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INTERNATIONAL UNION OF ACADEMIES (UNION ACADÉMIQUE INTERNATIONALE) Project 67: China and the Mediterranean World: Archaeological and Written Sources FONTES HISTORIAE VIAE SERICAE Sources on the History of the Silk Road 3 FONTES HISTORIAE PALMYRENAE (TADMORENAE) SOURCES ON THE HISTORY OF PALMYRA (TADMOR) ¥]-^µ ¥]-^µ COMPILED BY SAMUEL N.C. LIEU ANCIENT INDIA AND IRAN TRUST CAMBRIDGE (17.1.2021) ii Fontes Historiae Palmyrenae FOREWORD The inclusion of a collection of sources on the History of Palmyra / Tadmor, the most famous of the ‘Caravan Cities’ of the Roman Near East and one which had suffered horrendous damage to her monuments in recent years, among the on-line publications of the UAI’s China and the Mediterranean World Project needs no justification. Palmyra remains the only ancient Roman site from which a silk fragment with a recognizable (woven) Chinese character (明 ming ‘light, radiance’) has been recovered (from Tower Tomb 46) and conserved.1 The present collection began life at Warwick University (UK) in the 1980s where I taught a course on the Roman Eastern Frontier. With the help of Michael Dodgeon, then teaching in the vicinity of Warwick, the material prepared for teaching, mainly consisting of translated texts from literary sources, grew gradually into a university text-book which is still widely used by both students and researchers: M.H. Dodgeon and S.N.C. Lieu, Roman Eastern Frontier and the Persian Wars (AD 226-363) (London, 1991) (REFPW). The book contains a lengthy chapter devoted to the Palmyrene Empire (pp. 49-110). After I had moved to Macquarie University (Australia) in 1996 to take up the Chair of Ancient History in succession to Professor Edwin Judge, I was given a series of annual travel grants by my new university to visit the Republic of Syria with a small group of colleagues and research students. The team, joined at Macquarie by Dr Greg Fox who was unable to take part in the visits, consisted of scholars with a variety of language skills, Classical and Near Eastern. The team visited a number of sites in Syria on a regular basis over a number of years and among the publications to emerge from these visits was: I. Gardner, S. Lieu and K. Parry (eds.) From Palmyra to Zayton, Silk Road Studies X (Turnhout, 2005) (FPTZ) the first three chapters of which provide Anglophone students with the first substantial collection of inscriptions from Palmyra in Greek, Latin, Palmyrene Aramaic and Hebrew with editions of the original texts and English translation and lexical-indices (pp. 1-188). The publication of D.R. Hillers and E. Cussini (eds.), Palmyrene Aramaic Texts (Baltimore, 1996) provided the Macquarie (SERICA) team with a valuable research tool as well as a convenient system of numbering the Palmyrene inscriptions in Palmyrene Aramaic (many with parallel-texts in Greek and some in Latin) but the lack of a parallel volume for inscriptions in Greek and Latin found unaccompanied by Palmyrene parallels was also strongly felt. The impetus to update the sections on Palmyra in both REFPW and FPTZ came with the publication of the outstanding work of J.