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Uni Internatbnal 300 N. Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, Ml 48106

8300310

Mouratidis, John

GREEK SPORTS, GAMES AND FESTIVALS BEFORE THE EIGHTH CENTURY B.C.

The Ohio State Unmrsity PH.D. 1982

University Microfilms Intern étions! 300 N. Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor. MI 48106

GREEK SPORTS, GAMES AND FESTIVALS

BEFORE THE EIGHTH CENTURY B.C.

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate

School of The Ohio State University

By

John Mouratidis B.A., M.S.

* * * * #

The Ohio State University

1982

Reading Committee: Approved By

Dr. Jack Balcer

Dr. Bruce Bennett

Dr. Clarence Forbes Adviser Department of Physical Education Copyright by John Mouratidis 1982 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This investigator wishes to express his sincerest gratitude to his advisor, Dr. Bruce L. Bennett, Department of Physical Education, for his unending guidance and advice rendered in the completion of this investigation.

The writer is greatly indebted to Dr. Jack M.

Balcer, Department of History and Dr. Clarence A. Forbes,

Department of Classics for useful criticism and advice.

The assistance and encouragement of Dr. James G. Thompson and Dr. John A. Lucas of Pennsylvania State University is also acknowledged with thanks.

The author takes the final blame for anyerrors or ideas that may be found in the dissertation.

11 VITA

June 15» 19^5...... Born - Kilkls, Greece

1967...... B.A., National Academy of Physical Education, Athens, Greece

I97O-I973...... Physical Education Teacher, Kilkis, Greece

1973...... B.A., Political Sciences, Athens, Greece

1978...... M.Sc., The Pennsylvania State University, State College, Pennsyl­ vania.

PUBLICATIONS

"Herodotus and his Attitude on Games and Athletes: an Inter­ pretation." Canadian Journal of History of Sport 12, No. 1, May 1981, pp. 1 - 10.

"Alexander the Great and his Promotion of Greek Games in the East" Canadian Journal of History of Sport I3 , No. 1, May 1982, pp. 61 - 74.

Ill TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page ACKNOWLEDGMENTS...... ii

VITA ...... ill

Chapter

I. INTRODUCTION, NEED OF THE STUDY AND STATEMENT OF THE P R O B L E M ...... 1

II. MINOAN AND MYCENAEAN CIVILIZATION.... 12

Minoan Civilization ...... 13 Mycenaean Civilization...... 1? Homer and his E p i c s ...... 21

III. SPORTS, GAMES AND FESTIVALS IN MINOAN CRETE ...... 38

Bull Leaping...... 38 D a n c i n g ...... 49 Boxing...... 56 H u n t i n g ...... • 6l F i s h i n g ...... 63 Other Minoan Games and Sports .... 66

IV. THE MOTHER GODDESS OF MAINLAND GREECE AND HER POSSIBLE ASSOCIATION WITH SPORTS, FESTIVALS AND GAMES...... 93

IV V. OLYMPIA BEFORE 776 B.C. AND SOME PROBLEMS CONNECTED WITH THE FOUNDATION OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES ...... 113

Olympia Before 776 B.C...... 113 Theories of the Origin of the Olympic Games...... 118 Pelops, Heracles, Zeus and Hera at O l y m p i a ...... 132 The Olympic Register and the Discus of Iphitos...... 15^

VI. HOMERIC AND MYCENAEAN SPORTS AND GAMES. . 193

VII. CONCLUSION...... 226

BIBLIOGRAPHY...... 24-0

V CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION. NEED OF THE STUDY AND STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

According to tradition the Olympic Games were insti­ tuted in 776 B.C. This date, however, can no longer be accepted for the beginning of Greek athletic contests. The origin of Greek sports, games and festivals, in actuality, is lost in the dark mists of time. From the extensive corpus of literary and archaeological evidence, however, we can now determine that games were practiced in the Greek lands long before the traditional date of the beginning of the Olympic

Games.

For the last fifty years research on the history of

Greek athletics, sports and festivals has been concentrated in the ancient Olympic Games with emphasis on the classical period. Investigation in selected areas of the history of

Greek games, sports and festivals before 776 B.C. is almost non-existent when compared with the studies of the more popular and well-known period of classical Greece. Most of the textbooks written on Greek games have neglected to inves­ tigate the pre-Homeric period, and quite understandably so.

The lack of material evidence and the conflicting traditional sources make such an investigation a very difficult under­ taking. In addition, in order to undertake such a difficult 2

task, knowledge and consequently material from disciplines

other than the history of physical education are required.

For example, contributory assistance from disciplines such

as history, archaeology, religion and anthropology is abso­

lutely essential for such an investigation. The real and

concrete contribution of classical Greek athletics can only be measured with some accuracy if we investigate their sources and their origin. It is a great error to study Greek games and festivals of the classical period alone, since it is evi­ dent from archaeological and literary sources that the Greeks have a continuous history almost from the beginning of their arrival in mainland Greece. Hence I see the need and signi­ ficance for the restudy of Greek games in the pre-Homeric period. This project, an extended investigation, analysis and discussion of the early phases of Greek sports, games and festivals and the specific problems connected with them can be understood through the genesis outlined above.

Some elements relevant to the purpose of this paper are, however, difficult or even impossible to investigate for lack of material evidence or because of contradictory tradi­ tions. It is obvious that in the future much still needs to be investigated and thus the picture presented herein may be incomplete.

It is important at this point to clarify my position concerning a familiar issue in order that its irony will not become an impediment. The issue is that of the so-called "Minoan influence on Greek athletics." The tracing of this influence has been attempted in two works.^ A brief look at these works will help highlight my quite different analysis and conceptualization. Even though this dissertation will make at least a passing reference to the question of "Minoan influence on Greek athletics", still this problem is generally dismissed from the major aims of this study. My investigation is, in short, a new direction concerning the origin of pre-

Homeric Greek sports, games and festivals, and an analysis of certain problems surrounding their nature and function.

In this study both traditional and archaeological information will be utilized. Generally speaking, the archaeological evidence in many cases does not correlate well with the early Gi'eek traditions. The ancient Greek traditions often present a picture that is confusing and contradictory; thus an attempt will be made to re-examine some of these- traditional sources in light of the material evidence.

This thesis is divided into seven chapters. The second chapter considers, in general, Minoan and Mycenaean civilizations as well as aspects of Homer and his epics.

This provides a useful starting point and an introduction to the Minoans and Mycenaeans whose specific natures shaped their games, sports and festivals. It is evident that the starting point of my dissertation cannot be other than one that examines in a very general outline the two great civiliza­ tions of the Bronze Age as well as the people who created and 4

possibly destroyed these civilizations. In the course of the

study I naturally touch upon various names such as Minoans,

Mycenaeans and Homer, but it is not within the scope of this

project to deal with them in exhaustive detail; their his­

tories have already been written.

During the period I600 - 14-50 B.C. Crete, at the

height of her civilization, exercised a rather strong cultural

influence upon the mainland of Greece. Many Minoan objects

found in the shaft graves at Mycenae and the other Cretan

artifacts uncovered at many other Mycenaean centers testify

to that influence of Crete in the early stages of Mycenaean

civilization. The Mycenaeans, however, rapidly generated a

culture peculiar to their own society. This is particularly

true in the area of sports and games where the Mycenaeans

developed and practiced, with few exceptions, athletic contests which best fitted their tastes, inclinations and adventurous

spirit. It should be borne in mind that the Minoans and

Mycenaeans were two different races with distinct preferences

in certain sports and games. Needless to say, certain

sporting activities were common to both Minoans and Mycenaeans but there is little evidence to suppose that these were general borrowings from Minoan Crete. There are several

striking differences in regard to Mycenaean preferences for

certain activities which indicate their particular nature and

character. This is also evident in the case of the Minoans, who enjoyed bull-leaping sports, while the Mycenaeans were fond of horses and chariot-races. Similarly, the religious 5 connotations prevalent among the Minoan sports and games were almost non-existent in the Mycenaean athletic practices, and the Mycenaean hero cult which was so closely connected with competitive games was absent from the Minoan society.

The third chapter is a study of Minoan sports and games. As part of such an investigation I will examine and question certain suppositions of previous authors about the most popular Minoan sports and games. The final problem, toward which this chapter addresses itself, is that of the

Minoan "Mother Goddess" and her association with sports and games.

A careful analysis of the archaeological evidence is of primary importance since it enlarges our knowledge of

Minoan sports and games. The evidence indicates that a variety of activities were practiced by the Minoans and that they were religious in nature. The most popular and most dangerous Minoan sport was bull-leaping, which required physi­ cal prowess, agility and dexterity. The religious signifi­ cance and implications of bull-games is not in question nor is its aristocratic nature. There is little doubt that the performers of the bull-games as well as those of the other

Minoan games were members of the Minoan aristocracy. The

Minoans, like their counterparts of the historical period, pro­ hibited the servile population from participating in exercises.

The controversy over the place where the bull-games were actually performed will be discussed and the opinions of several Minoan scholars, including those of the most 6

outstandingj namely, Evans and Pendlebury, will be presented

and compared. This controversy is by no means over. Still,

investigation needs to be continued as more archaeological

evidence is needed before final conclusions can be drawn.

Literary and archaeological evidence indicates that dancing

and boxing as well as many other activities were popular

among the Minoans. The Minoan dance was highly developed and

it played a very important role in the culture and religion

of the people of the island of Crete. Boxing is depicted in

many Minoan artifacts, an indication of the importance and

popularity of the sport. As becomes evident from the "Boxer

Vase" from Hagia Triada, boxing was a highly developed sport

as early as ca. I6OO B.C. The peaceful nature of the sport

is evident since the participants wore protective helmets

and boxing gloves. The peaceful nature of this sport is also

clearly exposed in a fresco from Thera, dated ca. 1500 B.C., which represents two children of noble birth boxing. The material evidence indicates that the Minoans worshipped a

goddess of vegetation and fertility and that her worship was connected with sports and games. In fact, there was no sport or game which was not in honour of the great Minoan goddess of nature.

In the fourth chapter I present the thesis that games and festivals were held in honour of the "Mother God­ dess" of mainland Greece and that the influence of these games can be seen in Greek athletics down to the end of the historical period. The problem and the nature of the games 7 of the original inhabitants of Greece and their influence on Greek games has not been fully confronted, neither has it been given the attention it deserves.

It is evident from archaeological and literary sources that the original inhabitants of Greece worshipped a goddess of fertility and vegetation. The evidence, although tenuous,also indicates that festivals and games were held in honour of this great goddess. It is probable that the Achaeans incorporated certain elements of the wor­ ship of this female deity into their own religion. This is a reasonable proposition to make,since the Greeks did not worship a nature goddess before their arrival in the mainland,at which time they became impressed by the reli­ gious ceremonies of the Pre-Hellenes. Thus the syncre- tizing of the Pre-Hellenic and Achaean religious practices was a natural consequence. It is reasonable to assume that the nature goddess of the conquered race was still honoured with festivals and games. Although the Greeks succeeded in imposing their athletic traditions and practices upon the

Pre-Hellenes, certain elements of the old vegetation festi­ val in honour of this great goddess survived into the great games of the Classical period.

In the past one hundred years the study of the origin of the Olympic Games and their nature has been a matter of controversy. Such theoretical attempts have also produced several key issues and problems which deserve special attention. Their identification and solution can 8

serve to heighten our understanding about the origin of the

Olympic Games and the problems connected therewith. Hence

the fifth chapter seeks to accomplish the following goals: a) To demonstrate the existence of games at Olympia before the traditional date of 776 B.C. b) To show that the most important theories of the origin of the Olympic Games suffer from a tendency either to ignore the hero cult, an important factor in the development of the Olympic games, or to take

seriously the myth of Pelops and Oinomaos and their supposed

chariot-race. c) In addition, this part of the project will examine a question which has been virtually ignored; that Heracles was the hero-athlete in Olympia in whose honour games were held, while Zeus took over the Olympic festival from Heracles in the early part of the sixth cen­ tury. In this chapter I also attempt to establish a connec­ tion between the pre-Homeric and the post-Homeric hero- athlete cult at Olympia. In fact, to my knowledge, this study has never been undertaken. Thus it is a useful enterprise and it will shed some light on the origin and continuity of the Olympic Games, d) The last part of chapter five will question and contest the reliability of the Olympic Register, as well as the traditional date of

776 B.C. as the beginning of the Olympic Games. There are, of course, several possible different courses of discussion which this part of the dissertation would take, but the course I have chosen is the result of certain important topics which I believe need to be clarified. Their 9 clarification also serves to reveal that traditional sources,

though sometimes helpful in confirming the material evidence,

are generally disappointing when one is trying to determine

the specific problems connected with the origin, foundation

and early history of the Olympic Games.

No picture of Mycenaean sports and games would be

complete without reference to the games described in the

Homeric epics. It is the purpose of the sixth chapter to

examine and critically determine the probable age, origin, as well as the nature and function of the Homeric Games.

In determining the age and origin of the games, I will, in the course of this chapter, make clear whether the games described in the Homeric epics in general and in the twenty- third book of the Iliad in particular, reflect Mycenaean practice or the poet's own time. I will also clarify some uncertainties which I believe are crucial to our under­

standing of the nature and function of the games as des­ cribed by Homer. It is not my intent in this investigation to enter into the complicated and complex Homeric problem.

However, certain aspects of this old problem have to be mentioned for argumentation and conclusions. Fortunately in certain cases concerning the Homeric games and sports, tradition corroborates the material evidence to a much larger extent than was anticipated.

In conclusion this investigation leads us to re­ consider the original question about the late date and the origin of Greek games and to understand that sports, games. 10 and festivals had developed in Greece during the centuries of the second millennium B.C. (the Bronze Age), and with a few exceptions distinct from those of Minoan Crete. While the Greek Bronze Age communities suffered extensive des­ truction at the end of that period, Greek community organiz­ ation did continue as did its hero cults and the aristo­ cratic participation in the athletic activities connected with them. By the traditional date of 776 B.C., therefore,

Greek competitive games had developed most of the character­ istics of the sports, games, and festivals of the pre-

Homeric age.

I am indebted to several scholars and writers whose pioneering works in the field of history, archaeology, religion, anthropology and physical education have made this investigation possible. My indebtedness to them will be duly noted in the course of this study by referring to their names, their work and efforts.

The primary and secondary source materials that have been used for this dissertation are housed in various libraries throughout United States and Canada. Facilities include the Ohio State University library, the Pennsylvania

State University library, the McGill University library, the

University of Montreal library and the Concordia University library in Montreal. 11

ENDNOTES

1. Gustave Glotz, The Aegean Civilization. Trans, by M.R. Dobie and E.M. Riley (Londons Kegan Paul, 1925), chapter VI; William Robbins Ridington, "The Minoan- Myoenaean Background of Greek Athletics." (Ph. D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania, 1935), passim, CHAPTER II

MINOAN AND MYCENAEAN CIVILIZATION

In I870, Heinrich Schliemann, a German merchant,

inspired hy his love and admiration of Homer, set out to

find the world of the Iliad and the Odyssey. Schliemann's

greatest dream became reality; his remarkable discoveries

at Troy, Mycenae, Orchomenos and Tiryns opened a new era

and laid the very basis of pre-historic archaeology.

During his archaeological career, which lasted more than

twenty years, the amateur persuaded the skeptical and

astonished scholarly world that Homer really sang the glory

of two great powers of the Bronze Age, namely Mycenaean

Greece and Troy. His successors^ supplemented and expanded his work and contributed much to our knowledge of pre­ historic Greece.

In 1900, Sir Arthur Evans, a British archaeolo­ gist and anthropologist interested in the Aegean prehistory, undertook to investigate and solve the mysteries of the island of Crete. The story of Crete, Knossos and its legendary king Minos was told not only by Homer, but by 2 other writers as well. Evans vm s equally successful, for he uncovered the center of a great civilization which, in

12 13 fact, is the oldest in Europe. The civilization that Evans

uncovered was named "Minoan" after the fabulous king Minos, while the civilization that Schliemann discovered bears the

name "Mycenaean" after Mycenae, the proudest and most

powerful center of prehistoric Greece.

Minoan Civilization

The island of Crete was the center of a very

important civilization which flourished ca. 2000 - l4jO B.C.

The period between 2000 - 1700 B.C. is referred to as the period of the first palaces, while from 1700 - 14^0 is the

second palace period. It was during the first period that the development of the building of palaces occurred on

several sites of the island. The building of a palace implies a concentration of power and the creation of a hierarchical society with elaborate industrial, agricul­ tural and trading systems. Archaeological evidence shows that all these palaces of the first period were destroyed not by enemy action but rather by natural causes, earth­ quakes being the most probable cause.

The period of the second palaces, roughly from

1700 - 1450, is the age of the Minoan greatness. All the palaces were rebuilt on a grander scale and all have many architectural features in common. One common characteris­ tic of these palaces was the large central court which was probably designed for games and spectacles.^ The most important of all palaces of this period was that of Knossos, 14

whose building techniques are almost similar with the other

Cretan palaces. At the northern entrance of the Knossian

palace a theatre was constructed which was capable of

holding 400 - 500 spectators. A theatre of this type, which was constructed during the first palace period, was

also discovered at Phaestos. These theatres were probably h used for religious dances.

The architecture of the second palace period is

excellent. The walls of the palaces are decorated with

scenes from everyday Minoan life. In some palaces, particu­ larly at Knossos, there are compositions of acrobatic bull- leaping, dancing, court ladies watching spectacles from a

grandstand, crowds of spectators probably watching exhibi­ tions of bull-leaping, boxing or wrestling. Many colourful frescoes of similar compositions were found in almost all major Minoan sites. During this period the Linear A script was well developed and probably used to keep records of routine administration.

Archaeological evidence permits us to make some reasonable inferences about Minoan society, life and religion. All evidence indicates that the Minoans were peaceful, prosperous, athletic and happy people. The lack of emphasis on fighting in their paintings and palace decor­ ation and the lack of weapons and armour in their tombs indicates that the Minoans were peace-loving people.^ 15 The Minoan religion has occupied the minds of

many scholars since Sir Arthur Evans began his excavations

on the island. It is almost certain that the Minoan' wor­

shipped a goddess, a goddess of fertility and vegetation,

the so-called "Mother-Goddess.Lord W. Taylour believed

that the Minoan "Mother-Goddess” was a complex character

that incorporated within herself all expressions and fea­

tures of nature from the cradle to the grave.^ The same

point of view was expressed by R.F. Willetts, who called

the Minoan Goddess "huntress and goddess of sports, armed

or presiding over ritual dancing, with apparent dominion Q over mountain, sky, earth and sea, over life and death..."

Some scholars came to the conclusion that the Minoan "Mother

Goddess" had a youth god of fertility as her consort, who lived as a child and youth and then died.^ The concept of a dying god who is annually reborn contrasts sharply with the Olympian immortals.Religion played a very important role in the princely dwellings of Minoan Crete. F. Vian emphasized the fact that the palace was sacred and was the residence of the Minoan Goddess and of the priest-king who served as mediator between the divine patroness and men.

Furthermore, Vian argued that the dance floors, the inner courts and the storerooms were religious installations, 1 2 while the throne itself was an object of veneration.

The days of Minoan greatness lasted until approxi­ mately 1450 B.C. when Crete was at the peak of her great 16 days. What caused the destruction of Minoan sites is still a matter of dispute. Most archaeologists believe that all

Minoan centers were destroyed more or less simultaneously and that the Santorini volcano is to be blamed for this 13 tragic end. ^ The material remains from Santorini and Crete enables us to draw the same conclusions about the destruc­ tion of the Minoan civilization, a civilization which apparently fell prey to the violence of the tremendous forces of nature. After the disaster of Santorini, the

Mycenaeans from the mainland established themselves at

Knossos without apparent difficulty. Archaeologists believe that the Cretans were weakened because of the volcanic eruption, and the people of the Greek mainland who were the beneficiaries of Crete's destruction took advantage of the 14 situation. A few decades later, probably shortly after l400 B.C., a new disaster overtook Knossos, whose palace burned down. The material evidence shows that human violence was responsible for the destruction; but who were the des­ troyers is still a mystery. One thing, however, is certain; that after this last catastrophe the Minoans never again rose to their former splendour and grandeur. 17 Mycenaean Civilization

Early in the Bronze Age (ca. 2200 - 1900 B.C.) proto-Greek-speaking Indo-Europeans invaded what is now called the Greek mainland. It is generally agreed that the arrival of these newcomers and their mingling with the indigenous population of the Greek mainland produced the

Mycenaean civilization and the proto-Greek language.

There is not very much in the poor material remains to encourage us to make any definite statement about the civilization of the new culture before the beginning of the

Mycenaean greatness (ca. l600 B.C.). Unlike Crete and the

Cyclades, mainland Greece shows an unimpressive development before l600 B.C., but after that time progress was spectacu­ lar.^^ Professor Mylonas stated that from the very begin­ ning these incomers exhibited the racial qualities that distinguished the Greeks of the classical period. They were ready to acquire knowledge, enthusiastic to accept, 17 adopt and advance ideas and cultural impulses. Even though the Mycenaeans were influenced by the Minoans, 1 A particularly in the area of art, it is true, however, that the Mycenaeans from the start developed their own designs, inclinations and a tendency towards a different 1 9 work of art, producing scenes of war and chase. As far as the skill of construction is concerned, Mylonas said that perhaps one could claim that the Mycenaeans at the end surpassed the Minoans in the art of construction, since 18 their work survived many more dangers and destructions, an 20 indication of their ability and excellence.

The abundance of weapons in Mycenaean tombs and the scenes of war and fighting depicted on Mycenaean vases and frescoes indicate that the Mycenaeans, unlike the

Minoans, considered war a nobleman's occupation. To that end they built their palaces on defensible hills, and their citadels were fortified by walls which, even today, compel admiration. It has been said that the Mycenaeans "were 21 master builders in unworked, megalithic masonry;" and the material remains of their fortifications testify to their ability to work with large pieces of stone. As opposed to the Minoans, the Mycenaeans placed great importance on their burial customs, therefore the development of Mycenaean funer­ ary architecture comes as no surprise. The Mycenaeans had their own way of honouring their dead princes and heroes: they held funeral games in their honour and buried with them magnificent works of art such as golden crowns, golden cups, golden masks, rings, swords, daggers, knives, spears and arrowheads. The princely families used to bury their dead in the so-called tholos tombs which are the most out­ standing achievements of the Mycenaean funerary architec­ ture.

The central court of the Mycenaean palaces, unlike the Minoan which was very large and was designed for public games and spectacles, was very small and it is likely that 22 it served as a forecourt to the great hall. The Mycenaean 19 palace, like the Minoan, developed a system of producing and redistributing a variety of goods for a hierarchical society. Michael Ventris' decipherment of Linear B, which was used by the Mycenaeans in order to handle social and economic records, provides us with some additional infor­ mation about the Mycenaean world.We learn from the

Linear B script that the Mycenaeans were Greeks and their language also was Greek. The script also casts new light upon the Mycenaean religion, society and its structure.

The structure of Mycenaean society as it appears in the script, was: palace-complex, large fortifications and bureaucratic system with a strong king, or wanax. The division of labour was very complex. Local leaders or basileis stood under the great king or wanax in the hier­ archy. Lawagetas stood under the basileis and telestais p Zl under the lawagetas. The Linear B tablets show that Zeus and Hera, who were the major deities of classical Greece, appear to occupy a position inferior to other gods. Of great importance was a goddess called Potnia identified with Demeter.There is no mention of twelve gods in the script and some of the names of the traditional twelve

Olympian deities were not found. It is evident that neither the Mycenaean gods nor their cults were identical with the

Homeric picture of Mycenaean religion.Thus the state- 27 ment made by Herodotos ' that Homer and Hesiod are the poets who defined our théogonies and described the functions 20 of our gods giving them all their appropriate titles, powers and offices, has essential truth.

The Mycenaean civilization which flourished ca.

1600 " 1200 B.C. met with a violent end. It is still un­ certain what caused the devastation. Apparently the last

Mycenaeans took with them the secret of their destruction.

Archaeologists agree that the Mycenaean world did not slowly decline; on the contrary, it was destroyed at the pO very acme of its prosperity. In the material remains there” is one thing which seems to dominate everything: the result was devastating. 29

The period following the destruction of the

Mycenaean sites known as the Dark Age of Greece (1100 -

800 B.C.), was witness of the violent and ruinous end of the

Mycenaean world. Greece experienced during this period a general decline and poverty in almost all forms of artistry.

There were, apparently, several migrations into mainland

Greece during the period following the desolation. The

Dorians possibly arrived at this time (1100 B.C.) not as invaders however, but as a new wave of settlers.The regression of civilization which took place during the

Greek Dark Ages is, with a very few exceptions, without dispute. The graves were simple and the objects found within the tombs during this period are far inferior to the

Mycenaean ones. The splendid gold work of the previous era was gone forever. The great king or wanax disappeared and his place was taken by the basileus. a nobleman who was 21

first among equals. He was lacking the bureaucratic service

of the great wanax and, in addition, his power was very

limited because his wealth and domain were smaller. It was

during this period that people began to gain in power and

gathered in the market place. It was during Homer's time

that the kings disappeared and the emergence of aristocracy

with its institutions in rudimentary formation took place.

Homer and his Epics

Despite the unending controversy over Homer an.d

the composition of his epics, the majority of scholars

believe that he lived and composed between 800 - 700 B.C.

The ancient Greeks believed that Homer composed both the

Iliad and the Odyssey, but they did not know much more about

his life. Even his birth-place was a matter of controversy.

While seven cities claimed to be Homer's birth-place, two

of them, namely, Chios and Smyrna, were and still are

considered to have the best claim.

Homeric students in the past discussed the ques­

tion whether Homer composed both the Iliad and the Odyssey.

There are, undeniably, serious differences between two

opposite points of view concerning the authorship of the

Homeric poems. The first view is that Homer composed both

the Iliad and the Odyssey while the second is that the two

poems were not necessarily composed by the same poet. Both

views, however, agree that the poems are not just as Homer

composed them. In other words, there are interpolations in 22

the epics which can he detected.The astonishing and

superb quality of the Homeric poems is beyond dispute.

After twenty-eight centuries they still remain two of the

world's greatest artistic masterpieces. A clear indication

of their artistic quality is the influence these poems

exercised not only over Greece but all over the world down

to our own time.

While scholars of the past were debating whether

Homer was the only author of the epics or a number of men, present-day Homeric scholarship concentrates its efforts on answering another question, that of the actual time period which is depicted in the epics. Homer's subject matter was the Bronze Age, the Trojan War and its immediate aftermath. In other words, there is a separation of more than four hundred years between the poet and the actual time period described in his poems. To that extent one question becomes apparent: Does Homer reflect the political and social events of his own time or does he reflect the

Mycenaean Age? Some accept the Mycenaean theory^^ while others argue that the content of the epics reflects pre­ dominantly the social events of Homer's own time.^^

The structure of the Mycenaean society, as we have seen, was complex, with many local lords and slaves under a very powerful wanax. The absence of such a powerful figure is quite evident in the Odyssey while in the Iliad, only once, Agamemnon is referred to as all-powerful king

(wanax). Generally the Homeric king as he appears in the 23

epics, particularly in the Odyssey, was the first among

equals. Alcinoos' case clearly indicates that he was the

first of twelye additional kings and he had to make deci­

sions with the others.There are many other instances in

the epics where a transition period is clearly exposed.

In this transition period the embryonic forms of city-state

institutions as well as the disappearance of the kingships,

which were replaced by aristocratic goyernments, can be

detected.

Homer was not aware of the existence of the tholos

tombs and the Shaft Graves where the Mycenaean rulers were

,buried. Archaeological evidence indicates that the

Mycenaeans, with a very few exceptions, did not practice

cremation, instead they buried their kings. This practice

is not reflected in Homer, who speaks only of cremation.

One of the characteristics of the Mycenaean society,

according to Linear B script, was the division of labour

and the economic complexities, something the poems failed

to record. The absence of the complex and bureaucratic

system from the epics is convincingly explained by Joseph

Alsop. He maintained the view that for families which were

destroyed dramatically, past glories and memories become very persistent, whereas memories of less glamor, "and what is less glamorous than bureaucracy", tend to fade oO away from the people's minds.

It is generally agreed that the Homeric poems have no notion of the Mycenaean bureaucratic system of 24 government, however, they are aware of other aspects of the

Mycenaean age: Homer's story about a great war in the late

Bronze Age seems to have the support of the material remains.Prom the epics we know that each Mycenaean town had its own king. This fact is plainly confirmed by 4o the archaeological evidence. Homer's geographical sites are Mycenaean; Mycenaean, as well, are some of the heroes' names he uses in his epics. Apparently the poet used names 4l which might have been in use in Mycenaean times. The

Linear B tablets indicate that Poseidon was the most impor­ tant god at Pylos, and he always took the lion's share from 42 the Pylian sacrifices. In the Odyssey, Poseidon remains a dominant figure in whose honour sacrifices were offered 43

The evidence shows that several material objects described in the Homeric epics, such as forms of armament, were remembrances of Mycenaean times. For example, Homer's des­ cription of the boar's tooth helmet, which was unknown in historical Greece, finds support from discoveries which brought to light actual pieces from the above mentioned helmet. It must be admitted that in Homer's description of weapons and fighting, we cannot find a uniform pattern since all centuries from the sixteenth to eighth B.C. have left their marks.Lord W. Taylour argued;

Although the great antiquity of the epics can be demonstrated, it is not easy to disentangle the different periods of composition that are contained in them. The Oldest sagas may go back to the beginning of Mycenaean times. Basically 25 the Iliad recalls events contemporary with the Trojan war, and the Odyssey those of the period immediately follow­ ing hut centred round the fortunes, or rather misfortunes, of the one particular hero. Both poems, however, in the course of their evolution have absorbed other heroic tales and reflect many aspects of the life and customs of later p e r i o d s . ^ 5

Homer told us of a society which was much superior k-6 to his own, a society which was aristocratic and heroic.

In fact, he was the spokesman of the Mycenaean aristocracy.

The poet had little sympathy for the average man, and the

dividing line between the common people and the nobility, remains, throughout his poems, clear and sharp. The Ther-

sites incident is a clear indication of Homer's aristocratic bias. Thus the aristocratic nature of the sports and games described in the epics comes as no surprise.

The Homeric hero is a lover of glory and excel­ lence and his drama in quest of honour and imperishable fame is well depicted in the epics. This hero surpassed all other men in heroic qualities and became the example to be imitated by those who came after him. The epics convey a clear notion of what Homer believed to be "a god­ like man." E. Mireaux pointed out that the essential features of a "godlike man" are strong feet, massive and powerful thighs, muscular arms and a broad chest and 48 shoulders. Indeed, these characteristics which constitute an athletic frame were very essential for the existence of a hero. In fact, Homer could not imagine a hero without 26

these physical qualities. C.M. Bowra stated that Thersites

makes "only one appearance in the Iliad but though it is

short it is important because he embodies unheroic, even

antiheroic qualities, and these are reflected in his appear- Il q ance." ^ W.K.C. Guthrie believed that for the Homeric

heroes the body was the root and cause of their joy in life,

and that a strong physical frame was "the sine qua non of

their happiness.Interesting are Guthrie's comments

for the Homeric conception of old age when physical strength

and beauty have gone forever.

Old age was a grievous evil no less than death, which in their eyes was the separation of the life of man, his psyche, from the body. It was not extinction, but meant dragging on an existence deprived of all that made life worth living.51

The Homeric man had a deep and zestful appreci­

ation for physical prowess and beauty as is evidenced in

many passages in the Epics; Hector wanted to fight with

Achilles and die young and handsome instead of dying old

and ugly.^^ In the meeting of Achilles and Priam the latter

gazed upon Achilles, wondering how tall and handsome he was.

In Priam's own eyes Achilles seemed like a god. Achilles in turn gazed on Priam and admired his brave and noble looks as well as his utterance.On this little incident in the meeting of two enemies, Hartving Frisch observed:

This courtesy in behaviour and this wonder at the figure and beauty of an adversary are a fundamental trait in 27 all "nobility-culture" but no people in the world has driven the worship of beauty so far as the Greeks.5^

Although Mycenaean grandeur disappeared from the earth, her epics, legends, and traditions survived and were chanted as songs down to the time of Homer. It is most generally agreed that when Homer composed his epics, in order to praise the valorous deeds of his ancestors, he was making use of a large repertoire of epic material which was known to him through oral tradition. From generation to generation the Mycenaean bards passed on their art and its subject to their successors with remarkable success.

The old concept that the Dark Ages (ca. 1200 - 800) were a barrier for the production and transmission of oral poetry is not valid any more. Today scholars believe that the

Greek Dark Ages were not necessarily a bad environment for oral poetry.Unlike other fields of human endeavour, poetry sometimes flourishes under conditions of conquest, destruction and poverty in order to gratify "an inevitable nostalgia for the nobler past."^^ The existence of

Mycenaean narrative tradition and poetry is clearly ex­ pressed in the Homeric epics themselves; The Phaeacian poet Demodocos is a professional bard who sings about the conquest of Ilium in the presence of Odysseus.Another

Mycenaean bard is mentioned by Homer in the court of

Odysseus at Ithaca. He is Phemios "the divine singer" who was singing to the suitors about the Achaeans' ill-fated 28 homecoming from Troy.^^ Evidence for oral tradition also comes from another passage in the Iliad where Achilles in his tent played his lyre and sang of the glorious doings of men.^^ The importance of oral tradition is emphasized by

Homer when he mentions Thamyris, the Thracian poet, and his ruinous rivalry with the Muses. Thamyris was very arrogant to challenge the Muses to a contest and "these in their anger struck him maimed, and the voice of wonder they took away, and made him a singer without memory.But the Muses Thamyris challenged were, as Homer said, the daughters of memory whose help he asked in order to sing.

Kenneth J. Atchity pointed out that Thamyris' competition with the Muses indicates his attempt to discard tradition, é P asserting himself alone. It is evident that the poet's own memory and his knowledge of tradition were qualifica­ tions appropriate to the nature of his art. It is beyond doubt that the roots of Greek epic poetry go back to the

Mycenaean age and that the descriptions in the Iliad and the Odyssey about bards singing for a glorious past are not anachronistic.

It is in the light of the above observations, concerning the "Homeric problem", that the games described by the poet in his epics in general and in the twenty-third book of the Iliad in particular will be investigated. ENDNOTES

1. For more on Schliemann's successors see William A. McDonald, Progress Into the Past, (Bloomington and London: Indiana Press. 1976), passim.

2. Iliad 18.590-2; Odyssey 11.568-72, 17.523. 19-178-9; Diodoros Sic. 5.77.3; Thucydides 1.4; Herodotos 3-122. The archaeological activity of Sir Arthur Evans was carried out over the years from 1900 - 1924.

3- J-B. Bury and Russell Meiggs, A History of Greece, (New York: St. Martin's Press, 1975), PP- 9. 23; James Walter Graham, The Palaces of Crete (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1969), p- 74; Mircea Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1978), p. 134.

4. Bury and Meiggs, A History... p. 10; E. Norman Gardiner, Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals. (London: MacMillan and Co., Limited, 1910), p. 10; hereinafter cited as GASF; James W. Graham, The Palaces..., pp. 28, 74; Keith Branigan, The Foundations of Palatial Crete. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1970)? P- 110.

5 . The Minoan Society was a joyous and peaceful one. Military scenes of war and fighting are unusual in the Minoan art, but as John Chadwick, The Mycenaean World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), p. 159 said, the coming of the Greeks to the island of Crete changes the pacific face of the Minoan society.

6. For more references pertaining to the nature of the Minoan goddess see: H.J. Rose "Religion" in Alan J.B. Wace and Frank H. Stubbings, A Companion to Homer (Lon­ don; MacMillan and Co., I962), p. 472; H.J. Rose, Ancient Greek Religion (London, New York: Hutchinson's University Library 1948), 47; R.F. Willetts, The Civilization of Ancient Crete. (London: B.I. Batsford, 1977). b. 116; Cretan Cults ^ d Festivals. (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, I962), pp. 250-I; J.B. Bury and Russell Meiggs, A History of Greece, pp. 16 - 17; Mircea Eliade, A History of Religious Ideas, p. I38; Martin P. Nilsson, The Minoan - Mycenaean Religion and Its Survival in Greek Religion (Lundi C. Gleery, 1927),

29 30

passim; Arthur Evans, The Palace of Minos (New York: Bible and Tannen, reprint 1964). passim; hereinafter cited as PM; Peter Warren, The Aegean Civilization, p. 99; Anne G. Ward, The Quest for Theseus (New York: Prager Publishers, 1970), p. 79-

7. Lord W. Taylour, The Mycenaeans (London: Thames and Hudson 19643, p. 63. Taylour believed that the Minoan goddess's roles as goddess of vegetation, mistress of animals and household goddess could be identified, in terms of the Greek Pantheon as Demeter, Artemis and Athena. Also see Peter Warren, The Aegean Civilization, p. 99. 8 . R.F. Willetts, The Civilization of Ancient Crete, p. 120, The complexity of the Minoan Goddess was also emphasized by A. Severyns, Grèce et Proche-Orient Avant Homere, (Bruxelles, Presses Universitaires de Bruxelles, 1968), p. 97. 9. Ibid. p. 116; Cretan Cults and Festivals, pp. 25O-I: Willetts believed that the Cretan Zeus Welkanos who is featured on coins of Phaistos from 430 - 300 B.C. was probably a survival of the male partner of fertility of the Minoan goddess. The month-name, Willetts observed, as well as the spring festival of the god, the so-called Welkania, is known to us from inscriptions at Knossos, Lyttos and Gortyn. A.B. Cook, Zeus A Study in Ancient Religion. Vol. 2, (New York: Biblo and Tannen, 1964), p. 948 said that the cult of Welkanos was known in Cyprus as well; M.P. Nilsson, Minoan Mycenaean Religion, p. 464: the temple of Zeus Welkanos was built upon the ruins of the Hagia Triada palace. For an alternative point of view see: Charles Picard, Religions Pré­ helléniques (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1948), p. 152 who said that we have no proof of the existence of an adult male god in Minoan religion. For more on the Minoan Goddess and her male consort see: PM 2 .277, 3.468 - 473.

10. H.J. Rose "Religion" in Alan J.B. Wace and Frank H. Stubbings, A Companion to Homer, p. 472; R.F. Willetts, The Civilization of Ancient Crete, p. 116.

11. F.^Vian, "La Religion de la Crète Minoenne et de la Grèce Achéenne" in Henri-Charles Puech, Histoire des Religions, vol. 1 (Paris: Bloud et Gay, 1955), P- ^ 7 5 - 12. Ibid. 31 13* Spyridon Marinates, Crete and Mycenae, translated by J. Boardman, (London: Thames and Hudson, i960), p. 18, Nicolaos Platon, Crete (London: F. Muller, I966), p. 197; J.D.S. Pendlebury, The Archaeology of Crete (London: Methuen, 1939)» pp. 180, 228; Emily Vermeule, Greece in the Bronze Age, p. 1^3; R.W. Hutchinson, Prehistoric Crete, p. 30O; D.L. Page, The Santorini Volcano and the Desolation of Minoan Crete (London: Alden and Mowbray Ltd. 1970), p. 12; Christos Dumas, "The Minoan Eruption of the Santorini Volcano" .Antiquity 48 (1974), pp. 110 - 115; J.V. Luce, "Thera and the Devastation of Minoan Crete: A New Interpretation of the Evidence" AJA 80 (1976), pp. 9 - I6.

14. H.E.L. Mellersh, The Destruction of Knossos (London: Hamilton, 1970), p. 58» Sinclair Hood, The Home of the Heroes: The Aegean Before the Greeks (New York: McGraw- Hill Book Company, 1974), p. 110; J.T. Hooker, Mycenaean Greece, (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, I976), p. 79; Anne G. Ward, The Quest of Theseus, pp. 80 - 81; J.B. Bury and Russell Meiggs, A History of Greece, p. 19; Peter Warren, The Aegean Civilization, p. 104; Sinclair Hood, "The International Scientific Congress on the Volcano of Thera", Kadmos 9 (1970), pp. 98 - I06; William R. Biers, The Archaeology of Greece: An Intro­ duction (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1980), p. 5^1.

15. John Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. 4; H. Michell, Sparta (Cambridge: University Press, 1964), p. 7; Emily Vermeule, Greece in the Bronze Age, p. 66; M.I. Finley, Early Greece - The Bronze and Archaic Ages (New York: W. W. Norton and Company inc. 1970), p. 19; G. Mylonas, Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age (N. Jersey: Princeton University Press, I966), p. 3*

16. Bury and Meiggs, A History..., p. 7; M.I. Finley, Early Greece. p. 47.

17. George Mylonas, Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age, p. 3 . Also see A.J.B. Wace "The Early Age of Greece" in A.J.B. Wace and Frank H. Stubbings, A Companion to Homer, pp. 341-2.

