China Problem in Relation to the United Nations
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11172 May 26
11172 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 26 Mr. JOHNSON of Texas. Mr. Presi- opment of a subject or aspect of a subject, cational, scientific or cultural character pro- dent, I ask that the President be imme- or when their content is such as to main- duced by international organizations rec- diately notified of the nominations this tain, increase or diffuse knowledge, and aug- ognized by the United Nations or by any ment international understanding and of the specialized agencies. day confirmed. goodwill; and 4. On the filing of any such certificate, The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without (b) When the materials are representative, there will be a decision by the appropriate objection, the President will be notified authentic, and accurate; and governmental agency of the contracting forthwith. (c) When the technical quality is such State into which entry Is sought as to that it does not interfere with the use made whether the material is entitled to the priv- of the material. ilege provided by article III, paragraph 1, of THE AGREEMENT FOR FACILITAT- ARTICLE II the present Agreement. This decision shall ING THE INTERNATIONAL CIRCU- be made after consideration of the material The provisions of the preceding article and through the application of the stand- LATION OF VISUAL AND AUDITORY shall apply to visual and auditory materials MATERIALS OF AN EDUCATION- ards provided in article I. If, as a result of of the following types and forms: that consideration, such agency of the con- AL, SCIENTIFIC, AND CULTURAL (a) Films, filmstrips and microfilm in -
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Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 ABSTRACT Between Shanghai and Mecca: Diaspora and Diplomacy of Chinese Muslims in the Twentieth Century by Janice Hyeju Jeong Department of History Duke University Date:_______________________ Approved: ___________________________ Engseng Ho, Advisor ___________________________ Prasenjit Duara, Advisor ___________________________ Nicole Barnes ___________________________ Adam Mestyan ___________________________ Cemil Aydin An abstract of a dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Department of History in the Graduate School of Duke University 2019 Copyright by Janice Hyeju Jeong 2019 Abstract While China’s recent Belt and the Road Initiative and its expansion across Eurasia is garnering public and scholarly attention, this dissertation recasts the space of Eurasia as one connected through historic Islamic networks between Mecca and China. Specifically, I show that eruptions of -
Reinforcing the U.S.-Taiwan Relationship
Reinforcing the U.S.-Taiwan Relationship Testimony before the House Committee on Foreign Affairs Subcommittee on Asia and the Pacific United States House of Representatives Mark Stokes Executive Director The Project 2049 Institute Tuesday, April 17, 2018 Mr. Chairman and esteemed subcommittee members, thank you for the opportunity to testify today alongside my two distinguished colleagues. My remarks address the United States and future policy options in the Taiwan Strait. With the inauguration of President Tsai Ing-wen and the administration of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in May 2016, the Republic of China (Taiwan) completed its third peaceful transition of presidential power and the first transfer of power within its legislature in history. Since that time, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and its ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) have sought to further isolate Taiwan internationally and coerce its democratically-elected government militarily. Panama and Sao Tome and Príncipe's abrupt shifts in diplomatic relations from the ROC to PRC are recent examples. Authorities in Beijing also have leveraged their financial influence to shut Taiwan out of international organizations, such as the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO), and the International Criminal Police Organization (INTERPOL), among others. Tourists holding ROC passports are denied entry into the United Nations. The Chinese Communist Party has long sought the political subordination of people on Taiwan under its formula for unification -- “One Country, Two Systems.” Under this so- called “One China Principle,” there is One China, Taiwan is part of China, and the PRC is the sole representative of China in the international community. -
Afghanistan Anam Ahmed | Elizabethtown High School
Afghanistan Anam Ahmed | Elizabethtown High School Head of State: Ashraf Ghani GDP: 664.76 USD per capita Population: 33,895,000 UN Ambassador: Mahmoud Saikal Joined UN: 1946 Current Member of UNSC: No Past UNSC Membership: No Issue 1: Immigration, Refugees, and Asylum Seekers Afghanistan is the highest refugee producing country with roughly six million refugees. Regarding immigration and refugees, Afghanistan believes that all neighboring countries to those with the highest refugee count, such as Syria and Afghanistan, need to have an open door policy to these individuals. The refugees would need to be approved by the government in order to enter and live in the country; however, if denied access they must not be forced back. Refugee camps with adequate food, water, medical help, and shelter must be provided by the UN and its members in order to reduce refugee suffering. Although many of the countries around the world will disagree with this plan, they fail to realize the severity of this issue. In Afghanistan millions of individuals are left to fend for themselves in a foreign land with literally nothing but the clothes on their back. As a country with over six million refugees, we are able understand the necessity for a change in the current situation. The UN distinguishes between asylum seekers and refugees, however those who are not accepted by others need not be excluded from having a proper life. With the dramatic increase of refugees and immigrants around the world resulting from the dramatic increase of wars of crises, the UN must acknowledge and call all people fleeing from their country refugees and not distinguish between the two. -