-B. Yon, Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie (IGLS), Tome XVII, fasc. 1 (Bordeaux-Beyrouth, 2012). Although Yon’s work does not contain Palmyrene inscriptions found outside the city of Palmyra nor the text of the famous Tariff which is currently housed in the Hermitage Museum in Saint Petersburg, his collection is so substantial and authoritative that it became the raison d’être for the present work. Yon’s work also provides the researcher with a system of numbering of all Palmyrene inscriptions in Greek and Latin with parallels in Palmyrene Aramaic that is now regarded as standard. All the inscriptions from Palmyra included in this collection are given their respecitive IGLS and / or PAT numbers where appropriate. The fact that the present collection – Fontes Historiae Palmyrenae (Sources on the History of Palmyra) – is published on-line means that it can easily be updated and revised. It is therefore the hope of the compiler that scholars who use this revised and updated combined collection will send him their corrections and suggestions for further improvement. I am grateful to Ms. Camilla Ferard for her assistance over a number of years in the China and the Mediterranean World Project and to the Union Académique Internationale for a series of biennial grants for the project (UAI Proj. 67). Samuel N. C. Lieu President, UAI (2017-2021) 1 A. Schmidt-Collinet, Palmyra. Kulturbegegnung im Grenzbereich (Mainz am Rhein, 2005) 77, Abb. 124. Sources on the History of Palmyra iii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ¥]-^µ AAAS Annales archéologiques (arabes) syriennes. AIDRP J.F. Healey, Aramaic Inscriptions and Documents of the Roman Period, Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions, Vol. 5 (Oxford, 2009). Bauzou T. Bauzou, ‘Deux milliares inédits de Vaballath en Jordaine du Nord’, in P. Freeman and D. Kennedy (eds.), The Defence of the Roman and Byzantine East, (Oxford 1986), Vol. 1, pp. 1-8. Bertolino R. Bertolino, Corpus des inscriptions semitiques de Doura- Europos (Naples, 2004). Bilingualism J.N. Adams, Bilingualism and the Latin Language (Cambridge, 2003). Bowersock (1976) G. Bowersock, ‘A new Antonine inscription from the Syrian desert’, Chiron 6, 349-55. BS iii C. Dunant, Le sanctuaire de Baalshamin à Palmyre III, Les inscriptions (Rome, 1971). C (followed by a number) = CIS (v. infra). Cameron A. Cameron. ‘Agathias on the Sassanians’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 23/24 (1969/70), 69- 183. Chéhab M. Chéhab, ‘Tyr à l'époque romaine — Aspects de la cité à la lumière des textes etdes fouilles’ MUSJ 38, 13-40. CIL Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (Berlin 1863ff.). CIS Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, Pars secunda. Tomus III: Inscriptiones palmyrenae, edd. Jean-Baptiste Chabot et al. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale 1926). Colledge M.A.R. Colledge, The Art of Palmyra (London, 1976). Cooke G. A. Cooke, A Text-Book of North Semitic Inscriptions (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press 1903). Déd. J.T. Milik, Dédicaces faites par des dieux (Palmyra, Hatra, Tyr et des thiases sémitiques à lʾépoque romaine (Paris: Geuthner 1972). Dijkstra K. Dijkstra, Life and Loyalty – A study in the socio-religious culture of Syria and Meso- potamia in the Graeco-Roman period based on epigraphical evidence (Leiden, 1995). Dirven L. Dirven, The Palmyrenes of Dura Europos, A Study of Religious Interaction in Roman Syria (Leiden, 1999). Drijvers (1982) H.J.W. Drijvers, ‘Sanctuaries and social safety. The iconography of divine peace in Hellenistic Syria’, Visible Religion 1 (1982) 65-75. Drijvers (1995a) H.J.W. Drijvers, ‘Inscriptions from Allât’s sanctuary’, Aram 7, 109-19. Drijvers (1995b) H.J.W. Drijvers, ‘Greek and Aramaic in Palmyrene Inscriptions’ in M.J. Geller, J.C. Greenfield and M.P. Weitzman (eds.) Studia Aramaica, JSS Suppl. 