18. For Cretan influence on the mainland see: Emily Vermeule, Greece in the Bronze Age, pp. 70, 76, 80, 87» 89» 95» 99» 100, 104, 106, 109» 112, 129, 130, 140, 210, 211, 214, 216, 218, 254, 255» 258, 261, 267, 284; Martin P. Nilsson, Minoan Mycenaean Religion, pp. 109» 147» 179» 347» 348; hereinafter cited as MMR; H.J. Rose, Ancient Greek Religion, p. 47; Emily Vermeule, The Art of the Shaft Graves at Mycenae, p. 100; Bury and Meiggs, A History.... pp. 13, 20, 21, 22, 23, 38; S. Hood, The Home of Heroes, pp. 67 - 77» 100, 102, 104; William Biers, The Archaeology of Greece, p. 64. 32

19. G. Mylonas, Mycenae and the Mycenaean Age, p. 3*

20. Ibid., p. 188.

21. Peter Warren, The Aegean..., p. 123. Also see William R. Biers, The Archaeology.... p. 65. The Greeks of Classical times were so impressed by the fortification walls that they called them Cyclopean, apparently they believed that these walls, due to their size, were built by those imaginary creatures that Homer described in the Odyssey.

22. Bury and Meiggs, A History..., p. 23.

23. The majority of the scholars agree that Linear B script was an adaptation of Linear A. See: Emily Vermeule, Greece.... p. 237; Bury and Meiggs, A History.... p. 19; F.H. Stubbings, Prehistoric Greece, p. 84; John Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. XII; H.J. Rose, Gods and Heroes of the Greeks, (Cleveland and New York: The World Publishing Company, 1958)f P . 3; Nicolaos Platon, Crete, p. 75.

24. John Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. 7I.

25. Ibid., p. 96.

26. See W.F. Jackson Knight, Many-Minded Homer, p. 61; Bury and Meiggs, A History.... p. 39; H.J. Rose, "Religion", in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion.... p. 475.

27. Herodotos 2.53.

28. J.T. Hooker, Mycenaean Greece, p. l40.

29. V.R.D'A. Desborough, The Last Mycenaeans and Their Successors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1964), pp. 217 - 257. 30. M.I. Finley, Early Greece..., pp. 6l - 81.

31. There is evidence in the ancient sources about Homer. The writers who directly or indirectly mentioned Homer were; Hesiod, Xenophanes, Semonides, Tyrtaeus, Ter- pander, Archilochos, Callinos, Aleman, Stesichoros and Pindar. The only ancient source which gave a date for Homer and discussed his relation to other poets is Herodotos (2.53). Herodotos' date for Homer is "not more than four hundred years ago" (ca. 860 - 840 B.C.). 33 Archaeological evidence supports the view of Greek settlement on the coast of Asia Minor in the eleventh century B.C. See J.M. Cook "Old Smyrna, 19^l'8 - 1951" Journal of Hellenic Studies 72 (1952), pp. 10, 12, 13; hereinafter cited as JHS; V.R.D'A. Desborough, The Last Mycenaeans and Their Successors, p. I63. It is probable that the remnants of Mycenaean aristocracy after the destruction of their towns in the mainland settled across the Aegean Sea. It is reasonable to assume that Homer's ancestors were of those Mycenaeans who started new homes in Ionia.

32. For more on Homer and his poems see: A.J. Wace and Frank H. Stubbings, A Companion to Homer passim; G.S. Kirk, The Homeric Poems and History, vol. 2, ch. 3^; G.M. Bolling, The External Evidence for Interpolation in Homer. (Oxford; Clarendon Press, 1929). passim. J.T. Sheppard, The Pattern of the Iliad, (London; Methuen and Co., Ltd., 1922) passim; jTa. Scott, The Unity of Homer (New York; Biblo and Tannen, I965H passim.

33» T.B.L. Webster, From Mycenae to Homer (London; Methuen, 1958), pp. 115 - 123. For more on this matter see; C. Thomas (ed.), Homer's History; Mycenaean or Dark Age? (New York; Knopf, 1970), passim.

3 4 . M.I. Finley "Homer and Mycenae; Property and Tenure" Historia 6 (1957), pp. 133 - 159; The World of Odysseus. Revised Edition, (New York: The Viking Press, 19o5), passim; C.M. Bowra, Homer, p. I7I, said that the world Homer described is not Mycenaean in its social structure.

35. Iliad 1 .172.

36. Odyssey 8.385 - 396. In Ithaca we see a similar situa­ tion. See Odyssey 1.394 - 396. In both Ithaca and Phaeacia the decline of kingship was evident. The great number of suitors in Odysseus' palace is an indi­ cation of the existence of many equals probably coming from emerging aristocratic families. For a transitional stage concerning kingship see Iliad 2.203 - 206.

37. Telemachos was not the king of Ithaca even though he was Odysseus' son (Odyssey 1.384 - 388). We also can detect in the Homeric epics some kind of community involvement in the implementation of justice. A good example of this is in the Iliad (18.496- 498) where the community gathered in the agora (market place) to solve a conflict between two warriors. In the Odyssey (12.441 443) there was a parallel case, with a special place in the agora for the administration of justice. Assemblies 34

are also quite evident in the epics (see; Odyssey 2.5» 2 .10, 3 .31. 3 .127, 3.140, 6 .266, 8.387 - 390, 15.468, 24.420; Iliad 2.50 - 53, 2.788 - 790, 3.l40. Assemblies were important for the simple reason that in the assembly people started to make some sort of decisions about public affairs. In the Odyssey (6.195, 15.468) as well as in the Iliad (12.410 - 4l4) there are signs of concern about public matters. These evolutions in the structure of the Homeric society will continue with remarkable success in the Lyric Age, (ca. 700 - $00 B.C.). 0. Starr, The Origins of Greek Civilization; 1100 - 650 B.C.. (New York; Knopf, 1961); p. I07 said that the evolution began c. 700 B.C. Also see Victor Ehrenberg "When did the Polis Rise"?, JHS 57 (1937), pp. 147 - 159; A. Andrewes, The Greek Tyrants. (New York; Harper and Row Publishers, 1963). passim; W.G. Forrest, The Emer­ gence of Greek Democracy 8OO - 400 B.C.. (New York - Toronto; McGraw - Hill Book Company, 1975), pp. 50 - 66; C.M. Bowra, The Greek Experience. (New York; The World Publishing Company, 1957), pp. 32 - 53: Robert J. Littman, The Greek Experiment (Great Britain; Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, inc. 1974), pp. II3 - I36.

38. Joseph Alsop, From the Silent Earth. (G. Britain; Pen­ guin Books, I9Ü5 ), p. 195.

39. The evidence is overwhelming that Troy Vila was attacked and destroyed. What the archaeological evidence does not say is who were the destroyers. But it is generally believed that Troy was destroyed by the Mycenaeans.

40. V.R.D'A. Desborough, The Greek Dark Ages, p. I6 .

41. See John Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. 67.

42. Ibid., p. 96. For more on the importance of Poseidon at Pylos see; Odyssey 3 .7 ; Paus. 5.24.1; 5.15.4.

4 3 . Odyssey 3.43 - 44. When Telemachos arriyed at Pylos, a festive celebration started in honour of the god. Also according to Linear B tablets, Iphimedia was wor­ shipped as goddess at Pylos (J. Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. 95). The same goddess appears in the Odyssey as having two sons by Poseidon (Odyssey II.305).

44. Bury and Meiggs, A History.... p. 5I. See also Emily Vermeule, Greece.... p. 135. She was referring to the findings at Dendra (weapons) which go back to an early stage in the development of Mycenaean culture. The same point of yiew was expressed by William A. McDonald, Progress Into the Past, p. 422. 35 ^5* Lord VJ. Taylour, The Mycenaeans. p. 44. Also see: J.N. Coldstream, Geometric Greece, p. 18, who said that "the Homeric society cannot be assigned to any single period;" Snodgrass, "An Historical Homeric Society" JHS 94 (1974), p. 114; Emily Vermeule, Greece.... p. 306; M.P. Nilsson, The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology (New York: The Norton Library, 1932), pp. 5» 11.

46. See Iliad 5 .304, 12.449, 20.28?.

4?. See Iliad 2.212, 2.244 - 246. Even though Thersites' words were true, he never won Homer's sympathy for he, a commoner, spoke against Agamemnon the lord. Also see Kenneth John Atchity, Homer's Iliad (U.S.A.; Southern Illinois University Press, 1978), p. 12?. The main spokesman for the common man will appear on the scene a generation after Homer. He was Hesiod, the peasant from Boeotia.

48. Emile Mireaux, La Vie Quotidienne au temps D'Homere. (Paris: Hachette, 1954), pp. 49 - 50'

4 9 . C.M. Bowra, Homer, p. I56. In the Iliad (1.216 - 219) Homer said of Thersites: "This was the ugliest man who came beneath Ilion. He was bandy-legged and went lame of one foot, with shoulders stooped and drawn to­ gether over his chest, and above this his skull went up to a point with wool grown sparsely upon it." (Trans. R. Lattimore).

50. W.K.C. Guthrie. The Greeks..., p. 122.

51. Ibid.

52. Iliad 22.71.

53. Iliad 24.627 - 632. 54. Hartving Frisch, Might and Right in Antiquity. Trans, by C.C. Martindale (Denmark: Gyldendalske Boghadel, 1949), p. 80.

55" More on oral tradition see: D.L. Page, History.... p. 260; W.A. McDonald, Progress.... p. 421; G.S. Kirk, Homer and the Oral Tradition, p. 71; The Songs of Homer (Cambridge: University Press, 1962), pp. 101, 115; M.P. Nilsson, The Mvcenaean Origin.... pp. 3, 11, 22, 28; Emily Vermeule, Greece.... pp. 135, 306, 3O8 , 309, 3II; N. Coldstream, Geometric Greece, pp. 341, 342, 268; V.R. D'A. Desborough, The Greek Dark Ages, pp. 321, 325, 342; W.F. Jackson Knight, Many Minded Homer, p. 1?2; C.M. Bowra, Homer, pp. 27, 30, 53, 154; Joseph Alsop, From 36

the Silent Earth, pp. 113 - H 4 ; John Chadwick, "Myce­ naean Elements in the Homeric Dialect" in G.S. Kirk, The Language..., pp. 117, 119 - 120; C.M. Bowra, "The Meaning of a Heroic Age" in G.S. Kirk, The Language..., p. 36; Cyrus Gordon, Homer and Bible (N. Jersey: Ventor Publishers, I967), p. l4; Alfred Heubeck "Homeric Studies Today" in Bernard C. Fenik, Homer Tradition and Invention (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1978), pp. 16 - 17; Kenneth John Atchity, Homer's Iliad, pp. 2^5, 23^; A.B. Lord, "Homer and the Other Epic Poetry" in A.J. Wace and Frank H. Stubbings, A Companion to Homer, p. 184.

56. See: J.T. Hooker, Mvcenaean Greece, p. 209; Joseph Al­ sop, From the Silent..., p. 193; J*N* Coldstream, Geometric..., pp. 34l - 342; C.M. Bowra, Homer, pp. 80 - ÔÏ. Particularly in Ionia where the epics were composed, the Dark Ages left no traces whatsoever. See D. Page, Historv.... p. 239; G.S. Kirk, The Songs..., p. I36; Joseph Alsop, From the Silent..., p. 195; C.M. Bowra, "The Meaning of a Heroic Age" in G.S. Kirk (ed.). The Language.... p. 36.

37" G.S. Kirk, Homer and the Oral Tradition, pp. 26, 3^; "Objective Dating Criteria in Homer" in G.S. Kirk (ed.). The Language..., p. I7B; The Songs..., p. I38; James A. Notopoulos, "Homer, Hesiod and the Achaean Heritage of Oral Poetry", Hesperia 29, (i960), pp. 177 - 197, par­ ticularly p. I9O; C.M. Bowra, Homer, p. 134.

58. Odvssev 8.487 - 492. C.M. Bowra, Homer, p. 10 said that "Homer recognizes that heroic song has its own standards and that care for the truth is among them." For more on Demodocos see Odvssev 8.62 - 64, 8.63 - 70, 8.73 - 82, 8.106 - 107, 8.367 - 369, 8.471 - 486, 8.300 - 320.

39. Odvssev 1.324 - 340. Unlike Demodocos who was blind, Phemios was "a godlike man". For more on Phemios see Odvssev 1.133 - 155* Phemios was spared by Odysseus even though he was singing for the suitors (Odvssev 22.330 - 356).

60. Iliad 9.189 - 191.

61. Iliad 2.395 - 600. For more on Thamyris see: Euripides Rhesos 918 - 925; Strabo 8.3*23; Hyg. Astr. 2.6; Plato Ion 333b; Paus. 4.33.3; 4.33.7; 10.7.2; 10.30.8 ; Plut. Mor. 1093d; 1132a. Emily Vermeule, Greece.... p. 308, commenting on Thamyris' punishment and the "poet- Thamyris" fresco found at Pylos, said: "Perhaps this explains the apathetic posture of the Pylos poet-Thamyris 37

looking wistfully at a bird for inspiration, with limp hands.... The story also implies Mycenaean singing contests among professionals."

62. Kenneth John Atchity, Homer's Iliad, p. 2^4.

63. John Chadwick, "Mycenaean Elements in the Homeric..." in G.S. Kirk (ed.). The Language.... p. 11?. CHAPTER III

SPORTS. GAMES AND FESTIVALS IN MINOAN CRETE

Little was known of the existence of sports,

games and festivals in Minoan Crete before the excavations

of Arthur Evans on the island. Evans and his successors

revealed that sports, games and festivals were connected

with the great civilization of Crete. The evidence comes

from frescoes that decorated palaces and homes, seal-stones,

paintings, gold signet-rings, terra-cotta, vases and funnel-

shaped rhytons. There are many representations of various

physical activities such as bull-leaping, boxing, tumbling,

dancing, wrestling, hunting and fishing, indicating that

the Minoans either as performers or as spectators, loved

sports.

Bull Leaping

All evidence indicates that bull-leaping was a popular sport among the Minoans. The most popular form of bull-leaping was the following: the athlete seized the on- rushing bull's horns and turned a somersault on them; then he landed on the animal's back and jumped down to the ground or into the arms of his waiting partner. The nerve, dexterity and physical agility required by the performing

38 39 athlete are beyond dispute. In all bull-leaping scenes

the athlete or athletes carry no weapons, and there is no

indication that the bull was killed. Scenes depicting this

sport are numerous and were found in many parts of the

island. Two bull-shaped rhytons, dated ca. 2000 B.C.,

found in two primitive tholos tombs of Messara, show

athletes seizing the horns of bulls which were covered with

a series of bands around their bodies, an indication of

their sacral character.^ Similar scenes of the same

period with acrobats of both sexes performing somersaults

indicate that this kind of sport was popular during the

first palace period (2000 - I7OO B.C.).^

The second palace period which was the era of

Minoan greatness was also the time when bull games and

sports flourished. The "Toreador Fresco" of Knossos, dis­

covered in the eastern wing of the royal palace, belongs

to that period and depicts three bull leapers at various

phases of the sport. Apparently, one athlete is the main

performer and the others are assistant performers or fellow

participants. In this particular fresco, the athlete is

shown seizing the horns of an onrushing bull. The animal,

by lifting its head, throws the athlete upwards; the per­

former, by using the bull's tossing, turns a somersault in

the air and lands on the bull's back and then jumps safely

on the ground.^ This fresco makes clear the fact that more

than one bull-leaper of both sexes participated in this dangerous sport, apparently for security reasons. Evans 40 emphasized the importance of help to the leaping athlete by the assistant performers who were not initially part of the game but posted outside of the arena near narrow openings from where they could rush forward to help the acrobat during the most critical moments of the perfor- 4 mance. Sakellarakis also pointed out that in the final and most critical phase of the bull-leaping performance, the presence of another athlete v/as necessary to help the leaping athlete make a safe landing and thus avoid possible injury.^ Acquaintance with the bull's actions by the performer, as well as co-ordination, agility, daring, physical and mental training were absolutely necessary for a successful performance.^ A lenticular shape seal dated ca. 1600 B.C. depicts an athlete leaping on a bull from behind and grappling the beast by the horns. A tree on the same scene indicates a wooded area and thus the infor­ mality of the game as opposed to these performances which took place in the arena.^

Bull-leaping was very dangerous and accidents occurred as is attested by various representations of the sport; on a conical steatite rhyton from Hagia Triada an acrobat is depicted between the horns of an onrushing bull, with outstretched arms that evidently have missed their g grasp. On a signet ring found at Knossos, we clearly see an acrobat who was thrown on the ground behind the bull, in a helpless position after an unsuccessful performance.^

A gold engraved bead from Knossos depicts a bull in a very 41

violent action and a performer on the ground trying to pro­

tect his head with one hand, and with the other he tries

to minimize the impact of the fall. The performer on this

engraved bead is naked, except for the girdle, something

unusual for the Minoan culture.Evans believed that in

'Minoan art only young children and the boy-God appear naked

and that the performer appearing naked on this bead is "a

comparatively young boy."^^ But the performer in question

(fig. 159) is not a boy at all. There is no comparison

between figure 1591 which shows a performer naked, strong

and well developed, and figures 310, a,b, (PM 3*446) where

naked children are clearly shown. The nakedness of the

performer on the engraved seal is rather due to the bull's

violent action which resulted in the unsuccessful perfor­

mance that caused the fall of the athlete's loin-cloth. A

careful examination of the figure 159 rather shows that the

performer's loin-cloth is stretched along his left leg

failing thus to cover his genital organs. Also an object

on the bull's left horn might well be part of the athlete's

loin-cloth.

It is generally believed that the bull-leaping was not only an entertainment and a display of skill and physical prowess; in addition, its religious significance was emphasized by many. A.B. Cook pointed out that it is probable that the religious significance of the bull-sport lay in the athlete's touch with the horns of a sacred bull.

Furthermore, Cook argued that the bull was a symbol of 4 2

fertility and its power was gathered up in its horns; and

anyone who catches the horns of a bull gets a share in its 12 particular and special force. Thus bull-leaping was

designed to promote fertility which was achieved with the

direct contact of the athlete with the horns of the fer­

tilizing bull.The religious implications of bull-leaping

were also emphasized by A.W. Persson as well who believed

that the universal god of fertility was represented in the

figure of a bull and that bull games should be regarded as 14 the great spring festival. Many authors also pointed out

that the passing of the athlete over the charging bull,

constitutes a complete and excellent initiatory ordeal.

M.P. Nilsson was the only scholar, as far as we know, who was skeptical about the religious importance of bull-

leapings in Minoan Crete. In fact, Nilsson believed that

there was not sufficient evidence for assigning any religious

role to the bull-games, which were, according to him, "a popular, profane pastime.

One thing that we still do not know is who per­ formed these bull-games. Evans had no doubt about the

social status of bull-leapers:

The youthful participants in these per­ formances, like those of the boxing and wrestling bouts, that can hardly be separated from the same general category, have certainly no servile appearance. They are, as we have seen, elegantly attired, and, especially in the hand-to- hand contests to be described below, often of noble mien. In these champions of either sex we must rather recognize 4]

the flower of the Minoan race, executing, in many cases under direct religious sanctions, feats of bravery and skill in which the whole population took a passionate delight... So, too, the participation of women in the Minoan bull-grappling scenes can by no means be regarded as a symptom of bondage or a perverse tyrant's whim.17

Sakellarakis also emphasized the fact that the performers of the bull-sports were members of the aristo- 1 Q cratic Minoan class. An alternative point of view, however, was expressed by other scholars. It has been suggested that the bull-jumpers were captives who were compelled to perform, as the Romans sometimes compelled 19 their captives to fight with one another as gladiators.

The view that the bull-performers and the participants of the other sports as well were of noble families receives not only the support of material evidence but of the tra­ dition as well. One notable example is Minos' son Androgeos who came to Athens, while Aegeus was king, and defeated all his opponents in the games. Androgeos was treacherously slain on his way to Thebes where he was planning to attend 20 another festival. The fact that noble Minoans considered participation in sports as their own prerogative may well have survived the historical times, since Aristotle stated that the Cretans forbade their slaves to keep arms and 21 participate in gymnastic exercises. It is rather improb­ able that the Minoans, a very religious people, allowed

"slaves," "captives" or "mercenaries" to participate in the bull-leaping performances which were religious in nature. 44

There is an unending controversy over the place where the bull-games were actually performed. Evans was convinced that the performance "took place in some arena 22 prepared for the purpose." Pendlebury was also of the opinion that the bull-sports took place outside the palace 23 in a wooden enclosure. Current opinion, however, is in favour of the central courtyards of the palaces themselves where the bull-games could have been well accommodated.

J.W. Graham believed that the performances took place in the central court of the palaces and explained why:

The simple explanation for this failure to find any remains of a special arena is, I believe, that the games took place in the central court of the various palaces. The evidence for this is strong, if not absolutely conclusive, and will now be presented, commencing with certain general considerations. The great central courts with their porticoes at Knossos, Phaistos and Mallia, are the most striking features of the ground-plan of these palaces. The remarkable similarity in size and proportions of all three is apparent... In all three the long axis is oriented north to south. This coincidence in size and shape might tempt one to suggest that the central courts were constructed to definite specifications - like a football field or a tennis court - for some definite p u r p o s e . 24

In order to solve the problem of safety of specta­ tors, from a possible attack by a charging bull, Graham said that in the central courts of both Malia and Phaistos there are some traces of a system of barriers that prevented a bull from charging into the mass of spectators. These 45 traces consist of holes which occur at regular intervals

between each existing pillar and column. The only purpose

that these holes might serve, Graham believed, was to be

sockets for vertical posts. Thus a barrier existed between

columns and pillars and the safety of the spectators was

well maintained. The absence of similar traces from the

central court of the palace of Knossos was attributed by

Graham to "its poor preservation along all four sides.

G. Cadogan, commenting on the vertical posts and the pur­

pose they served, said that these posts "could equally have

been part of a decorative balustrade, like that around a

monastic cloister.A.G. Ward was convinced that the

bull-games did take place in the central court of the

palaces themselves. Ward believed in the existence of

temporary hurdles installed in the openings in order to

confine the bull to the court. Such a hurdle. Ward said, is shown on a fresco fragment, and as for the sockets for 27 the uprights, they are preserved at Malia. Another writer, however, believed that the bull-leaping sports took place outside the palaces. He brought additional evidence:

The bull-games did not take place in the central courts of palaces, as many have supposed, but in special enclosures with provisional wooden fences near the palace, or large closed-in clearings, again near the palace, with well-struc­ tured barriers for watching the sports safely and large gates for entering and leaving the ground. Such an enclosure was uncovered to the northwest of the palace at Malia. This fact is of special significance for the history 46

of athleticism. It is the first example of a special ground set up for the per­ formance of a g a m e . 28

It seems likely that the question concerning the

actual place where the bull-leaping performances took

place will be a matter of dispute in the years to come.

There is one thing, however, which seems to gain the

unanimous support of all scholars: that the central court

was the place where games like boxing, wrestling, dancing,

tumbling, as well as ceremonial receptions and festivals

took place. Evans emphasized more than once the fact that

the inner court of the palaces may have been used for games,

dances, ceremonial rites and celebrations. Evans also said

that funeral games, such as boxing and wrestling, very

9 0 probably, were held in the inner court.“

The bull-leaping performances as they appear on

seals, vases, frescoes and other Minoan artifacts were

rejected as impossible by many experts and champions of the "Rodeo" performances. Evans was the first to consult with the modern experts of the sport who were very skepti­ cal about the possibility of such a daring feat.^^ Scholars, on the other hand, are not convinced of the impossibility of bull-leaping performances for various reasons: "Such scenes cannot have been entirely the figment of the artist's imagination."^31 Graham convincingly stated that in the bull-games the bull was not killed or tormented and that it was a contest in which the athlete took the risks and 47 not the animal. Graham said that such a feat was possible and that "the representations on Minoan murals, seals, and other forms of art are too circumstantial to be explained otherwise. A.W. Persson was more positive about the existence of actual bull-games when he said that the repre­ sentations of bull-leaping are so many and so specific that one can only say that the Minoan athletes excelled in a performance which modern champions consider improbable.

Some believed not only in the authenticity of such perfor­ mances but also in the establishment of rules for the game due to "the striking similarity in the various Minoan representations of bull-leaping..."^^ Others, however, while they did not reject the possibility of the bull- leaping performances, have stated:

The evidence is by no means clear-cut as to the actual method of the perfor­ mance, if indeed it had a consistent pattern. The size of the enclosure, the ability of the performers, the speed of the bull, and the bull's reaction were possibly all variables which added to the excitement of the performance and its lack of consis­ tency. 35

A. Ward believed that the bull-games did actually take place but she added;

In the first place, there are the bulls themselves. The long-legged rangy Spanish fighting bulls of today, quick­ witted and quicker-footed, with their sideways-spreading horns and sidelong goring movement, should be forgotten from the start. The frescoes show an animal of an entirely different breed. 48

with little stumpy legs and an immensely heavy barrel body. The neck is so short and thick that much agility in the move­ ment of the head would be out of the question, and the sweep of the long horns is upwards and forwards, like those of a Brahma bull. In a confined space such an animal would not be able to get up much speed nor to stop and turn with any rapidity, and would be compelled by the growth of its horns to gore and toss frontally.

While it is difficult to judge from frescoes and

other objects of art what kind of bull was used by the

Minoans for their bull-games, it is true, however, that

some artifacts show a bull which clearly fits Ward's des­

cription while others do not. There are several represen­

tations which show a bull with horns neither too long nor

with a direction "upwards and forward." If the method of

judging, by various representations, what kind of bull was

used for the Minoans, is safe, then we have to admit that

at least two kinds of bulls were used at different periods

for the Minoan bull-games. The existence of two kinds of

bulls on the island is attested by other sources as well.

Evans believed that an indigenous type of bull, with short

horns, the so-called Bos Creticus, was not well adapted for

the bull-games and that by 2000 B.C., the long-horned Urus breed was introduced into Crete.This Urus or Bos "primi- genius", Evans argued, was the characteristic wild ox of

Europe in prehistoric times; but also found in Western Troad and Mesopotamia.^® One may ask the question: Does the introduction of Urus into Crete also mean the introduction 4 9

of bull-games into the island? Evans had no doubt that the

original home of the bull-games was Western Asia. He based

his belief on a sealed clay envelope found in Cappadocia

dated from about 2400 B.C. depicting acrobatic figures with 39 bull.^/ It is believed, on the contrary, that the bull-

games of prehistoric times in Egypt, Cappadocia and even

India had nothing to do with the Minoan bull-leaping, and

equally unrelated are the contests of riding bull-jumpers

in Thessaly and Asia Minor, as well as, the modern bull­

fights of Spain and Portugal.

Dancing

Ancient and modern authorities are in agreement

about the important role that dance played in the life of prehistoric and historic inhabitants of the island of Crete.

The Homeric tradition is clear and unequivocal. Homer in

reference to the shield of Achilles said: "And the renowned

smith of the strong arms made elaborate on it a dancing

floor, like that which once in the wide spaces of Knossos 4l Daidalos built for Ariadne of the lovely tresses." In the Iliad, the Cretan leader Meriones is called by Aineias, 42 "a dancer." Lucian said that the oldest dances were 43 44 those of the Cretan Couretes. These semi-divine beings, according to tradition, protected Zeus in his infancy by 4 4 clashing their weapons and dancing about him. We learn from Strabo that the dances of the Couretes inspired 46 terror, and that the tradition of his own day attributed 50 the invention of war dances to the Cretan Couretes. It was a common belief among ancient authors that the Cretans, divinely inspired, developed the art of dance and trans- mitted it to the others. Lillian B. Lawler, commenting on the traditional Greek belief that the Minoans "invented" the dance, concluded: first, the Cretans loved dancing and were very skilful dancers; second, the Greeks had a firm belief that the Cretans invented the dance ; and third, the

Cretan dances were highly developed long before the Greek heroic age. All these three conclusions, Lawler argued, 49 have the support of archaeological and literary evidence.

More interesting are Lawler's comments on the nature and development of Minoan dance:

Furthermore, Minoan art, even as early as about I500 B.C., abundantly attests the fact that at that time the Cretan dance was highly developed in chore­ ography, in figures, and in steps; that it was refined out of all early crudity; that it was on occasion vivacious or stately, solemn or ecstatic; and that it was strikingly beautiful to look upon. It is evident also that the dance was of the greatest importance in Crete, not only as an amusement and spectacle, but, even more, as an integral part of the state religion.50

Other modern authors, as well, emphasized the importance of dance in the culture of the Minoans and they often connect the Minoan dances with religion.But the relationship between dance and religion was by no means confined only to Crete.There is a general consensus that dance was sacred in its origin and that all other 51 forms of dances were derived from this.^^ The main purpose

of the sacred dance, which was performed in honour of a

particular god or goddess, was to satisfy man's spiritual

and material needs.^ By dancing, ancient man believed

that he praised his god and at the same time asked him to make the crops grow. This belief is still persistent

among the different aborigines in several parts of the world. They dance because they want to thank the spirits

for the good harvest and to thank their gods because the e6- crops grow well.^ This uniformity of belief and ritual among people of an underdeveloped stage of culture was well

stated by Parnell:

All through the present societies of savage men there prevails an extra­ ordinary uniformity, in spite of much local variation, in ritual and myth­ ology, a uniformity so striking as to suggest belief in an ultimately iden­ tical tradition, or, perhaps more reasonably, the psychologic theory that human brain-cell in different races at the same stage of development responds with the same religious speech or the same religious act to the same stimuli supplied by its environment.57

One form of dance which was sacred and later became secular was a dance imitating the course of the sun.

This kind of dance existed in Egypt as well as in Crete.

The so-called "Ariadne's Dance", better known as "Labyrinth", may well have been a dance performed for the purpose of helping the Sun or the stars to run their course.-^® A.B.

Cook-^^ and R.F. Willetts^^ pointed out that the Labyrinth 52

at Knossos was an arena or orchestra of a solar dance (a mimetic dance represented the movement of the sun) in which

a dancer masqueraded as a bull. Other authors pointed to the "Theatral Area", discovered by Evans at Knossos, as the most probable place where the dance of "Labyrinth" took place.Cook believed that the pavement of the "Theatral

Area" was probably covered with hard plaster or coloured

cement on which the mazy lines, which aided the evolutions

of the dancers, had been set out.^^ Such a dance was known to the later Greeks as well as to the Romans who referred to it as the "Game of Troy." Virgil compared the "Game of

Troy" with the Cretan Labyrinth and mentioned that this kind of dance was introduced into Latium by Aeneas, Ascanius and other Trojans.Frazer maintained the view that both the Cretan dance and the "Game of Troy" had their origin in religious ritual. Furthermore, Frazer argued:

Now we have seen reason to hold, with many other scholars, that Cnossus was the seat of a great worship of the Sun, and that the Minotaur was a representa­ tion or embodiment of the Sun god. May not, then, Ariadne's dance have been an imitation of the sun's course in the sky? and may not its intention have been by means of sympathetic magic, to aid the great luminary to run his race on h i g h ? o 4

Greek mythology connected the Labyrinth with

Minotaur, a monster which devoured the Athenian youths, a tribute to Minos, the king of Knossos.If there is any meaning in this myth, it would be what some writers pointed 53 out, that a male dancer masqueraded as a bull, giving rise

to the known myth of Minotaur. It is also said that the

dancer who masqueraded as the bull had been the king of

Knossos himself or a prince.All evidence shows that

"Labyrinth" was a famous Minoan dance, religious in nature,

which was practiced not only in Minoan Crete but among

other peoples as well. The maze lines of the Labyrinth,

which the dancers followed in their intricate evolutions,

apparently represented the sun's course in the sky.

Another known Minoan dance was a tumbling or

leaping dance which, according to Evans, took place in 67 the central court of the Minoan palaces. Tumbling and

dancing are two different kinds of physical activity; they

are two fields distinct in our own days, but as Lawler

remarked, among the Greeks and the Cretans no such dis­

tinction existed, since "tumbling was regularly performed

to music, rhythmically, and that made it a dance.The

relationship of tumbling to dancing becomes apparent in

two Homeric references. In the Odyssey we read, "...and

among them stepped an inspired singer playing his lyre, while among the dancers two acrobats led the measures of 69 song and dance reyolying among them." The same passage

is found in the Iliad when the poet described the shield of 70 Achilles. The close relationship of tumbling to dance is

also attested by a passage of Athenaeus, who mentioned that tumbling was a borrowing from the Cretan dance and that tumbling and dance were natiye and inherent to the Cretans. 54- Tumbling dance requires long and hard training and the well trained acrobats may have been professionals, as professional acrobats were attached to the Egyptian temples at one time or another.The possibility of the existence of profes­ sional dancers does not exclude participation in the dances by ordinary people or groups of devotees and enthusiasts who practiced these dances for ritual purposes at various shrines.Circle dances, with hands grasped, have been in existence in ancient Crete and were performed around a musician, a tree, a pillar or around the altar. A terra­ cotta group found at Palaikastro depicts this kind of dance.

In this terra-cotta model three female votaries are shown dancing with outstretched arms in an unclosed circle around a figure who plays the lyre. The lyre player, according to Evans, was the Minoan goddess with her sacred dove in 7 4 front of her.A gold signet-ring found at Isopata, near

Knossos, depicts four female votaries in a ritual dance in a field of lilies. Three of these female figures raise their arms as in a stance of veneration, while the central female figure, standing on a little higher level, holds one hand to her side and raises the other to the side of her head.^^ There were other types of dances performed during festivals or other ceremonial gatherings. One good example of this kind of dance is depicted on the "Harvesters

Vase" found at Hagia Triada, which shows a harvest festival celebrated with song and dance by the happy Cretan 77 villagers. In a miniature fresco from Knossos, known as 55 "Fresco of the Sacred Grove and Dance" both performers and spectators are shown. This fresco depicts groups of women engaging in dance, apparently a ceremonial one. Evans des­ cribed the scene carefully:

Their hair streams out behind them in separate tresses, in a manner that in some cases is clearly indicative of a quick rhythmic movement, and the atti­ tude and arrangement of the figures as far as it can be reconstructed is certainly suggestive of a sinuous meandering course - such as is associ­ ated with the traditional Knossian dance in Ariadne's honour. They wear short-sleeved jackets open at the bosom, diaphanous chemises, and flounced gowns, the prevailing saffron hue of which had perhaps religious associa­ tions.7°

Cretan dances as well as processional ceremonies were usually accompanied by the music of lyre or flute.

We have already seen that in the terra-cotta group from

Palaikastro three female figures with outstretched arms 79 were dancing around a lyre player. A good example of a flute player is supplied by the Hagia Triada sarcophagus which shows a young male musician with long locks of hair 80 blowing double pipes. Group (A) of the "Procession

Fresco" in the entrance corridor of the west porch of the palace of Knossos represents musicians and singers with a 8l seven-stringed lyre. This seven-stringed lyre or cithara,

Apollo's musical instrument, is Minoan.; and as Evans observed, the long-robed priests such as those depicted in the "Procession Fresco" playing the Minoan Lyre or 56 O p cithara. were the forerunners of Apollo kitharoedos. The

existence of the seven-stringed lyre in Minoan Crete is

attested by a fresco fragment from the "Little Palace" of

Knossos in which some details of the instrument are clearly

shown; a seal-impression from Knossos as a hieroglyphic

sign; clay documents from the Palace of Knossos; and a bead

seal from the district of Candia.®^

Boxing

Minoan boxing sports are considerably in evidence

and are represented on steatite rhytons, fresco fragments,

intaglio designs, seal impressions and signets. Boxing

was of prime importance among the Minoans as evidenced by many Cretan pieces of art depicting the sport. Specially

important among the artifacts found on the island and

depicting boxing is a black steatite rhyton from Hagia

Triada known as the "Boxer Vase" dated ca. I6OO. This vase is divided into four bands, two of which represent boxing

scenes. The bands of the vase are divided by triple lines RJLl and the various panels are separated by pillars. ' The first (topmost) band represents wrestling, the second bull- leaping and the third and fourth depict boxing scenes. The third band of the vase is composed of three parts. In the first we see a victorious boxer and his defeated opponent on the ground. The victorious boxers depicted in this band hold up their left arm while their right arm is drawn back in order to strike their opponents. Similarly, the victors 57 have in front bent their left leg and their right is spread

backwards. Both victors and their defeated opponents wear

protective helmets, boxing gloves, loin-cloths, necklaces

and girdles while

fourtn band of the vase represents boys boxing. Two of

the boy-boxers were knocked out and three are shown in the

usual strong and strenuous posture assumed by the victors.

None of the boxers of this band wears any kind of protective

helmet. All wear loin-cloths, girdles, necklaces and have

long locks of hair. The position of the legs and arms of

the victorious boxers are exactly the same as those depicted

in the band above. It seems that the Minoan boxers had a

special technique which required good physical condition

and long training. Boxing scenes are frequent in other

Minoan artifacts: a seal impression from Knossos clearly

shows a victorious boxer who has overthrown his rival.

Similar boxing scenes, like those depicted on the "Boxer

Vase" are found on fresco fragments from Tylissos.®^ Boxing

is shown on a repository sealing from Knossos as well as on 87 a fragment of a steatite rhyton from the same area. It

is important to note the absence of a judge in the various boxing scenes described above. This has led some writers

to conclude that the boxing games ended with the extermina- 88 tion of the defeated athlete. But this view was challenged

by others who saw in Minoan boxing, as well as wrestling and 8 Q bull-leaping, peaceful sports. No doubt the use by the 58

athlete, whether wrestler or boxer, of special protective

equipment points to the safety of these athletes as well as

to a long athletic t r a d i t i o n .

The close artistic ties of Crete with the Cyclades

in general, and Thera in particular, seem to gain the

support of many writers.The recent excavations of S.

Marinatos cast new light upon the relationship of Crete with

Thera in Prehistoric times. Numerous objects of art found

on the island of Thera show that the links with Crete were

very close. An impressive fresco from Thera dated I500 B.C.,

discovered by S. Marinatos in 1970, represents two children

boxing. Marinatos was of the opinion that this fresco is

"the oldest existing example of art representing the real 92 anatomy of a child's body."^ Each child wears one boxing

glove on his right hand, as well as loin-cloths, girdles,

and a blue cap upon which curls of short and long hair are

apparently attached. The child on the left is slightly

bigger and wears bracelets on his left arm, right leg and

around his neck. Marinatos pointed out that the simplest

explanation of this fresco is that it represents two princely

children, probably brothers, and that the blue caps that both children wear were the privilege only of pharaohs or

gods.^^ Another guess Marinatos made was that this fresco

represents two "divine children." He explained why:

This guess could be justified, first by the "kuavos" wigs and second by the sacral character of the room to which the frescos belong. If so, then our 59

first points of comparison would neces­ sarily be the divine pairs of Greek mythology, which surely are of older origin in the Mediterranean. Gods, semi-gods and heroes, brothers or even twins, is commonplace among the whole Indo-European family. As in our fresco, the distinction between one superior and one more weak brother is clear in mythological tradition. It is especially apparent in the cases of Polydeuces- Castor, Heracles-Iphicles, Romulus- Remus.9^

While Marinates' guess of "divine children" de­ picted on the fresco, is very attractive, caution, however, should be exercised for a number of reasons. The wigs that the boy-boxers wear were not uncommon among the Minoans.

Athenaeus referred to the lapyges at Kamikos in Sikania who were descendants of the Cretans and had "false fronts attached to their hair."^^ The artificial front locks of the Minoans were emphasized by Evans^^ and R.M. Burrows^^, and their artificial side locks were described by G. Perrot and C. Chipiez.The blue caps, with curls of hair fastened upon them, were not uncommon either. The famous

"Fisherman Fresco" found at Thera, roughly of the same period, shows a fisherman wearing an identical blue cap with short hair curls.The same blue cap appears on another fresco also found at Thera depicting a young lady, pdssibly a priestess offering a cake in a bowl.^^^ Both

"the Fisherman Fresco" and the fresco depicting children boxing show that the heads of all three are shaven. This practice is in agreement with a primitive custom of 6o

hair-offering to gods and goddesses.The material evi­ dence also confirms the existence of this, custom in Minoan 102 society. It is reasonable to assume that the Minoans used to cut off their hair in order to offer it to a goddess or god and replaced it with artificial hair not only for aesthetic purposes but also because they believed that hair was the source of life and strength, a belief persistent among primitive peoples.Marinatos' view of

"one superior and one more weak brother" which is evident in Greek legend and tradition, could hardly be reconciled with the fresco in question since both children have almost the same height and the one on the right, though slightly smaller, is not weak at all; he is very eager to fight as it is evident from his aggressiveness. If, in this fresco, the artist’s purpose was to present "one superior and one more weak brother" we may express the opinion that he did not entirely succeed. As for the notion of the twin brothers represented in this fresco, tradition is not unanimous.

Twins very rarely engaged in the same sports or games in

Greek mythology. In the case of Castor and Polydeuces, which Marinatos mentioned, it is clear from the Iliad that both were princely athletes who died in Sparta and that

Castor was "breaker of horses" whilst Polydeuces was "a strong boxer.Two other twins, namely Zethos and

Amphion, occupy themselves with totally different things:

Zethos liked hunting, Amphion, music. Let us go back to

Marinatos" first assumption, that of the fresco depicting 61

"princely brothers", with which we are largely in agreement.

The child on the left, as we have said, is richly decorated with bracelets, anklet, gold earring, necklace and other jewels. The anklet that this child wears, unlike those found in Crete, is without curve resembling oriental anklets which were a "privilege of rulers or high officials.

Evans pointed out that the anklets found on Egyptian monu­ ments were associated with Asiatics from a very early period as a sign of dignity.Anklets as well as neck­ laces arm bracelets and lavish coiffures were signs of 107 noble descent. '

We are on rather safe ground if we interpret the fresco depicting children boxing as one representing child­ ren of noble birth. One child is probably a prince and the other one if not a prince, at least of high social status.

