » Les guerres civiles de 68-69 s'inséraient en partie dans cette définition : Vindex souhaita rétablir la liberté du peuple romain. Par le choix de Galba comme successeur, il définissait son action comme inséparable du cadre institutionnel du principat. Les monnaies représentant la libertas ne sont pas à analyser comme l’affirmation d’un désir de retour à la république mais comme un programme sénatorial. Le débat était sur la nature du principat, non du régime. Mis à part une dernière tentative d'affirmation sénatoriale avec l'élection de Pupien et Balbin, peut-être avec le choix de Marcus7, le parti sénatorial n'eut rapidement plus son mot à dire… si l'on considère que le respect du Sénat sous Octave-Auguste n'était pas une fiction. En effet, après sa marche sur Rome, il se fit donner le consulat en milieu d'année, alors qu'un consul était déjà en place8. Il n'avait que dix-neuf ans. Le sacramentum était la base du recrutement des armées, mais suffisait-il à rendre un pouvoir légitime ? Officiellement, le triumvirat dura jusqu’en 339 ; en 31, avant la bataille d’Actium, un serment fut prêté à Octavien10. En réalité, la question du 4 Jal (P.), La guerre civile à Rome. Étude littéraire et morale, Paris, P.U.F., 1963, coll. Publications de la faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Paris, série « Recherches », tome VI., p.14 5 Jal (P.), La guerre civile à Rome. Étude littéraire et morale, Paris, P.U.F., 1963, coll. Publications de la faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Paris, série « Recherches », tome VI., p. 14. 6 Jal (P.), La guerre civile à Rome. Étude littéraire et morale, Paris, P.U.F., 1963, coll. Publications de la faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Paris, série « Recherches », tome VI., p. 82. 7 Zon., XII, 18. En réalité ce Marcus pose problème : il n'est mentionné nulle part ailleurs. 8 Plut., Brut., 27, 1-3 (1-109) ; Liv., 119 (1-111) ; Aug., R.G., 1 (1-132). 9 Aug., R.G., 7. 10 Aug., R.G., 25 : « Iurauit in mea uerba tota Italia sponte sua et me be[lli], quo uici ad Actium, ducem depoposcit. Iurauerunt in eadem uer[ba proui]nciae Galliae, Hispaniae, Africa, Sicilia, Sardinia. Qui sub [signis meis tum] militauerint, fuerunt senatores plures quam DCC, in ii[s qui uel antea uel pos]tea consules 3 statut des militaires d'Octavien et de la régularité de leur engagement est loin d'être évidente. De même, lors des guerres civiles, la question de la régularité des armées se pose. Auguste écrivit qu' « à l'âge de dix-neuf ans, [il leva], par décision personnelle et à [s]es frais, une armée qui [lui] a permis de rendre la liberté à la République opprimée par une faction.11 » Quel que soit le résultat obtenu par cette armée, elle ne pouvait en aucun cas être régulière, cela à cause de la situation privée de son chef, due à son âge. Mais les militaires étaient pour la plupart les vétérans de César, installés sur des lots de terres12. Par conséquent, ils étaient entraînés et surtout devaient un appui à Octavien. La guerre civile peut être comprise au sens strict, telle qu'elle a été définie par Paul Jal, ou bien au sens large, c'est-à-dire comme tout combat entre éléments d'un même peuple plus ou moins organisé. Cette double définition pose problème. Ce qui pourrait être compris comme une simple manifestation est défini par Hérodien comme une guerre civile (™mfÚlioj13). Il n'est pas sûr que tous les usurpateurs aient eu sous leur commandement des armées régulières, ou du moins constituées et professionnelles14. Selon Paul Jal, les conjurations étaient des « guerres civiles avortées15 ». Selon Plutarque, la guerre civile était un mouvement révolutionnaire doté d’un chef crédible16. L’étude de la conspiration et de sa répression permet de comprendre et de mettre en évidence les réponses du pouvoir impériales : elles étaient révélatrices de ses moyens d'action. Il avait un rôle dans le déclenchement des guerres civiles qu'il convient de préciser : le mécontentement créait les guerres civiles. Les auteurs chrétiens qualifiaient souvent les persécutions de guerres civiles, facti sunt ad eum diem, quo scripta su[nt haec, LXXXIII, sacerdo]tes ci[rc]iter CLXX. » 11 Aug., R.G., 1 (1-132) 12 Octavien se rendit en Campanie, là où son père adoptif avait distribué des terres aux vétérans, afin de se faire reconnaître de sa clientèle (D.C., XLV, 12, 1-13, 5 = 1-098 ; N.Dam., Aug., 131 = 1-099. 13 Hdn., I, 12, 5-I, 13, 1 = 6-001, au sujet des citoyens demandant qu’on leur livre Cléandre. 14 Nous n’avons aucun renseignements sur les carrières de Taurinus, Ovinius Camillus, Titus, Sabinianus, Iotapianus, Pacatianus, Silbannacus, Sponsianus, Uranius Antoninus, Marcus, Cyriades, Mareades, Celsus, Antoninus, Septimius (ou Septiminus), Urbanus et Proculus. 15 La guerre civile à Rome. Étude littéraire et morale, Paris, PUF, 1963 (Publications de la faculté des lettres et sciences humaines de Paris, série « Recherches », tome VI), p. 7 16 Galb., 29, 3 = 3-025. 4 sans doute pour accentuer l'horreur qu'était la lutte entre deux composantes d'un même peuple17. Nous avons choisi de présenter dans notre corpus tous les textes ayant trait aux guerres civiles au sens large, et d'en exclure les persécutions contre les Chrétiens : la guerre civile à Rome ne se définissait pas sur des critères religieux mais politiques, même si la religion était amenée à entrer dans la propagande. Étant donné la concision des sources pour l’époque post-sévérienne, il est parfois difficile de définir avec exactitude la nature des armées18. Nous avons choisi de tenir compte du fait que n'importe quelle usurpation ou tentative armée était un indice de la perception de l'empereur par les différents corps politiques, c'est-à-dire une manière de mesurer la santé du régime impérial.
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