The Foreign Office and Policy-Making in China 1945-1950
THE FOREIGN OFFICE AND POLICY-MAKING IN CHINA 1945-1950. ANGLO-AMERICAN RELATIONS AND THE RECOGNITION OF COMMUNIST CHINA. ROBERT EMMERSON WATSON ~- Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Ph.D. THE UNIVERSITY OF LEEDS INSTITUTE FOR INTERNATIONAL STUDIES MAY 1996 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. 11 ABSTRACT. The thesis contributes to the broad body of literature which examines the role of Great Britain in the origins of the Cold War. In particular it focuses on the Foreign Office attitude towards the course of the Chinese Civil War, and ultimately the establishment of a Communist government in China between 1945 and 1950. It is a revisionist interpretation of cold war history drawn from a study of Anglo-American relations with regard to Chinese politics during this period. Traditional interpretations have emphasised the unchallenged nature of American involvement in China after the war. The thesis argues that during this period Britain actively sought to compete for such a predominant position, and specifically that the Foreign Office sought to replace the United States with Britain as the pre eminent Western influence in post-war Chinese politics. To this end, Britain gradually moved its policy from one of co operation with the United States to one of competition. Whilst originally seeking collaboration with Washington, the Foreign Office became increasingly frustrated with the problems within the American policy making machinery, and ultimately pursued a unilateral position in China. This was most evident after 1948 when the rapid collapse of the Kuomintang position forced Western states to closely consider their relationship with the Chinese communists. -
Communists Take Power in China
2 Communists Take Power in China MAIN IDEA WHY IT MATTERS NOW TERMS & NAMES REVOLUTION After World War II, China remains a Communist •Mao Zedong • Red Guards Chinese Communists defeated country and a major power in • Jiang Jieshi • Cultural Revolution Nationalist forces and two the world. • commune separate Chinas emerged. SETTING THE STAGE In World War II, China fought on the side of the victo- rious Allies. But the victory proved to be a hollow one for China. During the war, Japan’s armies had occupied and devastated most of China’s cities. China’s civilian death toll alone was estimated between 10 to 22 million persons. This vast country suffered casualties second only to those of the Soviet Union. However, conflict did not end with the defeat of the Japanese. In 1945, opposing Chinese armies faced one another. TAKING NOTES Communists vs. Nationalists Recognizing Effects Use a chart to identify As you read in Chapter 14, a bitter civil war was raging between the Nationalists the causes and effects and the Communists when the Japanese invaded China in 1937. During World of the Communist War II, the political opponents temporarily united to fight the Japanese. But they Revolution in China. continued to jockey for position within China. Cause Effect World War II in China Under their leader, Mao Zedong (MOW dzuh•dahng), 1. 1. the Communists had a stronghold in northwestern China. From there, they mobi- 2. 2. lized peasants for guerrilla war against the Japanese in the northeast. Thanks to 3. 3. their efforts to promote literacy and improve food production, the Communists won the peasants’ loyalty. -
Issue, Find a Full List of Distribution Points for Hard Copies Or Arrange a Subscription to Have the Nanjinger Delivered to Your Home Or Office!
MAY 2021 www.thenanjinger.com 6 Sign of the Times hat it’s been more than a year since our 1. How have you felt lately (like over the last outing in “The Trip” is indeed a sign past year); anxious or guilty? See p. 16-18. Tof these days. 2. Should you bother to keep pace in the But we’re back with a vengeance. And we’ll Chinese race to be ever-more “beautiful”? wager that you too will be hunkering for the See p. 10-12. clean air of Chizhou and the splendour of 3. Taken out a gym membership recently? Jiuhua Shan after you’re read our first travel Notice anything strange? See p. 14-15. piece of 2021. See p. 22-23. Welcome to “Zeitgeist” from The Nanjinger. But before that, a few questions to get us started for this month. Ed. can the QR Code to visit The Nanjinger on WeChat, from where Syou can download a free PDF of this issue, find a full list of distribution points for hard copies or arrange a subscription to have The Nanjinger delivered to your home or office! This magazine is part of a family of English publications that together reach a large proportion of the foreign population living in Nanjing, along with a good dash of locals, comprising: The Nanjinger City Guide www.thenanjinger.com Facebook, WeChat, Twitter & Instagram All of the above are owned and operated by HeFu Media, the Chinese subsidiary of SinoConnexion Ltd;www.sinoconnexion.com 2 By Maitiu Bralligan ‘21 Independently, we each rebelled in such similar ways: Black clothes, long hair, earring in the left ear Listening to the same riffs and the same bars “And now you do what they told ya...” We were free! Casting our fearless bodies Into the mosh pit / wrecking pool (call it what you will) In the thrall of the same intoxicating thrill. -
The One China Policy and Taiwan: Trump Is Playing with Fire Next to A