The boys do not fight as in a boxing match; they rakher practice basic techniques of the game, an indication of the importance of this kind of sport in Minoan everyday life.

Hunting

The physical nature of the island of Crete affected the patterns of human occupation and human activi­ ties. The island is formed by a chain of densely forested mountains which run close to the southern side making this coast especially wild and suitable for hunting. Deer, goats and some dangerous beasts, like bears, boars, oxen, wolves and lions existed in the forests of the island. The 62

Cretans were skilful hunters and developed the weapons necessary for this sport. Weapons such as daggers, shields, 1 n O bows and spears were all developed and used for hunting.

Minoan art shows that hunting was widely and effectively practiced in many parts of the island. Hunting scenes are many and can go back to the first Palace period. A half cylinder made from ivory, found at Knossos, depicts a hunts­ man with a bow and his hound in a wooded area chasing a 109 wild-goat. That hunting of wild-goats was popular is also shown by the bone deposits found at Tylissos and by the numerous models of this animal found in Messara as well as in mountain sanctuaries.On a sealstone from Malia can be seen a hunter carrying two dead wild-goats on a pole over his shoulder.Pig-sticking scenes are also common in Minoan art. On a chalcedony lentoid a hunter is depicted in a rocky area stopping a wild boar with a spear-thrust on 112 the head. Lions are also depicted on hunting scenes.

On a Minoan seal, a spearman thrusting his weapon into the mouth of an attacking lion, can be seen.^^^ A flat cylinder of red jasper found near Kydonia represents a spearman with a shield and an archer who draws his bow, attacking a lion that is in an erect position ready to charge.The

Minoans were fond not only of bull-games but also of bull hunting. It is clear from the evidence that the hunting and capture of a bull was, if not more, at least as dangerous as playing with it in the arena.In fact, the origin of bull-leaping as some believe, is to be found in the daring 63 1 n 6 feats of Minoan huntsmen to capture the wild bull. There

are two gold cups found at Vaphelo depleting scenes of wild-

bull hunting. On the one cup a tame cow has been used to

lure the wild male bull which comes to the cow and is

hobbled by a cunning hunter with a rope. The other side of

the cup shows a wild bull, which managed to escape the trap,

and a helpless hunter in a flat position between the legs 117 of the fleeing bull. The second cup presents a wild

bull that has charged into a net tied between two trees.

We also see in the same scene a hunter thrown violently to

the ground while his partner is fiercely attacked by the

animal.A similar scene, of a bull captured in a net

tied between trees, is the subject of a clay seal found at

Hagia Triada.

Fishing

In Minoan Crete fishing was a well developed art

and one of the popular activities. The Minoans were fond

of fishing, which was pursued primarily as a means of ob­

taining excellent food from the sea. This popular pastime

attracted very early the attention of Minoan artists.

Some of the fishing methods described by ancient authors were certainly used by Minoan fishermen. This becomes

clear from the material evidence: "Neatly barbed metal

fish hooks were found in the town of Gournia together with a lead sinker to slip on a line and stones for weigh- 120 ting nets". A flattened cylinder of mottled 64

chalcedony found at Knossos, and now in the Ashmolean

Museum of Oxford, dated 1700 B.C. depicts a fisherman wearing the Minoan loin-cloth and holding a fish, probably

skaros in one hand and an octopus, suspended by a cord, on 121 the other. Hood believed that octopus was an important part of the Minoan diet and it may have been caught at night by the use of torch lights, as is the practice today.

Furthermore, Hood said, that octopus became an especially liked theme in the Late Minoan period "when vases of clay 122 and metal appear wrapped in its tentacles." The impor­ tance of fish in the Minoan diet was pointed out by other writers as well. The deposits of fish vertebrae found by

Evans at Knossos in a barrel-shaped pot is "an interesting contribution to our knowledge of the Minoan dietary.

On an amygdaloid seal of the Late Minoan period, possibly found in Crete and now in the British Museum, a fisherman can be seen wearing loin-cloth and holding with his hands 124 a large fish. Another seal found at Malia depicts a fisherman in an upright position holding with one hand a large skaros which apparently was just pulled out of the water, and with the other hand a smaller fish with his head cut off, a practice still common for the tons which are exposed in the fish markets.On a prismatic seal found at Malia, is engraved a fishing scene with fishermen 1 at work in the middle of a group of fish. On some painted stucco fragments, found at Phylakopi, on the island 65 of Melos, dated 1?00 B.C. and possibly the work of a

Knossian artist, a lady can be seen seated on a rock en­ gaging in fishing with a net of a sort still common in the area. Also the graceful sketched arms of a partner who bends forward, apparently trying to pull up a fish, can be seen on the same stucco fragment.A cylindrical vase from the same island dated I650 B.C. depicts one 1 scene without parallel in the ceramic art of this period.

On this vase we see four fishermen walking holding one fish in each hand except for the second fisherman who holds only one fish in his right hand.^^^ At Akrotiri on the island of Thera a fresco was found depicting a young fisher­ man completely nude holding one string of mackerel in each n o hand. This fresco, which decorated a private home, is very well preserved and stands almost one metre high. The fisherman shown has his head shaven and wears a blue cap with a few locks on it, probably to protect his head from the sun. This "Fresco of Fisherman" is the earliest example of complete nudity in Minoan-Mycenaean art;^^^ and one can bring into comparison this young nude fisherman with the Athenian ephebes of the early red-figure clay 132 ware. In the same place where the "Fresco of Fisher­ man" was found, a second fresco, less well preserved, representing a fisherman, was discovered. This fisherman appears also nude, wears the same cap, with black locks on it, and holds with his hands three large fish suspended by a cord.^^^ 66

Other Minoan Games and Sports

Wrestling was not unknown in Minoan Crete. Wrest­ ling scenes are depicted on the well known "Boxer Vase" from the Palace of Hagia Triada.^^^ The handle of this vase "is made separately and its fitting partially obscures the figures of two wrestlers.As we have seen, the uppermost band of this vase depicts wrestling scenes. The wrestlers wear loin-cloths, protective helmets, high sandals and girdles. Their lavish coiffures are not in question nor the peaceful nature of the sport. The lack of the vigorous attitude, assumed by the boxers depicted in the two lowest bands of the vase, is quite evident. One also can see the success of the artist in emphasizing the strong muscular sections of the wrestlers' bodies, appropriate for this particular sport. This is also an indication of the long and hard training necessary for the game. Another wrestling scene is depicted in fragments of high relief found at Knossos. Evans' interpretation that this scene depicts wrestling, is obviously corrects

It consists of the front or outer side of a man's right shoulder with part of the breast. Below the armpit appears the tip of a thumb, seen in profile, which, from its position, may be taken to belong to the right hand of a second figure, grappling that to which the shoulder forms part. Evidently the other fingers gripped the arm just below this. We have here, then, a fragment of a group of two wrestlers. 136 67

The excavations of Arthur Evans at Knossos brought to light a beautiful inlaid ivory, gold and crystal draught­ board the so-called "Royal Gaining Board." This board is almost a metre long and more than a half a metre wide and is dated as early as I6OO B.C.^^^ Evans believed that a game was played that required "not pure game skill like chess, but something analogous to backgammon where recourse was had to dice-throwing or some other simple form of sortilege. Evans compared the "Royal Gaming Board" of

Knossos with the Greek game of "polis" or city,^^^ as well as with the Egyptian boards and concluded that "no close parallel to the Knossian Board has as yet been supplied either by Egypt or the Classical World.H.J.K. Murray said that the Knossos Game Board is not a game board at all, whatever may have been its function. This view was challenged by S. Brumbaugh who argued that the Knossian Board resembles the Royal Game Board found at Ur and that their similarities are so many as "to establish the identity of the Minoan artifact as a board game of the same family, and even to conjecture within fairly close limits how the game 142 must have been played." That the "Royal Gaming Board" of Knossos was a game board is also attested by the dis­ covery of four ivory objects which have been recognized as

"draughts-men" dated to the same period with the original fabric of the "Royal Gaming Board.

A terra-cotta model found at Phaestos clearly shows a female figure on a swing. Some writers believe 68

that swinging was a ceremonial activity in which women

engaged, and that swinging is practiced in several parts of the world as a fertility rite.^^^ Evans pointed out that

swinging was practiced as a magical and religious rite and that "swinging high might produce high crops, demons could be driven from the air, or the inspiration of spirits drawn from it."^^^ J. Frazer said that swinging has been prac­ ticed for a number of reasons and in a number of cases: at harvest festival, to ensure a good fishing and hunting season, in the rain seasons, for inspiration, for the cure of sickness, as a way of atonement and purification, to promote the growth of plants, and at various festivals in 1^7 Spring. ' We have no means of knowing more about the nature of swinging in Minoan Crete, but the connection of the terra-cotta swinging representation with the Minoan 1 ilQ Goddess rather indicates that swinging had a religious connotation.

From the material evidence it seems certain that some forms of pavement games were played in the Minoan period. A miniature fresco dated l600 B.C. presents boys playing some sort of pavement game. This miniature fresco was found at Knossos near the northwest portico of the palace and shows four figures, certainly boys, engaging in play. From the position of the main figure "the interest would appear to centre on the pavement below." Evans was of the opinion that in this fresco we see "a sketch of a

Minoan pavement game by a contemporary artist.A slab 69 of hard limestone with a broken edge was found at Knossos

depicting a half-circle of seven holes, two of which are

double. A possible explanation of this representation was

given by Evans:

when completed...it would have consisted of circle consisting, apparently, of two segments of five small cups opposite to one another and separated on either side by double cups of larger size. The mean width of the circle was almost exactly a third of a metre, the diameter of the smaller holes ranging to about 4.2 centi­ metres. That this should be regarded as representing some kind of game played on the pavement seems to be the natural conclusion.150

Similar pavement slabs have been found at Malia,^^^ and Kavusia^^^ on the island of Crete and have been taken to represent pavement games. Evans did not exclude the possibility that this game was played with pebbles or dice and that the Greeks from the mainland had possibly taken over this popular game from Crete. He based his argument on a passage from the Odyssey where the suitors played this game with pebble pieces in front of the Odysseus' palace at 143 Ithaca. The evidence is rather strong enough to show that some kind of game was played on the pavements in Minoan

Crete, but we have no means of knowing how this game was played.

Evidence of archery is also in existence. The main support for this comes from some vase fragments repre­ senting the sport.As we have seen earlier^^^ the Minoans used effectively the bow for hunting. It is reasonable to 70 infer that archery as a sport was developed out of archery practiced in the hunt.

Tumbling scenes are also the subject of some

Minoan artifacts. A flat cylinder of blue chalcedony and a lentoid intaglio both found at Knossos depict tumblers in action.We can infer from the position of the acrobats' bodies that they were practicing the most important exercise for bull-leaping! Both athletes have their hands on the ground and lift their bodies into an arched position well known from numerous bull-leaping representations.

There is evidence that running was also practiced in Crete during the Minoan period. A fresco known as

"Captain of the Blacks" depicts a Minoan captain leading a group of blacks at a run.^^^ The Minoan captain holds two spears and it is inferred from the position of the legs and arms of the captain as well as of the blacks that the fresco depicts a distance race.^^^ A Minoan prism seal of 149 steatite shows a man running. The position of his arms and his stretched legs rather indicates that the running man is engaging in a sprint.Another clay sealing found by Hogarth at Kato Zakro depicts three female figures running.From the style of the figures-gur one can assume 162 that distance running is represented.

On the island of Thera were discovered a number of small spherical objects of various sizes, made of stone or clay. Marinates suggested that these small objects were

"jack-stones" and children used to play with them as they 71 play today. This suggestion is supported by an Egyptian wall painting depicting the game.^^^ Marinates made some suggestions about the nature of the play:

...they were thrown up high and caught in the air with the hands. As happens today, the less skilful players, boys and girls, were penalized by having to carry their victorious opponent on their backs for a short distance. This last act was called "ephedrismos" in Greek, a word which explains with perfect clarity the Egyptian wall painting especially in regard to the position in which the winners are sitting, side saddle as it were and not astride.1°^

Some of these clay objects are not pierced and therefore they could not have been used as loom-weights since they are too small and light to serve such a purpose; and on the basis of parallels from Egypt these clay objects might have been chess "pawns" which were also known in the

Minoan and Mycenaean world.

It is beyond dispute that a fair range of sports and games were practiced by the Minoans. No doubt more sports and games, evidence of which did not come down to us, were played in Minoan Crete. What is surprising is that large crowds of people attended the games in special places provided for this purpose. These special places were large enough to accommodate not only the court people but many other spectators outside the palace-circles as well. We know from direct representations that crowds of spectators of both sexes watched the performances which were probably religious in nature. The so-called "Procession Fresco" 72

found in the entrance corridor of the west porch of the

Knossian palace shows a number of spectators. It has been

suggested that the number of life-sized figures of this

"ceremonial passage way" reaches the total of 536 without

accounting the number of spectators sitting on a "certain

extension of the series to the Upper Propylaeum System.

The "Sacred Grove and Dance" fresco also depicts crowds of

spectators of both sexes. The number of spectators on this

fresco which is probably a third of the whole are 350 men

and 120 women.In this fresco when complete there would

have been 1400 figures.The "Grandstand Fresco", even

in its poor state of preservation, shows large numbers of men and women probably watching agonistic contests. Only in the first section of the stands on either side there would have been six hundred spectators to watch the spec- 169 tacles. What is remarkable about these frescoes is the fact that among the spectators are numbers of ladies very well dressed, with long curled hair, wearing jewels, laces, ribbons and the Minoan costume typical of the female aris­ tocracy. That women were prominent spectators in the various games is confirmed also by the fact that in all frescoes described above women occupy the front rows. Evans commenting on the attitude of women as spectators shown on the "Sacred Grove and Dance" fresco said:

While the men are for the most part entirely absorbed in the performances and their eyes drawn one way, "these ladies", as already remarked, seem to 73 have been as often as not taken up with their own affairs and to be exchanging confidential remarks with one a n o t h e r . ^70

Tradition also records that men as well as women 171 watched games and spectacles during the time of king Minos.

It is rather hard to escape the conclusion that women played an important role in Minoan society, something rare among 172 the later Greeks with the notable exception of Sparta. '

The archeological evidence that we have supports the view that the Minoans worshipped a "mother goddess", a goddess of fertility and vegetation, associated with animals, snakes, birds, double axes, pillars, trees, mountains and flowers. Evans did not miss an opportunity to point out another connection of the Minoan Goddess, that of her asso­ ciation with sport and games. In fact, the great Minoan scholar called the Minoan Goddess "Our Lady of the Sport.

There was no game, sport or dance that Evans did not connect with the Minoan "Mother Goddess." The bull- 17^ leaping performances which were held in her honour were very dangerous games and the participants had always "to invoke the aid of a divine patroness*In fact, these performers were regarded by Evans as the "protégés" of the great Minoan Goddess,who "as the impersonation of the spirit of the race, shared the delight of her worshippers 177 in these sensational corridas." Divine interest, par­ ticipation and patronage in the sports and games is also attested by the fact that the shrine of the "Mother Goddess" 74 as it appears on the miniature fresco, is between the Grand­ stands surrounded by large numbers of spectators.

Another quality attributed to the "Minoan Goddess" was that of "Lady of the Chase" a feature that prompted the 1 nq Greeks of the mainland to identify her with Artemis.^

On a cornelian lentoid found in Crete the Minoan goddess is shown in a very motherly form in the act of drawing a T R 0 bow. On a gold seal found at Knossos the Minoan "Divine

Huntress" appears shooting a stag with bow.^®^ The great

Goddess was also interested in other sporting activities and dances as well. A signet found at Isopata and des- 1 Q p cribed above depicts four women engaging in ritual dance. A fifth woman appears, in the upper part of the signet, whom Evans identified with the "Minoan Goddess" who stretched forth one arm in order to "greet her dancing votaries - the tress of hair that flies behind her head telling of her rapid approach from her celestial realm.

The dancing scene represented on the "Sacred Grove and

Dance" fresco, according to Evans, was of a religious nature and no doubt in honour of the Minoan "Mother God- 1 Oj[i dess." That this great divinity was interested in dance may also be inferred from her associations with the "dancing

Couretes", something that has been emphasized by many.^®^

That the Knossos Royal Draught Board "should have been associated in some way with the cult of the Minoan Goddess" has also been pointed out.^®^ Evans' probable conclusion 75 on the terra-cotta representation of a female figure

swinging was that "the archetype would clearly be the 187 Goddess herself enjoying the same pastime." '

It is rather evident that most of the Minoan

sports, games and dances were of a religious nature held

in honour of the Minoan "Mother Goddess." The Minoans

apparently wanted with their sport, dances and games to

please their great Goddess in order to have her protection

and support as a goddess of fertility and vegetation. On

the other hand, it is probable that the Minoans believed that their divinity in her anthropomorphic conception took pleasure in all sporting activities. ENDNOTES

1. M 3.205. For another rhyton which depicts a number of bands around the body of a bull see PM 3.205, fig. 139.

2. See PM 1.527, 528, figures 33^, 385. F. Norman Gar­ diner, Athletics of the Ancient World (Oxford: at the Clarendon Press, 1930), p. 10; thereinafter cited as AAW. Gardiner also pointed out that bull-leaping was a popular subject of Minoan artists as early as 2000 B.C.

3 . See PM 3, fig. l44.

4. PM 3.225.

5 . J. Sakellarakis "Sport in Crete and Mycenae" in N. Yalouris (ed.), The Olympic Games (Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, I976), p. 16.

6. Ibid., pp. 1 6 - 19.

7. V.E.G. Koima, Cretan Seals (Oxford: at the Clarendon Press, i960), p. 125, fig. 248. For more on the material evidence concerning bull-leaping see; Kenna, Cretan Seals, p. 125, fig. 246, p. 137, fig. 341; PM 1.188 - 190, 366, 374 - 378, 394, 431, 447, 571, 386 - 689; 2.355, 356, 3 5 8 , 474, 5 2 4 , 599, 650, 782; 3 .90, 109, 176, 177, 185, 187, 188. 195, 203 - 232, 307, 331, 436, 4 3 7 , 431, 4 8 5 , 495 - 5 2 5 ; 4.8, 10, 20, 228 , 372 , 550, 574, 582, 615, 618, 8 9 2 , 894, 904; Arthur Evans, "On a Minoan Bronze Group of a Galloping Bull and Acrobatic Figure from Crete", JHS 4l, 1921, pp. 247 - 259; Fernand Chapouthier, "Deux Epées d ’Appa­ rat Découvertes en 1936 au Palais de Malia", Etudes Cretoises Vol. 5 (Paris: P. Geuthner, 1938) nassim; John G. Younger, "Bronze Age Representations of Aegean Bull-Leaping", American Journal of Archaeology 80, (1976), pp. 125 - 137; thereinafter cited as AJA.

8. PM 3 .225, fig. 157.

9 . Ibid., fig. 158.

76 77 10. PM 3 .226, n. 1.

11. Ibid 3.226, fig. 159.

12. A.B. Cook, Zeus 1.499 - 500.

13. Ibid, 1 .502.

14. A.W. Persson, The Religion of Greece, pp. 93, 65, 164.

15. PM 3 .220; Charles Picard, Religions... pp. 144, 199; Persson, The Religion..., p. 93; J.W. Graham, The Palaces.... pp. 73, 75; Mircea Eliade, A History of..., p. 134. For more on the religious significance and character of the bull-leaping see: Richard Harrison, "The Bull Cult in Ancient Crete", History Today 28, (1978), p. 218; Reynold Higgins, Minoan and Mycenaean Art (New York - Washington: Frederick A. Praeger, 1967), p. 35; J. Sakellarakis, "Sport in Crete...", in Yalouris (ed.). The Olympic.... p. 19; R.F. Willetts, The Civilization.... p. 77, Anne G. Ward, The Quest, pp. 117 - 118.

16. M.P. Nilsson, MMR, p. 189; The Mycenaean Origin..., p. 176.

17. PM 3.232; 2.35.

18. J. Sakellarakis, "Sport in Crete.." in Yalouris (ed.). The Olympic..., p. 19 said: "The fine attire of the athletes, alike in both men and women, the high sandals, the decorative bands around the forehead, the neck­ laces, arm bracelets, anklets, the lavish coiffures, not to mention the use of special amulets with magical properties such as the sacral knot, were perhaps not mere ornamental objects, but indicative of noble birth." The same point of view was expressed by G. Cadogan, (Palaces.... p. 45) who saw in the "Boxer Vase", which depicts boxing, wrestling and bull- leaping scenes, the "Minoan aristocracy at play."

19. M.P. Nilsson, The Mycenaean Origin..., p. I76. Also see Gardiner, GASF, n . 11; AAW. 14; Anne G. Ward, The Quest..., p. I23.

20. Diodoros Sic. 4.60.4 - 5*

21. Aristotle, Politics, 1264 a.

22. PM 3.224 - 2 2 5 ; JHS 4l (1921), p. 255. 78

23* J.D.S. Pendlebury, The Archaeology of Crete, p. 187.

24. J.W. Graham, "The Central Court as the Minoan Bull- Ring", AJA 6l (1937), P* 255* A.G. Ward, "The Cretan Bull Sports", Antiquity 42 (I968), p. 117* Ward pointed also to the negative evidence pertaining to the actual remains of any place outside the palace that may have any connection with the bull sports. A.W. Lawrence (BSA 46, 1951, P« 81), commenting on the fact that in all three palaces the long axis is oriented north to south said: "the motive, no doubt, was to obtain as much sunlight as possible in winter for the sake of warmth especially since the normal method of heating was by charcoal braziers." J.W. Graham did not doubt what Laurence said but he added: "an east-west axis would have been cooler in summer" (see Graham AJA 61, 1957, p. 235). G. Cadogan made a further note concerning the North to South orienta­ tion of the central court at Phaestos. Cadogan said: "On either side of the long axis is a portico or verandah which provided shade from the sun at midday and would have been a pleasant place to sit in the mornings and evenings" (see G. Cadogan, Palaces.... p. 98). Finally, Richard Harrison says that examina­ tion of the plans of the Minoan palaces provides little information concerning the actual location of the bull-games, and therefore provides no conclusive solution to the problem (see Richard Harrison, History Today 28, 1978, pp. 217-8).

25. J.W. Graham, AJA 6l (1957), p. 258; The Palaces.... pp. 7 3 - 83.

26. G. Cadogan, Palaces..., p. 117»

27. A.G. Ward, The Quest..., p. 127, illus. I37, I38. For more on the subject of the use of the central courts for bull-leaping see: Mircea Eliade, A History... p. 134; J.W. Graham, The Palaces.... p. 74; A.G. Ward, Antiquity 42 (I968), p. 117; Sterling Dow, "The Greeks in the Bronze Age" in G.S. Kirk, The Language..., p. 152. Keith Branigan said "If it could be proved that the sports were in existence prior to I#I then the bull sports, and other rituals, could be recog­ nized as important factors in the planning of the Minoan Palaces" (see K. Branigan, The Foundations of Palatial Crete; A Survey of Crete in the Early Bronze Age (New York: Praeger, 1970), P» 110. It is true that Evans made it clear that such sports existed prior and during MMI (A. Evans, JHS 4l, 1921, p. 256). 79 28. J. Sakellarakis, "Sport in Crete..." in Yalouris (Ed.), The Olympic.... p. 19• Sakellarakis based his argu­ ment on an article written by Professor N.P. Platon, entitled, " Hepi tiS npopXriiia Twv Xwpwv t23v MivuïmGv Taupopaxiwv. " Keovoc 2 (1972), pp. 13^ - l48. This has been kindly pointed out to me by Professor Sakel­ larakis in a private letter dated December 21, 1981.

29. PM 4.1000 - 1001; 2.585; 3.6l, 207. Also see: J.W. Graham, AJA 6l (1957). p. 256; The Palaces, p. 24l. For funeral games in Crete see Plutarch Theseus 16.

30. PM 3.212 - 214.

31. Richard Harrison, History Today 28 (1978), p. 217.

32. J.W. Graham, MÂ 6l (1957), p. 260.

33. A.W. Persson, The Religion..., p. 95*

34. J. Sakellarakis, "Sport in Crete..." in Yalouris (Ed.), The Olym-pic. . . . p. 19.

35. Maxwell L. Howell and Reet Howell, "Physical Activities and Sport in Early Societies" in Earle F. Zeigler, History of Physical Education and Sport (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, 1979), p. 23.

36. A.G. Ward, The Quest..., p. 120. Also see pp. 121, 122, 123.

37. A. Evans, JHS 4l (1921), p. 256.

38. Ibid.

39. PM 4 .23. For more see 3 .205, 206; JHS 4l (1921), p. 256. Evans rightly observed that the ceremonial coverings of the bulls depicted on the Minoan rhytons indicate the sacredness of the animal. For these ceremonial coverings for bulls see PM 3*205, Fig. 139, a, 3 .206, Fig. l40, a,b.

40. Sakellarakis, "Sport in Crete..." in Yalouris (Ed.), The Olympic.... pp. 15 - 16.

41. Iliad, 18.590 - 592. Trans, by R. Lattimore. For more on "the wide spaces of Knossos" see The Odyssey 19.173 - 174; PM 2.566.

42. Iliad 16.617.

43. Lucian Salt. 8. 80

4-4. Hesiod Fr. 198.

45. For more information concerning the Couretes see: Paus. 5*7«6, 8.1; Strabo 10.3 .1, 10.4.6; Diodoros Sic. 5*64; Lucian Salt. 8.

46. Strabo 10.3 .7, 10.3 .11.

4 7 . Ibid, 10.4 .16.

48. See Athenaeus 181 b; Lucian Salt. 8; Strabo 10.4.18.

49. Lillian B. Lawler, "The Dance..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies.... p. 23. Lawler believed in the existence of ceremonial dances in Crete during the neolithic period (ca. 5000 B.C.) and said that "even the Egyptian dances could hardly be of greater antiquity."

50. Ibid, p. 24.

51. For references concerning the religious nature of Minoan dances see: Farnell 2.472; PM 1.8, 19» 432, fig. 310 c; 3 .69, 70, 71, 72, 73» 77» 142, fig. 93» 439 n 2; 4.6; "Mycenaean Tree and Pillar Cult and its Mediterranean Relations" JHS 21 (I90I), p. I76, fig. 52, 117» fig. 53; "The Ring of Nestor: A Glimpse into the Minoan After-world" JHS 45 (1925)» pp. 12, I3 » Fig. 13, 14, 15; Nilsson, MMR, pp. 23I» Fig. 75» 236, 244, 296, 303» Fig. 85; A.W. Persson, The Religion..., p. 173» figs. 8a, 8b; Earle F. Zeigler, Physical Edu­ cation and Sport Philosophy (Englewood Cliffs, N. Jersey: Prentice Hall 1977)» pp. 183 - 184.

52. One of the trinity gods of India was called Shiva or the Lord of Dance, see Deo od d B. Van Dalen and Bruce L. Bennett, A World History of Physical Education, second edition (Englewood Cliffs, N. Jersey! Prentice Hall, 1971)» p. 23. For close relationship of religion and dance among Jews, Syrians, Assyrians, Babylonians and Egyptians see W.O.E. Oesterly, Sacred Dance (Cam­ bridge: at the University Press, 1923)» pp. 81, 82, 148.

53. W.O.E. Oesterly, Sacred Dance, p. 4.

54. Ibid., p. 27. For more on the dances of primitive man see: Deobold B. Van Dalen and Bruce Bennett, A World History.... p. 6.

55. See W.O.E. Oesterly, Sacred Dance, pp. 3 » 4, 27» 82 - 83, 8 5, 148, 155, 1 5 6, 158» 173. 81

56. P. Chalmers, Pioneering in New Guinea (London: P. Allan 1887)> p* 181; J.E. Harrison, Ancient Art and Ritual (London: T. Butterworth, 192?), p. 51; W.O.E. Oesterly, Sacred Dance, pp. 1-2.

57» L.R. Farnell, The Evolution of Religion (London: Williams and Norgate, 1905)» p. 9; Greece and Babylon (Edinburg: T. and T. Clark, I9II), p. 37* W.O.E-. Oesterly; Sacred Dance, p. 3*

58. W.O.E. Oesterly, Sacred Dance, pp. 27 - 28, 82 - 83; also see pp. 69 - 70 for the existence of a similar dance in Egypt. See Plutarch Theseus 21 for a similar dance performed at Delos by Theseus and his companions. For the name of the dance "Labyrinth" and its possible Lydian or Phrygian origin see PM 1.6.

59. A.B. Cook, Zeus 1.490, 491. Cook maintained the opinion that in Minoan myth the sun was conceived as a bull.

60. R.F. Willetts, Cretan Cults..., pp. 102 - IO3 .

61. See Cook, Zeus 1.479» Graham, The Palaces..., p. 28.

62. A.B. Cook, Zeus 1.479»

63. Vergil Aen. 5*588, 596. This dance, which was per- fo.rmed by grouns of armed youths on horseback, receives support from archaeology, (see Cook, Zeus 1.476, fig. 332). An Etruscan vase found at Tragliattela depicts a procession of seven young warriors dancing, accom­ panied by two armed youths on horseback. There is no doubt, J. Frazer said, that what the scene on the vase represents was the Game of Troy. This is also made known by an inscription on the vase. On the same vase there is also a figure of the Cretan Labyrinth. (see J. Frazer, The Dying God, p. 76). As to the Game of Troy see: Virgil Aen. 5*5^5 - 603; Tacitus Annals 11.11; Suetonius Caesar 39; Augustus 43; Claudius 21; Tiberius 6; Caligula 18; Nero 6; Plutarch Cato 3; Dio Roman History 49.43» 51»22.

64. J. Frazer, The Dying God, p. 77» Also see The Magic Art, p. 312, about the kings of Ancient Egypt who represented the sun and walked solemnly around the temple in order to make sure that the Sun will run his course without interruption of any kind. For similar practices among today's aborigines see The Magic Art, pp. 312 - 314. Hans George Wunderlich (The S e'er et of Crete, Trans, by Richard Winston) (New York: Macmillan Co. Inc. 1974), p. 289» believed 82

that the Labyrinth dance in Egypt, Knossos, Troy and Italy constituted "one of the funeral ceremonies...". The only other interpretation of Minoan dance as a funeral one comes from L.B. Lawler ("The Dance..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies..., p. 28), who saw in the procession of men and women on the Hagia Triada sar­ cophagus a procession and funeral dance.

65. See Plutarch Theseus 15; Diodoros Sic. 4.61; Pausanias 1 .27.10; Ovid Metam. 8.I7O; Virgil Aen. 6.14; Hyginus Fab. 4 l ; Apollodoros 1.9*25*

66. A.B. Cook, Zeus 1.472 - 496. For more references to a similar practice among the Egyptians and Hebrews see L.B. Lawler "The Dance..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies.... pp. 33 - 34. Diodoros Sic. (I.6I) men­ tions that the kings of Egypt used to put around their heads the foreparts of various animals such as bulls, lions, and snakes as evidence and symbol of their rule. Cook (Zeus 1.496) pointed out that the Knossian prince did the same as the Egyptian kings. For more on the Egyptian practice see; J. Frazer, The Magic..., p. 133* For similar customs among the aborigines see J. Frazer (The Dying God, pp. 83 - 84), Diodoros Sic. (1.61, I.97T Pliny ( m 36.84 - 85) mentioned that the Knossian Labyrinth was an imitation of the Egyptian, which was even more famous. Cook (Zeus 1.483) suggested that the Labyrinth - pattern which is ..depicted on coins of Priene, Magnesia on the Maiandros, Tripolis, and Apameia did not originally represent the "meandering" river, but an ancient symbol of ritual analogous or similar with that of Knossos. Also see A.H. Franks, Social Dance: A Short History (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, I963), p * 6.

67. PM 4.1000. Evans rightly observed that this leaping dance still survives in many parts of the island. For a similar observation see Sakellarakis "Sport in Crete..." in Yalouris (Ed.), The Olympic..., p. 14. Athenaeus (181 b) also mentioned that the Cretans still retained their ancient fame for tumbling as well as for dancing.

68. L.B. Lawler "The Dance..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies.., p. 4 3 . Strabo (10.3 .23) mentioned that tumbling was associated with magic and juggling, which was connected with religious frenzy.

69. Odyssey 4.17 - 19*

70. Iliad 18.603 - 605. 83 71. Athenaeus 180 f - 181 h.

72. L.B. Lawler "The Dance..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies..., p. ^5; Fernand Chapouthier, Etudes Cretoises vol. 5> p. 52. For professional dance in Egypt see Deobold B . Van Dalen and Bruce Bennett, (A World History..., p. 11). See Gardiner (AAW, p. 8) for performances of professional acrobats in Egypt.

73" L.B. Lav/1 er "The Dance..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies ■ .., p. 50.

74. See R.M. Dawkins "Excavations at Palaikastro" BSA 10 (1903 - 4), p. 217; PM 3 .72, Fig. 41, 3.73 - 80.

75" PM 3"72, 73» 439 n.2. Evans suggested that the dance, described by Homer, on the shield of Achilles (Iliad 18.590 - 606) was a good indication of a Cretan circle dance (see PM 3.74 - 80). R.M. Dawkins (BSA 10, I903 - 4, p. 219) pointed out that the sacred dove which was set on a stand in front of the Minoan goddess took the place of a fourth votary to complete the circle.

76. PM 3 .68, Fig. 38; "Tomb of the Double Axes and Asso­ ciated Group", Archaeology 10 (1914), p. 10.

77" See L.B. Lawler "The Dance..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies..., p. 38; Maxwell L. Howell and Reet Howell "Physical Activities and Sport in Early..." in Zeigler (Ed.), History.... p. 24. For the celebration of successful harvests with songs and dances among the ancient Hebrews see Deobold B. Van Dalen and Bruce Bennett, A World History.... p. 30»

78. PM 2 .67. Also see I.506.

79. See PM 3 .72, fig. 4l.

80. PM 3 .39, fig. 24. Also see PM 2.835, fig. 552 a. Evans dated the use of double pipes in the Aegean world back to the latest Early Minoan period. His belief was based on a marble figure of a flute- player, found in a grave of the island of Keos, which goes back to the latest of the Early Minoan period. Charlotte R. Long, (The Ayia Triada Sar­ cophagus , Goteborg; Paul Astroms, 1974, p. 73) said that the double pipes depicted on the Hagia Triada sarcophagus look like the elymosaulos used in the cult of the Phrygian goddess Cybele, and also for funerals of rulers in the period before the Trojan War. 84

81. m 1.440, fig. 317; 2.721 - 722.

82. Ibid., 2 .834.

83. PM 2 .834, figs. 550f a,b,c,d, 552 b. Evans pointed out that the origin of Minoan cithara must be sought elsewhere and that the designs of the Minoan citharas were taken over from Egypt. J. Cuny ("Les Mots du Fonds Préhellénique", Revue des Etudes Ancienne 12, 1910, p. 156) said that the words uCôaptç, \upa, mdpmyK , naiav . aaXnty^, 6L0upa|i(3o<;, •Sp fappoç and a few other musical terms have been classified as pre-Greek words. For more on the well known scenes depicting Minoan lyres see T. Tzedakis " M ivuVkoc; Ki5apto6oç " 3, 1970, p. 11.

84. Gardiner, AAW. pp. 9 - 10; PM I.69O, fig. 5 H « Evans (PM 1 .687) believed that pillars and triple lines were not uncommon in the Minoan buildings and that in the present vase the main purpose of the artist was to show the front part and the front rows of seats of a special place designed for spectators. Furthermore, Evans argued that these pillars were the symbols of the theatre itself and were designed to show the ceremonial and religious nature of the sports (see PM 3 *65)• R.F. Willetts (The Civilization..., p. 87) and S. Hood (The Minoans..., p. 2291 stated that the existence of a pillar on the "Boxer Vase" may be the base of a flag-pole which is an indication of the religious character of the sports and of the place itself. In addition. Hood (The Minoans.... p. 137) mentioned that boxing and wrestling among the Minoans formed, probably, part of initiation ceremonies of some kind.

85. PM 3.504, fig. 349.

86. Ibid., 3*35i figs. 17, a,b,c. Gardiner (AAW, p. I3 ) pointed out that the protective helmets of the boxers is a clear indication of the military nature of the sport and that these sports "have their origin in the experience of actual warfare just as the bull- leaping in the experience of hunting".

87. Ibid., 1 .689, figs. 509, 510' Traces of boxing gloves and cestus can be seen on fig. 510- For more on Minoan boxing see PM I.9I - 93, 688, 69O; 2.6l4, fig. 386; 3-598, 500 - 50^; 4 .6OO; G. Eisen, Art and Archaeology 35 (1934), p. 134; V.E,G. Kenna, Cretan Seals..., p. 4 3 , fig. 70; Paul Faure, La Vie..., p. 319. 85 88. See Sakellarakis "Sport in Crete..." in Yalouris (Ed.), The Olympic.... p. 20.

89. Ibid.

90. Ibid.

91. S. Marinates, Excavations at Thera, Vol. I - IV, (Athens: Bibliotheke tes en Athenais Archaeologikis Hetairias, 196? - 1971), passim; E. Vermeule, Greece.... pp. 77, 116, 120; J. Caskey, "Excavations in Keos, I963", Hesperia 33 (1964), p. 314; Peter Warren, The A e g e ^ . ... p. 7; 8. Marinates, "Les Egéens et les Iles Gymnesiennes", Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique 95 (1971), P* 6; hereinafter cited as BCH; Sakellarakis "The Cycladic Elements of Archanes", 'AoyatoXoYtKct ^AvaXeuxa eK *A‘8tiv5v______10, (1977), pp. 114 - 115; hereinafter cited as AAA; "Le Thème du Pecheur dans l'Art Préhistorique de l'Egee". AAA 7 (1974), p. 383; S. Marinatos, "Life and Art in Pre­ historic Thera", Proceedings of the British Academy 57 (1971), pp. 3587 363.

92. S. Marinatos "Divine Children" AAA 4 (1971), pp. 407 - 8; Excavations at Thera, vol. 4, p. 47; 'loToofa too *EXXnvtMoO "Eüvouq Volume I, p. 227; Proceedings of the British Academy, 57 (1971), p. 367.

93. S. Marinatos, Proceedings of the British Academy, PI. 22 b.

94. Ibid. For similar observations see Excavations at Thera. Vol. 4, pp. 47 - 49.

95. Arthenaeus 523 b. For the race of lapyges and their Cretan origin also see: Herod. 7.170; Diodoros Sic. 4 .79. A.B. Cook, (Zeus 2 .30) said "In view of this traditional connection between the lapyges and the Cretans of the Minoan age, it is interesting to find Athenaios giving a description of the lapyges, which with curious exactitude suits the Minoans". The custom of wearing artificial hair was not confined only to Crete. A ring from Episcopi Cyprus dated ca. l400 B.C. represents four men whose heads "are nearly identical - thick hair, or wigs, worn to the nape of the neck" (see H.W. Catling, Cypriot Bronzework in the Mycenaean World (Oxford: at the Clarendon Press, 1964), p. 206.

96. A. Evans quoted in A. Mosso The Palaces of Crete and their Builders (London, T. Butterworth, I907), p. I38 fig. 156. 86

97* R.M. Burrows, The Discoveries in Crete and their Bearing on the History of Ancient Civilization (London: J . Murray, 1908), p. 9^.

98. Georges Perrot, et Charles Chipiez, Histoire de l'Art Dans l'Antiquité, Vol. 8 (Paris: Hachette, 1914), p. ^30, fig. 208. Evans (PM 2.781) said; This custom of letting the hair fall in long side-locks was shared from a very early date by the Lybian tribes, and it is impossible to escape the conclusion that the Minoans were influenced by the Lybians on this par­ ticular fashion.

99* For a coloured plate of the "Fisherman's Fresco" see *IoToota Tou *E\\T|vtwou "B&vouc Volume I p. 223 or Marinatos, Excavations at Thera, Vol. 4. It is reasonable to assume that the Minoans used to wear skull-caps in order to guard their shaven heads from the sun. The second fisherman, also found at Thera, wears identical cap.

100. Ibid., p. 226.

101. For the primitive custom of hair offering see Herod 4.33; 2.65; Strabo 12.2.3; Plutarch Theseus 5; Lucian De Syria Pea 6O; Pausanias 1.43.4; 8.41.3; Diodoros Sic. 5*1.83; PM 4.475 - 484; J. Frazer, Pausanias's Description of Greece, Vol. 3» (London: MacMillan, IB98), pp. ^79 - 281; Gaston Deschamps et Georges Cousin "Inscriptions du Temple De Zeus Panamaros", BCH 11 (1887), p. 373 - 391, especially p. 374; J.E. Harrison, Themis (Cambridge; at the University Press 1912), pp. 378, 379, 441.

102. See PM 4.481, 482, 635 n. Also see 3 .522-3 . We learn from Herodotos (3.12) that the Egyptians used to shave their heads from childhood but for different reasons.