4 (Oxford: Oxford University Press on behalf of the University of Manchester 1995), 31-42. FHG C. Müller et al. (eds.), Fragmenta Historicorum Garecorum, 5 vols. (Paris, 1828-38). FPTZ I. Gardner, S. Lieu and K. Parry (eds.) From Palmyra to Zayton, Silk Road Studies X (Turnhout, 2005). Gawlikowski (1971) ‘Inscriptions de Palmyre’, Syria 48 (1971), 407-25. Gawlikowski and al-As‘ad (1993) M. Gawlikowski and K. al-As‘ad, ‘Le péage à Palmyre en 11 après J.-C.’, Semitica 41-42, 163-72. Gawlikowski and al-As‘ad (1997) M. Gawlikowski and K. al- As‘ad, ‘Inscriptions de Palmyre nouvelles et revisitées’, Studia Palmyreńskie 10: 23-38 + 10 pls. GLI W.K. Prentice, Greek and Latin Inscriptions, Part III of the Publications of an American Archaeological Expedition to Syria 1899-1900 (New York, 1908). iv Fontes Historiae Palmyrenae Gorea M. Gorea, ‘The Palmyrene tablet ‘De Geest’’ in I. Strauch (ed.), Foreign Sailors on Socotra – The inscriptions and drawings from the cave Hoq, (Bremen, 2012), pp. 448-57 H.-J. J. Hoftizer and K. Jongeling, Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions, 2 vols (Leiden, 1995). Healey (1996) J.F. Healey, ‘Palmyra and the Arabian Gulf Trade’, Aram 8, pp. 33-37. Hvidberg-Hansen F.O. Hvidberg-Hansen, The Palmyrene Inscriptions Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (Copen- hagen, 1998). IGLS xvii J.-B. Yon (ed.) Inscriptions grecques et latines de la Syrie, Tome XVII, fasc. 1 (Bordeaux-Beyrouth, 2012). IGRR R. Cagnat and G. Lafaye (eds.), Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes (Paris, 1906-1927). IMP K. Al Asʾ Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes, eds. R. Cagnat and G. Lafaye (Paris, 1906-1927).ad and M. Gawlikowski, The Inscriptions in the Museum of Pallmyra – A Catalogue (Palmyra and Warsaw, 1997) Ingholt (1938) H. Ingholt, ‘Inscriptions and Sculptures from Palmyra II’, Berytus 2, 93-140. Ingholt (1962) H. Ingholt, ‘Palmyrene Inscription from the Tomb of Malku’, MUSJ 38, 99-119. Ingholt (1976) H. Ingholt, 'Varia Tadmoria' in Palmyre, Bilan et perspectives (Strasbourg: AECR) 101- 37. Inv. Inventaire des inscriptions de Palmyre (Beirut, 1930ff.). Inv. Doura Inventaire des inscriptions de Palmyréniennes de Doura-Europos (Paris, 1939). IP K. Al Asʾad and J.-B Yon, Inscriptions de Palmyre - Promenades épigraphiques dans la ville antique de Palmyre (Beyrouth–Damas–Amman 2001). IPS G. Fox and S. Lieu, Inscriptiones Palmyrenae Selectae ad commercium pertinentes - Greek and Palmyrene Inscriptions Relating to Commerce (Sydney and Cambridge 2017f.): http://www.uai-iua.org/content/files/85328157447921903.pdf LʾAgora C. Delplace et al. (eds.) LʾAgora de Palmyre (Bordeaux-Beyrouth 2005). Loc. Location. Louvre J. Dentzer-Feydy and J. Teixidor (eds.), Les antiquités de Palmyre au Musée du Louvre (Paris, 1993). MKG W. Sundermann, Mitteliranische manichäische Texte kirchengeschichtlichen Inhalts, Berliner Turfantexte XI (Berlin, 1990). MM ii F. C. Andreas and W. B. Henning, ‘Mitteliranische Manichaica aus Chinesisch-Turkestan II’, SPAW 1933, 7, 294-363. Morano E. Morano, ‘Contributi all’interpretazione della bilingue Greco-Partica dell’Eracle di Seleucia’ in G.