January 2017 1/2017 Jyrki Kallio The Finnish Institute of International Affairs The One China policy and Taiwan:Trump is playing with fire next to a powder keg Will the Taiwan Issue once again become central to US-China relations once Donald Trump’s presidential term gets underway or is it just a storm in a teacup? US President-elect Donald Trump still officially considered a province, recognizes the government of the indicated in a TV news interview in although its factual independence is PRC as the sole legal government of December 2016: “I don’t know why tolerated in practice. Internationally, China. At the same time, according we have to be bound by a One China Taiwan can be considered a sovereign to the EEAS factsheet on EU-Taiwan policy unless we make a deal with nation in many aspects – the most relations, it insists that any arrange- China having to do with other things, significant exception being the lack ment between the two sides of the including trade”. The sentiment of recognition by the majority of the Taiwan Strait can only be achieved that China is playing by unfair rules world’s countries and international on a mutually acceptable basis, is widely shared in the US, but the organizations like the UN. “with reference also to the wishes suggestion of using the One China The One China policy is central of the Taiwanese population”. This policy as a bargaining chip was new. to the PRC’s diplomatic relations. means that the EU, similarly to the To make matters worse for China, It means that any country that US, does not unconditionally accept the Taiwanese leader, Tsai Ing-wen, recognizes the PRC must break the PRC’s claim over Taiwan. -
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson Colleg
The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson College The Taiwan Issue in US-China Normalization After 1949, there were many obstacles to normalization of relations between the United States and the new People’s Republic of China (PRC), but Taiwan was no doubt a key obstacle. The Kuomintang-led Republic of China (ROC) government and armies had retreated there. Washington maintained diplomatic relations with the ROC government and, in 1954-55, acceded to Chiang Kai-shek’s entreaties for a mutual defense treaty. After June 1950 with the outbreak of the Korean conflict, the United States took the position that the status of the island of Taiwan— whether it was part of the sovereign territory of China—was “yet to be determined.” More broadly, PRC leaders regarded the United States as a threat to their regime, particularly because of its support for the ROC, and American leaders viewed China as a threat to peace and stability in East Asia and to Taiwan, which they saw as an ally in the containment of Asian communism in general and China in particular. It was from Taiwan’s Ching Chuan Kang (CCK) airbase, for example, that U.S. B-52s flew bombing missions over North Vietnam. By the late 1960s, PRC and U.S. leaders recognized the strategic situation in Asia had changed, and that the geopolitical interests of the two countries were not in fundamental conflict. Jimmy Carter and Deng Xiaoping not only reaffirmed that assessment but also recognized a basis for economic cooperation. -
CRS Report for Congress Received Through the CRS Web
Order Code RL30341 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei Updated March 12, 2001 Shirley A. Kan Specialist in National Security Policy Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Congressional Research Service ˜ The Library of Congress This CRS Report was initiated upon a request from Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott in the 106th Congress. China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy – Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei Summary On July 9, 1999, questions about the “one China” policy arose again after Lee Teng-hui, then-President of Taiwan, characterized cross-strait relations as “special state-to-state ties.” The Clinton Administration responded that Lee’s statement was not helpful and reaffirmed the “one China” policy and opposition to “two Chinas.” Beijing, in February 2000, issued its second White Paper on Taiwan, reaffirming its “peaceful unification” policy but with new warnings about the risk of conflict. There also have been questions about whether and how President Chen Shui-bian, inaugurated in May 2000, might adjust Taiwan’s policy toward the Mainland. In Part I, this CRS report discusses the policy on “one China” since the United States began in 1971 to reach understandings with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) government in Beijing. Part II documents the evolution of the “one China” principle as articulated in key statements by Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. Despite apparently consistent statements over almost three decades, the critical “one China” principle has been left somewhat ambiguous and subject to different interpretations among Washington, Beijing, and Taipei. -
Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony. -
Supplementary Materials
Supplementary Materials: Linsheng Zhong 1, 2 and Dongjun Chen 1, 2, * 1 Institute of Geographic Sciences and Natural Resources Research, Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100101, China 2 College of Resources and Environment, University of Chinese Academy of Sciences, Beijing 100049, China * Correspondence: [email protected] 272 Individual Relevant Core Articles 1. Bai Qinfeng, Huo Zhiguo, He Nan, et al. Analysis of human body comfort index of 20 tourist cities in China. J. Chinese Journal of Ecology. 2009, 28(8): 173–178. 2. Bao Jigang, Deng Lizi. Impact of climate on vacation–oriented second home demand: a comparative study of Tengchong and Xishuangbanna. J. Tropical Geography. 2018, 38(5): 606–616. 3. Cai Bifan, Meng Minghao, Chen Guisong. Construction of the performance evaluation system for rural tourism region and its application. J. Tourism Forum. 2009, 2(5): 81–88. 4. Cai Meng, Ge Linsi, Ding Yue. Research progress on countermeasures for tourism emission reduction in overseas. J. Ecological Economy. 2014, 30(10): 28–33. 5. Cao Hui, Zhang Xiaoping, Chen Pingliu. The appraising of tourism climate resource in Fuzhou National Forest Park. J. Issues of Forestry Economics. 2007, (1): 36–39. 6. Cao Kaijun, Yang Zhaoping, Meng Xianyong, et al. An evaluation of tourism climatic suitability in Altay Prefecture. J. Journal of Glaciology and Geocryology. 2015, 37(5): 1420–1427. 7. Cao Weihong, He Yuanqing, Li Zongsheng, et al. A correlation analysis between climatic comfort degree and monthly variation of tourists in Lijiang. J. Scientia Geographica Sinica. 2012, 32(12): 1459– 1464. 8. Cao Weihong, He Yuanqing, Li Zongsheng, et al.