103. For the primitive belief that hair is the source of power see PM 4.476; J. Frazer, The Magic..., pp. 102, 144, 344.

104. Iliad 3.237 - 242.

105. W. Max Muller, Egyptological Researches, pp. 9 - 10, fig. 2. Muller pointed out that anklets with a floral ornament are clearly seen on the feet of a Mesopota­ mian prince. Evans (PM 2.726, fig. 454) said that the blue colour of the anklets was an indication that they were made of silver. 87

106. PM 2.726. H.W. Catling (Cypriot Bronzework.... p. 4^), said that gold earrings are not rare in the wealthier Mycenaean tombs even though their origin is probably from Auatolia. Earrings, Catling said, (p. 236) were also found in Cyprus; and anklets were found in many tombs in Cyprus as well as in the mainland (see pp. 230 - 33).

107. J. Sakellarakis "Sport in Crete..." in Yalouris (Ed.), 'The Olympic.... p. 19. The author also pointed out the fact that the tumblers in Minoan Crete "were ornately dressed with splendid girdle and tasselled belt, often with feathers on their heads and bracelets around the arms" (see p. l4).

108. R.F. Willetts, The Civilization.... p. II3. In addi­ tion to these weapons mentioned by Willetts, the Minoans used nets for capturing wild bulls and they assisted in hunting by hounds. Paul Faure (La Vie.... p. 161) said that the Minoans had developed several effective techniques for hunting. Hunting according to Faure was "Le sport le plus pratique et le plus profitable au groupe social..." (see p. 320).

109. PM 4 .323, fig. 469. Also see 1.197, fig. 145.

110. Keith Branigan, The Foundations..., p. 70.

111. Ibid., fig. 14. Also see Kenna, Cretan..., p. 92.

112. PM 4 .573, fig. 551. For more on boar-hunting see ^ 1 .720. Evans (PM 4.869) believed that mainland Greece due to her "marshy thickets", was a better place for boar hunting than Crete.

113. Ibid., 4 .573, fig. 552.

114. Ibid., 4 .576, fig. 556.

115. H.E.L. Mellersh, The Destruction of Knossos, p. 98.

116. PM 4.10; Gardiner, AAW. pp. 11, 13; H.E.L. Mellersh, The Destruction..., p. 98.

117. See S. Hood, The Home.... p. 102, 111. 99- The Vapheio cups, even though found on the mainland, definitely are the work of Cretan artists (see: E. Vermeule, Greece.... pp. 128, 129; Macdonald, Progress.... p. 187; S. Hood, Home.... p. 102. 88

118. S. Hood, Home..., p. 104, 111. 98. Also see André Malraux and Georges Salles, The Arts of Mankind, Trans. by S. Gilbert and J. Emmons (Londons Thames and Hudson, 1964), pp.198 - 201, pis. 282, 283, 284, 285, 286.

119. See PM 4.574, fig. 555- For more on hunting in Minoan Crete see: PM 1.6?2, 680, 3.108 - 111; 4.462, 4 9 3 , 497, 500, 522, 524, 550, 577, 578, 579, 580. Paul Faure (La Vie.... p. 320) commenting on the hunting of the wild-bull said: "La plus passionnante des captures, à nos yeux, serait sans doute celle du taur­ eau sauvage

120. S. Hood, The Minoans. p. 91»

121. See PM 1.677, fig. 4 9 7 ; 4.500, fig. 440. Also see Kenna, Cretan.... pp. 47, fig. 88, 119 n o . 205 pl. 9.

122. S. Hood, The Minoans..., p. 92; Sakellarakis, AAA 7 (1974), pp. 378-9.

123. PM 1 .555, fig. 4l4. Evans emphasized that fish was also part of the Mycenaean dietary, despite the "theory built on negative grounds" about the supposed dislike of the so-called "Graeco-Italic stock" to a fish diet.

124. Sakellarakis, M A 7 (1974), p p . 381 - 382, fig. 6 .

125. Henri Van Effenterre. Le Palais de Mallia et la Cité Minoenne, Vol. 2 (Romal Edizion Dell' Ateneo, 1980), p. 556, fig. 812.

126. Ibid., Vol. 1, p. 73, fig. 98.

127. PM 3.40, fig. 26; 1 .544, fig. 396. Also see R.C. Bosanquet, Excavations at Phylakopi in Melos (London; T. Allan, 1904), pp. 73 - 75, figs. 61, 62..

128. Sakellarakis, M A 7 (1974), p. 371.

129. Ibid., pp. 371 - 374, fig. 112.

130. Ibid., pp. 376 - 377, fig. 3.

131. R.F. ^ Willetts, The Civilization.... p. 80; ' lamp '.n TOU 'EXXnvtKou "Eevouc Volume I , pp. 223, 227 - 8.

132. S. Marinatos "Some Features of Minoan Thera", AAA 5 (1972), pp. 449 - 450.

133. Sakellarakis, M A 7 (1974), pp. 376 - 377, fig. 4. 89

134. m 1 .690, fig. 511.

135* S. Marinatos, Crete and Mycenae (New York: Harry N. Abrams, i960), p. 147.

136. PM 3.497 - 499, fig. 342.

137. Ibid., 1 .473. Evans (PM I.387) called the Knossian Gaming Board "the most magnificent relic discovery in the whole course of the excavation"; and "the Gaming Board itself must have been of truly royal magnificence" (PM 1.480). For a description of the Royal Gaming Board see M 1.480, BSA 7 (1900), pp. 77 - 82. Also see Paul Faure, La Vie..., p. 318; Hood, The Minoans..., p. 230.

138. m 1.476 - 77; 3.395.

139. For more on the Classical Greek game nolis as well as a similar kindred Roman game called latrunculi see PM 1 .476.

140. Ibid., 1 .476.

141. H.J.R. Murray, A History of Board Games Other than Chess (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1957), p. 143.

IhZ. Robert S. Brumbaugh "The Knossos Game Board" AJA 79 (1975), p. 135, 111. 1, 2. Brumbaugh (p. 137) stated that the Knossos board is a "simplified and rather less interesting version, because of decreased possi­ bilities of capture."

143. See PM 1 .477.

144. Ibid., 4.24 - 25.

145. Hood, The Minoans, p. I38. For swinging among the Egyptians see: W.S. Smith, The Art and Architecture of Ancient Egypt (Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1958), p. 102, fig. 221. Also see P.E. Newberry Beni-Hassan (London: T. Allan, 1893), plate 4; P. Montete, Every­ day Life in Egypt (London: E. Arnold, 1958), p. 102.

146. PM 4 .26.

147. J. Frazer, The Dying God, pp. 277 - 285. For more on swinging see BCH 70 (1946). pp. 120 - I3I; Marinatos, Journal of the Australian Society for Classical Studies 2 (1968), pp. 1 - 14.

148. PM 4.24 - 25. 90

149. Ibid., 3 .396, Pl. 25.

150. Ibid., 3 .390, fig. 261.

151. Ibid., 3 .392, 394; 4.24.

152. Ibid., 3 .395.

153. Ibid., Also see Odyssey I.IO6 - I07.

154. See Christian Zervos, L'Art de la Crète Néolithique et Minoenne, Paris: Editions "Cahiers D'Art", 1956), p. 330, pi. 481.

155. See R.F. Willetts, The Civilization..., p. II3 .

156. See PM 4 .502, figs. 443, 444.

157. Ibid., 2.755 - 57, Pl. 13. 158. Maxwell L. Howell and Reet Howell "Physical Activi­ ties...", in Zeigler (Ed.), History..., p. 26.

159. Kenna, Cretan..., p. 151.

160. Maxwell L. Howell and Reet Howell "Physical Activi­ ties...", in Zeigler (Ed.), History..., p. 27.

161. D.G. Hogarth "The Zakro Sealings" JHS 22 (1902), fig. 6. In this particular clay seal Hogarth saw "three figures moving right with arms held as in running... The leading figure has a long lock of hair pendent on the back, and all seem to be female."

162. Maxwell L. Howell and Reet Howell "Physical Activi­ ties..." in Zeigler (Ed.), History..., p. 27.

163. S. Marinatos, Excavations at Thera, 2, p. 45, fig. 31.

164. Ibid.

165. Ibid.

166. PM 2.720, fig. 450.

167. Ibid., 3 .67, pl. 13.

168. Ibid., 3.48.

169. Ibid., 3.48, fig. 28.

170. Ibid., 3 .67. 91

171. Plutarch, Theseus 19•

172. See Clarence A. Forbes, Greek Physical Education, (New York and London: The Century Co., 1929), p. 9* For more concerning the women's freedom to watch games in Ancient Greece see: Pindar, Pyth. 9*97; Thuc. 3*104.3; Paus. 8.20.9; Gardiner, AAW, p. 10; Paul Faure, La Vie... p. 320, A.G. Ward, Antiquity 42 (I968) , pp. II7 , 118. J.W. Graham, The Palaces..., p. 21; W.R. Ridington, "The Minean, Mycenaean Background of Greek Athletics", p. 69; Earle Zeigler, Physical Education ^ d Sport Philosophy, pp. I69, 183; A. Severyns, Grece et Proche - Orient Avant Homère (Bruxelles: Presses Universitaires de Bruxelles, 19é8), pp. 95, 96.

173. PM 4.39.

174. Ibid., 2 .35, 649* Not only the bull-games were held in honour of the Minoan Goddess but all sports and games as well were religious in character and no doubt were held to honour and please the Great Minoan "Mother Goddess" (see PM 1.689 - 69O; 3*65)*

175. Ibid., 4 .39. 176. Ibid., Also see L.B. Lawler, "The Dance..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies..., p. 45.

177. Ibid., 3 .206.

178. Ibid., 3 .207, 433; 2.649. For a miniature fresco frag­ ment which depicts parts of an onrushing bull and a section of the Minoan Mother's shrine, decorated with double axes see: PM 3*502, fig. 348 a. For additional information on this subject see ^ 4.20, 39*

179* Ibid., 1.548.

180. Ibid.

181. Ibid., 4 .577, fig* 561* For more on the nature of the Minoan Goddess as "divine Huntress" see PM 1.432-4, 511, 548; 2.842, 765; 4.577-8, 523, fig."?69.

182. See PM 3*68, Fig. 38*

183* m 3 *68, fig. 38.

184. Ibid., 3*73 - 74.

185* L.B. Lawler, "Dance in Ancient..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies.... pp. 24 - 25; Willetts, The Civilization, 92

p. 125; Cretan..., pp. 98 - 99; J.E. Harrison, Mythology (Boston; M. Jones Co., 1924), p. Il4.

186. PM 1.480; 4.24.

187. PM 4.26. CHAPTER IV

THE MOTHER GODDESS OF MAINLAND GREECE AND HER POSSIBLE ASSOCIATIONS WITH SPORTS. FESTIVALS AND GAMES

Modern writers call the great Minoan divinity

"Mother Goddess" but we still do not know what the Minoans called her. She was known in the mainland as Britomartis and the Greeks identified her with Artemis.^ The name 2 Artemis is not a Greek one; and this fact clearly shows that the goddess was of pre-Greek origin.^ H.J. Rose rightly pointed out that "Artemis is a goddess of the con- quered race..." It is rather a mistake to confine the

"Mother Goddess", this dominating female divinity, only to

Crete. The evidence shows that such a goddess (or god­ desses) was common all over the Aegean and Anatolian world, worshipped under different names.^ It is almost certain that the Greeks who invaded the mainland did not worship

Artemis as their main deity before their invasion. There is little doubt that their chief god was the Indo-European

Zeus, a symbol appropriate for those in a career of migra­ tion, conquest and plunder. W.K.C. Guthrie believed that

Zeus as a "rain-provider" god had originally some connec­ tions with fertility but lost this function when his worshippers left their own country.^ Guthrie furthermore

93 94

argueds

It is easy to see why the spirits of the earth and of vegetation should have retained their importance among the original inhabitants of the land and lost it among the invaders. For the invaders were by that very fact a wandering people, living by the sword rather than the plough. They had left their native soil far behind them, and when they settled as conquerors, could demand that their new subjects should continue to till the ground for their benefit as well as their own, leaving the masters free for the aristocratic occupations of fighting, riding, games and hunting.?

That Zeus' connection with fertility became one of his insignificant functions is without dispute, but

Guthrie's observation that "the spirits of the earth and of vegetation have retained their importance among the original inhabitants and lost it among the invaders" is a matter of argument: a few decades ago W.R. Ridington stated:

It is well known that after migrations, conquests, or other movements which cause a mixture of cultural and racial heritages, the resulting civilization usually contains elements adopted, or adapted and developed, from each of the major groups involved. We should, there­ fore, expect that Greek civilization, formed by mixture of Aegean and northern peoples would show traces of the cultures of both groups;8

Ridington's statement is in accordance with the nature of the invaders who were always eager to adopt and 9 5

learn new things. This is especially true in religious

matters. As G. Glotz said "The religious ceremonies and

ritual practices of the pre-Hellenes made a deep and lasting

impression upon the minds of the Greeks.John Chadwick

doubting the homogeneity of Mycenaean religion said:

Early peoples rarely felt confident enough like the Jews, to reject out­ right their neighbours' gods; almost always they took over and absorbed in­ to their own system other religious systems with which they came into contact, either syncretizing the for­ eign deity with one of their own with similar attributes, or inserting the newcomer into the existing roll of deities.10

It is reasonable to assume that when the Greeks

invaded the mainland and established themselves in the

south part of Greece, they felt the need, like the other

inhabitants, to worship a god or goddess of fertility and

vegetation. As such they found the all powerful "Mother

Goddess", known in many parts of the ancient world, and

thus incorporated her worship into their religion. It is

evident that the goddess of nature and fertility of the

inhabitants gained power, no doubt, at the expense of Zeus who remained up to the Homeric "revolution", a god second in importance throughout the Mycenaean world. Guthrie's

second statement that "the invaders were living by the

sword rather than the plough" is not consistent with the

content of the Linear B script which clearly indicates that

the Mycenaeans relied heavily upon agricultural products.

The fact that the fertility goddess or Earth Goddess, as 96

some call her, was superior to the other Olympian deities

during the Mycenaean times, can scarcely be called in

question.The Linear B tablets show the existence of a

goddess called Potnia who seemed to be more important than

Zeus or Hera. An indication of this is that Potnia's name appears frequently in the lists of dedications on the tab­ lets. J. Chadwick believed that the conclusion that Potnia was the name that the Mycenaeans used for the Earth Mother 12 is inescapable. In addition, Chadwick explained that the title Potnia "is an inherited Greek word meaning "mistress"

"Lady"...But although the word is genuine Greek its use as a divine title may well be a translation of a pre-Hellenic term of similar meaning." Guthrie believed that Artemis or "Potnia Theron" as Homer called her was "one of the greatest, if not the greatest, of the deities worshipped by the inhabitants of pre-Hellenic Greece, of western Asia Minor and of Minoan Crete.The connection of Artemis with the

Minoan Goddess was pointed out very early not only by

Evans^^ but by other writers as well. Some identified the 17 Minoan Goddess with "Potnia Theron" and others point out the characteristics that Artemis had in common with the

Minoan Goddess, who may have been known as Artemis in 18 Crete. Artemis had always been a well known goddess in

Anatolia as well. In an inscription found in Lydia the name of Artemis appears in the form of Artimis.^^ Sardis, from where features of the "Mother Goddess" can be detected in the Ephesian Artemis cult, was a "great centre of a 97 20 Cybele-Artemis cult." Down to the time of Strabo, tra­ dition was unanimous about the visit of Orestes and Iphi- geneia to the temple of Artemis Tauronolos (tumbling with pi bulls) in Tauria, who was also called Artemis "Perasian"

(from Asia). In the Greek mainland the cult of Artemis goes back to the Late Bronze Age and it is found in all 22 main centres of Greek settlement. All evidence shows that Artemis was the most important divinity in Prehistoric times "who suffered an eclipse with the passage of time..."^^

There is little doubt that the Homeric Epics contributed' a lox to the "eclipse" of this powerful goddess. Her func­ tions as goddess of vegetation and fertility were taken over by Demeter and Persephone. In Arcadia, where was found her oldest cult, she was associated with Demeter and olp her daughter Persephone. In classical times Demeter and

Persephone were understood as Potniai, a name connected with Artemis.

The existence and worship of the "Mother Goddess" in the mainland as well as in Anatolia has been clearly established. It remains to be seen if this great deity of the mainland had any connections with sport, games and festivals. For this we should investigate the Ephesian

Artemis and her festival held in historical times. The

Ephesian Artemis seemed to have maintained in her ritual during historical times many characteristics of the old great "Mother Goddess" of the Minoan-Mycenaean world.

Persson stated that the Ephesian Artemis "preserved the 98

characteristics of the original goddess most clearly; one

is almost tempted to say that the latter still lives on in 27 Ephesos in classical times." We may make the suggestion

that the cult of the "Mother Goddess" at Ephesos indicates

the continuity of her cult through the Dark Ages of Greece.

As is known the Greek Dark Ages left no traces whatsoever

in this part of the world, and this may also be true for

some parts of the mainland. A great festival was held at

Ephesos every year in honour of Artemis in historical times.

This festival lasted for a month and was celebrated in the

Spring in the month of Artemision. It becomes clear from pQ a passage of Thucydides that the festival was open not

only to the Ephesians but to all people from Ionia. The

festival opened with sacrifices to the goddess followed 29 by dances, athletic contests and bull-fights. Charles

Picard was of the opinion that these bull-fights had not

been taken over from Thessaly but rather they were prac­

ticed all over Asia Minor and Crete.Picard also pointed

out the connection of the Ephesian bull-games with the

Cretan ones.^^ Persson, who regarded the Cretan bull-

leaping performances as the great official Spring festival,

saw in the bull-games of Ephesos a survival of the Minoan

bull-sports^^ which were closely associated with the vege­

tation cult.^^ J. Prazer^^ and L. Farnell^^ emphasized the

fact that the cult of Artemis was oriental in origin and

that the Greek colonists took it over from the aborigines.

Pausanias said also that the cult of the Ephesian Artemis 99 37 was older than the Ionian settlement. ' What is remarkable is the fact that the Ephesian Artemis, down to the time of

Pausanias, was recognized by all cities and was honoured above all the gods.^^ It is evident that at Ephesos we see the survival and worship of the old great goddess who bears the name Artemis. Artemis was highly respected by her worshippers and was considered the personification of the life of nature. Such a powerful goddess was honoured by an annual festival, part of which was formed by various sporting activities.

The Homeric "revolution" which brought Zeus to power, even though successful, did not entirely abolish the pre-Hellenic cults and festivals. It is true that some of these cults of "the immemorial heritage ended by being in­ corporated into the Olympian religious system...This is especially true in the case of Hyakinthos, a pre-Hellenic vegetation and fertility god whose cult at Amyclai near

Sparta, was taken over by Apollo, who according to tradition, fell in love and accidentally killed Hyakinthos by throwing a discus. It is generally agreed that "Hyakinthos" is not ill a Greek name, it is certainly pre-Greek. Hyakinthos' nature as a vegetation and fertility god is not in ques- tion, nor is his association with Artemis who is called

Hyakinthotrophos^^ (nurturer of Hyakinthos). Evans was of the opinion that at Amyclai Apollo replaced both the goddess LlIl and her divine son Hyakinthos. The concept of the 100 benevolent great goddess and her son was prevalent through­ out the Aegean world in prehistoric times and in some cases k e was presented in the Olympian religion. The worship of the Great Mother and her son in late Bronze Age Greece, is also confirmed by the material evidences a small clay figure from Mycenae clearly shows the "Mother Goddess" and 46 her divine son. The archaeological evidence also confirms the fact that at Amyclai, where the Hyakinthian festival took place, were found many remains dated from Early Hella- 47 die to the Geometric and later times. Furthermore the

Amyclaion itself, that is, the site of Hyakinthos' temple 48 at Amyclai, revealed several Mycenaean finds. Nilsson stated that Hyakinthos "is perhaps the most evident instance of the continuity of a Mycenaean cult in the Greek age, but 4q he was superseded by Apollo." The Hyakinthian festival was one of the most sacred in Laconia, held annually in early summer and lasting for three days. We know some de­ tails of the celebration from Athenaeus:

But in the middle of the three-day period there is held a spectacle with many fea­ tures, and a remarkable concourse gathers which is largely attended. Boys with tunics girded high play the lyre or sing to flute accompaniment while they run the entire gamut of the strings with the plectrum; they sing the praises of the god in anapaestic rhythm and in a high pitch. Others march through the theatre mounted on gaily adorned horses: full choirs of young men enter and sing some of their national songs and dancers mingling among them go through the figures in the ancient style, accompanied by the flute and the voice of the singers. 101

As for the girls, some are carried in wicker carts which are sumptuously orna­ mented, others parade in chariots yoked to two horses, which they race, and the entire city is given over to the bustle and joy of the f e s t i v a l . 50

The evidence shows that a festival was held at

Amyclai in honour of Apollo who took over this festival from a pre-hellenic vegetation god and his mother. This festival, however, was not entirely held at Apollo's honour, since it bears the name of Hyakinthos throughout its existence. Sports, games and dances always formed part of similar festivals and in the Hyakinthia also this was the case.

Two other places where the presence of the Great

Goddess of Earth is attested by both literary and archaeolog­ ical sources are Olympia and Delphi. Olympia was a sacred place due to her oracle and position. Weniger believed that the cult of the Great Mother was in existence in Olympia.

His beliefs were based on the fact that two layers of ashes, containing primitive votive offerings, were found there.

It has been emphasized that Olympia was sacred at a very early date and that the material evidence clearly indicates the existence of a primitive religion which definitely pre- ceded that of the Olympian gods.^ The great Goddess at

Olympia bears the name Gaia (Earth). Parnell was convinced that the worship of this goddess at Olympia goes back to very primitive times and that her name clearly indicates an early stage of religious thought and ritual.In fact. 102

Gaia had functions similar to the "Mother Goddess" wor­

shipped all over the Aegean world. She was goddess of the

wild life, forest, mountains, fertility and all living

things in the nature. Such a goddess, it is said, "we have

in Artemis, whose shrines and graves were found throughout eh Elis."^ Artemis' connections with Olympia are not in

question. She was associated with the river Alpheios of

Elis and received the name Artemis Alpheia or Alpheionia.^^

She had eight altars in Olympia^^ and every year a festival

was celebrated there in her honour,^' not to mention that

she received monthly sacrifices as well.^^ It is true,

however, that Olympia was not the only place where a festi­

val was celebrated in honour of Artemis; at Agra, near

Athens, a festival which included races and processions,

was held in honour of Artemis Agrotera.^^ In an initiation

ceremony of the Spartan youths, the priestess of Arxemis

Orthia was present and the youths were scourged holding

the sacred image of Artemis.At Perge, near the river

Cestus, a general festival was celebrated every year to

honour Artemis Pergaea.^^ At Brauron, in Attica, little

girls danced before Brauronian Artemis.At Karyai the

Laconian girls used to come and dance a traditional dance

every year before the statue of Artemis Karyatis..^^ At

Troizen every year the Troizenians held a festival for 6A Artemis Saronia. The evidence, however, shows that

Artemis was more popular in Olympia than in any other place on the mainland Greece. It is almost impossible not to 103

conclude that Artemis was a primitive goddess of fertility

and vegetation worshipped at Olympia before and after the

coming of the Greeks. That festivals, including sport

dances and games, were held to honour the great goddess is

a reasonable suggestion to make. An indication of this is

that in historical Olympic Games the priestess of Demeter

Ghamyne, who took over most of Artemis's functions as a

fertility and vegetation goddess,was the only married

'■ 66 woman allowed to watch the games. One should not forget

that Demeter as her epithet Ghamyne denotes, was a goddess

of soil and vegetation; and the fact that her priestess was

allowed to watch the Olympic Games, rather indicates a

connection of the Goddess with some kind of games and festi-

vais l&eld in her honour. It is reasonable to assume that

the Olympic Games had some roots in prehistoric fertility

cults which can be detected through not only the presence

of the priestess of Demeter Ghamyne in the games but also by tl'O very fact that the victorious athletes were crowned with wreaths of wild olive. One, however, should always exercise caution about the origins of the Olympic Games because, as we will examine later, the games held in honour of the "Mother Goddess", whatever her name, were neither the only ones, nor the major sporting activities in Pre­ historic Greece.

Delphi had been a holy place for the worship of

Gaia from remote antiquity. The evidence shows that Gaia or Earth Goddess was the dominating deity at Delphi in the lo4 6? Late Bronze Age and that Apollo was a later-comer, prob­

ably of the 8th century, who took over the cult from the

Earth Goddess.That Apollo was not the original ruler at

Delphi is clearly exposed in the nature of the cult that preceded Apollo's. This cult was one of fertility and vegetation; and Apollo's credentials as a vegetation and fertility god are far from convincing. Greek,tradition was unanimous about the existence of a shrine and an oracle at Delphi in Late Bronze Age. From Homer and other writers as well we learn that an oracle of the Earth Goddess at

Delphi was active during Mycenaean times.Tradition agrees with the archaeological'evidence that a female divinity was honoured at Delphi, receiving sacrifices and offerings at least before the l4th century.Delphi and

Olympia had some things in common: in both places the presiding female divinity was an Earth Goddess. Neither

Olympia nor Delphi had been a city or community and in both places an oracle existed in the Late Bronze Age. In both

Olympia and Delphi, Panhellenic Games were held in histori­ cal times and both were accessible to many parts of the

Greek world. The possibility of the existence, at Olympia, of a festival which included sports and games in honour of the great goddess has been pointed out. The evidence is not sufficient to establish a hypothetical possibility of the existence of a festival at Delphi in Prehistoric times in honour of Gaia even though it is reasonable to assume 105

that such a festival that included sports, dances and games may have been held at Delphi for the great Earth Goddess.

Since offerings and sacrifices were held, as the material evidence shows, why not dances or some kind of games, as was the case in Crete, Ephesos and possibly Olympia. ENDNOTES

1. M.P. Nilsson, A History of Greek Religion, p. 29; PM 1.5^8; W.K.C. Guthrie, The Greeks and their Gods, p. 99* For more on the relationship of Artemis with the Minoan Goddess see PM.1.^6?; 2.250; 4.45; H.J. Rose, A Handbook of Greek Mythology, p. I3I; Mircea Eliade, A History of Religious.... p. 279; F* Warren, The Aegean Civilization, p. 99»

2. The Oxford Classical Dictionary, second Edition, edited by N.G.L. Hammond and H.H. Scullard (Oxford: At the Clarendon Press, 1978), p. 126. Also see Guthrie, The Greeks..., pp. 57» 99« The name Artemis, as J. Chadwick (The Mycenaean World,, p. 99) said, appears on the Linear B tablets. For an alternative point of view that rejects the identification of a-te-mi-to ---- a-ti-mi-te with Artemis see: Gerard Rousseau, Les Mentions Religieuses dans les Tablettes MycénienneFI (Rome : G. Etzioni, I968), p. 46; Christiane Sourvinou, "A-te-mi-to and A-ti-mi-te" Kadmos 9 (1970), p. 47.

3 . Rose, A Handbook of Greek Mythology, p. 113; Guthrie, The Greeks.... p. 99.

4. Rose, A Handbook..., p. II3 .

5 . Anatolian religion seems to have been dominated by a goddess. For the existence of such a goddess all over the Mediterranean and Anatolian world see: Guthrie, The Greeks.... pp. 57, 72, 99; Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 41; Rose. Ancient Greek Religion, p. 47; Bury and Meiggs, A History.... p. 39; Mircea Eliade, A History..., p. 279.

6. Guthrie, The Greeks.... p. 53*

7 . Ibid. Also see p. 48.

8. W.R. Ridington, "The Minoan - Mycenaean...", p. 12.

9 . Gustave Glotz, The. Aegean Civilization, p. 265.

10. J. Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. 85.

106 107

11. See Rose, Ancient Greek..., p. 4-7; Bury and Meiggs, A History.... p.- 39. .

12. J. Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. 93» Minos 5 (1957) p. 117; Michael Ventris and John Chadwick, Documents in Mycenaean Greek. 1973» P- 4-10. Also see Jon C. Van Leuven, "Mycenaean Goddess Called Potnia" Kadmos 18 (1979), p.-128. Van Leuven said that several, possibly five, Mycenaean Goddesses bear the name Potnia.

13. J. Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. 92; Jon C. Van Leuven, Kadmos 18 (1979). p. 128.

14-. Iliad 21.4-70.

15. Guthrie, The Greeks..., p. 99.

16. PM 1 .548, 5^7; 2 .25O; 4-.4-5. Both Artemis and the Minoan Goddess had connections with dancing, some orgiastic in nature, as well as with hunting. For Artemis and her association with orgiastic dances see Nilsson, A History of Greek.... p. 28; Mircea Eliade, A History..., p. 279. For orgiastic dances held in honour of Minoan Goddess see PM 3.69, fig- 39: A. Severyns, Grèce et Proche Orient..., p. 97. For more on Artemis' connection with dance see Odyssey 6.103; C . Kerényi, The Heroes of the Greeks, p. 14-8; H. Jeanmaire, Dionysos; Histoire du Culte de Bacchus (Paris: Payot, 1951), p. 212. For Artemis and her connection with hunting see Iliad 5.4-9; Aeschylos, Agamemnon 133; Pausanias 5*15.8; PM 1.54-8; 2.277; Mircea Eliade, A History..., p. 279* The connection of Minoan Goddess with hunting has been already pointed out (see Chapter III notes 179, 180, 181).

17. Rose, A Handbook of Greek Mythology, p. II3. See PM 1 .567, fig. 4-13, for ,a clay image of a female divinity with many protruding breasts, found at Hagia Triada, recalling the Ephesian Artemis. Also see J. Frazer, The Magic Art.... p. 37.

18. P. Warren, The Aegean Civilization, p. 99. Warren drew parallels between the Minoan Goddess and her son or consort, the yearly dying god of vegetation, and Artemis with her young consort Hippolytos. For more on the connections of Artemis with her Minoan counter­ part see Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 4-1; Nilsson, MMR, pp. 4-32 - 4-38.

19. Mircea Eliade, A History.... p. 278. 108

20. W.R. Lethaby "The Earlier Temple of Artemis at Ephesus" JHS 37 (1917)» p. 14. Lethahy pointed out that the Ephesian cult of Artemis may have been a Hittite foundation. For more references concerning the orien­ tal origin of Artemis see: Plutarch Lysander 3; Parnell 2.480 - 487; Lethaby ^ 37 (1917), p. 13.

21. Strabo 12.2.6 - 7: Paus. 3.16.7; 3.16.9.

22. Parnell 2.425. Parnell mentioned that a cult of Artemis was found in Thessaly, Euboea, Boeotia, Phocis, Locris, Aetolia, Sicyon, Achaea, Elis, Argolis and ir her most primitive form in Attica, Laconia and Arcadia.

23. Lord W. Taylour, The Mycenaeans, p. 64.

24. Mircea Eliade, A History.... p. 279. See Herodotos (2 .156) for the connection of Artemis with Demeter. Also see: Madeleine Jost "Les Grandes Déesses d'Arca- die", Revue des Etudes Anciennes 72, (1970), p. I38, who said that Demeter and Persephone took over the functions of the Mother Goddess and her son.

25. J. Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. 93. Chadwick (p. 85) said that Demeter was in origin a realization of the Earth Goddess. Parnell (3 .28) said that "the brightest of all Gala's emanations is Demeter."

26. Persson, The Religion..., p. I65.

27. Ibid., p. I4l.

28. Thucydides 3.104. Also see Dionysios of Halicarnassos (4 .25) who compared the Ephesian festival with the Dorian festival held in honour of Apollo, in which women with their children were allowed to watch the festivities.

29. Charles Picard, Ephese et Claros (Paris: Presses Universitaires de Prance, 1922), pp. 20, 21, 104, 328, 332, 336; Persson, The Religion..., p. 142; Willetts, Cretan..., p. 186. For more references concerning the Ephesian festival see: Dionysios of Halicarnassos 4.25; ClG 3208; IG 2.1311. For more on the Ephesian festivals during Greek and Roman times see: Irene Ringwood Arnold, "Festivals of Ephesus", AJA 76 (1972), pp. 17 - 22.

30. Charles Picard, Ephese et Claros. p. 343.

31. Ibid., p. 344. 109

32. Persson, The Religion..., p. 91.

33. Ibid., p. 150.

34. Ibid., p. 97.

35. Frazer, The Magic Art..., p. 38.

36. Farnell 2.480.

37. Pausanias 7-2.4.

38. Ibid., 4 .31.8.

39. Mircea Eliade, A History.... p. 251.

40. See Pausanias 3-19.5» Lucian, Dialogues Mar. 15; Ovid Metam. 101175 - 215-

41. Rose, "Religion" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion..., pp. 472 - 3; Nilsson, The Mycenaean Origin of Greek..., p. 76; MMR 4o4; Guthrie, The Greeks..., p. 87; Willetts, Cretan..., pp. 222, 25O; Desborough, The Greek Dark Ages, p. 280.

42. Guthrie, The Greeks.... p. 87; Willetts, Cretan.... p. 25O; Nilsson, The Mycenaean Origin..., p. 76; B.C. Dietrich, "The Dorian Hyakinthia" Kadmos l4 (1975)» p. 135; Rose, "Religion" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion..., p. 473- Rose believed that the fact that there was a tabu on cereal food, at the festival of Hyakinthos, indicates that the god was connected with the fruits of the earth.

43. Sammlung der Griechischen Dialekt - Inschriften, Ed. H. Collitz, F. Bechtel, 0. Hoffman, Gottingen, 1884 - 1915 (SGDI) 3501, 3502, 3512; Also see: Farnell 2.472 - 479; Nilsson, MMR, p. 557; Persson, The Religion.... p. 137; B.C. Dietrich Kadmos 14 (1975)» pp. 136nl See B.C. Dietrich Kadmos l4 (1975), p. 135 for refer­ ences concerning the nature of Hyakinthos as Divine Child as well as his association with the goddess of nature.

44. PM 3.480.

45. Ludwig Drees, Olympia, Gods, Artists and Athletes, trans. by G. Onn (New York: F. Praeger, I968), p. 14. For the Minoan "Mothei’ Goddess" and her "Boy-God" see: PM 2.841; 3-454 - 8, 468- 73* For the Syrian Mother Goddess and her son see: PM 2.277- 110

46. See L. Drees, Olympia..., fig. 2a.

4?. M.N. Tod and A.J.B. Wace, A Catalogue of the Sparta Museum (Roma: di Bretschneider, 19o8), pp. 236, 244= Also see Nilsson, MMR, pp. 403 - 4o4, 4yi, 485; Helen Waterhouse and R. Hope Simpson "Prehistoric Laconia" BSA 55 (i960), pp. 74, 75. 76; BSA 56 (1961), pp. 168 - 175. Desborough, (The Last.... pp. 88, 233 - 4) supported the view that Mycenaeans were at Amyclai and in one or two other places after the Dorian invasion.

48. Nilsson, MMR, pp. 403 - 485; The Mycenaean Origin..., p. 76. The existence of a religious cult at Amyclai during the Dark Ages was confirmed by the material remains (see Desborough, The Greek Dark Ages, p. 280). B.C. Dietrich (Kadmos l4, 1975. P* 138) says that continuity of the cult, at Amyclai, from Mycenaean throughout the Dark Ages is assumed even by the very cautious archaeologists.

49. Nilsson, The Mycenaean O r i g i n . ., p. 76. Also see B.C. Dietrich (Kadmos 14, 1975. p. 134) who believed that Apollo took over the cult but did not change the nature of it. Desborough (The Greek Dark..., p. 280) said that there was no break in the cult of Hyakinthos, who was worshipped even during the Dark Ages.

50. Athenaeus 139d (Loeb Cl. L. trans. C.B. Gulick, London: 1927). For more on the festival see: Herodotos 9-11; Xenophon Hel. 4.5*11; Pausanias 3*16.2; Scholiast on Pindar Istm. 6.18; Athenaeus 138f; Farnell 4.125, 264.

51. Weniger, Klio 7. P* 145 in Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 123. For the existence of an oracle at Olympia see: Pindar, Olym. 6.5; Pausanias 5*14.10.

52. Gardiner, GASF 38.

53* Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 4l. Farnell (2.425) said that one of the cult places of Artemis in pre-historic times was Elis.

54. Farnell 3.11.

55* Pindar Nem 1.1 - 6; Athenaeus 346b; Strabo 8.3*12; Pausanias 6.22.8.

56. Pausanias 5*14.4; 5*14.5; 5*14.6; 5*15*4; 5*15*6; 5*15*7; 5 *15*8 .

57* Strabo 8.3 .12. Ill

58. Paus. 5'l4.5.

59. IG 2 A 67 - 71.

60. Plutarch Lycurgos 18; Paus. 3 .16.10; 3*16.11.

61. Strabo 14.4.2.

62. Aristophanes Lysist. 645.

63. Paus. 3 .10.7.

64. Ibid., 2 .32.9. Also see Irene Ringwood Arnold ("Local Festivals at Delos", AJA 37, 1933, P* 456) for refer­ ences concerning the festival held at Delos in honour of Artemis.

65. See notes 24, 25*

66. See Paus. 6.20.9; 6.21.1. Also see Frazer, Pausanias 4.21.1.

67. See Aeschylos Choeph. 5*127; Bumen. 1-8; Sophocles Antig . 339; Euripides Ioh. Tauris 1234, 1259 - 1265; Plutarch, Mor. 421c; Apollodoros 1.4.1; Paus. 10.5*3, Aelian VH 3*1; Farnell 3*8; 4.180; J.E. Harrison, Themis, pp. 385, 387; Gardiner, Olympia.... p. 49; W.N. Bates, M à 29 (1925), p. 242; L. Lerat "Trou­ vailles Mycéniennes à Delphes" BCH 59 (1935), P* 335; Rose, A Handbook of Greek Mythology, p. 137; BCH 85 (1951), pp. 210 - 223; Georges Roux, Delphes Son Oracle et ses Dieux (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1976), pp. 19, 21. L. Drees. Olympia..., p. 24; Michael Senior, Greece and its Myths (London; Victor Gollancz, 1978), p. 98; E.L. Holmberg, Delphi and Olympia, p. 6.

68. L. Lerat, BCH 59 (1935), P* 335; George Rcux, Delphes... p. 19; R. Sealey, A History of the ..., p. 35; Michael Senior, Greece.... p. 98; E. Holmberg, Delphi.... pp. 6 , 12.

69. See Odyssey 8,80; Aeschylos Eumen. 1-7; 5*2; Seven 748; Sophocles, Oed. Tyr. 97 - 98, 100 - 101, 306 - 309, 475 - 476, 713 - 4, 793, 995 - 6; Euripides, Phoen. 3 2 - 38, 1043 - 1046; Iph.Tauris 1259 - 1269; Pindar 01 2.42; Apollodoros 3*5*7; 1.4.1; Zenobius 2.68; Strabo 973*2; Paus. 9*5*10; Dion Chr. 10.24; Plutarch Mor. 421c, Diodoros Sic. 16.26.4; Aelian VH 3*1* For an alternative point of view see J. Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle..., p. 4. Fontenrose believed that iü is unlikely that an oracle of such importance existed at Delphi before the 8th century B.C. and if there was 112

one at Delphi or in the neighbourhood before the 8th century, it was merely a local institution which left no remains.

70. Georges Roux, Delphes..., p. 21. CHAPTER V

OLYMPIA BEFORE ??6 B.C. AND SOME PROBLEMS CONNECTED WITH THE FOUNDATION OF THE OLYMPIC GAMES

The ancient Olympic Games were a five-day athletic festival held during the Summer. Very early in the fifth century B.C., these Games became a panhellenic festival and thus people from every part of the Greek world visited

Olympia. The purpose of the visit was to watch the great

Games and to honour the father of gods and men, Olympian

Zeus. The evidence from archaeological and literary sources indicates that Olympia was a sacred place where games and festivals were held long before the traditional date of the beginning of the Games.

Olympia Before 776 B.C.

According to the Greek tradition, the 776 B.C.

Olympic Games were the revival of previous games. This becomes clear from a passage of Pausanias:

At that time Greece was grievously worn by internal strife and plague, and it occurred to Iphitus to ask the god at Delphi for deliverance from these evils. The story goes that the Pythian priestess ordained that Iphitus himself and the Eleans must renew the Olympic Games.1

113 114

Strabo was more cautious, for he said that at the

time of the Trojan war either there were no games in which

a crown was the prize or if there were they were not 2 famous. This belief in the existence of games at Olympia

before 776 B.C. was shared by Gardiner as well:

The existence of the games in pre- Dorian times agrees entirely with the athletic character of the Achaeans in the Peloponnese.as described in Homer; and if we find in the poet no mention of Olympia, his silence is easily explained by the simple, local character of the festival at this time.3

That the Olympic festival during the time of

Homer was a Peloponnesian affair is confirmed also by the

material evidence, since the bronze offerings at the sanc­

tuary in the 8th century are of Spartan, Argive and 4 Corinthian styles. Homer, however, did mention games in

Elis when he said:

...for indeed a great debt was owing to him in shining Elis. It was four horses, race-competitors with their own chariot, who were on their way to a race and were to run,for a tripod, but Augeias the lord of men took these, and kept them and sent away their driver who was vexed for the sake of .the horses.5

Two propositions, according to Gardiner, may be regarded as fairly established: first, that Olympia was a sacred place before the Achaean invasion and second, the games started before the coming of the Dorians but probably after the arrival of the Achaeans. There is enough 115 archaeological evidence to show that Olympia was inhabited

during the Late Bronze Age and that Middle Helladic and 7 Mycenaean settlements left their traces on the spot.

This evidence is in agreement with tradition which says Q that the Achaeans once had Olympia under their control.