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  • Divine Symbolism on the Tesserae from Palmyra Considerations About the So-Called “Symbol of Bel” Or “Signe De La Pluie”

    Divine Symbolism on the Tesserae from Palmyra Considerations About the So-Called “Symbol of Bel” Or “Signe De La Pluie”

    Syria Archéologie, art et histoire 95 | 2018 Dossier : Sur les routes de Syrie et d’Asie Mineure Divine symbolism on the tesserae from Palmyra Considerations about the so-called “symbol of Bel” or “signe de la pluie” Ted Kaizer and Rubina Raja Electronic version URL: https://journals.openedition.org/syria/7070 DOI: 10.4000/syria.7070 ISSN: 2076-8435 Publisher IFPO - Institut français du Proche-Orient Printed version Date of publication: 31 December 2018 Number of pages: 297-315 ISBN: 978-2-35159-750-7 ISSN: 0039-7946 Electronic reference Ted Kaizer and Rubina Raja, “Divine symbolism on the tesserae from Palmyra Considerations about the so-called “symbol of Bel” or “signe de la pluie””, Syria [Online], 95 | 2018, Online since 01 May 2021, connection on 25 August 2021. URL: http://journals.openedition.org/syria/ 7070 ; DOI: https://doi.org/10.4000/syria.7070 © Presses IFPO DIVINE SYMBOLISM ON THE TESSERAE FROM PALMYRA CONSIDERATIONS ABOUT THE SO-CALLED “SYMBOL OF BEL” OR “SIGNE DE LA PLUIE” Ted Kaizer Durham University, Department of Classics & Ancient History [email protected] Rubina RAJA Aarhus University, School of Culture and Society, Centre for Urban Network Evolutions [email protected] Abstract — An enigmatic symbol that is often depicted on the Palmyrene tesserae has commonly been interpreted as either the sign of the main god Bel or a mark of rain. This article brings together all appearances of the symbol and puts forward the hypothesis that it stands rather for something that cannot otherwise be represented, namely the notional presence of the divine at religious dining occasions.
  • MALAKBEL Dieu Palmyrénien Dont Le Nom Signifie «Messa Ger De Bel». Il

    MALAKBEL Dieu Palmyrénien Dont Le Nom Signifie «Messa Ger De Bel». Il

    Originalveröffentlichung in: Lexicon iconographicum mythologiae classicae 8,1, Zürich 1997, S. 803-805 MAINADES MALAKBEL 803 MALAKBEL Dieu palmyrénien dont le nom signifie «Messa­ ger de Bel». Il peut être représenté sous l’un des trois aspects: comme jeune dieu de la végétation, comme aurige et comme dieu solaire en tenue militaire. I. En sa première qualité il recevait un culte, ap­ paremment fort ancien, avec -> Aglibol dans le «bois sacré» dit aussi «jardin des dieux»; on y pratiquait les sacrifices de fruits. M. apparaît particulièrement as­ socié au cyprès, et d ’autre part comme protecteur des troupeaux. II. A une époque antérieure à notre documenta ­ tion, M. prend les fonctions de messager du dieu su­ prême, exprimées par son nom (Malak-Bd ). III. Enfin, au cours du Ier s. ap. J.-C., M. prend l’uniforme romain, comme tant d ’autres dieux sy ­ riens et palmyréniens. En même temps, il reçoit le nimbe radié et devient un dieu solaire (->Helios [in per or.]). Cet aspect tardif de M. se manifeste exclu­ sivement en Palmyrène et non en ville. Comme il existait à Palmyre trois dieux solaires, tout personnage radié n ’est pas nécessairement, ni même probablement, M. Celui-ci ne peut être dis ­ tingué que par les divinités ou attributs associés. BIBLIOGRAPHIE: Bounni, A., «Nouveaux bas-reliefs religieux de la Palmyrène», dans Mélanges Michalowski (1966) 313-320; Collart, P., «Aspects du culte de Baalshamîn à Pal­ myre», ibidem, 325-337; Cumont, F., «L ’autel palmyrénien du Musée du Capitole», Syria 9, 1928, 101-109; Drijvers, H. J. W., The Religion ofPalmyra (1976): Gawlikowski, M., Ans dem syrischen Gôlterhimmel.