On the basis of the material remains some argue that

Olympia was a place of continuous worship during the

Mycenaean and Dark Ages.^ The primitive terra-cotta and bronze figurines found at Olympia are many and point to a

Dark Age period. Some of these figurines go back to the

10th century.But this view is not universally accepted.

Skepticism was expressed by some authors as to the dating

of the series of bronze tripods to the Dark Ages.^^ A.M.

Snodgrass said that "... the stratification and typology of the dedications do not confirm the claim that Olympia „12 was the scene of continuous worship through the dark ages.

Snodgrass, however, commenting on the festivals and cults in historical Greece said:

Again, a major element in historical Greek religion was composed by festivals and cults which originally held little connection with officially organized worship, but of whose great antiquity there is no doubt, even if it has to be inferred a posteriori. Such practices seldom leave a substantial material record, even in a well-documented period; they are known to us largely from literary sources. We should not therefore doubt the possibility of their transmission through the dark age, simply because we cannot find ._ proof of it in the material evidence. 116

Among the votive' offerings found at Olympia and dated by some in the 10th century B.C. and by others not Ik later than 800 B.C., are figurines depicting horses, chariots and charioteers. There is a general consensus that these bronze and terra-cotta figurines were the thanlc- offerings of the victorious athletes of noble birth who took part in the games.These votive offerings indicate not only the existence of a cult^^ but also the fact that games, particularly races, were held in Olympia at this 17 early date. If these assumptions are correct, then we should doubt the validity of the tradition which says that for the first thirteen Olympiads the only contest was the 18 foot-race and that chariot races were introduced almost one hundred years later in the 33rd Olympiad (680 B.C.). 19 Pindar's statement that from the very beginning the con­ tests were six in number, including chariot races, is rather closer to the truth. The chariot models found at

Olympia, as offerings of the victorious athletes, have also been a matter of argument. H.L. Lorimer believed that the light chariots depicted on Late Geometric vases, and of which small bronze models were found at Olympia, repre­ sented a direct inheritance from the latest chariots of the 20 Bronze Age. Snodgrass doubted that these bronze models had anything to do with the latest chariots of the latest

Bronze Age because of the break of the dark ages and the extreme poverty of this age that made the acquisition of 21 these chariots impossible. This view has been challenged 117 by H.W. Catling who said:

I find it easier to follow E. Von Merok- lin and Miss Lorimer in supposing that these vehicles were the direct descen­ dants of our Group III chariots, and that chariotry persisted throughout the Dark Ages than to add chariots to the long list of war-gear that failed to survive the end of the Mycenaean period, and did not reappear in Greece until the eighth century or later. Too great an emphasis has been laid upon the supposed material and spiritual poverty of Greece in the period between the eleventh and eighth • centuries B.C. The achievements of Greece in the eighth century can only be explained on the assumption of sub­ stantial continuity with the past.22

It seems that archaeology does not entirely solve the problem of cult continuity in Olympia from Mycenaean through the Dark Ages. No doubt the solution of this prob­ lem will cast new light upon the nature of possible athletic festivals held in Olympia before 776 B.C. and the relation­ ship of the 776 B.C. Olympic Games with Mycenaean and Dark

Ages festivals.. Archaeology is the safest guide to reach conclusions and solve problems that rival traditions and religions have created during the centuries. But one should not take this very far because archaeology may also be mis­ leading, particularly when we study periods of migrations, conquest and material adversity as is the case with the

Dark Ages of Greece. Material scarcity and conquest do not necessarily imply spiritual poverty and religious indiffer­ ence. The fact that there are fewer votive offerings dedi­ cated at Olympia than in the Athenian sanctuaries during 118

the Dark Ages, does not necessarily mean that the Athenians

of that age were more religious than the inhabitants of

Olympia or Elis of the same period. The archaeologist who

will study, one thousand, years from now, the cults and

festivals of today's aborigines around the world, will prob­

ably find no temples or stadia; he will probably find few

and poor votive offerings and will possibly reach the con­

clusion that they were neither religious, nor athletic.

But the aborigines, as we know, celebrate many events every

year with dance, song and games, all religious in nature.

Are the aborigines less religious and athletic than most of

us who attend church service once a year in the midst of

gold and silver objects at the capital's cathedral and have

banished song and physical activity for life?

The investigation of the most important theories

of the origin of the Olympic Games will cast-more light upon the problem of cult continuity in Olympia and the nature of possible games held there before 776 B.C.

Theories of the Origin of the Olympic Games

The origin of the Olympic Games was and still remains a matter of controversy. There is scarcely any myth or legend connected with the Games which is not subject to contradictory statements and viewpoints. It is hard to accept, without question, any kind of theory which claims to have uncovered the origin of the Olympic Games by analyz­ ing myths and legends, because most of these traditional 119 tales' are essentially distorted and falsified. Olympia's

story and the story of the Games were constantly in flux,

due to the control of the sanctuary 'by different rival

races at one time or another. Gardiner rightly argued:

Olympia, as we shall see, stood on the highway of the northern invaders, and at Olympia the institution of the games is connected with such tales as the conquest of Cronus by Zeus, of Oenomaus by Pelops, of Augeas by Heracles, and_ the return of the Heracleidae, tales which clearly had their rise in the „r> struggles of rival races and religions. ^

It is reasonable to assume that when the sanc­

tuary of Olympia changed hands then the legends and myths,

connected with the games and the place, also changed. It

was argued that the Eleans had turned out the Pisatans

from the control of the Olympic sanctuary "and they tried

to justify their usurpation by manipulating the legends,

sometimes by omission, sometimes by insertion.The

unreliability of myth and legend as a guide to find the

origin of the Olympic Games should be recognized, but as

has been pointed out "the student of myth need not despair

altogether of finding, here and there some meaning and 2 4 sense in the ancient stories." ^

There are two major theories of the origin of

the Olympic Games. The first theory, strongly advocated 27 by A.B. Cook and P.M. Cornford, suggests that the story

of Pelops and Oenomaos does reflect some ancient custom of an athletic contest for the throne and that the Olympic 120

Victor was treated or regarded as king. The victorious 28 Olympic athlete, according to this theory was treated

with honours regal and divine, feasted in the prytaneum and

crowned with a wreath of sacred olive, like the one Zeus

himself wore at Olympia. The four-horse chariot in which

the athlete raced brought him into resemblance with the

Sun God. The spectators pelted the victor, like a tree-

spirit, with leaves and on his return to his native city

he was dressed in royal purple and drawn by white horses

through a breach in the walls. Hymns were composed and

sung and statues erected in his honour; and in many cases

the victor was worshipped, after death, like a hero, not

because he was a victorious athlete but because he was once

an incarnate god. A.B. Cook, analyzing the legend of

Pelops and Oenomaos, as it is told by Pindar,concluded

that the Olympic victor in the victorious chariot competi­

tion was regarded as the lineal descendant of a divine 30 king.^ Furthermore, Cook said that in ancient times the

Olympic contest was a means to decide who should be the

king of the place and champion of the local tree-Zeus.^^

The king of the district was believed to be an impersonation

of the tree and Sky God, who from time to time, had to defend his office against all challengers until his defeat and dethronement by the victorious athlete.

The above theory was challenged and rejected by

Gardiner for good reasons. Gardiner did not reject the possibility that the legend of Pelops and Oenomaos and 121 possibly other legends reflect some primitive custom con­ cerning the succession to the throne. Gardiner's main objection was that this legend cannot by any means be O O connected with the origin of the Olympic Games.As for

Cornford's argument that the four-horse chariot was the four-horsed chariot of the Sun, Gardiner said:

The four-horse chariot was not invented as a symbol of the Sun, but it was selected as his vehicle as the fastest means of locomotion known at the time. Because the sun drove in such a chariot it does not follow that every four- horse chariot was symbolical of the sun, or that the chariot-race was invented in his honour.. There were four-horse chariot-races at many places besides Olympia; was every competitor in a four- horse chariot assimilated to the Sun God? Further, this race had certainly no claim to be associated with the beginnings of Olympia, for according to tradition, it was not introduced there till 680 B.C., and it is doubtful if it was known in Greece at a much earlier date.35

Challenging Cornford's further argument about the olive crown at Olympia Gardiner made it clear that this practice of wearing wreaths was by-no means confined only to athletes, kings or gods, but extended also to priests, worshippers and victims as well during religious ceremonies.

The victorious athlete did not wear the olive crown in imitation of Zeus since the olive wreath was worn by the victors long before it was worn by the god.^^ The sugges­ tion that the spectators pelted the Olympic victor with flowers and leaves, because he was the human representative 122

of the tree-spirit, is not consistent with the facts,

since the victors of other Panhellenic Festivals as well were pelted with flowers and leaves ; so if the Olympic victor was the incarnation of the tree-spirit, so must every victorious athlete have been and all athletic festi­ vals must have their origin in the contest for a rustic kingship.In fact, it was not only the victors that the

spectators pelted with flowers. Tradition tells us that generals and even dead persons were honoured with this custom. As far as Greece is concerned there is nothing to support the argument that the person pelted with flowers JTi or leaves was ever regarded as tree-spirit, king or god.

The fact that victorious athletes were entertained in the

Prytaneion had nothing to do with royal or divine character.

At Athens and elsewhere distinguished citizens, among them

Olympic victors, were entertained at an official banquet in the Prytaneion, but there is no evidence that these men were regarded as successors to the ancient kings of lip Athens. Even though the victors commemorated their victories by erecting their statues at Olympia or by employing a poet to write a hymn to be sung, it is impor­ tant, however, to note that neither the statues or the hymns were proofs of royalty or divinity. After all these honours were not conferred by the officials of the games but were voluntary privileges at the expense of the victor's friends who were encouraged by the Olympic authorities to h p do so in order to increase the glory of the festival. 123

From the evidence it appears that the honours paid to the victors, when they returned to their own cities, tended to become more extravagant with the decline of the true spirit of the games and the growth of luxury; and that the honours that are supposed to be royal in character belong almost Lili entirely to the Roman period. Regarding the suggestion that the Olympic victors were worshipped after death,

Gardiner stated:

Of the worship of the victor after death we find only five examples out of some eight hundred victors whose names we know. All five belong to the fifth century, which was characterized by a strong revival of the worship of the dead. Many generals and statesmen were so canonized at this period. The five athletes in question may have been canonized for their athletic prowess, but there is not the slightest justi­ fication for asserting that anyone of them was worshipped because he had won an Olympic victory and had thereby become an incarnate god.^5

It seems logical to conclude that there is no evidence whatsoever to prove the royalty and divinity of the Olympic victor. Thus the field is open for an alterna­ tive theory which is "simple and attractive" and which suggests that the Olympic festival originated in funeral

IlA games held in honour of Pelops. It has been suggested by many authors that funeral games were held in Greece at a very early date.- Greek tradition is unanimous about kg the existence of funeral games in prehistoric Greece; and declares that all major Panhellenic Games had been funeral 1 2 4 49 in their origin. ^ It is also believed that competitive

games of some kind were held in honour of the dead all

over the ancient world,and that games and contests held

in honour of the dead anteceded the agonistic festivals of

gods.^^ The archaeological evidence that we have supports

the view that the burial customs were homogeneous throughout

the Mycenaean world^ and that funeral games were held after

a burial in Mycenaean times.In fact, funeral games in

honour of the dead completed the burial ceremonies.Thus,

literary and archaeological evidence indicates that funeral

games were held in prehistoric Greece. The funeral origin

of the great Greek games was pointed out by many writers,

who based their arguments on traditional sources, survivals

in the ritual of the games, earliest athletic art and later

custom.For the funeral origin of the Olympic Games, it

has been suggested that it is difficult to dismiss as

improbable the traditional sources that the Olympic Games were held in order to commemorate real men who once lived, died, and were buried on the site where the games were later 56 held.^ The above suggestion was based not only on Greek tradition and custom, but on the evidence of similar prac­ tice observed by many other peoples.It has also been emphasized that the phenomenon of the Olympic Games can only be understood within the framework of the nomadic cul­ ture of cattle-breeders and warrior-shepherds who placed a great importance in the cult of the dead and ancestors and whose funerary customs with races, horse races, wrestling. 125 etc. resemble very much those in the Iliad and Olympia.

Gardiner also adopted the funeral theory which he found

attractive for it seems to be in agreement with the wide­

spread Greek practice,but he added:

Students of religion are apt to exagger­ ate the importance of the religious motive to the neglect of equally impor­ tant secular motives. The writers whose views we have been discussing fail to take account of the universal instincts of human, and indeed of animal, nature, the love of play and the love of fight­ ing. It is to these instincts that the love of sport and athletics is d u e . o O

In Gardiner's own opinion the variety and impor­ tance of the Greek funeral garaes cannot be adequately explained "unless full account be taken also of the intense love of competition and the strong athletic spirit of the race."^^ H.J. Rose, without rejecting the connection of athletics with religion, emphasized the secular nature of

Greek athletics as well as "the keen delight in athletics and athletic prowess which characterized the Greeks.

One, however, should always take into account another aspect of Greek life in order to explain the variety and importance of the Hellenic games and festivals: this aspect, rather unique in Greek lands,is the hero cult.^^

The cult of hero in historic Greece was not something new, it was rather the continuation of a custom which had already existed in primitive Greece. It was a common belief among the Greeks that heroes should be honoured and their memory must not be forgotten.One way to honour and perpetuate 126 the memory of the heroes was to hold games in their honour.

The connection of hero cults with games has been pointed out by many.^^ It has been suggested that the cult of heroes was "the earliest breeding ground of the Agon, that most characteristic feature of Greek life and school of the individualism that made the greatness of Greece.It is highly probable that the games held in honour of heroes, and such were from the beginning all the great Greek games, were originally established as funeral games to honour a dead man. This point of view was expressed by Gardiner, as well, who said;

...these games, originally celebrated at the actual funeral, tended like other funeral rites to become periodical, and as ancestor-worship developed into hero-worship became part of the cult of heroes, which seems to have preceded throughout Greece the worship of the Olympian deities.

There is a general consensus that hero cults were in existence both in prehistoric and historic Greece. There is, however, disagreement as to the question of uninterrupted continuation of the hero cult from the Late Bronze Age to historical Greece. This disagreement is due to the fact that some writers are of the opinion that the Dark Age of

Greece was a period of total decline and disintegration, while others believe that thé Dark Age of Greece was not as dark as some supposed. To this problem we should add another; that of the limitations of the material evidence available during the same period which prevent us from 127 getting even a resemblance of the real picture,It is also believed that the main reason why this period is called a "Dark Age" is that there is little or no evidence for it 70 in literature, history and archaeology. Writers in favour of the continuity of the hero cult, believe that there is no break in culture, in history, religion, art and language from Mycenaean to Classical Greece. W.A. McDonald stated:

In athletic contests (where there are religious overtones in both pre-historic and later times) and in many details of cult and ritual the resemblances are equally notable. Webster and others have shown that in Minoan-Mycenaean representational art there are many convincing parallels with singing, dancing and instrumental performances connected with later religious obser­ vances. Continuity in religion - particularly in divine names - is strongly reinforced by the Linear B tablets. The evidence (or at least general probability) hardly invalidates the hypothesis that worship at the graves of some of the Bronze Age heroes continued uninterrupted through the early Iron Age and on into classical, Hellenistic and Roman days.71

It has been further suggested that the idea of the hero cult became popular in Greece during the Dark Ages; and that its genuine relationship and semblance to the cult of the dead elucidates the iconegraphical resemblance of

Olympian figurines on votive tripod cauldrons with Argive,

Attic, and Boeotian Geometric vase-representations."^^ The

"most persistent challenger"of the suggestion of the continuity of hero cults is G. Mylonas, who maintained the view that the hero-cults have existed only at Mycenae and 128 that there was no continuation of the hero-cult from yh, Mycenaean to later times.' Mylonas, however, admitted the fact that the nature of the existing evidence is such that "new evidence may in the future force a modification 7 of the expressed views." Another view recognized the existence of continuity of the hero-cults from Late Bronze to later ages only in places where there was racial continu­ ity.^^ In fact, this view accepted that in Athens and

Ithaca, for instance, there was continuity of people and thus some local hero cults may have been in existence during the Dark Ages, while in the Dorian Peloponnese no such 77 continuity had existed.'' The non-existence of racial continuity in the Dorian Peloponnese was recently challenged by many writers. There is evidence of continuity in cults and in community organization during the Dark Ages, some­ thing that makes the assumption of a cultural break at that 78 time impossible to accept.' It has been also emphasized that what remained in the Peloponnese after the destruction of Mycenaean centers "was predominantly Mycenaean in 79 character." It is also believed that a great deal of

Mycenaean culture survived through the Dark Ages, as becomes Q Q clear from the religious practices. The Dorians, it is said, shared most of their festivals with other Greek races, something that indicates that they have been in contact with the other Greeks from the very beginning of 81 their history. It is now generally believed that the

Dorians "had been full members of the Mycenaean world some 129

time before its decline and shared in Mycenaean culture and O p thought." It was also pointed out that the IIIB destruc­

tions on the mainland can no longer so easily be associated

with the Dorians on grounds of material evidence.

Archaeological evidence, from Ithaca, dated back 84 to the eleventh century supports the view of a possible

cult of Odysseus which may have begun well back in the Dark

Age.®^ An inscription of the Hellenistic period found at

Magnesia-on-the-Maeander mentions that games were held in

Ithaka in honour of Odysseus; and the excavators saw the

tripods found at Ithaca as dedications by early victors at

the games in honour of Odysseus.It is believed that the

bronze tripod cauldrons must certainly be votive and that

"the series of tripods run parallel with that of Olympia,

beginning with two examples of the small, functional vessels

which are unlikely to be later than 800

As we have earlier seen,, a few of the votive

offerings found at Olympia are dated by some in the 10th

QO century and by others not later than 800 B.C. We have

also pointed out that many writers agree about the fact

that these votive figurines were the thank-offerings of the victorious athletes of noble birth who participated in Oq the games. Furthermore, it becomes clear from the material evidence that:

At Olympia, the traditional date of 776 B.C. for the first celebration of the games, whatever its reliability in abso­ lute terms, is consonant with the sharp 130

increase in the volume of the dedica­ tions which must have taken place at roughly that time. But the sanctuary itself had been in existence for some time before;90

Two facts become clear from the evidence: first,

that at roughly 776 B.C. there was an increase of votive

offerings by the victorious athletes at Olympia. This was, however, just a "sharp increase" and not the beginning

of dedications to the sanctuary. Second, the sanctuary of

Olympia was in existence before the date of the first votive

offerings. The "sharp increase" of the votive dedications not only at Olympia but in other parts of the mainland as well was due to the widespread practice of hero cults in the

Greek lands during the 8th century B.C. Even the most

cautious archaeologists date some of the bronze and terra­ cotta finds of Olympia not later than 800 B.C. There is nothing in the material evidence to indicate that all the votive offerings at Olympia are later than 776 B.C. No writer, as far as we know, ever suggested anything like that. The most probable conclusion which suggests itself from a review of the archaeological evidence is that at

Olympia before 800 B.C. and possibly during the Dark Ages there existed a hero cult connected with games. The exis­ tence of hero cults not only at Olympia but in other places as well during the Dark Ages is the most natural inference one can make. The Dark Ages, no doubt, was a difficult period for the inhabitants of the Greek mainland in general 131 and the Peloponnese in particular; and it was during diffi­

cult periods and crisis situations that heroes and glorious

ancestors could be remembered and honoured. This was particularly true for the Greeks of the classical period who used to sacrifice to their gods and heroes before war

or during disaster. W. Ridgeway said that "solemn songs

and dances were part of the propitiatory rites performed

at the tomb of heroes in order that they might protect

their people...

From the material remains it appears that Delphi was a Mycenaean cult place. Mycenaean presence at Delphi is attested by: . numerous female votive figurines dated Q2 1500 B.C., and Mycenaean vase fragments and pithoi dated from the Middle Helladic.^^ Delphi remained an important cult place even after the Mycenaean decline since Sub-

Mycenaean, Protogeometric and Geometric vase and tombs have oZi been discovered by the French excavation team.^ It becomes clear from the archaeological evidence that the cult of the hero Ne'optolemos celebrated at Delphi during classical times had its origin back in the Late Bronze age.^^ We may suggest that athletic competitions were also part of this hero's cult at Delphi in the Late Bronze period, as was the case with the hero cults in both prehistoric and classical

Greece. Tradition also asserts that athletic games were held at Delphi at an early date and that many heroes were 96 victors in these competitions. Sophocles in the Electra has Orestes driving a chariot at Delphi with nine competitors.^^ 132

Pelops, Heracles, Zeus and Hera at Olympia

As we have seen the worship of heroes in different

parts of Greece preceded the worship of the Olympian gods,^^

and games and contests held in honour of the dead anteceded

the athletic festivals of the gods.^^ The connection of

hero cults with competitive games has also been pointed

out.^^^ It remains to be seen who were the main heroes at

Olympia, in whose honour games were held probably before and

after 77è B.C.

The presence of Pelops is well attested at Olympia, even though his origin is' not clearAncient Greek authors were not in agreement about his birthplace and origin.

Pindar made him a Lydian,others believed he came from

Phrygia, and some pointed to Paphlagonia as his place of 102 origin. Pelops married Hippodameia, the daughter of

Oenomaos, king of Pisa who was warned by an oracle that

Hippodameia's husband would kill him.^^^ Thus he made it clear that anyone who wanted Hippodameia as his wife might carry her off on condition that he might pursue and kill the suitor if he caught him. Several suitors had already been killed before Pelops decided to challenge Oenomaos.

Pelops won the hand of Hippodameia and became king of Pisa by bribing Oenomaos' charioteer Myrtilos who took out the linchpins of Oenomaos chariot. Oenomaos thus was over­ thrown and killed by Pelops, who also killed Myrtilos and cast him into the sea.^^^ We do not know how old is this 1 3 3 legend or the place it came from.^^^ One thing, however,

is certain, that down to the time of Pausanias Pelops was

worshipped at Olympia by the Eleans much more than the

other heroes as Zeus was worshipped more than thé other

Olympians.Yearly sacrifices were offered to Pelops at

Olympia and a black ram was sacrificed at his precinct.

Thus after his victory over Oenomaos, Pelops was lord of

Olympia and was later honoured as a hero among all the

other hero shrines which were to rise there.The sacri­

fices offered to Pelops at Olympia were yearly and there

is no evidence that they were connected with the Olympic

Games, an event held every four years. Gardiner's view

was that it is probable that sacrifice was offered to Pelops

on the eve of the festival.Pelops' connection with the

founding of games is very shadowy, and it depends on an

interpretation of the myth of Pelops which might well be an

uncertain recollection of an ancient rite of marriage by

capture.Some modern writers pointed out that there is

good reason to believe that the legend of Pelops and Oenomaos

was not part of the earliest tradition of the Olympic

Games,and that the introduction of the cult of Pelops

at Olympia took place at the introduction of the chariot 112 112 race. Pindar, who told us the story of Pelops and

Hippodameia, had nothing to say about Pelops' connection with the founding of Olympic Games. He simply dates the

Games from the victory of Pelops over Oenomaos in the Ilk chariot race. But there was no chariot race, in the 134

sense that it was known in Greece, between Pelops and

Oenomaos. The chariot-drive of Pelops carrying off Hippo­

dameia was a flight from Oenomaos and not a race.^^^ Some

even believed that Pelops never existed and that his

legend derived from ritual practices.This view has

been supported by the excavations at Olympia on the "tomb

of Pelops." The German excavators found out that the so-

called "tomb of Pelops" was a cenotaph.That the hero-

tomb which was erected to Pelops in the Altis was a cenotaph

is also attested by Pausanias, who said that the bones of

Pelops were preserved in a bronze chest in a place where 118 Pisa used to be. Gardiner accepted the Greek tradition that Pelops was a mortal, an actual chieftain who after his death was worshipped as a hero.^^^ An important observation made by Nilsson may have essential truth: that the legend of the race of Pelops and Oenomaos "was remodelled pro­ foundly in order to be applied to Olympia" and that it is 120 not certain where the myth was originally at home. The problem of Pelops and his connection with the games becomes less difficult if we make a distinction between Pelops and the story of his chariot-race with Oenomaos. There is nothing improbable in supposing that Pelops was a Mycenaean lord who was remembered and honoured after his death. He might have been the leader of Pelopids against their rival

Perseids for the throne of Mycenae. The successful struggle of Pelopids against the Perseids, who made Mycenae 135 militarily and politically important, may have earned

Pelops his glory. Pelops' connection with chariot-races and horses is well known. He appeared in the Iliad as 121 "driver of horses"; and Pausanias mentioned that Pelops 122 was honoured elsewhere as a famous charioteer. Thus it is probable, though only probable, that Pelops was honoured after death with games ; no doubt chariot-races had been the most important part of the games since the hero in question loved chariot-races, himself being an excellent charioteer. What emerges from the review of ancient Greek authors is that Pelops was a Mycenaean.

There was no ancient source, as far as we know, to connect

Pelops with the Dorians. It is then reasonable to assume that Pelops was worshipped and honoured with games in pre-

Dorian Greece. He may have been an important hero even after the coming of the Dorians, but it is doubtful if he was the most important one. The Dorians had good reason to introduce their own hero without abolishing the cult of

Pelops, who may have been worshipped but perhaps without games held in his honour after the Dorian invasion or during historical times. It has been rightly said that

"...there seems to have been no artistic tradition of any games celebrated in honour of Pelops.

As for the story of Pelops and his chariot-race with Oenomaos, it is clear that any attempt to connect this myth with the Olympic Games must confront a major difficulty.

A number of points raise suspicions: if the connection of 136

Pelops' story with the founding of the games is correct, then it must be admitted that the Greeks attributed, the founding of their greatest festival to a man whose origin was openly in question. If Pelops' origin was not Greek and the Greeks accepted as correct the story of the found­ ing of the Games, then they had no good reason to exclude foreigners from participating in the games since the founder of the games was a foreigner. Furthermore, Pelops won over Oenomaos by bribing Myrtilos whom he later killed.

It is doubtful, however, that the ancient Greeks who valued so much fair competition during the games accepted as founder and patron of their sacred festival a man or a hero like Pelops. After all there was nothing heroic in his actions as they are related by the story. Possibly modern authors have erred in placing too much emphasis on the myth of Pelops and in assuming that this story was connected with the foundation of the Olympic Games. The overwhelming majority of traditional testimony in the ancient Greek authors connected the founding of the Olympic 1 ph Games with Heracles son of Alcmene. Pindar's testimony on the founding of the Games was the most ancient and as­ cribed the foundation of the Games to Heracles:

The ordinances of Zeus have roused me To sing of the grandest of Games, which by the ancient tomb of Pelops, with contests six in number, Herakles founded when he slew Poseidon's son, fine Kteatos, 137 And slew Eurytos, to exact From violent Augeas, Willing from an unwilling giver, The wager for his service.125

It becomes clear from Pindar's statement that

Heracles returning from his victory over the Elean king

Augeas founded the games at the ancient tomb of Pelops.

Thus Pelops lived long before Heracles and was apparently

honoured at Olympia at a very early date. The story of

Heracles' founding rhe Games probably had its roots in the

Dorian Peloponnese. It was just natural, Gardiner said

"that the great athletic hero of the Dorians should be

regarded as the founder of the greatest athletic festival.

The Dorians claimed Heracles as their ancestor long before

they came to the Peloponnese. Their invasion into the

Peloponnese was known by Greek tradition as the return of

the Heraclidae.^^^ Down to the closing years of the Dark

Ages the Spartan kings believed that Heracles was their ancestor and hero. Desborough explained why:

To my mind, the major fault lay in the attempt to achieve genealogical contact or connexion with the Heroic Age where none existed - or at least where no records of any kind existed. A city of any importance had to trace its ancestry to a hero - if possible, to a demi-god. The worst offender was Sparta. The Dorians and their rulers had nothing to do with the Trojan war - that was agreed; so the kings had to provide themselves with an ancestor within the Heroic Age, and they selected one of the greatest, Heracles.128 138

The Dorians in general had a special reason to claim that they were descended from Heracles: he was the most popular hero of the Greeks, known as strong and great, averter of evils, great athlete, and helper in all difficul­ ties. That he was the greatest Greek hero was plainly implied from a passage in the Iliad in which Achilles sor­ rowful and heavy-hearted over his early death found a consolation in the fact that "...not even the strength of 129 Heracles fled away from destruction." Heracles was not only Dorian; in fact he was more Mycenaean than Dorian. He was a Panhellenic figure worshipped and honoured in almost all Hellenic communities. On Heracles' acceptance as Pan­ hellenic hero, W. Guthrie made some comments.

He was, for example, the only one to transcend completely the borders which divided the small communities of Greece. He was an exception to the rule that heroes were local and tied to a grave. So completely did he become the posses­ sion of the whole of Greece that no single city is recorded as having claimed to possess his tomb...The Greeks took him to their hearts and into their homes, which some of them sought to protect by writing this charm over the door; "The son of Zeus, the conqueror dwells here, .qn Heracles. Let no evil thing come near." ^

It was not only during historical times that

Heracles was a Panhellenic hero. He was mentioned by

Homer^^^ several times in both the Iliad and Odyssey, and tradition made him a beloyed hero both among the Mycenaeans and Dorians. With the destruction of the Mycenaean centers and the coming of the Dorians he became the exclusiye Dorian 1 3 9 hero. The Dorians claimed him as their own hut not with a great success, for their genealogical attempts to connect themselves with Heracles were not very convincing. It is remarkable that the cult of Heracles was almost always connected with athletic contests.J. Fontenrose argued that "the several features of the hero-athlete legend are scattered throughout the Heracles cycle.In the

Odyssey while Odysseus was boasting of his athletic skill and wanted to challenge the Phaeacians and all the men of his generation in a contest in archery, he admitted, how- eyer, the superiority in archery of men of former times 13iL like Heracles and Eurytos. But Heracles was known also as an excellent wrestler and boxer.The choice of

Heracles by the Dorians as their preferred hero was after all the wisest choice. The hero was well known and beloyed by all Greeks, and unlike Pelops he was not exclusiyely

Mycenaean. Pelops was too much of a Mycenaean hero to represent the whole Greek world and especially the Dorians, who did not have any difficulty making their popular hero the founder of the Olympic festival. After all Heracles was, among other things, an especially strong man and fine athlete. If it was just natural "that the great athletic hero of the Dorians should be regarded as the founder of the greatest athletic festival" then one question arises: was also Heracles the hero in whose honour the games were held? At this point one further line of reasoning should be considered: heroes were honoured in both prehistoric 140

and historic Greece with festivals and games. So it is

highly improbable that the Dorians did not hold games in

honour of their great hero. It is probable that some time

during the Dark Ages Heracles was gradually introduced at

Olympia as the hero athlete, and Pelops, while retaining

his hero cult, was no longer the hero-athlete at Olympia.

Pelops was honoured, worshipped and remembered throughout

Olympia's history, but the festival was taken over by

Heracles. The hero not only founded the games by the

"ancient tomb of Pelops" but as Pausanias records, he set

aside a temple for Pelops and sacrificed to him, a prac­

tice still in existence during Pausanias' time.^^^ Pelops

suffered the fate of Hyakinthos whose festival at Amyclai near Sparta was usurped by Apollo, but Hyakinthos was

always honoured even though he was superseded by the god.

Accordingly, it is likely that Heracles took over the hero-

athlete cult of Pelops at Olympia which he held up to the

time that Zeus, his father, was introduced in the sanctuary where he was the sovereign until he was ostracized by

Christianity. It is generally believed that the worship of

Zeus was introduced at Olympia in the early 8th century B.C. when the games, according to tradition, started. This view, however, seems arbitrary since there is nothing in the material remains to indicate that Zeus was worshipped at

Olympia and games were held there in his honour at that early date. The evidence shows that Zeus came to Olympia much later, probably after the 50th Olympiad when, as we I4l

know, important changes took place at Olympia. It would be

bold to insist on such a late date of Zeus' introduction

in Olympia but the evidence is such that we cannot conclude

otherwise. One should bear in mind that the 8th century

was a period of sharp increase of the hero cults in Greece,

a custom which was older than the worship of the Olympian

gods; and that the worship of the Olympians in general and

of Zeus in particular was due to the dissemination of the

Homeric epics, which can hardly have started in the early

8th century B.C. The most cautious archaeologists tako as

the lower limit c. 650 B.C. ' while others prefer a much later circulation of the Homeric epics.Zchielzschmann and Johansen in studying the early Attic and Corinthian vases independently concluded that there was a widespread ignorance of the Homeric epics in the seventh and early 189 sixth centuries. ^ J.A. Davison maintained the view that although the existence of an Ionian text of the Homeric epics probably anteceded Peisistratos, it was Peisistratos' son Hipparchos who brought it to Athens for the Panathenaic festival. This, according to Davison, marked the introduc­ tion of the Homeric text to Athens.J. Notopoulos also believed in a late circulation of the Homeric epics and he pointed out that the literary evidence also indicates that as far as Athens is concerned there are no public recita­ tions of Homer before the sixth century.It has been suggested that athletic events depicted in the art of the seventh century B.C. illustrate the funerary contests of 142 l42 the Homeric epics. Lynn Roller rightly questioned the

above view and said that these scenes depict contemporary

actual events and that funeral games of Greek epic did not

appear in art until the second quarter of the sixth century

Those who accepted an 8th century circulation of

the Homeric epics and consequently, the introduction of

Zeus at Olympia in 776 B.C. must confront a major problem;

the Olympic festival during the 8th and part of the 7th

century was an unimportant local festival, as becomes clear

from the material remains as well as from literary evidence.

To that extent it is unlikely that the Greeks dedicated an

insignificant local festival to their greatest god, assum­

ing that Zeus was regarded as such at that time. It is

rather possible that Zeus and Olympia grew in importance

during the same period in the minds of the Greeks. The

evidence indicates that Zeus of Homer did not have any

sanctuary at Olympia in the early 8th century. The presence

at Olympia of Heracles, however, the son of Zeus, is attested

by the evidence that we have. Many of the bronzes found at

Olympia represent warriors armed with large helmets and

small shields and spears. It is possible that these hel-

meted statues represent Heracles. The archaic types of

Heracles, it has been convincingly argued, represent an

active, fighting Heracles and not until classical times did we have the type of passive Heracles standing in repose.

That Heracles' originally appeared as a warrior is also 1^3 attested by a Mycenaean vase, found in 1930 at Enkomi, which shows Heracles with a conical helmet.Two hel- meted athletes depicted on a leg found at Olympia, dated late 8th century B.C., are interpreted as Apollo and Hera­ cles claiming a tripod as their prize.The presence of

Heracles is particularly noticeable during and after the second half of the seventh century. One early relief possibly represents Heracles "offering sacrifice at the founding of the Olympic Games.The hero also may "be recognized in the figure of an archer cut out of a sheet of bronze, a technique common at Olympia but rare else­ where. Heracles also appears on a relief shooting at a wounded centaur, as well as on another relief representing him and the Old Man of the Sea.^^^ This last representation of Heracles, seems rather interesting because the inscrip­ tion in early Argive characters written from right to left indicates that it came from Argos.The Olympian hymn written by Archilochos of Paros, (ca. 71^ - 676) was the triumphal song of Heracles

Tenella Kallinikel Hail Lord HeraklesI You and lolaos, soldiers two, Tenella Kallinikel -, Hail Lord HeraklesI ^

This hymn was sung by the Olympic victor's friends celebrating his success in the games. It is interesting that this song of Heracles was written by a poet who lived at the end of the 8th and the beginning of the 7th century. 144

The existence of this hymn can only he explained by the very fact that the hero had something to do with the games and the place. Heracles was mentioned by Archilochos as

Kallinikos (splendidly victorious^-^^ or handsome in tri- umph^^^) an epithet which connected the hero with games and fair victory. The only other hymn that we can remember is

Apollo's hymn sung to the lyre in the Pythian games rehear­ sing the god's victorious struggle over Python.One should always bear in mind that for the games at Delphi,

Olympia served as a model and that the games were held to commemorate Apollo's victory over the Python. Apparently the hymn written by Archilochos was sung from the beginning for the hero athlete of Olympia in whose honour the games were held, and later when Heracles was displaced by Zeus, the hymn was sung for the victor by his friends. An inter­ esting suggestion has been made by C. Kerényi regarding the introduction of Zeus at Olympia. Kerényi said;

Not till the middle of the eighth cen­ tury at the earliest did Zeus take his place in the series which began with these rudely masculine representations. Indeed, it is possible that Zeus only did so by displacing the Kourete-like young god, Hera's original cult associ­ ate, who took time to achieve this promotion. It is possible, too, that a bearded Zeus was substituted for the Heracles standing beside the enthroned goddess, particularly when Zeus's nature began to change in this direc­ tion. A "Dactyl Heracles" was the partner of the great moon goddess Hera in Olympia almost to the middle of the eigth century. At this time it was 14-5

that Homer's poetry made its contribu­ tion to the final shaping of the two religions, the Hera cult and the Zeus religion.156

Kerényi's first argument that Zeus was introduced at Olympia in the middle of the eighth century is not in agreement with the archaeological, or the literary evi­ dence; and it has been already discussed. Another point of disagreement with Kerényi's statement is that Zeus displaced a "Dactyl Heracles" who was the partner of Hera.

The young partner or consort or son was always associated with the Earth Goddess of fertility and vegetation through­ out the Aegean and Anatolian world. The evidence does not connect the worship of Hera with any young partner. Parnell showed with strong arguments that Hera's credentials as

Earth Goddess are very poor.^^^ The concept of "Dactyl

Heracles" whose origin was Crete is also a matter of argu­ ment. Parnell called the identification of Heracles with the Cretan Idaean Dactyls or Couretes "the most incongruous confusion in Greek mythologyand he explained why:

...for these latter were a daimonistic company of dwarfs, ministers or atten­ dants of the great goddess of Crete, semi-hieratic beings much connected with mysteries...having no secular tradition but devoted to the arts of metallurgy;... but not for the robust Hellenic hero of high epic achievement who was no mystic devotee, had no natural affinity with the orgiastic earth-mother, no interest in the arts, and who, if not a giant, was certainly no dwarf and whose career was on the whole human and secular.159 146

Parnell was convinced that the story of the Ida­

ean Heracles was a fabrication of late birth since neither

Pindar nor Herodotos, both interested in the Hellenic hero, mentioned anything about a Cretan Heracles.The earliest author who supported the theory for Herakles the Daktyl appears to have been Onomakritos, an Athenian poet of the

6th century B.C., whom Parnell called "an oracle-monger and a forger of spurious literature. Parnell's opinion of

Onomakritos is in agreement with the literary evidence.

Onomakritos edited the oracles of Musaeus and was expelled from Athens by his friend Hipparchos for forging one of the oracles.Herodotos mentioned that Onomakritos was caught in the very act of the forgery by a certain Lasos of

Hermione.^^^ In Persia, where he fled, Onomakritos continuedinu( 164 his career as forger of oracles with remarkable success.

We also learn from Clement of Alexandria that Onomakritos forged poems in the name of Orpheus.But Onomakritos was not alone in making the Daktyl Heracles at home in

Olympia. The Eleans themselves, as tradition made clear, had good reasons to work up the personality of the Idaean

Heracles, proclaiming him as a Cretan Daktyl, and utilizing him in rivalry to the son of Alcmene:^^^ it becomes evident from Pausanias^^^ that in his time the old Eleans strongly disliked Heracles the son of Alcmene because the latter had killed the Elean king Augeas, the Elean heroes Molionides, the Minyan Neleus and his sons who had deep roots in Elis.^^^ 1 4 7

Parnell found value in Pausanias' statement that it was

Iphitos the Aetolian who persuaded the Eleans to sacrifice

to Heracles who was, until then, an enemy of the Eleans.

It appears from the evidence that the Idaean Heracles'

connections with Olympia and the founding of the games is very questionable and must be regarded as a clear fabrica­

tion.

With regard to the helmeted, unbearded bronze

statues found at Olympia that we have already identified with Heracles, Kerényi stated that the epithet "Parastates"

(one who stands beside) was brought to Olympia by Heracles and not by Zeus who was a "bystander". So Kerényi con­ tinued, "were Heracles' role as Parastates not so emphati­ cally connected with his quality of an Idaean Daktyl, we might with more justification identify the helmeted, un- 170 bearded figurines with Heracles than with Zeus." But it has been pointed out that the name Parastates had nothing to do with the Idaean Dactyls, that it was simply

"a natural name for the Hellenic hero"^^^ and that the

Greeks who were deeply devoted to Heracles appealed to him as the divine helper, "as the typical Parastates, the good 172 comrade and guardian-angel..." '

There is very little doubt that the helmeted bronze statues of Olympia represent Heracles, the son of

Alcmene, the hero in whose honour the games were held almost up to the second quarter of the sixth century. Parnell said that we have to accept Heracles "from very old times 1 4 8 1 7 3 as an almost Panhellenic hero." It is reasonable to assume that only a Panhellenic hero would gather the rival

Greeks together at Olympia to compete peacefully with one another. We have every reason to believe that Olympia served from the very beginning of the games as a place of peace and reconciliation. The rivalry between the Greeks was not only a Classical phenomenon; it definitely had its roots before historical times. Lysias, an Athenian orator of the fifth century, said that Heracles founded the Olympic festival because he believed that the gathering of the

Greeks at Olympia would be for them the beginning of mutual good fellowship and good-will.According to Polybios

Heracles also founded the Olympic truce.But Heracles could not play the role of harmonizer forever. This appar­ ently was due to a number of reasons: (a) the Homeric

"revolution" which brought Zeus to power was, by the second quarter of the sixth century, widespread and totally accepted; (b) Olympia and its festival gained in fame and power, attracting the attention of the whole Greek world, (c) the acceptance of Zeus by the fighting Greeks as the father of gods and men and as their peacemaker,

(d) the overplaying by the Dorians in general and Sparta in particular of their Heracleid descent and (e) the appearance of Peisistratids in Athens. The last reason probably gave an impetus to the wide circulation of Theseus legends. It is believed that the development of Theseus as a Panhellenic hero with a number of labours^^^ to compare 1 4 9 with those of the Dorian Heracles took place during the time of Peisistratos and his sons,^^^ who encouraged the growth of Theseus' popularity.Theseus was not only a benevolent hero, but like his opponent Heracles he insti- 179 tuted games and festivals. In addition, the Athenian hero's fame was extended beyond the borders of Attica by making him an all-Ionian hero to set against the Dorian hero Heracles.The attempt of the Peisistratids to develop and spread the legend of Theseus is emphasized by 1 1 Q"j Nilsson who saw no prehistoric origin in Theseus' legend.

S. Woodford also said that "the worship of Heracles was much older, deeper and more widespread in Attica than that 1 Q p of Theseus." The literary evidence also agrees that the Athenians were the first to grant divine honours to 183 Heracles. The legend of Theseus definitely outlasted the Peisistratids and by no means promoted the cause of friendship and reconciliation among the Greeks. The time was ripe for the introduction of Zeus as a harmonizer of

Hellas. The choice of Zeus was a necessity for the Greeks who saw that Zeus' acceptance as a Panhellenic god possessed a political importance. On this Parnell said: "But his worship has a political significance higher than any other, for he alone regarded the unity of Greece and his cult was 1 RZi pre-eminently Hellenic and not merely local or tribal."

Zeus' character as harmonizer and peace-maker is clearly exposed in Pheidias work at Olympia: on one of the panels that ran between the legs and the throne of Zeus, Heracles 150 and Theseus appear as allies fighting against the Amazons. 185

It has been suggested that the conception of Pheidias' statue of Zeus was to bring together the Dorian and the

Athenian hero "in a work that implicitly appealed for peace and reconciliation between the opponents in a brutal and senseless conflict. The final attempt to reconcile the two heroes was to emphasize their common descent: both 187 were great-grandsons of Pelops.

Even after the introduction of Zeus at Olympia

Heracles still remained a great hero not only in Olympia but almost all over the Greek world. The twelve labours of Heracles were sculptured in relief in twelve metopes on the temple of Zeus at Olympia. There were many sanctuaries of Heracles in Attica, most of them connected with a gymna­ sium, where games were regularly held in honour of the hero.^^^ In Euboea,Thasos,^^^ Marathon,and 192 Rhodes games were celebrated to honour Heracles who was regarded with Herraes as the patron of the gymnasiums.

We learn from an inscription that the boys and youths of

Chios offered a libation to Heracles and the muses in connection with some state-games.^^^ It becomes clear from

Athenaeus who quoted Pamphilos, saying that the Athenaean

Epheboi cut off their long hair and offered to Heracles a large cup which they have filled with wine. After a liba­ tion from it they gave it to their companions to drink from.^^^ This practice has been interpreted by Parnell as

'.'drinking with Heracles in order to communion with the god 151 of strength and virility. In reference to Heracles'

association and interest in athletics and the palaestra, it has been said that "this is the sole point at which the

cult of Heracles touches the higher civilization of

Hellas. .,197

We hope that in the future more research into 1Q8 the personality of the "hero-god" Heracles will reveal

other important connections that he had with games and festivals in general and the Olympic Games in particular.

For example, one problem which still remains unsolved is that of the exclusion of women from the Olympic Games. An inscription dated 510 B.C., found probably at Delphi, reads 199 that women are forbidden to enter Heracles' sanctuary.

We also learn from Roman authors and Plutarch that in Italy women were not allowed to participate in the cult of

Heracles.In addition, the hero was called Misogynes

(woman-hater) in Phokis, and his priest was pledged to 201 severe chastity during the time he held his office.

The exclusion of women from the Olympic Games may have had something to do with the worship of Heracles but due to the lack of evidence even suggestions on this matter should always be advanced with reservations.

Hera's presence at Olympia is attested by her temple which, indeed, was the oldest and only one down to the time when the temple of Zeus was built in the fifth century. Hera's name appears in the Linear B script and her name no doubt is Mycenaean. Argos was the favorite 152

place of the goddess, but Sparta and Mycenae as well were 202 cities dearest to her. It has been said that the worship

of Hera came to Olympia from Argos^^^ and that it was Phei-

don of Argos who introduced her worship at Olympia.The

date of Pheidon was a matter of dispute but today it is

generally believed that he lived in the seventh century.

We also learn from Herodotos^^^ and Pausanias^^^ that

Pheidon intervened at Olympia and usurped control of the

festival. Pausanias mentioned that Pheidon's intervention

at Olympia took place in the 8th Olympiad but a plausible 20fi emendation proposed that it happened in the 28th Olympiad.

(668 B.C.) This date is generally accepted;and since the temple of Hera at Olympia is dated in the seventh 210 century it can be safely assumed that the temple was built by Pheidon or immediately after his reign when the extension of Argive power westwards took place. As far as the ritual of Hera at Olympia is concerned, we still "know 211 only what Pausanias tells us in a very obscure chapter."

Pausanias said that games (the Heraea) were held at Olympia which were inaugurated by Hippodameia, out of gratitude to 212 Hera, for her marriage with Pelops. Unfortunately, after so many years we are obliged to repeat with Gardiner that we are ignorant of the real origin and history of the 218 Heraea. ^ Some have argued that the Heraea were the proto­ type of the Olympic games and that the maidens' races were 21 /l earlier than those for men, but as Gardiner said "this 153 is most improbable.The sacrifices offered to Hera in

Olympia were annual and there is no evidence that these

yearly rites were connected with the Heraea»Hera was

not at home in Olympia in early times and there was no

reason to hold games in her honour at an early date. We

have seen that Hera was not the earth-goddess "nor were 217 the two cults ever confused at Olympia." Hera was the

main goddess of Argos, as becomes evident from the Homeric

epics and the literary sources, "but there is not the

slightest evidence that she was ever the local goddess of on O the Pisatans..." Even those who believed that the games

in honour of Hera were more ancient than those of the men

admit that "the religion of Hera was not even the earliest 219 woman-religion in Olympia." Kerényi admitted that it

was not in fact the priestess of Hera but the priestess of

Demeter Chamyne, the goddess of soil, who was the only 220 woman allowed to watch the games. If games were not

held in historical times for the Earth Goddess, then it is

highly improbable that games with origin in prehistory were

held in honour of Hera, particularly in Olympia where the

goddess was never before at home. A clear indication that

the Heraea did not precede the games of men in Olympia is

the fact that among the votive offerings found at Olympia 221 figurines depicting women "are remarkably rare." It is true, however, that at Argos and Sparta, where the worship

of a goddess undoubtedly predominated, numerous female 154 222 figures were found. It may be stated without serious inaccuracy that the Heraea started later than the games of men at Olympia in honour of Zeus. Once Zeus became the father of gods and men, and his worship was accepted in all parts of Greece, thanks to the Homeric influence, it was inevitable that his wife should find a place and share the growing importance and glory of Olympia.

The Olympic Register and the Discus of Iphitos

The historic period of Greece starts in 776 B.C., the year when the Olympic Games were said to have been established at Olympia by Iphitos of Elis. The 776 B.C. date was fixed by the Elean sophist Hippias who lived ca.

400 B.C. In his attempt to fix the precise date for the beginning of the Games the Elean sophist, apparently, did some research but since antiquity there has been a lot of controversy concerning the acceptance of 776 B.C. as the beginning of the Olympic Games and the beginning of historic

Greece. Plutarch was convinced that Hippias had based his list of the Olympic victors on very doubtful evidence. In his opening chapter of the life of Numa Plutarch said:

Chronology, however, is hard to fix, and especially that which is based on the names of the victors in the Olympic games, the list which is said to have been published at a late period by Hippias of Elis, who had no fully authoritative basis for his work.223 155 But there are other points as well, connected with the 776 B.C. date, that are in dispute: tradition

told us that for the first thirteen Olympiads the only con- p pit test was the stadion (foot-race) and this fact gave rise to the widely accepted assumption that the stadion was the most important athletic event held at Olympia and that the winner of the stadion gave his name to the Olympiad. We also learn from Pausanias that a sacred Olympic truce was established by Iphitos of Elis at the same time when the games first started.

Plutarch was not alone in doubting the-authentic­ ity of the victors' list edited by Hippias. Some believed that it was extremely unlikely that such an isolated place as Elis had been, should have a register of victors for a festival which was unimportant and local, a hundred years before the Athenians had their own list of Archons or the 226 Spartans a list of the Karneionikai. Those who did not believe in the existence of a victors' list since 776 B.C. agreed that after the 50th Olympiad records may have been kept and thus Hippias from about Olympiad 50 used histori- 227 cal evidence to compile his list. ' It has also been suggested that a further proof that the list of the Olympic victors was of late reconstruction is the fact that the p p Q Anolympiads 8 and 3^ recorded by Pausanias and the

Anolympiad of Olympiad 104- all appear in the list of Julius 229 Africanus who brought the Olympic register down to 217 A.D. 1 5 6

Just as there are those who deny the authenticity of the

Olympic register, there are others who defend it. The most vigorous defence of the Olympic register came from A.

Brinkmann^^^ whose basic arguments are: the fact that in the victors' list the Messenians flourished for a while as

Olympic victors and then disappeared from the list, where­ upon the Spartans became prominent, can only be explained as due to a political disaster. One state, Brinkmann believed, must have been destroyed and the other raised to prominence. The war between Sparta and Messenia, which lasted twenty years, must have happened in this period and the victors following the last Messenian victory came from cities that did not take part in the war. Brinkmann was of the opinion that such agreement between historical events and the Olympic register of victors was not merely a historical insight and fine judgment by the Elean sophist.

Gardiner took a middle ground on the controversy concerning the Olympic register of victors. He believed that although

Hippias' list was imperfect and inaccurate, it is unlikely that he "could have imposed a purely fictitious list of victors on the critical Greek world at the end of the fifth century, or that Aristotle would have revised it without some evidence for his work."^^^ The same point of view was expressed by John Forsdyke, who believed that Plutarch's statement that Hippias did not base his list on convincing evidence may well be true; but also some material evidence concerning the Olympic victors was available, because if 157 the beginning of the list, that Hippias compiled, had been totally fictitious, he then could have taken the list back to a much earlier date,^^^ Mahaffy made an interesting statement which may lead us into the personality of Hippias. »'

Mahaffy said that if there was really a trustworthy and genuine Olympic victors' list, then all that Hippias had to do was copy it. But this is not consistent, Mahaffy argued, with Plutarch's statement which "implies a task of difficulty, requiring research and judgment. And this, no doubt, was what the sophist wanted to supply.What emerges from the above observation is a question related to Hippias' ability to write an authentic list. Was the sophist really capable of undertaking such an important task? As far as we know Hippias was the only one who did not question his ability on anything. We think here appro­ priate to cite a part of Plato's dialogue bearing the name of the sophist. In the dialogue only Socrates and Hippias took part.

S. Hippias, beautiful and wise, what a long time it is since you have put in at the port of Athens:

H. I am too busy, Socrates. For whenever Elis needs to have any business trans­ acted with any of the states, she always comes to me first of her citizens and chooses me as envoy, thinking that I am the ablest judge and messenger of the words that are spoken by the several states...

S. That's what it is, Hippias, to be a truly wise and perfect man:....Then for Heaven's sake just as the other arts 15 8

have progressed, and the ancients are of no account in comparison with the artisans of to-day, shall we say that your art also has progressed and those of the ancients who were concerned with wisdom are of no account in comparison with you?

H. Yes, you are quite right.

S. That is a prodigious marvel that you tell, Hippias; and say now: is not your wisdom such as to make those who are in contact with it and learn it, better men in respect to virtue?

H. Yes, much better, Socrates.

S. And in well-governed states virtue is most highly honoured.

H. Certainly.

S. And you know best of all men how to transmit that to another.

H. Much best, Socrates.

S. But then what are the things about which they like to listen to you and which they applaud? Tell me yourself, for I cannot discover them.

H. They are very fond of hearing about the genealogies of heroes and men, Socrates, and the foundations of cities in ancient times and, in,short, about antiquity in general, so that for their sake I have been obliged to learn all that sort of thing by heart and practice it thoroughly.

S. By Zeus, Hippias, it is lucky for you that the Lacedaemonians do not enjoy hearing one recite the list of our ar­ chons from Solon's time; if they did, you would have trouble in learning it by heart.

H. How so, Socrates? After hearing them once, I can remember fifty names. 159 S. True, but I did not understand that you possess the science of memory; and so I understand that the Lacedaemonians naturally enjoy you as one who knows many things, and they make use of you as children make use of old women, to tell stories agreeably.

H. And by Zeus, Socrates, I have just lately gained reputation there by tell­ ing about noble or beautiful pursuits, recounting what those of a young man should be. For I have a very beautiful discourse composed about them, well arranged in its words and also in other respects. And the plan of the discourse, and its beginning is something like this: After the fall of Troy, the story goes that Neoptolemus asked Nestor what....

S. However, my friend, let us not yet give it up, for I still have hopes that what the beautiful is will be made clear.

H. Certainly, to be sure, Socrates, for it is not hard to find. Now I know that if I should go away into solitude and meditate alone by myself, I could tell it to you with the most perfect accuracy.

S. ...But for Heaven's sake, find it in my presence......

H. Not at the moment, but as I said just now, I am sure I shall find it after meditation.234

In the Lesser Hippias of Plato, Socrates again challenged the sophist who accepted the fact that he was always naturally in a state of blessedness and that since he began to contend at the Olympic Games he had never met anyone better than himself in anything.

From the above Platonic dialogues some suggestions oan be made which may throw a little more light on the actions and personality of Hippias. It becomes clear from 160 the Greater Hippias that the sophist himself was not inter­ ested in genealogies of heroes, men or in antiquity in general; he simply was obliged to do "that sort of thing" because his audience was fond of hearing such stories.

Socrates greatly doubted Hippias' ability to remember genealogies and the latter assured Socrates that he can remember fifty names after hearing them once. But a little later under the Socratic pressure he admitted that he com­ posed and well arranged a story for the Lacedaemonians who made use of him "as children make use of old women, to tell stories agreeably." From the beginning of the dialogue emerges the fact that the Eleans used rather extensively their sophist for a variety of reasons. This fact naturally raises the question: did they also employ him to compile an Olympic victors' list? If they did, then one should expect that they also supplied him with some sort of infor­ mation concerning the victors of the early Olympiads. The availability, reliability and the amount of such information can, of course, be endlessly disputed. One thing, however, is certain: that even if some relevant information existed about the early stages of the games and their victors, no doubt the contribution of Hippias was absolutely necessary and essential for the completion of the list. Thus it may be inferred that the Olympic register reflects to a degree the personality of the sophist who is reduced to absurdity by Socrates. I6l

According to Pausanias,for the first thirteen

Olympiads the only event was the foot-race or stadion and the other events were revived one by one as people remem­ bered them. Many writers found Pausanias' statement not very convincing, for they doubted that the foot-race was the' only event for 52 years. It has been correctly said that since the Elean nobility was a cavalier nobility, it seems unlikely that a hippie event was introduced as late as 680

It has been also suggested by Mahaffythat Pin­ dar in his Tenth Olympic Ode gave the names of five heroes who won the five events in the first contest, and there was no indication that there was any change in the program, or that the five events mentioned by Pindar had not been part of the program since their introduction. In fact, Mahaffy argued that Pindar^^^ mentioned that the pentathlon as well as the pancratium were introduced later, thus making it evident that the five first events were, in his mind, the original events of the program of the Games.Gardiner called Pausanias' statement "an improbable story" and he believed with Pindar that from the beginning the events 2^1 were those described by the poet. Scholars in favour of

Pindar's statement believed that the chariot-race was rather oil2 the first and most important event. This opinion found support from archaeological evidence not only from Olympia but from other places as well. Among the votive offerings by the victorious athletes at Olympia during and before the 162

8th century are many horses of clay and bronze, charioteers

as well as yokes belonging to horse chariots. If we accept

Pausanias' statement that for the first thirteen Olympiads

the only event was the stadion and that the chariot-race

was introduced at Olympia as late as 680 B.C. then we will

be in a difficult position to explain the presence of

horses and chariots among the votive offerings at Olympia.

It is unlikely that the victors in the stadion during the

first Olympiads dedicated horses, chariots and charioteers

as thank-offerings to the sanctuary of Olympia. Another

indication of the popularity of chariot races during the

8th century is the fact that numerous scenes depicting the 248 game appeared in the art of this age. Thus Pausanias'

statement that men remembered the events one by one and then added them to the program is not in agreement with the material evidence. There are also those who accept

Pausanias' account as correct. Weniger believed that the foot-race was the only event during the period mentioned by Pausanias and that the festival lasted, for the first thirteen Olympiads, only two days. Other days, Weniger believed, were added as the number of the games was in- 244 creased. L. Drees is the only other author, as far as we know, who did not accept Pindar's account of the exis­ tence of many events at the time of the revival of the

Olympic Games. Drees accepted Pausanias' statement that it was only gradually that the games were extended to cover 24 4 many contests; ^ but he brought no evidence whatsoever to 1 6 3 support Pausanias' account or disprove Pindar's.

The majority of the writers did not agree that the stadion was the most important event in the Olympic program or that the victors of this event had the unique privilege of giving their names to the Olympiads. It is said that the mistaken idea of designating the Olympiads by the victors in the stadion arose from the fact that the stadion was the first event inscribed on the official lists and also it was first on the programme of the games.

The practice that the winner gave his name to the Olympiad,

Gardiner believed, was not earlier than the third century; and he also believed that Julius Africanus, following the practice of early times gave only the name and the city of the winner of the stadion since "a complete list of victors 2^7 was of no value for chronology." ' We learn, however, from Stephanos of Byzantium that Philistos, a Sicilian historian (ca. 430 - 35^ B.C.) mentioned an Olympiad when piip. Oebotas of Dyme won the stadion at Olympia. An inter­ esting suggestion, against the traditional view that the stadion was the most important event and that the winner of this event gave his name to the Olympiad, was made by

Mahaffy. He pointed out that Pindar did not give "any priority of special dignity to the stadion" or that the victors of the stadion "would have the special glory of handing down their names as eponymi of the whole feast.

This view has been defended by others who recalled that 1 6 4

Thucydides had two times designated Olympiads by victors in the pancratium^-^^ and that the historian tried to give precise dates by referring to the Ephors of Sparta, or the

Archons in Athens but he does not use the Olympiads in 261 order to give an exact date. One also should add the other historians of the fifth and fourth centuries, inclu­ ding Herodotos, who did not use the Olympiads for his chronologies. It appears that the designation of Olympiads by the victors in the stadion was not in existence or if such a practice ever existed then it was not officially accepted.

Greek tradition was not unanimous about the origin of the Olympic truce and its inventors. Lysias made Heracles the originator of the Olympic truce and he highly praised the Greek hero for this civilized invention.In

Pausanias' account Iphitos alone re-established the Olympic festival and the Olympic truce,while Plutarch added the 2 64 name of Lycurgos, the lawgiver of Sparta, who was a 266 contemporary of Iphitos. Finally, Phlegon of Tralles introduced, in addition to the names of Iphitos and Lycurgos, that of Cleosthenes, king of Pisa.^^^ We learn from

Pausanias. that among the dedications at Olympia was also

Iphitos's discus on which were written the terms of the truce which the Eleans proclaim for the Olympic Games.

Support for a historical Iphitos is not very strong. He was rather "a shadowy figure.The inscription on the discus at Olympia claimed that Iphitos was son of Haimon, 1 6 5 but down to the time of Pausanias, many believed he was the

son of Praxonides, while the ancient records of Elis trace

Iphitos to a father with the same name as himself.The

Olympiad of Iphitos, which according to tradition must be

that of 776 B.C. when Coroibos was winner of the stadion

"was placed by Eratosthenes I08 years before the Olympiad

of Coroibos." Gardiner observed that Phlegon of Tralles

in "a very ungrammatical parenthesis states that twenty-

eight Olympiads were reckoned from Iphitus to Koroibos.

R. Robinson also said that Phlegon's statement implied that

the date of the revival of the Olympic games is "more than

one hundred years earlier than the 776 B.C. when official 262 records began." When, if ever, Iphitos lived and if he had anything to do with the establishment of the Olympic festival and truce is not clear. Neither was the historical

existence of Lycurgos confirmed. As to his actual date and his actions, ancient and modern authors were not in agree- 263 ment. Some believed that he was an old Laconian god while others believed he was a historical person,and a lawgiver.It was a common belief in ancient Greece that

Lycurgos was a lawgiver who gave his famous laws to Sparta.

We learn, however, from Plutarch^^^ that Sparta did not have written laws; and by Tyrtaios, who was our earliest authority, we are informed that the Spartan "rhetra" was given by Apollo, the god at Delphi, and nothing was said about Lycurgos' connection with it, nor was he mentioned as l66 267 a lawgiver. It appears from the evidence that the

stories about the origin of the Olympic truce and the dis­

cus of Iphitos rather reflect different traditions and

claims which are not well founded. By making Iphitos the

only one who invented the truce and wrote the terms of it

on a discus, Pausanias reflected the Elean tradition which,

apparently, was the only one he had heard from the priests

of Elis. Lycurgos' connection with the truce and the dis­

cus of Iphitos simply indicated that Sparta was a prominent power and an ally of Elis. J.N. Coldstream pointed out that the predominance of Laconian bronze finds at Olympia gives some colour to the tradition of any early alliance between Sparta and Elis, an alliance which finally con- 268 trolled the power of Pheidon, king of Argos. The omis­

sion of the name of Cleosthenes, king of Pisa, by Pausanias is another indication that Pausanias' account was Elean altogether. One should only remember that Olympia and its games belonged originally to Pisatans and not to the Eleans and that the struggle between the two cities over the con­ trol of the sanctuary continued down to the 5th century when the Pisatans were crushed by the Eleans. An indication that the Pisatans were before the Eleans in control of the sanctuary is that the Pisatans' claim was revived by the

Arcadians in 36^ Gardiner believed that the priestly story from which Pausanias had been informed contained "inconsistencies and absurdities" and that Elis 1 6 7

is represented in the tradition as being in control of

Olympia, a place outside its boundaries in Pisa which was

an independent state with its own king, "and this indepen­

dent state is represented as continually trying to usurp

what is its own."^"^*^ It has been also pointed out that

the story of the re-establishment of the Olympic festival

by Iphitos and Lycurgos "seems to have been invented to

support the claims of Elis to control the festival and of

Sparta to control Elis."^^^ It is believed probable that

during the time when Sparta "raised the standard of athletics

and increased the prestige of Olympia", then the legend

recorded on the discus of Iphitos making Lycurgos and

Iphitos the founders of the festival may have been inven­

ted.This view found support among other modern authors, who believed that the names of Iphitos and Lycurgos were

inscribed on the discus to support the tradition that both were the founders of the festival.As for the terms of

the Olympic truce written on the discus by Iphitos it becomes clear from the available evidence that in 776 B.C., when according to tradition the terms of the Olympic truce were written on the discus, it is very unlikely that writing was in existence. We, of course, assume that the system of writing was not that of Linear B, but that of the adopted and modified Phoenician alphabet. That Linear B was not in existence in historical times is clear since the Greeks onh, preserved no memory at all of that system of writing.

It is known from ancient sources that "the Greeks did, on 168 occasion, find and puzzle over relics of an unknown script in their own country, which were presumably relics of the old Mycenaean Linear B System.Plutarch mentioned that when a structure known as "Alcmena's tomb" in Boeotia was opened, there were found two amphorae, a necklace and a bronze tablet inscribed in "very old, barbaric" letters 276 like the Egyptian. It is rather evident that the old barbaric characters inscribed on the bronze tablet mentioned by Plutarch was the Mycenaean Linear B script. We have every reason to believe that the terms of the truce written on the discus of Iphitos were in the adopted Phoenician alphabet since we learn from Plutarch^^^ that Aristotle the philosopher had seen the discus at Olympia with the name Lycurgos still readable upon it. If Aristotle had seen the discus at Olympia with the name of Lycurgos on it, it could not have been as old as 776 B.C. since the art of writing was not in existence at such an early date.

Writers were in agreement that the earliest surviving Greek inscriptions, or the new Phoenician form of writing did not come into use until the late part of the eighth cen­ tury.Some even believed that there was probably no writing before 700 B.C. at the earliest^^^ and that the

Greek world of the 8th and 7th centuries B.C. "was deeply unlettered, despite the introduction of the alphabet.

On the basis of these considerations it may be inferred that the so-called discus of Iphitus was rather a forgery, which best served the interests of both Sparta and Elis by making 169

Lycurgos and Iphitos the founders of the Olympic festival

and the Olympic truce. But this was not the only forgery pO“| of that kind. Herodotos in his account of the origin of the Greek alphabet said that he had seen cauldrons with inscriptions cut on them in Cadmeian characters in the temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes. Herodotos continued saying that there were three of these cauldrons and that the Cadmean letters inscribed on them were very similar to the Ionic. Herodotos also quoted the inscriptions which were in hexameter verse and were referred to the Bronze Age.

It is clear that no writing in hexameter verse existed dur­ ing the Bronze Age or very similar to Ionic or anything else belonging to the Bronze Age, that Herodotos could read with ease and understand. It is believed that these bronze tripods may have been pre-historic antiquities to pO p which Greek inscriptions had been added. Herodotos did not dare to question the authenticity of these inscriptions but their ancientness, that is, four generations or so before the war of Troy "may have left him with some suspicion that their great antiquity was only a pious fraud;.There is little doubt that the inscriptions on these tripods were forgeries made by the priests in the temple of Ismenian

Apollo at Thebes.

It may be stated without grave impropriety that certain parts of the early Greek tradition concerning the founding of the Olympic games and their early history, were 170 rather fictitious or the aforethought and intentional inven­ tion of rival tribes who wanted to claim the great antiquity of the festival once it had gained in popularity and impor­ tance. ENDNOTES

1. Paus. 5'4.6 (Loeb Classical Library, Cambridge, Mass., and London, 1966), trans. by W.H.S. Jones. See Pindar 01 10.23 - 60; Paus. 5*1-9» for further references concerning the founding of the Olympic Games.

2. Strabo 8.3*30.

3. Gardiner, GASP, p. 40

4. See J.N. Coldstream, Geometric Greece, p. 181.

5. Iliad 11.697 - 701. (Trans, by R. Lattimore). Homer (Od 24.347) referred to Elis as "horse-pasturing".

6. Gardiner, GASP, p. 3 8 .

7 . N. Yalouris, Praktika, (1955)* P* 97» figs. 85. 86; Georges Daux "Olympie et Region N-0 du Péloponnèse", BCH 84 (i960), pp. 714 - 720; "Chronique de fouilles Î ^ O " BÇK 85 (1961), p. 722. Also see: BÇH 78 (1954), p. 128, BÇH 79 (1955), p. 253, figs. 7, 8, 9; BÇH 80 (1956), pp. 287, 289 - 290, 632 - 633, figs. 8, 9; BCH 81 ( 1957) , p. 5 7 4 ; BÇH 83 (1959), p. 655; R*M. Dawkins "Archaeology in Greece I906 - 1907", JHS 27 (1907), p. 2 9 5 ; "Archaeology in Greece I907 - 1908", JHS 28 (1908), pp. 331 - 332; "Archaeology in Greece 1908 - 1909", JHS 29 (1909), p. 364; A.M. Snodgrass, The Dark Age of Greece, p. 397; Pinley and Pleket, The Olympic Games, p. l4; Bury and Meiggs, A History..., p. 3^; E.J. Holmberg, Delphi and Olympia, p. 72; Gardiner, AAW, p. 33; Olympia.... p. 78. See N. Yalouris, "The sanctuary of Olympia" in N. Yalouris, The Olympic Games, p. 88 for information supporting the yiew that Olympia was inhabited continuously from the Early Helladic to the Late Helladic period.

8. See Strabo 8.3.33* (In this Strabo quoted Ephoros); Paus. 5*4*3* Also see Prazer, Pausanias 5*4.3 who stated that Curtius accepted the testimony of Ephorps for a number of reasons.

9 . Pierre Leyeque, "Des Dieux et de Jeux D'Olympie", Reyue des Etudes Greques. 86 - 87 (1973 - 74). p, 344; H.V. Herrman, "Zur Altesten Geschichte Von Olympia",

171 172

Mitteilungen Des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts, Athenische Abteilune 77 (1962), p p . 3 - 3^*

10. Gardiner, AAW. p. 33; Olympia.... pp. ? 8 , 79; E. Holm­ berg, Delphi.... p. 72. For Protogeometric pottery that has been discovered in ancient Elis see: Des- borough. The Last..., pp. 39, 92, 234; Snodgrass, The Dark.... ^ 531 Peter P. Kahane, "The Cesnola Krater from Kourion in the Metropolitan Museum of Art: An loonological Study in Greek Geometric Art" in Noel Robertson, The Archaeology of Cyprus: Recent Develop­ ments (N. Jersey: Noyes Press, 1975)» p. 184. Kahane said that the earliest bronze and terra-cotta figurines found at Olympia and associated with the cult go back to the Proto-geometric period.

11. J.N.G. Coldstream, Geometric Greece..., p. 331- Cold­ stream expressed some doubts about the dating of the bronze series to the 10th century by saying that "this chronology must remain conjectural."

12. A.M. Snodgrass, The Dark Age.... p. 397.

13. Ibid, p. 399. A similar point of view was expressed by Desborough (see The Greek Dark Ages, p. 284).

14. J.N. Coldstream, Geometric..., p. 335*

15. Ibid, pp. 181, 335* For more references see: Peter P. Kahane "The Cesnola Krater..." in Robertson (ed.). The Archaeology..., p. 1751 n. 63; H.V. Herrmann, Olympia Heiligtum und Wettkampfstatte, Munich, 1973, pp. 77 - 8.

16. W. Ridington "The Minoan...", p. 49; N. Yalouris, "The Sanctuary of Olympia" in N. Yalouris, The Olympic Games, p. 88.

17. Ibid.

18. Paus. 5 .8.6 .

19. Pindar 01 10.23 - 60.

20. H.L. Lorimer, Homer and the Monuments, pp. 307 - 328.

21. Snodgrass, Early Greek Armour and Weapons, pp. 159 - 163.

22. H.W. Catling, "A Mycenaean Puzzle from Lefkandi in Euboea" AJA 72 (I968), p. 48. 173

23. Gardiner, GASF, pp. 8 - 9.

24. Gardiner, Olympia.... p. 59.

25. E.A.S. Butterworth, Some Traces of the Pre-Olympian World in Greek Literature andMyth (Berlin; Walter de Gruyter and Co., I966), p. 1.

26. A.B. Cook, "The European Sky-God", Folklore I5 (1904), pp. 398 - 402, "Zeus, Jupiter, and the Oak", Classical Review 1? (1903), PP. 1?4 - 186, 268 - 2?8.

27. F.M. Cornford, "The Origin of the Olympic Games" in J.E. Harrison (ed.), Themis..., pp. 212 - 257.

28. Cornford, "The Origin..." in Harrison (ed.), Themis.., p. 221.

29. See Pindar, 01 1.

30. A.B. Cook, Folklore 15 (1904), p. 398.

31. Ibid., p. 399.

32. rbid., p. 397.

33. Gardiner, "The Alleged Kingship of the Olympic Victor", BSA 22 (1916/17: 1917/ 18), p. 89.

34. Cornford, "The Origin..." in Harrison (ed.), Themis.., p. 227.

35. Gardiner, BSA 22 (I916/Ï7 , 1917/18), p. 90. Also see Olympia..., p. 66. Gardiner was of the opinion that chariot races were held at Olympia much earlier but the chariots used were the old two-horse chariots used for war and described by Homer. When the four-horse chariot was introduced it supplanted the two-horse chariot "not because it was the chariot of the sun, but because it appealed to the yanity and pride of noble patrons of the turf" (see BSA 22, p. 90).

36. Gardiner, BSA 22, p. 91; Olympia, p. 66. Gardiner pointed out the custom of wearing wreaths was yery ancient and that "there is no apparent motive for its introduction in historic times" (see BSA 22, p. 91). For more on this custom and its meaning see: Frazer, The Dying God, p. 413.

37. Gardiner, BSA 22, pp. 91 - 92. Gardiner based his argument on the fact that the earliest statues of Zeus show no oliye wreaths crowned him; instead they 274 represent hlm with helmet and a thunder-bolt in his hand.

38. Cornford, "The Origin..." in Harrison (ed.), Themis..., p. 221.

39. Gardiner, BSA 22, p. 92.

40. References are in BSA 22, pp. 92 - 93. It was also pointed out that the objects thrown were not always flowers or leaves but also fruits, fillets and even articles of dress.

41. Gardiner, BSA 22, p. 93.

42. Ibid., Olympia, p. 66.

43. Gardiner, BSA 22, p. 94. Gardiner believed that these and other honours were the result of the exaggerated love of athletics that began in the sixth century and reached excess proportions a century later in the Greek colonies of Southern Italy. (see Olympia, pp. 66 - 67, BSA 22, p. 94). Neither hymns nor statues, how­ ever, were honours peculiar to the Olympic victor (see Olympia, p. 66).

44. Ibid., p. 95-6; Olympia, p. 67.

45. Gardiner, Olympia, p. 67; BSA 22, p. 97. The five athletes that were mentioned are: Philippos of Kroton (Herod. 5.47), Kleomenes of Astypalaia (Paus. 6 .9.6), Theagenes of Thasos (Paus. 6.11) and Euthymos of lokroi Epizephyrioi (Pliny ^ 7.47). Polydamas of Skotussa (Lucian Deor. Cone. 12) See BSA 22, pp. 96 - 97; Erwin Rohde, Psyche..., p. 117, F. Bohringer "Cultes D ’ Athletes en Grece Classique: Propos Poli­ tiques, Discours Mythique", Revue des Etudes Anciennes 81 (1979), pp. 5 - 18, for details concerning these five hero athletes.

46. See Gardiner, GASF, pp. 27, 32: Frazer, Pausanias 1.44.8; William Ridgeway, The Origin of Tragedy TCam- bridge: at the University Press, I9IO), pp. 36, 38: JHS, (1911), p. xlvii.

47. Erwin Rohde, Psyche... , pp. 15, 17; Gardiner, GASF, p. 30; Fontenrose, The Ritual Theory of Myth, pT ?8; P. Kahane, "The Cesnola..." in Robertson (ed.). The Archaeology..., p. 184; Emile Mireau, La Vie..., p. 234; Hans Georg Wunderlich, The Secret of Crete, p. 257. 175 48. Iliad 23.257 - 895; Odyssey 24.85 - 92; Pindar, 01 7.77 - 78; Philostratos, Imagines 2.25; Paus. 8.475; Apollonios Rhodios I.IO6O; Hyginus Fab. 273*

49. For references see Lynn E. Roller "Funeral Games in Greek Art", AJA 85 (1981), p. 108; Frazer, The Dying God, pp. 94, 103; Pausanias 1.44.8; Gardiner, GASF. p. 27; Erwin Rohde, Psyche. pp. 117, l4l n.22.

50. Frazer, The Dying God, pp. 98 - 99; W. Ridgeway, The Origins..., ub. 36. 38; Hans Georg Wunderlich, The Secret..., p. 257•

51. J. Fontenrose, The Ritual Theory..., p. 48.

52. George Mylonas "Homeric and Mycenaean Burial Customs", AJA 59 (1948), p. 56.

53' Ibid, p. 27; "Burial Customs" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion..., p. 484; AJA 55 (I95I), pp. 134 - 147; Mylonas, Ancient Mycenae the Capital City of Agamemnon (Princeton: Uniyersity Press, 1957), p. 110; Theodore Spyropoulos, "Terracotta Sarcophagi", Archaeology 25 (1972), p. 207.

54. G. Mylonas, "Burial Customs" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion..., p. 483.

55' For references see Gardiner, GASF. p. 27. For refer­ ences concerning Greek practice in Classical period see: Frazer, The Dying God, pp. 94, 95, 96; Pausanias 1 .29.30.

56. Frazer, The Dying God, p. 99. Frazer, however expressed some doubts about the funeral theory of the games because it "seems hardly adequate to explain all the features in the legends of the foundation and early history of the Olympic Games" (see The Dying God, p. 103).

57. Ibid:; p, 103. Also see Gardiner, GASF. p. 27.

58. Karl Meuli "Der Ursprung der Olympischen Spiele" Die Antike I7 (1941), p. 189 cited by P. Kahane "The Cesnola..." in Robertson, Archaeology.... p. 184. Gardiner (Olympia, p. 81) pointed out that from the votive offerings it becomes clear that the early wor­ shippers at Olympia were cattle-breeders and warriors.

59. Gardiner, Olympia, p. 64; GASF, p. 27; BSA 22, p. 86.

60. Gardiner, BSA 22, p. 102. 176

61. Gardiner, GASF 32. Gardiner furthermore said: "But while these facts make it possible a priori that an athletic festival may have originated in funeral games, they are far from proving that athletic festi­ vals as a rule originated thus" (see Olympia..., p. 64).

62. H.J. Rose, "The Greek Agones", Aberystwyth Studies 3 (1922), pp. 16, 17, 18.

63. Herodotos (2 .50) mentioned: "Heroes have no place in the religion of Egypt" (Trans, by Aubrey de Sélin- oourt. Penguin Books). Also see P. Kahane, "The Cesnola..." in Robertson, Archaeology..., p. I85.

64. For a thorough investigation of the hero cult in both prehistoric and historic Greece see: Erwin Rohde, Psyche.... pp. II5 - 155; L. Farnell, Greek Hero Cults... passim; A.D. Nock, "The Cult of Heroes", Harvard Theological Review 37 (1944), pp. l4l - 73*

65. A.D. Nock (Conversion, p. 201) stated: "The men of the ancient world lived in more limited circles, which clung to memories and preserved them. The pros­ pect of being forgotten was to them very terrible, and to avoid that a man would do and suffer much."

66. Erwin Rohde, Psyche.... pp. II6 - 117; Mircea Eliade, A History..., pp. 285, 313* Ridington "The Minoan..." pp. 49 - 50. See Lynn E. Roller AJA 85 (1981), p. 207 for references, found throughout ancient Greek literature, concerning the games held in honour of the Greek heroes..

67. Erwin Rohde, Psyche.... p. 117.

68. Gardiner, GASF. p. 37; Erwin Rohde, Psyche.... p. 117; Nilsson, A History of Greek..., p. 36. For an alter­ native point of view see: G. Mylonas "The Cult of the Dead in Helladic Times" in G. Mylonas, (Ed.), Studies.... p. 105.

69. Desborough, The Greek Dark..., p. 283.

70. A.J.A. Wace in a foreword to John Chadwick Documents in Mycenaean..., p. xxxiii. Wace said that no inhabi­ ted site of the Dark or Geometric period has been excavated and that the excavations at the Kerameikos show that there was no violent archaeological break from the close of the Bronze Age to the Early Iron Age. 177 Although what Wace said about Athens is true, it is important, however, to note that the evidence that we have so far from Peloponnesos shows that this was not the case there.

71. W. McDonald, Progress..... pp. - 42^. For more in favour of the cult continuity see: Nilsson, A History.., pp. 35I 36; MMR, pp. 4l4, 514, 536, 612; Homer and Mycenae. Berkeley 1933» pp. 71 - 79; Wace, "Excavations at Mycenae" BSA 25 (1921 - 23), p. 329; P. Wace in a foreword to J. Chadwick, Documents.... p. xxxiv; Persson, The Religion.... p. 139; Ridington, "The Minoan.. ", p. 49; N. Yalouris, "The Sanctuary...", p. 88, C. Starr, The Origin.... p. 89; B.C. Dietrich, Acta Classica 11 (1968), p. 154; P. Kahane, "The Cesnola..." in Robertson, Archaeology.... p. 85.

72. P. Kahane, "The Cesnola..." in Robertson Archaeology.., p. 185.

73. W.A. McDonald, Progress..., p. 425.

74. G. Mylonas, "The Cult of the Dead..." in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies.... p. 105.

75. Ibid.

76. J.N. Coldstream, "Hero Cults in the Age of Homer", JHS 96 (1976), p.17.

77. Ibid., p. 16 for references concerning the existence of a cult in Athens during Dark Ages.

78. B.C. Dietrich, Acta Classica 11 (I968), pp. 154 - 155.

79. Desborough, The Greek Dark..., p. 25.

80. B.C. Dietrich, "Some Myth and Fact About the Dorians", Acta Classica 12 (I969), pp. 47 - 52. Also see A.G. Ward, The Quest, p. 95.

81. J. Sarkady cited by B.C. Dietrich, Kadmos l4 (1975), p. 133. 82. For references see B.C. Dietrich, Kadmos 14 (1975), p. 133. 83. Ibid.

84. J.N. Coldstream, JHS 96 (1976), p. I 6 . Desborough (The Greek Dark..., p. 88) accepted the eleventh century B.C. date of the material evidence; he doubted, however, 178

the fact that this earliest pottery indicates the existence of a cult.

85. Ibid., pp. 16 - 17.

86. Ibid., p. 17.

87. Ibid., p. 16. Also see B. Schweitzer, Greek Geomet­ ric Art, (New York: Phaidon, 1971), p . 168.

88. See n. l4.

89. Ibid.

90. A.M. Snodgrass, The Dark.... p. 421. According to Professor Emil Kunze (Berichte Uber die Ausgrabungen in Olympia 7. Berlin, I96I, p. 14) the earliest date for the bronze figures found at Olympia would be the first half of the ninth century.

91. W. Ridgeway, The Origins..., p. 108.

92. Lucien Lerat, BCH 59 (1935), PP* 329 - 30; P. Amandry, L. Lerat et J. Pouilleux "Delphes, Chronique des Fouilles 1949", BÇH 74 (1950), pp. 323 - 324; W.N. Bates, AJA 29 (1925), p. 243; Desborough, The Greek Dark.... p. 279. Desborough said that "it is probable that there was a Mycenaean shrine on or near the spot" where the terra-cotta figurines were found. J. Fon­ tenrose, (The Delphic..., p. 4) however said that there is no indication of a Mycenaean shrine at that time.

93. L . Lerat "Fouilles A Delphes, A L'Est du Grand Sanctu­ aire" BÇH 85 (1961), pp. 364 - 366.

94. L. Lerat "Tombes Submyceniennes et Géométrique A Delphes" BCH 6l (1937), pp. 48 - 52. For the exis­ tence of Geometric pottery at Delphi see: A.M. Snodgrass, The Dark.... p. 421; P. Amandry, L. Lerat et J. Pouilleux, BCH 74 (1950), p. 324.

95. George Roux, Delphes, p. 33. For more on Neoptolemos and his connection with Delphi see Pindar Nem 7.44-9; Paus. 1.4.4; 1.11.1; 10.24.5; R. Flaceliere "Pyrrhos et Delphes", Revue des Etudes Anciennes. 70, 1968, pp. 295 - 303; Leonard Woodbury "Neoptolemos at Delphi". Phoenix 33 ( 1 9 7 9 ) , pp. 95 - 133. 96. Gardiner, GASF. p. 63.

97. Sophocles, Electra 680 - 763.

98. See n. 128. 1 7 9

99* See n. 51»

100. See n. 66.

101. Pindar 01 1.24; 9.9.

102. For references see: Léon Lacroix "La Légende de Pelops et son Iconographie" BCH 100 (I976), p. 327; E.A.S. Butlerworth, Some Traces.... p. 11.

103. Apollod. Epitome 2.2.4.

104. For references concerning the legend of Pelops - Hippodameia, Oenomaos and Myrtilos see Léon Lacroix, BCH 100 (1976), pp. 329, 334.

105. Some authors believe that the myth of Pelops was transferred to Olympia from Lesbos. For references see: M.P. Nilsson, The Mycenaean Origin.... pp. 94 - 95; Léon Lacroix, BCH 100 (1976). pp. 329- 334.

106. Paus. 5.13.1 .

107. Ibid., 5 .13.2.

108. C. Kerényi, The Heroes of the Greeks, p. 67.

109. Gardiner, Olympia, p. 203, Cornford ("The Origins..." in Harrison (Ed.), Themis..., p. 214) said that there is no reason to believe that the sacrifices offered to Pelops were held at the same time of year with the Games.

110. H.J. Rose, Aberystwyth Studies 3 (1922), p. 12.

111. Ibid., p. 8 .

112. Weniger, Klio 4. p. I3I, cited by H.J. Rose, Aberystwyth Studies 3 (1922), p. 20.

113. Pindar, 01 I.69.

114. Ibid., 01 1.

115. F.M. Cornford, "The Origins..." in Harrison (Ed.), Themis.... p. 228. Gardiner also said that the chariot-race of Pelops and Oenomaos was not a chariot-race at all. (See BSA 22, p. 87 - 88).

116. Ibid., p. 214. 180

117. See W. Dorpfeld, Mitteilungen Des Deutschen Archaolo­ gischen Instituts. Athenische Abteilung. 33 (1918). p. 189.

118. Paus. 6.22.1.

119. Gardiner, Olympia.... p. 55î GASF 40.

120. Nilsson, The Mycenaean Origin..., pp. 9^ - 95»

121. Iliad 2.104.

122. Paus. 2.14.3; Charles Seltman, Greek Coins (London: Methuen, 1931), p. 129.

123. Lynn E. Roller, AJA 85 (1981), p. 118.

124. Pindar, 01_ 10.5 .26 - 85; 2.3 - 4; 6 .67.7O; Lysias, Olymp. 33.1 - 2. For more on the founding of the Games see: Polybios 12.26.2; Pausanias 5.7.9; Apollodoros 2.7.2; Diodoros Sic. 4.53.^ - 5; 4.14.1 - 3: 5,. 54.6 . Pausanias 5.7.6; 5.8.1 as well as Diodoros Sic. 5.64.6 presented the theory of the antiquarians of Elis that the Idaean Daktyls or Couretes, among them Heracles, who came from Crete instituted the Olympic Games. This view was supported by J. Harri­ son (Themis, p. 372) and rejected on good grounds by Farnell (Greek Hero Cults..., pp. I30, I3I, 13^ - 5)>

125. Pindar 01 10.23 - 31 (Trans, by C. Bowra). For references concerning the story of Augeas and Hera­ cles see: J. Balcer, "The Mycenaean Dam at Tiryns" AJA 78 (1974), p. 149.

126. Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 51.

127. On the return of the Heracleidae see: Herod. 6.52; 7.204; 8 .13I; Paus. 2.6.7; 2.18.7; 3.1.5; 3-15.10; 4.3*3; 8 .5 .I; Diodoros Sic. 4.58.1 - 8; 7*9.2; Strabo 8.1.2; 8 .3 .3O; 8.4.1; 8.5.4; 8.7*1; 9*4.7*

128. Desborough, The Greek Dark..., p. 324.

129. Iliad 18.117 (Trans, by R. Lattimore). Also see: Odyssey II.60I, in which Odysseus talked of "power­ ful Heracles"; and Hesiod Theogonia 950.

130. W.K.C. Guthrie, The Greeks..., p. 240. (The.quotation was from Diogenes Laertios 6.50).

131. Iliad 2.653, 658, 659, 679; 14.324; I8 .II5 - 117; Odyssey 8.224; 11.268, 60I - 6o4; 21.26. 181

132. For references see: Birgitta Bergquist, Heracles on Thasos, (Uppsala: Almquist and Wiksell, 1973)» P* 86; S. Woodford, "Cults of Heracles in Attica" in D.G. Mitten (ed.) Studies Presented to George Hanfmann (Mainz, W. Germany, 1971)» pp. 211 - 220.

133* J* Fontenrose, "The Hero as Athlete", California Studies in Classical Antiquity 1 (1968), p. 86.

134. Odyssey 8.223» Eurytos was Heracles’ archery teacher. See Diodor. S. 3 . 6 7 . 2 ; 4.10.2; Theokr. 24.103 - l40; Paus. 9 .29.9; Athen. 164 b-d; Plaut. Bacch. 155»* Apollod. 2 .63.

135. For Heracles' wrestling with Acheloos see: Sophocles Trachin. I5 - 21; Ovid Met 9.1.82 - 88; Dio. Chrys. 5.7; Apollod. 1 . 1 8 ; 1.52; 1 . 1 4 8 ; 2.5.7; 3 . 8 8 ; 3-93; Prop. 2.34.33; Hyginus Fab 30; Diodoros Sic. 4.35.3» For Heracles wrestling with Antaios see Apollod. 2 .5 .2. See Theokritos 24.111 and Apollod. 2.49, who mentioned that Heracles was taught boxing and wrest­ ling. Apollodoros (2 .63) also said that Heracles was taught chariot-driving by Amphitryon, armed fighting by Castor, and the Cithara by Linos. This tradition certainly had its roots in Mycenaean Greece. Nilsson (The Mycenaean Origin, p. 220) believed that the myths of Heracles developed in the Mycenaean age.

136. Paus. 5 .13.2 .

137. See J.N. Coldstream JHS 96 (1976), p. 8; Geometric Greece, ch. l4. Coldstream's approximate limits for a Panhellenic circulation of the epics are: 750 - 650 B.C.

138. See M.L. West "Greek Poetry 2000 - 700 B.C.", The Classical Quarterly 23 (1973)» PP- 182 - 3 .

139. For references see James Notopoulos "Homer, Hesiod and the Achaean Heritage of Oral Poetry", Hesperia 29 (i960), p. 184. The same point of view was expressed by H. Payne, Necrocorinthia, (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1931)» pp. 124 - l43.

140. J.A. Davison, "Peisistratos and Homer", Transactions of the American Philological Association~(TAPA) 86 (1955)» pp. 1 - 21. For a similar observation see R. Sealey "From Phemios to Ion", Revue des Etudes Grecques 70 (1957), pp. 343 - 351» For these obser­ vations I am indebted to J. Notopoulos' article in Hesperia 2 9 (I960), pp. 177 - 1 9 7 » 1 8 2 l4l, J. Notopoulos, Hesperia 29 (I96O), p. I85. Notopoulos' references are: Diogenes Laertios 10.2.57i Plato Hipparchos 228b; Paus. 7-26.13; Cicero De Orat 3-137; Isocrates Paneg . 159- For Sikyon see Herod. 5-^7- Notopoulos believed that the circulation of Homeric and non-Homeric epics is largely connected with Greek tyranny. He further suggested that an aristo­ cratic environment is necessary for the support of poets and heroic recitations. For more references concerning a late circulation of the epics see J. Notopoulos, Hesperia 29 (i960), p.189-

IA2 . See T.B.L. Webster "Homer and Attic Geometric Vases", BSA 50 (1955), PP- 38 - 50; From Mycenae to Homer, pp. 170 - 4.

143. Lynn E. Roller, AJA 85 (I98I), pp. Il4 - 118.

144. Bergitta Bergquist, Heracles on Thasos. p. 60.

145. See V. Karageorghis "Myth and Epic in Mycenaean Vase Painting", AJA 62 (1958), p. 386. Dr. Karageorghis discussed with Professor Webster the possibility that the figure may be Heracles in the Garden of the Hes- perides. They concluded that this is probable and that this myth probably existed in Mycenaean times.

146. J.N. Coldstream, Geometric Greece, p. 337, fig- 108b. Coldstream said that the lithe bodies of these two helmeted athletes "recall the bronze figurines of the later eighth century, especially those of the Corinthian school." For more on the contest of Apollo and Heracles for a tripod see Paus. 3-21-8; 8.37.I; 10.13.7; 10.13.8. For existing works of ancient art representing the contest of Apollo and Heracles and its meaning see Frazer, Pausanias 5-13-7- l47- For references see Gardiner, Olympia, p. 94, fig. 24.

148. Ibid., fig. 20.

149- Ibid., fig. 19-

150. Gardiner, Olympia, p. 94.

151- Pindar, 01 9-1-

152. Archilochos Sappho Alkman, Trans, by Guy Davenport (Berkeley, Los Angeles, London: University of Califor­ nia Press, 1980), p. 42. 183 153» Lexikon to Pindar, edited by William I. Slater (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter and Co., I969), p. 263.

134. Pindar's Victory Songs, trans. by Frank J. Nisetich, (Baltimore-Maryland:The John Hopkins Press, 198O), p. 125. Apollodoros also mentioned that one of Heracles' names was Kallinikos (see Apollod. 2 .I36).

155* On Apollo and Python see: Eur. Iph. Taur. 1235 - 1252; Apoll. Rhod. 2.705 - 713; Callim. Hymn 2.97 - 104; 4.90 - 9^; Lucian, Dial. Mar. 10; Claudian 2.1 - I6 ; 26.62 - 66; Hyg. Fab. 53» 1^0, Horn. Hymn 3'356 - 7^; Oyid Met. I .438 - 451; Paus. 2.7.7 - 9: 10.6.5 - 7; Plut. Mor 2930; Stat. Theb 1.557 - 668; Strabo 9*3-5*

156. C. Kerényi, Zeus and Hera, p. I38.

157. Farnell 1.180 - 194. Farnell (1.180) said: "The worship of Hera, as it is presented to us in Homer and in the cults, has become diyested of the physical meaning or symbolism, whateyer that was...but we can­ not award to Hera any particular proyince of nature."

158. Farnell, Greek Hero Cults and Ideas.*., p. 125.

159. Ibid.

160. Ibid., 130 - 131. Pindar, as Farnell said, was inter­ ested in Thebes, Olympia, Heracles and the Great Mother but he did not mention the Dactyl Heracles. Herodotos, who described in detail the Egyptian theory of the origin of Heracles (2.43 - 45) and made a distinction between the Egyptian, the Tyrian and the Thasian Heracles, nowhere mentioned the Cretan Dactyl. Farnell made it clear that neither the legend nor the cult of the great Hellenic hero was of yital force in Crete.

161. Ibid., p. 126. The story of the Idaean Heracles was told by other authors as well but their source was Onomakritos. See Paus. 1.22.7; 8 .3I.3 ; 8 .37.5 ; 9*35.5; Cicero De Nat. Deor. 3*16; Diodor. Sic. 5*5.85.

162. Herod. 7*6.

163. Ibid.

164. See Herod. 7*6.

165. Clement of Alexandria, Strom. I.2I.I3I.

166. Farnell, Greek Hero Cults..., p. I30. 184

167. Paus.

168. For Heracles slaying of Molionides see Paus. 5*2.1 - 3* For the slaying of all Neleus's sons except Nestor see Iliad 11.689 - 694.

169. Farnell, Greek Hero Cults.... p. I30. For Pausanias' statement see Paus. 5*4.6.

170. Kerényi, Zeus and Hera, pp. I36 - 137*

171* Farnell, Greek Hero Cults..., p. 129*

172. Ibid., p. 148.

173* Ibid., pp. 134 - 5 .

174. Lysias, Olympiakos 33*1 - 2.

175* Polybios 12.26.

176. For Theseus' labours see: Bacch. 17*16 - 30; Ovid Met. 7, Ibis 407 - 411; Diodor. Sic. 4.59*2 - 5; Hyg. Fab 38, 41, 43; Astr. 2.5; Paus. 1.20.3; 1.22.5; 1.39*2; 1.44.8; 2.1.3; 10.28.2; Plut. Thes. 6, 11, 15, 22.

177* A. Andrews, The Greek Tyrants, p. Il4. Theseus is men­ tioned in the Homeric Epics but, as A. Ward (The Quest.. p. l44) said, some of these references have been sus­ pected by ancient and modern authors as late additions by Pisistratos or by other Athenians.

178. A.G. Ward, The Quest, p. l45. Also see Nilsson, (The Mycenaean Origin.... pp. I63 - 4) who believed that Theseus gained ground from the days of the Pisistra- tidae.

179* We are told by Plutarch (Theseus 22 - 25) and Thucy­ dides (2 .15) that Theseus founded the Isthmian games in honour of his father Poseidon. Theseus also instituted a contest in Delos and was the first to give a palm to the victorious athletes (see; Plut. Theseus 21; Call. Del. 312; Poll. 4.101.

180. A.G. Ward, The Quest,.., pp. 5 - 6.

181. Nilsson, The Mycenaean Origin..., p. I 65.

182. Susan Woodford, "Cults of Heracles in Attica" in Mitten (Ed.), Studies.... p. 212. 185

183. See: Isocrates 5.33: Paus. 1.15.3: 1.32.4; Diodor. Sic. 5 .4.39.

184. Farnell I.6I. Also see I.63.

185. Paus. 5*11.4; Apollodoros, Epit. I.I6. The Amazons were usually depicted on horseback (see Arist. Lys. 678). For Theseus and his fight against the Amazons see: Plut. Thes. 26; Diodor. Sic. 5*4.28; Hyg. Fab. 30, 241; Paus. 1.2.1; 2.32.9; 5 .11.7.

186. A.G. Ward, The Quest.... p. 173*

187. For Heracles being the great-grandson of Pelops see Paus. 5 .13 .2. For Theseus see: Paus. 5*10.8.

188. For references see: S. Woodford, "Cults of Heracles.." in Mitten (Ed.), Studies.... pp. 212 - 217* In addi­ tion to S. Woodford's references see: Plut. Them. 1; Herod. 5 .63. Cynosarges included a gymnasium as well as a sanctuary of Heracles and was surrounded by a grove (see: Livy 31*24.17), also see Frazer, Paus. 1 .19.3 . 189. See I. Ringwood, "Local Festivals of Euboea", AJA 33 (1929), pp. 389 - 390.

190. See Birgitta Bergquist, Heracles on Thasos, pp. 58 - 60.

191. See Pindar 01. 9*88; Pythian 8.79.

192. See I. Ringwood, "Festivals of Rhodes", AJA 40 (1936), p. 433. 193. See: Farnell, Greek Hero Cults, pp. 153 - 154; S. Woodford, "The Cult of Heracles.." in Mitten (Ed.), Studies.... p. 214; I. Ringwood, AJA 33 (1929), p. 389. Also see Paus. 4.32.1, who said that the statues of Heracles, Hermes and Theseus were in all training- grounds and wrestling schools.

194. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum (C.I.G.) 2214, A. Bockh (Ed.) Berlin, 1827-77* Also see Farnell, (Greek Hero Cults. p. 154), who stated that "His higher social function does not range beyond his protection of the Epheboi and his care for their physical development."

195. Athenaeus 494f.

196. Farnell, Greek Hero Cults..., pp. 153 - 4.

197. Ibid. 1 8 6

198. Pindar, Nem. 3.22.

199. See J. Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle.

200. See: Macrohius, Saturn. 1.12.28; Aulus Gellius 11.6.2; Sextus Aurelius Victor, De Origine Gentis Romanae 6.6; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 60.

201. Plut. De Pyth. O r . 4o4a.

202. Iliad 4.^0 - 52. H.J. Rose, A Handbook of Greek..., p. 52, believed that Hera was from time immemorial the great goddess of Argos. Mircea Eliade, A History.. p. 277 said that it was from Argos that the cult of Hera spread through the whole Greek world.

203. Gardiner, 22 (1916/ 17, 1917/18), p. 86; Olympia, p. 51.

204. Gardiner, Olympia, p. 20?.

205. See Oxford Classical Dictionary, p. 811.

206. Herod. 6.127.

207. Paus. 6.22.2.

208. For more information on Pheidon's intervention at Olympia in 668 B.C. see R. Sealey, A History of the..., pp. 41 - 42.

209. Ibid,

210. L. Drees, Olympia, p. 20; Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 52, M. Senior, Greece..., p. 213*

211. Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 214. Gardiner was referring to chapter 5»lo.

212., Paus. 5 .16.4.

213. See Gardiner, GASF, p. 48.

214. Those who shared this opinion were mentioned by Gardi­ ner and were: Curtius and Weniger. For references see Gardiner, Olympia, p. 215; GASF, p. 48. Also see Kerényi, Zeus and Hera, p. 134, who said that the girls' races were probably more ancient than those of men.

215. Gardiner, GASF, p. 48. 187

216. Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 203-

217. Ibid., p. 52.

218. Ibid.

219. C . Kerényi, Zeus and Hera, p. 133*

220. Ibid.

221. Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 83.

222. Ibid. This fact alone was according to Gardiner a strong argument against the suggestion that the cult of Hera at Olympia was the earliest.

223. Plutarch, Numa 1.4. Trans, by B. Perrin (The Loeb Classical Library, London; W. Heinemann, 1914).

224. Paus. 5 .8.6 .

225. Paus. 5 .4.5 .

226. For references see; H.C. Montgomery, "The Contro­ versy about the origin of the Olympic Games. Did they originate in 776 B.C.?" The Classical Weekly 22 (1936), p. 171.

227. John Pentland Mahaffy, "On the Authenticity of the Olympian Register", JHS 2 (I88I), pp. I75 - 6. Also see H.C. Montgomery, The Classical Weekly 22 (1936), pp. 170, 174.

228. Paus. 6.22.2. Also see 6.4.2; 6 .8 .3.

229. A. Korte in H.C. Montgomery, The Classical Weekly 22 (1936), p.171. The Olympic register compiled by Hippias was revised and brought up to date by other writers such as Aristotle, Phlegon of Tralles and Julius Africanus.

230. August Brinkmann in H.C. Montgomery, The Classical Weekly 22 (1936), p. 172.

231. Gardiner, GASF. p. 50.

232. John Forsdyke, Greece Before Homer (London; Max Parrish and Co. 1956), p. 39-

233. J.P. Mahaffy, JHS 2 (1881), p. I70. 188

23^. Plato, Greater Hippias, (Loeb Classical Library, London: William Heinemann, 1917), trans. by H.N. Fowler. For the exact translation of lines see: 281A-B, 282A, 2830, 284A, 285D-286D, 295A-B, 297E. Greater Hippias is not a verbatim report of a conver­ sation between Socrates and Hippias.

235* Plato, Lesser Hippias. 3&4A..

•236. Paus. 5-8 *5 - 6 .

237. G. Busolt in H.C. Montgomery, Classical Weekly 22 (1936), p. 170.

238. J.P. Mahaffy, JHS 2 (1881), p. I68. Pindar in his 01. 10 actually said that the program from the begin­ ning included six events: the chariot-race, foot race, javelin, discus, boxing and wrestling.

239. Pindar, Isth. 1.26.

240. J.P. Mahaffy, JHS 2 (1881), p. I68.

241. Gardiner, AAW 35; GASF, pp. 5I - 52; Olympia..., p. 88; Tzetzes, Lycophronis Alexandra 12 mentioned that Heracles instituted the games which included penta­ thlon and other events.

242. For references see H.C. Montgomery, Classical Weekly, 22 (1938), pp. 170, 171. Also see Gardiner, GASF. p. 52; W. Hyde, Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic Art, p. 259- Gardiner rightly believed that the chariots, horses and charioteers found at Olympia are a clear indication that chariot races were held there before the date of 680 B.C. (see: Gardiner, Olympia, p. 82).

243. For references see Lynn E. Roller, AJA 85 (1981), p. Il4. Also see P. Kahane, "The Cesnola..." in Robert­ son (Ed.), Archaeology..., p. I5I - 195*

244. Weniger in H.C. Montgomery, The Classical Weekly, 22 (1936), p. 171.

245. L. Drees, Olympia..., p. 3^.

246. See Gardiner, GASF 52, Olympia 86.

247. Gardiner, Olympia, p. 86.

248. Stephani Byzantii Ethnicorum Quae Supersunt, Edit, by August Meinede, Berlin, G. Reimer, 1849, p. 24l. The 189

text is in Greek and reads; xat *tXicrToç EixeXwv a " ir.t Tnc; ’OXu^xnia&oc; nv OiSuTac; o AupaToq evtna axa6iov!'The story of Oibotas and his victory at Olympia confused even Pausanias. (See Paus. 6.3*8). One thing, how­ ever, seems certain that Philistos was "a competent historian" who "was regarded by Cicero, Dionysios of Halicarnassos, and Quintilian as an imitator of Thucydides..." (Oxford Classical Diet., p. 817) gave importance to the winner of the stadion.

249. Mahaffy, JHS 2 (1881), p. 168.

250. G. Busolt in H.C. Montgomery, The Classical Weekly 22 (1936), p. 170. Also see Mahaffy. JHS 2 (Ï881). p. 168; Frazer, Pausanias 3*^.6. Thucydides 5*49 mentioned an Olympiad when Androsthenes of Arcadia was the victor "in the pancration." Thucydides 3*8 also mentioned that "It was the Olympiad in which the Rhodian Dorieus gained his second victory..." No doubt Dorieus was a victorious pancratiast in the 88 Olympiad. Korte (in H.C. Montgomery, The Classical Weekly 22 (I936), pp. I70 - 71) said that Thucydides' emphasis in the pancratium "coincides with the oldest inscriptional information about Olympia." For this inscription see W. Dittenberger Syll. Ins. Gr. 2.557.

251. A. Korte in H.C. Montgomery, The Classical Weekly 22 (1936), p. 170* For Thucydides see 2,2. Also see Mahaffy JHS 2 (1881), p. I69.

252. Lysias, Olymp. 33*1 - 2.

253* See Paus. 5*^*5 - 6.

254. Plutarch, Lyk. 1.

255* Paus. 5 *4 .5*

256. Phlegon of Tralles, FGH 1.3*

257* Paus* 5*20.1. For the discus of Iphitos also see; Plut. Lyk. 1; Arist. Frag 533» Phlegon of Tralles, FGH 1

258. J. Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle, p. 115*

259* Paus. 5*4.6.

260. John Forsdyke, Greece Before..., p. 3 9 .

261. Gardiner, Olympia..., p. 62. For those who believed in the existence of two men named Iphitos, one younger 190

and one older, justifying Phlegon's statement, see R. Robinson, Sources..., p. 242.

262. R. Robinson, Sources.... p. 40. Robinson made her observation on "Phlegon's statement about Lycurgus' descent and his cryptic clause about the length of time the games were neglected up to the time of Coroebos..."

263. See Herod. 1.66; Strabo 8.5.5> Plut. Lyk. 1; Paus. 3 .16.6. Also see A.H.M. Jones, Sparta (Oxford; Blackwell, 1967), pp. 5-7- ÇIG 1256, 1341, I362.

264. H. Michel, Sparta (Cambridge: Un. Press, 1952), pp. 18 - 25; G.L. Huxley, Early Sparta (Cambridge Mass., Harvard Un. Press, I962), pp. 40 - 43. For references that doubted the historical existence of Lycurgos see: Frazer, Pausanias 3 .I6 .6.

265. See Plutarch 3.16.6; 5.4.5. For more on Lycurgos see: Tyrtaios Frg 4; Plato, Laws. 632d, 634a, Aristotle, Frag. 335, 544; Diodoros Sic. 1.20.2; 3 .55.10; 3 .65.4 - ^574.3.4; 7.12.1; 7.12.2; 7.12.6; Strabo 8.5.5; 16.2.38; Plutarch Mor 403c, 789©» 1098a, 1103a; Philostratos, Life of Apollonios. 8.7; Plut. Lyk. 29: Xenophon, Laced. Rep. 8.5; Ael., VH 14.29; Ovid Met. 4.22; Prop. 2 .17.23; Hyg. Fab. 34.

266. Plutarch, Lycurgos 13» I6 .

267. Tyrtaeus, Frag. 3a. T.A. Boring, Literacy in Ancient Sparta. (Leiden, E.J. Brill, 1979). pp. 17 - 24, doubted the existence of any written documents in Sparta before the end of the seventh century.

268. J.N. Coldstream, Geometric Greece, p. I63.

269. Xenophon, Hell 7.4.28. This is also confirmed by Pausanias (5.4.7).

270. Gardiner, GASF. p= 45. Also see Olympia..., p. 59 about the Elean usurpation of the sanctuary and the manipulation of the legends in order to justify their control of the place.

271. John Forsdyke, Greece Before..., p. 39. That Pisa was in control of the games and the sanctuary of Olympia has been pointed out by many: see Xenophon, Hell. 3 .2.31, Gardiner, Olympia..., pp. 59, 6I, 83; GASF 45; Bernard Sergent "Sur les Frontières De L'Elide aux Hautes Epoques", Revue des Etudes Anciennes 80 (1978), p. 25. 191 272. Gardiner, Olympia, p. 90.

273* J* Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle, p. 115-

274. Scholars are of the opinion that the Linear B script disappeared at the end of the Mycenaean period and did not survive the Dark Ages. So far nothing has been found to indicate the existence of Linear B script after 1200 B.C. For more concerning the dis­ appearance of Linear B script after 1200 B.C. see: C.M. Bowra, "The Meaning of a Heroic Age" in G.S. Kirk, The Language.... pp. 36 - 37; John Forsdyke, Greece Before, p. 43; J. Chadwick, Documents.... p. 3; Lord W. Taylour, The Mvcenaeans. p. 32; C.M. Bowra, Homer, p. 2; Denys L. Page, History and the Homeric Iliad, p. 157; M. Ventris and Chadwick, Documents, pp. 60, 110; L.H. Jeffery, "Writing" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion to Homer, p. 551* For an alternative point of view see: A.J.B. Wace in a foreword to John Chadwick, Documents.... p. xxxii. Wace stated "It is more probable that the Linear B script continued in use, and perhaps even overlapped the first appearance of the Greek adapta­ tion of the Phoenician alphabet." Also see R.F. Willetts, The Civilization.... p. I56 who said "we cannot exclude the possibility that writing continued to be done on such perishable materials as leather, wood or papyrus, but this is a matter of conjecture."

275- L.H. Jeffery, "Writing" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companiono... p. 5^6. Also see John Forsdyke, Greece Before. . . , pp. 4o, 4-3.

276. Plut. De Gen. Soc. 5-

277. Plut. Lye 1. Pausanias also saw a discus probably the same in the temple of Hera. This discus Pausanias said was not inscribed in a straight line, but the letters run around to make a circle (see Paus. 5 .20.1).

278. For references see Denys L. Page, History and the Homeric.... p. 157; E.R. Dodds, "Homer as Oral Poetry" in G.S. Kirk, The Language and.... p. 14; L.H. Jeffery, "Writing" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion » » ° > p. 55^.

279. J. Fontenrose, The Delphic Oracle.... p. II5 .

280. M.I. Finley, The World of Odysseus, p. 29. Finley as well as E.R. Dodds "Homer a ...." in G.S. Kirk, The Language.... p. l4, believed that Greek 1 9 2

literature continued to be oral for a long time after the introduction of the alphabet.

281. Herod. 5,59 - 6l.

282. John Forsdyke, Greece Before, p. 4l; L.H. Jeffery, Writing" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion..., p. 546 . 283. J. Chadwick, Documents, p. 3* Forsdyke, however, said that Herodotos accepted as genuine the Theban documents and he was cautious in his criticisms of religious fable (see Forsdyke, Greece Before, p. 49). CHAPTER VI

HOMERIC AND MYCENAEAN SPORTS AND GAMES

The description of the funeral games in the twenty- third book of the Iliad is the oldest narrative account that we possess concerning athletic contests. During the Trojan

War Achilles held games to honour his dead friend Patroclos,

since deaths of heroes called for funeral games and other burial customs. The story of the funeral games of Patroclos has been told so many times that to retell it once more in

its details would be a needless repetition. The contests

are eight and occur in the following order: chariot race, boxing, wrestling, footrace, contest in armor, weight-throw, archery and javelin. It has been argued by some writers either that the games described in the twenty-third book of the Iliad are a late interpolation or that they were introduced by Homer anachronistically into his epic. It is the purpose of this part of this investigation to show whether Homer described athletic practices of the Mycenaean or later times.

It is known not only from literary sources but from archaeological as well that games were part of the funeral ceremony held in honour of the dead. One can even

1 9 3 194 argue without engaging in any exaggeration that funeral games in honour of the dead occupied one of the most impor­ tant parts of the burial ceremony during the Mycenaean and later times. The purpose of holding funeral games was to honour the dead. "Go now, and honour the death of your companion with contests"^ Nestor told Achilles. -We learn from Homer of other funeral games as well, which occurred 2 outside the framework of his own epics and whose purpose was to honour the perished. The material evidence indicates that funeral games were connected with the burial of a chieftain or a prince during the Late Bronze Age in main­ land Greece. Mycenaean sarcophagoi found at Tanagra dating to ca. 1300 B.C. and later are decorated with scenes of funeral significance.^ Funeral games, such as chariot- races and boxing, as well as lamenting figures are repre­ sented on these sarcophagoi. The excavator believed that funeral games and lamenting figures were an integral part k of the burial ceremony. The above observation recalls the funeral of Paxroclos where not only games were held but also there were "mourning",^ "loud lamentation"^ and n "passion for weeping."'

On three tall limestone slabs, better known as stelai, found at Mycenae and dated I600 B.C., are repre- g sented chariot races. All three stelai are decorated with chariot scenes. There is one charioteer for each chariot and all three chariot-drivers are unarmed either for hunt 195 or war. Thus, the chariot scenes on these stelai cannot

be other than chariot races^ which were held as part of

the funeral ceremonies for a chieftain, and as such were

considered proper themes for decoration of stelai erected 10 over graves.

The connection of chariot races with funeral

ceremonies is evident throughout the Mycenaean age. It

has been pointed out that chariot compositions appear in

three connections in Mycenaean art: hunt, war and funeral

games.It becomes clear that funeral games in honour of

the dead were Mycenaean practice and that Homer did not

anachronistically introduce into his epics a custom not

known to Mycenaeans. Funeral games were also a common

practice during the time of Homer; however, there are

several points in the twenty-third book of the Iliad which

show that Homer knew something about the Mycenaean funeral

ceremonies, part of which was marked by agonistic contests.

The comparison of the burial ceremony of Patroclos des­

cribed in the Iliad and those practiced by the Mycenaeans

will disclose the similarities and differences which

existed between the two. Of great importance is the ques­

tion of cremation described by Homer not only in the funeral

of Patroclos but in other parts of his epics as well. It

is generally believed that inhumation was the only mode

employed by the Mycenaeans and the other peoples of mainland

Greece during the Late Bronze Age. This argument, however. 1 9 6

has been challenged by. some writers who believe that crema­

tion, even though rare, was practiced in Mycenaean Greece.

In Pylos, Leukas, Argos, Rhodes and Attica cremation was 12 practiced along with inhumation. From about the eleventh

to the end of the ninth century cremation was widely prac-

ticed in Attica. C.W. Blegen has proved that cremation IZl was practiced by the inhabitants of Troy VI. Due to the

conservatism which dominated burial customs we can safely

assume that cremation was continued to the days of Priam

and that the Greeks, during their expedition to Troy,

adopted this custom as the most expedient and pertinent in

their circumstances.^^ We may now remark that the burial

rites of Patroclos took place at Troy, where cremation was practiced, and that as far as the burial of Patroclos is

concerned the Homeric account agrees with the material

remains. It has been correctly said that there can be no

doubt that the Trojans and the Greeks fighting during the war practiced cremation.

We learn from Homer that Achilles slaughtered four horses, two dogs and twelve Trojan prisoners and 17 placed them upon the pyre of Patroclos. The practice of

sacrificing animals, especially horses, in honour of the perished was indeed in existence in Mycenaean Greece.

Horse burials have been found at Marathon,Nauplion^^ Of) and Argos. It is rather probable that the custom of sacrificing horses did not survive into the Iron Age. As for the sacrifice of the Trojan prisoners, it is knov/n 197 from archaeological evidence that human beings were sacri­

ficed before 1200 B.C. This evidence comes from graves 21 22 found at Dendra, Asine, Mycenae and Cyprus. It is

reasonable to conclude that Homer, in his description of

the burial ceremonies of Patroclos, used traditional

material and so depicted Mycenaean burial customs.

The most important contest in the games of Patro­

clos is the chariot race, which occupies more space in the

epic than any other athletic event. In fact, the descrip­

tion of the chariot-race in the funeral of Patroclos is

longer than all the other games together. In short, the

message that Homer wanted to convey was that the Mycenaeans

were fond of horses and chariot-races, which were the most

favourable sporting activities of the Mycenaean aristocracy.

Chariot-races were always the privilege of aristocracy and

the Mycenaean aristocrats were no exception. Chariot-races were part of the Mycenaeans' life, due to their physical vigor, willingness to excel and their epic spirit of adven­

ture in war, hunt and athletic contests. In the chariot- race of Patroclos only Mycenaean aristocrats took part.

The common soldiery had nothing to do with this kind of game. It is true, however, that during the Pan-hellenic games of Classical and later periods, the nobles were the

owners of the horses but not the drivers in the races. It

is this fact that prompted almost all the authors who wrote

on this subject to state that the participation of the 198

aristocrats in the chariot-race during the funeral of Patro­

clos is a clear indication that Homer did describe a

Mycenaean athletic practice and that he did not anachronis­

tically introduce into his epics athletic traditions of his

own day. One must agree with all those who emphasized the

aristocratic nature of the chariot-races during the

Mycenaean age; but he must also exercise caution when the

aristocratic character of the chariot-races is denied

during the time of Homer. The society of the ninth and

eighth centuries B.C. was aristocratic and so were the

chariot-races. The games, in general, during this period

were closely, if not totally, linked with the aristocracy.

It is impossible that the aristocrats of the ninth and

eighth centuries B.C. should have given up such a privilege which, in fact, connected them with the heroic past of

which they were so proud and which they were eager to

imitate. We must therefore reject as improbable the tra­

ditional story that in 776 B.C. the winner of the foot-race was a cook from Elis who gave his name to the first Olympiad

and that chariot-races were not included in the Olympic program until 680 B.C. The material evidence from Olympia,

as we have already seen, indicates that the early dedications of chariots, horses and charioteers were dedications by the winning athletes of noble birth. We have good reason to believe that Olympia, from the very beginning, was a place for competitive aristocratic contests, particularly chariot- races. It becomes clear from the Iliad that Olympia, or 1 9 9

Buprasion as it was known to Homer, served such a purpose.

It was there that Nestor the king of Pylos competed in the funeral games of Amaryngkeus.It is certain that the games in general and the Olympic games in particular re­ mained aristocratic for a long time and that they changed as the aristocracy changed. Thus, taking into account the

Homeric description of the chariot race, in the funeral of

Patroclos, and the noble drivers who participated in this, we cannot necessarily assign to it a Mycenaean origin.

It is reasonable to assume that the power of the aristo­ crats down to the time of Homer rested not only in their monopoly of the political organization but also in their social position in the state. It is unlikely that they could retain their social position without physical prowess, skill in chariots and horses and courage in battle. In fact, the importance and the nobility of a person could not be understood without possession of horses and skill in horsemanship. In aristocratic societies physical train­ ing and participation in games were part of a noble's everyday life. In addition, it is known that the warfare of this period was fought between these nobles who were the wealthy aristocratic owTiers of horses and chariots.

When the Greeks changed their style of conducting the wars and introduced the mass formation, the so-called hoplite formation, then the common people started to claim its share of power in the state. Even then the noble families. 200

who once controlled the state, were the only ones rich

enough to breed horses and maintain chariots. Even though

they did not themselves participate in the chariot-races,

they claimed to be the victors when their horses won in

the races, an indication of their traditional monopoly

over chariot-races which they never lost.

The chariot used in the funeral games of Patro­

clos was the two-horse chariot, but four and three-horse pk chariots are mentioned by Homer a few times. There is

nothing in the archaeological evidence to suggest that such

horse-chariots were in existence during the Mycenaean

period. It is clear, however, from many Geometric vase

representations that four and three-horse chariots were

used during this period. It appears that these horse

chariots reflect the Geometric period and that their des­

cription in the Homeric epics is a notion not related to

Mycenaean reality. It is rather evident that the popular

four-horse chariot was introduced by the Greek aristocrats

of the Late Geometric period who wanted to emulate their

glorious ancestors and also to prove their prestige and

skill in horsemanship. There is, however, one case where

the four-horse chariot mentioned in the Iliad seems to be

a later interpolation. This is the case of Neleus, Nestor's

father, who sent to Elis a four-horse chariot to compete 2 4 for a tripod. This passage should be regarded with sus­ picion since it becomes clear that Neleus himself did not 201 go with his chariot to compete but sent a driver instead, something totally unrelated to the Mycenaean and to the

Homeric time.

Two of the stelai found at Mycenae depict a man on foot and to the side of the horses. This scene recalls the description of the chariot-race of Patroclos when

Achilles showed the competitors the turning post and sta­ tioned beside it the old and wise Phoenix, in order to report the truth concerning the chariot-race.^^ This

Homeric reference to an umpire at the turning post to mark and remember the turning of the chariots and report back the truth, may well recall a Mycenaean practice which the poet knew through oral tradition. We may state without grave inaccuracy that Homer's treatment of the chariot race in the funeral of Patroclos is Mycenaean and that the presence of an umpire at the turning post is another element common to both Mycenaean and Homeric athletic practices.

It is evident from both stelai of Mycenae that the bending charioteers and their proximity to the umpire who was placed by the turning post reminds us of Nestor's advice 27 to his son Antilochos to drive quite near the turning post.

Homer was naturally more interested in the chariot-race than in any other event held in the funeral of Patroclos because chariot racing was more aristocratic than any other contest and the poet, a spokesman himself of the Mycenaean aristocracy, did not fail to make an account of it. 20 2

When Achilles initiated the funeral games to

honour his dead friend he offered attractive prizes to all

competitors. This custom of offering prizes to all contes­

tants never found home in historical Greece, where only one

competitor was honoured. We may suggest that the custom

of giving prizes to all participants in the games reflects rather the transition period from monarchy to aristocracy, when the aristocrats who replaced the king were equals and

as such all received prizes when they competed in games.

Thus the nobles of the transition period were not only

eager to contest with each other but also willing to

receive almost equal prizes as a token of their equality, worth and their noble birth. It is surprising that in the

chariot-race Achilles offered a prize to Admetos whose

skill in chariot-racing was in question and whose horses were the slowest of all in the race. Another element which reflects the transition period was the courtesy of Epeios towards his opponent Euryalos in the match of boxing held in honour of Patroclos. The courtesy and respect of Epeios toward his defeated opponent can only be explained by the very fact that both belonged to the same noble class and that humiliation of the defeated opponent did not serve any purpose. Needless to say, this courtesy was rare if not non-existent among the Classical Greeks. There are other elements as well in the Homeric description of the funeral games of Patroclos that reflect the transition 203 period: the match of wrestling between Odysseus and Aias lasted long with neither man winning the contest. Thus

Achilles gave them equal prizes and told them that both 28 won. The contest of an armed duel between Diomedes and

Aias was stopped as dangerous and both competitors divided 29 the prizes evenly. In the chariot race Antilochos passed

Manelaos not by his skill or the speed of his horses but by taking advantage of a situation. Menelaos was bitter and protested against Antilochos to the "leaders of the

Argives and their men of council.Achilles was there and so was Agamemnon, but Menelaos protested to the leaders of the Argives and to their council which clearly indicates that Homer described the transition period with the emer­ gence of aristocracy with its institutions in rudimentary formation. The call of Menelaos upon the leaders and the men of council clearly shows community involvement for the implementation of justice.

All the competitors in the funeral games of

Patroclos competed for their own glory and for the glory of their families. There is nothing to indicate that the polis shared in the victory. Each competitor was happy with his performance and there was no special treatment for the winners or losers. None of the competitors felt himself dishonoured, scorned, or held in contempt. This is, of course, in sharp contradiction with the practice that existed in Classical Greece concerning the defeated. 204

Pindar's testimony is strong enough:

To these lads was ordained at the Pythiad no delightful homefaring nor, as they come to their Mothers, did laughter break sweetly about them to stir delight. Down back ways, avoiding mockers, they skulk, all stricken with their sad fortune.31

This was due to the fact that the athlete of Classical

Greece competed not only for his own glory but also for the glory of his native city, which erected statues and composed victorious hymns for the winning athlete but had no sympathy for the defeated, even if the loser was second among many. There is little doubt that the appearance of the polis promoted competition and contributed very much to the development of athletics, but to the notion of "sport- manship" as it is known to us today, that is, modesty in victory and composure in defeat, the Greek polis offered very little. The stress of competition, winning and the involvement of polis into the athletic contests brought a spirit of intensity, dedication, sacrifice and the bitter­ ness of defeat, all of them unknown to the Homeric athletic tradition. The burden of civic pride that the Classical athlete had to bear upon his shoulders was unknown to the

Homeric society, which put emphasis on individual honour and excellence and sought not to diminish, by sharing, the glory of its individuals.

Among the prizes that Achilles brought out of his ships for the games was grey iron. Iron as a prize and 2 0 5 thus a valuable object reflects Bronze age conditions.

Later, however, the poet introduced an Iron Age anachronism by saying that the victor in the weight-throw will win a lump of pig iron and that "his shepherd for want of iron will not have to go into the city for it, nor his plough­ man either.For the archery contest, again Achilles set as a prize ten double-bladed axes and ten with single blades all made from gloomy iron, surely an Iron Age anachronism.

The spear casting or the single combat, as it is better known, between Aias and Diomedes reflects a very early age of tradition. This event did not survive into historical Greece and it is reasonable to assume that it died out along with the heroic age.

It is known from literary and archaeological sources that armed combats in the form of a game were prac­ ticed in Mycenaean Greece. We learn from Plutarch that armed combat was practiced at Olympia at a very early date.^^

Fragments of frescoes from Pylos represent duels of men with swords. It is suggested that these duels should be reckoned as sports rather than warfare and that they find 'xh. an echo in the duel of the funeral games of Patroclos.

One of the prizes that Achilles set out for the foot-race was a Sidonian bowl brought across the sea by Phoenician merchants.From the archaeological evidence, that we have, it becomes clear that the Mycenaeans were in frequent 206 contact with the peoples of the eastern Mediterranean, and that there was exchange of both merchandise and artistic influences.It may be inferred, therefore, that Homer used traditional material which came down to him through oral tradition when he referred to the Sidonian bowl as a prize for the funeral games of Patroclos. The javelin contest never materialized because Achilles admitted that lord Agamemnon, who was one of the competitors, "surpassed all others" and that he was the greatest for strength among 37 the spear-throwers. The superiority of Agamemnon not only as a strong spear-thrower, but also as a man who

"surpassed all others" was recognized by Achilles, an indication that Agamemnon was regarded as wanax and not simply the first among equals. This is another element which goes back to the Mycenaean age.

For the archery contest the only competitors were Meriones of Crete and Teukros. The lack of many con­ testants was due to the fact that the bow was regarded more O O as a foreign weapon than a Greek one.^ The bow as a weapon in battle was regarded with contempt by the Homeric heroes. It has been pointed out that the heroes who used the bow belonged usually to an older generation than that of the Trojan War and that Homer's historical view in regard to the bow was rather correct.The fact that

Meriones the Cretan was one of the competitors in the arch­ ery contest and also the winner is in agreement with the material evidence which shows that the Minoans used the 207 bow rather extensively. The bow appears in Minoan art from MMIII onwards and some of the Linear A tablets repre­ sent curved goats' horns which, from the presence of other items of military equipment in the same contest, are identi- Zlq fied as raw material for making bows.

We have already pointed out that the purpose of the funeral games was to honour the dead warrior or chief­ tain. The games, however, served another purpose which, in fact, was one of their most important functions, namely that of bringing peace and harmony among the quarrelling

Achaeans. It is known and it has been emphasized by many that the great Panhellenic games of Greece served the Al cause of peace and unification among the fighting Greeks.

There is nothing improbable in supposing that the games of prehistoric Greece had the same purpose and function.

Mycenaean Greece, like Classical, was the scene of many conflicts and internecine wars. Thucydides said that after the Trojan War Greece was in a state of perpetual movement and was being settled in a way that did not leave her peace l\.o to grow strong again. But even before the Trojan War, strife and internal conflict was common in Mycenaean Greece.

At Mycenae itself the bitter feud between Atreus and his brother Thyestes for the throne is well known. The war of seven against Thebes and the war of the Epigonoi, who were h,r> the sons of the seven against Thebes is well attested.

The time may have come for historians to use the term 208

"Peloponnesian War of the Bronze Age", referring to a possible war between the Mycenaean centers which brought the destruction of the Mycenaean civilization. It becomes clear from the Linear B script that the Mycenaean Greeks, like their successors of the Classical period, worshipped a god of war. E-nu-wa-ri-jbis, plainly the name Enualios, was used often in Greek literature as an alternative for

Ares the war god. It is ture, however, that neither in prehistoric nor in Classical Greece was a god of peace ever worshipped. The Greeks of the Classical period tried to make Zeus their peace-maker during their Olympic Games, but only for a short period. The same factors that caused fragmentation and war during Classical times prevailed also throughout the Mycenaean age. Achilles, in a bitter quarrel with Agamemnon, called him "shameless", "self-inter­ ested" and "dog-faced". The real reconciliation between them came in the funeral games of Patroclos, where Achilles stopped the javelin contest and gave respectfully the prize to Agamemnon, whom he praised for his strength and valour.

The reconciliation of the two Achaean leaders is evident throughout the funeral games of Patroclos. These games drew together two leaders who had so lately and so disas­ trously been in irreconcilable conflict. It is precisely the peaceful nature of the funeral games that Homer wanted to emphasize, since this was the time when the conflict between Achilles and Agamemnon was solved. The role of 2 0 9

Achilles as a peacemaker during the funeral games has been pointed out by J.T. Sheppard^^ and K.J. Atchity.^^ Both writers believed that the funeral games of Patroclos were used by the poet, who emphasized the necessity for van­ quishing evil strife among men, in order to show that the reconciliation of the two great Achaean leaders was complete and that "conducted properly, as they were by Achilles, the games heighten the individuals' sense of the unity of their society." It can be safely assumed that not only funeral games, but every athletic festival during the Mycenaean times, was a period of peace for the various Mycenaean tribes. Their meeting during funeral or other games held for common ancestors and heroes strengthened in themselves the consciousness of their mutual relationship. Thus the games were not only a display of their skill, ability and competitive nature, but also a union in which they became aware of their common ties.

Book eight of the Odyssey describes the meeting of Odysseus with the Phaeacian king Alcinoos. Where

Phaeacia was and who the Phaeacians were, is not a matter of concern in this paper. One thing is certain, that they As were not Achaeans. There is no doubt that the Phaea­ cians, as they are described by Homer, were athletic people and that sports and games were an integral part of their everyday life. Like the Achaeans, they placed great impor­ tance on athletic skill and physical valour since they 210 believed that "there is no greater glory that can befall a man living than what he achieves by speed of his feet or Alq strength of his hands." Euryalos, a Phaeacian, insulted

Odysseus when he said that he did not resemble an athlete.

Odysseus was quick to show his skill in discus-throwing by surpassing all previous marks set by the Phaeacian athletes.

Furthermore, Odysseus tried to make clear that he was an excellent athlete but due to his hardships, he said: "Cares are more in my mind than games are and sit here now in the middle of your assembly, longing to go home..."^^ It becomes clear from the above passage that assemblies were in existence in Phaeacia. Alcinoos praised Odysseus for his athletic skill, and at the same time he made clear the

CO existence of a Phaeacian assembly^ and of the existence of thirteen Phaeacian kings.

It is evident that this part of the eighth book of the Odyssey reflects the transition period between king­ ship and aristocratic city-state. We clearly see the beginning of function of assemblies which later became a common characteristic of the Greek city-state. It is also clear that the great king or wanax disappeared and his place was taken by the basileus, a nobleman, first among equals.

The prize, however, that Odysseus received from the Phaea­ cians does not seem to reflect the transition period. It was a sword, which was all bronze except for the handle, which was made of silver, and the scabbard, made of 211 fresh-sawn ivory.^ This sword has indeed resemblances with a number of swords found at Circle A and B of the

Shaft Graves at Mycenae. Odysseus challenged the Phaea­ cians in boxing, wrestling and even running, mentioning his past accomplishments in these games.

It is interesting that while Odysseus mentioned his past achievements in a number of games, he never men­ tioned any chariot-races or any skill that he possessed related to horses and chariots. Neither in the Iliad in the games of Patroclos, where Odysseus was not one of the

competitors in the chariot-race, nor in the Odyssey is there any connection of the hero with chariot-races. The apparent reason is that Ithaka was not famous for horses or chariots since she was not "spacious" like Argos, Elis or Thessaly. Odysseus admitted that the Phaeacians were the best he had ever seen in dancing and acrobatic skill, and the Phaeacians boasted that they excelled all men in wrestling, boxing, leaping and speed of foot.^ These passages from the Odyssey prompted some writers to believe that Homer had the Cretans in his mind when he described the Phaeacians. But Homer did mention the Cretans by their name^^ and there is no hint that the poet knew the Cretans by another name as well.

In the Iliad. Homer delightfully described some

Mycenaean rowing and sailing procedures.It is believed that these descriptions of rowing and sailing practices correctly reflect their period.Diving according to a 212

Homeric account was well practiced.One can imagine

that diving was practiced for several reasons; to name only

a few: diving for sport and pleasure, for oysters, sponges,

etc, Homer indeed mentioned diving for oysters^^ and the

existence of sponges which were used for washing blood­

stains and for other purposes.It is clear from differ­

ent vase representations that sponges were used in Mycenaean

times for a variety of reasons. So Homer's account of

diving as a well-known and developed practice during the

Mycenaean period seems to be in agreement with the material

evidence.

There are many references in the Homeric epics Ah, to hunting for lions and lions attacking herds. These

descriptions of lion hunting were not anachronistically

introduced into the epics from the everyday experience of

Homer's own time when the less lively pictures of lions in

pictorial art suggest that the king of beasts was not in

li.fe any more.

In the twenty-third book of the Iliad. Homer

used the range of a discus throw as a means of measuring

a distance between the chariot of Antilochos and Menelaos,

and the spearcast's length to measure the distance between

the chariots of Meriones and Menelaos.In another case,

Homer again used the cast of a slender javelin to measure

the distance that separated the Trojans and the Greeks.

To measure distances with a discus or a javelin throw was

rather unknown to later Greeks who never used them for their 213 measurements of distances. It is possible that these ways

of measuring distances did not survive the Iron age and

that Homer, in using them in his epics, rather wanted to

represent a popular Mycenaean practice and at the same

time to indicate the familiarity of the Mycenaeans- with

these games. Discus and javelin throwing were certainly

popular among the Achaeans, as becomes clear from some

Homeric references to them; Achilles' men at Troy beside

the sea-beach amused themselves with discus-throwing, 69 casting of javelins and archery. Likewise, the suitors before the palace of Odysseus amused themselves with discus 70 and light spear throwing. It is rather possible that

discus and javelin throwing were among the games practiced by the common people. Homer assigned the same games to

the suitors of Penelope; however, one should always bear

in mind that the existence of the suitors themselves reflects the transition period. Thus it is reasonable to assume that the great number of suitors in Odysseus' palace indicates the existence of many equals, coming apparently from emerging aristocratic families.

The archaeological and literary evidence indi­ cates that the Mycenaeans, in addition to the fact that they were fond of chariot races, enjoyed other sports and 71 games as well. Two shoulder zones of an early Mycenaean

III B amphoroid crater found in Cyprus are decorated on the one side with three pairs of boxers and on the other side 72 with two pairs of boxers. Similar scenes appear on a 214 73 number of other Mycenaean vases from Cyprus. It is be­

lieved that many of these vases that depict games were

painted by the same artist who was fond of painting boxing 74 and chariot-races.

It appears from the material evidence that hunt­

ing was one of the most popular sports in Mycenaean Greece.

The military character of this sport is clearly indicated, particularly in lion hunting, since the hunters appear like warriors, armed with spears, bows, shields and helmets.

The well known late Bronze Age Mycenaean inlaid dagger blades depict hunting scenes. One of them that comes from 7 4 Pylos represents a scene of leopard hunting.Another

dagger blade from the Shaft Grave V, depicts a scene of lion-hunt in which four spearmen and an archer attack a pride of lions, one of whom dragged down one of the spear­ men.Many other hunting scenes are depicted in the 77 famous restoration of a fresco from Tiryns. Among other scenes, this fresco represents two ladies driving out from the left a chariot.It has been pointed out that thesehe; ladies are palace aristocrats trained to male sports. 79

A fresco fragment from Pylos also depicts a number of 80 hunting scenes with huntsmen, hounds and stags. A gold signet-ring from.the Shaft Grave IV represents what appears to be a royal male personage in a chariot driven at full

0-1 gallop while he aims an arrow at a leaping stag. A conical vase from Kition in Cyprus is decorated with two huntsmen and bulls. One of the huntsmen holds with both 215

hands a rope which he passes around the neck of a bull. 8 2

Bull hunting is also the subject matter of the decorated

stele placed over Grave Alpha at Mycenae.There are so many hunting scenes represented in Mycenaean art that one

is inclined to believe that the Mycenaeans regarded hunting, particularly that of dangerous beasts, as a heroic occupa­

tion which was as unsafe and risky as the wars they con­ ducted. It is evident that hunting, as it was practiced

during the Late Bronze Age in mainland Greece, was solely

an aristocratic sport, since it required the possession

of chariots, horses, hounds and the weapons properly made

for it. In the Shaft Graves ware found many arrowheads which rather suggests that they were used by the noble

dead for hunting, since the bow, as we have seen, was re­ garded with contempt as a weapon in battle. From the

Linear B script of Pylos it becomes clear that the "bow- 8^ maker" or toxowrgos was a profession and also that a special place called e-re-u-te-ro was apparently reserved for the huntsmen. There is a possibility that this special place was a royal hunting lodge.

Unlike hunting, fishing never won the favour of the Mycenaean Greeks. Fishing was alien to the heroic spirit of the Mycenaeans, who found nothing adventurous and heroic in it.^^ Archaeology has almost nothing to show about fishing depicted on any kind of Mycenaean artifact.

Scenes of swimming, even though rare, appear in Mycenaean 216

art. In a tholos tomb at Vapheio has been found a dagger- 87 blade with inlaid designs of swimmers. Swimmers can

also be seen on the famous silver rhyton from the Shaft

Grave IV. Evans' interpretation of these swimmers is that

they are shipwrecked seamen who try to escape from a dog- 88 headed sea-monster.

Dancing was not as popular as it had been in

Minoan Crete. There are, however, a few representations

to show that dancing was practiced by the Greeks of the mainland. On a Vapheio gem we see a single female figure

engaging in ecstatic action. She holds a flute in her

right hand and raises her left hand above her head.^^

Rings found at Mycenae represent women and men engaged in

a vigorous orgiastic dance.A similar orgiastic dance

is performed by one man and one woman on a ring found at 91 Vapheio. The finding of the "lyre player" fresco from

Pylos, the ivory lyre found in the tholos tomb at Menidi and a number of flute-fragments found at Pylos and Mycenae may indicate that tfie Mycenaeans, like the Minoans, em­ ployed music in the ritual dance. Some believe that there is no doubt that the use of music for religious functions was introduced from Crete to the mainland in Mycenaean times.

Scenes of bull-leaping appear sporadically in

Mycenaean art. Bull-leaping can be seen on the walls of the L.H. Ill palace of Tiryns, as well as on the facade of 217

the "treasury of Atreus". These bull-leaping scenes and

some of the familiar Minoan sporting activities such as

bull-hunting, boxing and dancing made some authors believe

that Minoan sports and games greatly influenced the athle­

tics and sports of the mainland.The above opinion has

been challenged by other writers, including Gardiner, who was convinced that there was nothing in Crete from which o L Greek athletics could have developed.^ Furthermore,

Gardiner believed that Crete was not the place from which

the Achaeans derived their love of sports and athletics.

H. Harris took a middle ground, pointing out that the evidence concerning Minoan influence on Greek athletics is inconclusive and hardly adequate, "but there is sufficient

(evidence) to prevent us from accepting unquestioningly

Gardiner's indignant and dogmatic denial of a possible

Cretan origin of Greek athletics. There can be no doubt that between 1700 and 14^0 B.C., Crete exercised a powerful influence on mainland Greece. The findings of the Shaft

Graves at Mycenae and the other Cretan artifacts found in many Mycenaean centers testify to the influence of Crete in the early stages of the Mycenaean civilization. It is equally true, however, that the Mycenaeans developed and improved in their own way while under the influence of

Crete. In other words, the Mycenaeans were not mere imitators of the Minoan art and their ways of life. A clear indication of this is the fact that the Linear B script used by the Mycenaeans was adopted from the Minoan 218

Linear A script, but these two systems of writing are totally different. In the area of sports and games there are also a few Minoan influences that can be detected.

There is a possibility that bull-leaping, although not popular in the mainland, was introduced from Crete. The colourful, rich and spectacular Cretan dance influenced tremendously the Greek dance and this influence can even 97 be seen in the Classical period.^' It can also be said that some of the bull-hunting techniques that appear in

Mycenaean art are borrowings from Minoan bull-hunting practices. In spite of these, however, Minoan influences, one cannot but be very cautious in regard to the so-called

"Minoan influence on Greek athletics." The evidence for such an influence is hardly convincing and inadequate, thus conclusions cannot be reached. It is extremely difficult if not impossible to find in Greek athletics traits that are peculiarly Minoan. One can do that only by making arbitrary decisions as to which traits are Minoan or which are not. The sources, mostly literary, that have been used so far to support the existence of a strong

Minoan influence on Greek athletics are very questionable to rely on in order to arrive at sound conclusions. One thing that the supporters of the theory of Minoan influence on Greek athletics did not take into account is the fact that the Minoans and Mycenaeans were two different races with different inclinations and ways of life. A Mycenaean 219 was a warrior, a competitor, and a fighter who always

wanted to be the best and to excel over all others. On

the other hand, the picture one could get from a Minoan

could hardly correspond to the Mycenaean qualities. A

Minoan was peace-loving, very religious and the last thing

he would care for was glory and heroic adventure. One

should always bear in mind that chariot-races, which were

very popular among the Mycenaeans, were never at home in

Crete and that bull-leaping which was the favourite Minoan

sport was definitely never popular in the mainland, and if

it was ever practiced among the Achaeans, was short-lived.

Bull-leaping never won the favour of the Achaeans for the

simple reason that it was not competitive. It must be

admitted, however, that the Achaeans did not have the

special physical qualities required for bull-leaping. They

were massive, muscular and powerful, with broad chests and

shoulders, but not good tumblers, something very essential

for bull-leaping. Religion and burial customs are two

additional reasons that have been not taken into account.

The religious Minoans dedicated all their sports and games

to their great Mother Goddess, while the Mycenaeans

honoured with funeral games their ancestors and heroes.

The hero cult which was so important among the Mycenaeans

and which was so closely connected with athletic contests, was unknown to Minoans. In short, the nature and the

character of the Mycenaeans and Minoans shaped their sports,

games and festivals. ENDNOTES

1. Iliad 23.646.

2. Ibid., 23.630 - 642; 6?9 - 680; Odyssey 24.85 - 92.

3 . Theodores Spyropoulos, Archaeology 25 (1972), p. 207.

4. Ibid.

5. Iliad 23.9.

6. Ibid., 23.172.

7 . Ibid., 23.14.

8. George Mylonas, AJA 55 (195I), pp. I37 - l47.

9 . Ibid., p. 147; Emily Vermeule, Greece..., p. 92 found Mylonas' arguments "persuasive".

10. Mylonas, AJA 55 (1951), P- 147.

11. Vermeule, Greece..., p. 205.

12. For references see: Dietrich, "Prolegomena to the study of Greek Cult Continuity" Acta Classica 11 (1968) p. 154.

13. Dietrich, Acta Classica 11 (I968), p. 154. For more on the cremation in Attica see: Desborough, The Last..., p. 71; Webster, From Mycenae..., pp. l40, 290.

14. Blegen, Prosymna..., p. 128.

15. Mylonas, "Burial Customs" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion.. .. ,p. 487.

16. Ibid., pp. 487 - 8.

17. Iliad 23.171 - 176.

18. J. Deshayes, "Attique Chronique des Fouilles en 1958" BCH 83 (1959), p. 583, fig. 7 . Also see Macdonald, Progress..., p. 335-

220 221

19. Mylonas, "Homeric and Mycenaean Burial Customs", AJA 52 (1948), p. 72 .

20. J. Deshayes, "Argos Chronique de Fouilles en 1955" BCH 80 ( 1956) , p. 365.

21. Bowra, Homer, p, 49.

22. Coldstream, Geometric..., pp. 349 - 350-

23. Iliad 23.630 - 631.

24. Ibid., 8.87; 8.185; 11.699;16.474; Odyssey. 13.8I.

25. Iliad 11.697 - 701.

26. Mylonas, AJA 55 (I95I), p. 142.

27. Ibid., For Nestor's adyice to his son Antilochos see Iliad 23.306 - 348.

28. Ibid., 23.735 - 737.

29. Ibid., 23.823.

30. Ibid., 23.573.

31. Pindar, Pyth. 8.83 - 87, Trans, by Richmond Lattimore, second edition (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1976).

32. Iliad 23.834 - 835.

33. Plutarch, Symposiac Questions 5*2.

34. Webster, From Mycenae..., p. 55* For more on the painted frescoes, decorations discovered by Blegen at Pylos, see Blegen "The Palace of Nestor Excava­ tions of 1954", AJA 59 (1955).

35. Iliad 23.740 - 745.

36. Stubbings, "Communications and Trade" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion, p. 542.

37. Iliad 23.887 - 894

38. See Iliad 10.428; 13.576; I3 .712.

39. Stubbings, "Arms and Armour", in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion.... p. 520. 22 2

40. Ibid.

41. For the importance of athletic festivals as a unify­ ing force of the Greek world see: Isocrates Panes. 43; Lysias Olym., 520; Philostratos, Lives of Sophists 9.49.4; Gardiner, AAW. p. 36; GASP, p. 4; Olympia. pp. 67 - 68; Bowra, The Greek Experience, p. 46; Drees, Olympia..., p. ?4; Henri Pouret, "The Olympic Philosophy", International Olympic Academy Proceedings (1971), p. 73. James G. Thompson, "Sport, Athletics and Gymnastics in Ancient Greece" (Ph D. dissertation, Pennsylvania State University, 1971), P* 4l.

42. Thuc. 1.12.

43. For the seven against Thebes see; Iliad 4.376 - 38I. Aesch. Seven Against Thebes; Sophoc. Oed. Col. 1295 - 1298; Paus. 9 .25.2; 1 0 .5.3. For the Epigonoi see Iliad 4.4o4 - 409; Diodorus S. 4.66.1; 4.67.1; Paus. 9.94; 9.19.2; 9 .25.7 ; 10.10.4; 10.25.7- The destruc­ tion of Thebes can now be dated by using the material evidence, to the latter part of L.H. Ill A or L.H. Ill B.

44. Chadwick, The Mycenaean World, p. 88.

45. J.T. Sheppard, The Pattern of the Iliad (London: Methuen and Co., 1922), p. 201.

46. Atchity, Homer's Iliad, pp. 225 - 226.

47. Ibid., p. 226.

48. Gardiner, AAW, p. 19.

49. Odyssey 8.147 - l48.

50. Ibid., 8 .193.

51. Ibid., 8 .156.

52. Ibid., 8 .238. Assemblies are quite evident in the Homeric epics see: Iliad 2.50 - 53; 2 .788; 3*l40; Odyssey 2.5; 2.10; 3 .3I; 3.127; 6.266; 15.468; 24.420.

53. Ibid., 8.391 - 392. It becomes clear from the Odyssey (8.385 - 395) that Alcinoos could not make decisions without consulting the other twelve kings. For many kings in Ithaka see Odyssey 1.394 - 396.

54. Ibid., 8.403 - 404. 223 55. Ibid., 8 .205.

56. Ibid., 8 .383.

57. Ibid., 8.102 - 103.

58. Iliad 2.645 - 652; Odyssey 19-172 - 174.

59. Ibid., 1.432 - 435; 1.475 - 483.

60. Stubbings "Communications and Trade" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion.... p. 541.

61. Iliad 16.745 - 747.

62. Ibid., 16.745 - 747.

63. See Odyssey 10.439; Iliad 18.4l4.

64. Iliad 12.41 - 42; 12.293: 13.198; 10.485; 11.172; 14.338; 15.487.

65. Stubbings, "Food and Agriculture" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion.... p. 526.

66. Iliad 23.431 - 433.

67. Ibid 23.527 - 529. For more on the spearcast as a familiar measurement of distances see Iliad 15-358.

68. Ibid., 16.589 - 591.

69. Ibid., 2.774 - 775.

70. Odyssey 4.625 - 626; I7 .I67 - I68.

71. For literary evidence concerning sports and games in Mycenaean times see: Apollod. Lib. 3-299: 3-92; 2.6.1; 2.5 .11; 13.1 - 3; 1.4.4 - 5; 2.1.5; 3-15.7 - 8; 1.9.19 - 20; Apoll. Rh. 4.1765; Paus. 3.12.1 - 2; 5-1.4; 2.29-2; 2 .29.9 - 10; 2.16.2; Pindar Pyth. 9-105; Isl. 56; Soph. Trach. 354, 268; Philostratos Imagines 2.22; 1.24.2; Orid Met. 10.162; Strabo 15.1-66.

72. Vasos Karageorghis, Cyprus Private Collections (Nicosia: Printing Office of the Republic of Cyprus I965), p. 2; Mycenaean Art from Cyprus (Nicosia: Chr. Nicolaou and Sons Lim. I968), p. 14, pi. v.

73- Karageorghis, Mycenaean Art..., p. l4; Kition: Myce­ naean and Phoenician Discoveries in Cyprus (London: Thames and Hudson, 1976), p. 5 ^ 22 4

74. Karageorghis, Mycenaean Art.... p. 14.

75* Hood, The Home.... 111. 54.

76. Ibid., 111. 56.

77» See Vermeule, Greece.... pp. 194 - 195»

78. Ibid., p. 194, fig. 33C.

7 9 . Ibid.

80. Ibid., p. 195"

81. PM 4 . 5 7 9 , fig. 564.

82. Karageorghis, Kition; Mycenaean.... p. 31*

83. See Mylonas, Mycenae and the Mycenaean..., p. 188.

84. See Chadwick, Documents..., p. I83.

85. Palmer, The Interpretation.... p. 3 0 8 .

86. Stubbings, "Food and Agriculture" in Wace and Stubbings, A Companion.... p. 526. For more information regard­ ing fishing in prehistoric Aegean see Sakellarakis, AAA 7 (1974), p. 390. The ancient Greeks never in any period considered fishing to be a sport. It was an occupation, not a sport. The above observation has been kindly pointed out to me by Dr. Clarence Forbes.

87. Marinates "The Swimmers' Dagger From the Tholos Tomb at Vaphio" in Essays in Aegean Archaeology presented to Sir Arthur Evans, Edited by S. Casson (Oxford; at the Clarendon Press, 1927), pp. 63 - 72, fig. 2.

88. PM 3 . 96, fig. 54.

89. Ibid., 3.69 - 70, fig. 39,

90. Mylonas, Mycenae and the Mycenaean...., p. l45.

91. Ibid. For more concerning the flutes found at Pylos see Graham, The Palaces..., pp. 195 - 196.

92. Ibid., p. 168.

93. See Glotz, The Aegean..., Chapter VI; Ridington, "The Minoan - Mycenaean..." Passim; Mellersh, The Destruc- tion of Knossos, p. I9 0 . 2 2 ^

94. Gardiner, GASF, p. 11.

95* Gardiner, AAW. p. l4. W. Hyde, Olympic Victor.... p. 7, believed that the culture of the Minoan Crete was comparatively unathletic in character and that an athletic representation was lacking in their art.

96. Harris, Greek Athletes.... pp. 33 - 34.

97- Lawler, "The Dance in Ancient Crete" in Mylonas (Ed.), Studies Presented.... pp. 50 - 51* CHAPTER VII

CONCLUSION

In this thesis we studied the sports, games and

festivals of prehistoric Greece as well as the problems

connected with them. In doing so, we took into account

the most recent discoveries and those of earlier pioneers

and explorers. We did not put faith in contradictory

legends and myths when evidence from archaeological dis­

coveries was available. It should be admitted, however,

that the answers to our problems and questions could not be sought only in the material evidence. Certain parts of

Greek tradition proved to be worthy of serious considera­ tion. To put the point more simply, a way of bringing the archaeological and the literary sources together has been attempted. The archaeological discoveries of the last eighty years have contributed very much to our knowledge of prehistoric Greek sports and games. In addition, the contribution of other disciplines such as history, religion and anthropology served to heighten our understanding about early Greek society and the origin of the athletic contests and sports which occupied a prominent part in prehistoric

Greek life.

226 227

There is very little room for argument that athletic contests and sports were an integral part in everyday Minoan and Mycenaean life. The excavations of Sir

Arthur Evans on the island of Crete revealed that sports, games and festivals were aspects of Minoan civilization.

The evidence, consisting of representations in the form of figurines, seal stones, sealings, rings, vases and conical rhytons, indicates that games and sports, such as bull- leaping, boxing, wrestling, running, hunting, tumbling, fishing and dancing were popular among the Minoans.

The most popular of all Minoan games was bull- leaping. A few aspects of this game, fully discussed in this paper, are still in dispute and await clarification in the light of more material evidence. One scholar rejected another's interpretation but without offering a satisfactory alternative. Some arguments concerning the bull-leaping, particularly those regarding the actual place where it took place, seem convincing; but more evidence is needed and much work remains to be done before final answers to this problem can be given. At the present state of knowledge, one has no choice but to marshal all the existing facts and opinions and advance conclusions with reservations.

The skill, experience and judgment of the Minoan experts proved to be very helpful but still, in some cases, contra­ dictory. Thus, it is needful to bear in mind that a few aspects of Minoan sports and games will be hotly disputed in the years to come. 228

The interpretation of the available evidence

indicates a religious connotation to the Minoan sports and

games. There is little doubt that the Minoans dedicated

their sporting activities to the great "Mother Goddess."

Her shrine or sanctuary has been found in almost all areas

used for games and dances. It is clear that the Minoans

had special places for dancing as well as for bull-leaping

and other games. The so-called "Theatral Area" was used

for dances which were religious in nature, and the large

central court for games of any kind. It can be safely

assumed that the Minoan dances and games were organized

and held during special periods of the year, and that there

is good reason to suspect a ritual character for these

organized activities.

From the evidence it can be inferred that the performers of the Minoan activities were aristocrats and not, as some have suggested, captives who were compelled to perform. Special places were constructed for the accommoda­ tion of spectators, among them, many women who were por­ trayed with great care by the Minoan artists. Women, apparently, played a very important role in Minoan society, as becomes evident from fresco fragments which show a pre­ dominant position accorded to Minoan women at spectacles of any kind. It seems that not only the participants in

the games and dances but the spectators as well were derived from the Minoan aristocratic families and the palace people. 229

This becomes evident when we consider the places constructed

for the accommodation of the audiences. These places were

definitely not large enough for the accommodation of a

portion of the town people, but still adequate for the noble

Minoan families.

The archaeological evidence supports the view that

the Minoans worshipped a "Mother Goddess", a goddess of

fertility and vegetation, who was connected with games and

dances. This connection, however, was not reserved only

for the great Minoan deity. The worship of this goddess,

and her connection with sports and games, can be seen in

other parts of the Aegean world and in the mainland. There

is little doubt that when the Achaeans invaded the mainland,

they came in contact with this powerful goddess and adopted

several aspects of her worship. The agrarian elements that

we clearly see in the later Pan-hellenic games were due to

the influence of the traditions of the original inhabitants,

who worshipped their great goddess of nature, vegetation

and fertility with sports and games. What probably happened

was a fusion and symbiosis of Achaean and Prehellenic

athletic traditions whereby the conquerors succeeded in

imposing to a great extent their athletic customs on the

Prehellenes and in maintaining some of theirs which, in fact, were not in conflict with the Achaean tastes, beliefs and inclinations. Thus, the Mycenaean hero cults connected with competitive games predominated and were superimposed on the Prehellenes, but the existence of some elements of 230

ancient vegetation ritual in the later Greek athletic con­

tests attests the influence on these contests of an old

vegetation and fertility cult connected with some sort of

games. It is often asserted that this influence was due

to the Minoan "Mother Goddess", but this seems very un­

likely. It is evident that the Achaeans lived with the

races they conquered for many years before they came in

contact with the Minoans, and that they adopted some prac­

tices which they found in the mainland and which were in

existence all over the Aegean and Anatolian world. The

adoption of some aspects of the worship of the "Mother

Goddess" of the mainland by the Greeks was not inconsistent with the beliefs and traditions that they brought with them.

In the first place, they did not worship a vegetation and fertility goddess and secondly, they were impressed by the religious practices of the Prehellenes. Possibly, modern

Minoan scholars have overemphasized the Minoan influence on Mycenaean traditions, including athletic. In fact, the investigation of the Minoan and Mycenaean traditions indi-»- cates some of the great differences in character, nature and function of their games and sports. The religious character and connotation of the Minoan sports and games is almost non-existent in Mycenaean Greece. The Mycenaeans practiced and loved chariot races, while the Minoans were fond of bull-leaping. In mainland Greece, unlike Crete, there is nothing to indicate the existence of any special places for dances or games. Organized games with ritual 231 overtones was rather a Minoan practice.

The competitive spirit of the Achaeans as well

as their love for adventure and heroic glory was inherent

in their nature. Competition in athletic contests was

regarded by them as an opportunity to prove their superior­

ity and excellence. Their love for competition and their

desire to be the best, praised and honoured, is without

parallel among the prehistoric peoples. It comes as no

surprise that the concept of hero cult and its connection

with competitive games was typically Mycenaean. We have

no evidence, if any traces, of this hero cult in any other

part of the ancient world, including Minoan Crete. It seems,

from the evidence that the cult of heroes and ancestors which developed out of funeral games, another Mycenaean

practice, survived the Dark Ages of Greece almost uninter­

rupted. There is no doubt that the Dark Ages was a period

of decline and poverty for many parts of the mainland;

however, there is good reason to believe that there was neither a decisive break in community organization nor in

cults and festivals. It should be borne in mind that the

hero cult and its connection with athletic contests never

lost it importance after the decline of Mycenaean civiliza­ tion. On our examination of the hero cult we concluded that much of what remained in the mainland after the destruction

of the Mycenaean centers was Mycenaean in nature and that

great importance was attached to the hero cults. The trans­ mission of this cult through the Dark Ages of Greece is the 232

most reasonable conclusion to make. Material and literary

evidence indicates the existence of similar cults connected

with games not only during the Mycenaean times but during

the Dark Ages as well. The cult of a hero at Olympia is

attested by both material and literary evidence. Olympia,

as we have seen, was in fact a place of continuous worship

before and after the coming of the Achaeans. The presence

of the Earth Goddess at Olympia is well attested by archae­

ology and tradition. It was probably at Olympia where the

symbiosis and fusion of Greek and Prehellenic athletic

practices took place. Olympia thus had been and remained

an important cult place throughout the Mycenaean and his­

torical times. The Greek tribes of the historical period

had good reason to claim Olympia and the founding of the

games as peculiarly theirs since the place was still

important and sacred down to their own time. Greek tradi­

tion was not unanimous about the founding of the games nor

about the early history of the Olympic festival. The

different traditional interpretations about Olympia and

the games contradict each other and consequently obscure

any problem connected with the origin and the early his­

tory of the games. Thus the problem of the origin and

nature of the Olympic Games could not be solved within the

domain of Greek tradition only. It is in this regard that

disciplines such as archaeology, history and religion have made their valuable contribution. 23 3

Still today scholars maintain the view that

Olympia was the place where Zeus was worshipped and games were held almost at the beginning of the 8th century.

This interpretation I find very difficult to accept. To start with, in the archaeological evidence, there is nothing to establish or even to indicate the presence of

Zeus at Olympia at such an early date. Zeus cajne to

Olympia in the first half of the sixth century, when Olym­ pia became a Panhellenic centre and Zeus a Panhellenic god.

I believe that it is unsafe to make any statements regard­ ing the introduction of Zeus at Olympia as early as the beginning of the eighth century, on the basis of the available evidence. The presence at Olympia of Heracles, however, the son of Alkmene, is attested by both archaeolog­ ical and literary evidence. Heracles was introduced at

Olympia some time after the Dorian invasion and he remained there as the hero-athlete until he was displaced by Zeus who was brought there to play the role of harmonizer and peace-keeper, himself being a formidable avenger and exterminator of the race of the Titans. Heracles succeeded at Olympia Pelops the Achaean hero, for the simple reason that Pelops was exclusively Mycenaean and thus could not represent the Dorians, who thought it better to introduce

Heracles at Olympia. Heracles, in fact, was highly regarded not only by the Dorians but by the other Greeks as well.

When, however, the Dorians claimed Heracles as sentimentally 2 ] 4 and singly theirs, then the time was ripe for the coming of

Zeus to Olympia and his acceptance as the father of gods and men and harmonizer of Hellas. There is very little doubt that Zeus was accepted as such by all Greeks thanks to the Homeric "revolution" which brought him to power.

The traditional date of 776 B.C. as the beginning of the Olympic festival and consequently the introduction of Zeus there must be regarded with suspicion. Extreme caution must be used regarding this date, as well as the

Olympic register of the boastful and pompous sophist of

Elis. Both the date of 776 B.C. and the register are un­ suitable and even dangerous to accept as the basis for sound arguments and conclusions regarding the early history of the Games. An adequate examination of the 776 B.C. date as the beginning of the festival and of the Olympic register can only be undertaken when a picture of the periods proceeding the seventh century has been constructed from archaeological and early literary sources. The picture that we have from the material evidence indicates that games were held at Olympia before and after 776 B.C. and that these games were aristocratic in nature. It can be safely stated that the world of Olympia during the eighth century and before was certainly not democratic.

Tradition holds that the foot-race was the only event for the first thirteen Olympiads and a cook from

Elis was the winner who gave his name to the first Olympiad; but this is in sharp contradiction with the existing 2 3 5 archaeological evidence. Chariot-races were held at Olym­ pia, as the evidence shows, during and before the eighth century. It would be bold to insist on any interpretation which excludes chariot-races from the early history of the

Olympic Games and thereafter and which denies the fact that competition at Olympia during the ninth and eighth centuries was limited to the noble classes. The nobles of this period needed the skill in horses and chariots as well as the physical prowess, strength and courage in order to conduct the wars of the state.. It is unlikely that the aristocrats of the transition period from kingship to aris­ tocracy, who claimed the heroic past as theirs and took pride in nobility and honour, did not practice or enter the chariot competitions which in fact connected them with the lost past. If one denies this fact, then he must be able to explain the chariots, charioteers and horses dated before and after 800 B.C. which were the votive offerings at

Olympia by the victorious athletes of noble birth. In addition, one also should be able to explain the chariots and chariot-races depicted on many geometric vases which clearly show aristocrats in action. It appears that neither the 776 B.C. date as the beginning of the games at

Olympia nor the Olympic register of Hippias of Elis are to be trusted. The eighth century is not the beginning of the Olympic Games ; it is simply a period of increase in competitive games as it becomes clear from the increase in 2 3 6 the volume of the dedications which are evident not only at Olympia but in other parts of the mainland as well.

This increase in dedications was due to the widespread practice of hero cults, which were so closely connected with competitive games from their very beginning.

The games at Olympia changed their aristocratic character only with the change of the aristocracy. The common people were eligible to enter athletic contests when their services for war were badly needed. Thus, the change which took place in the games at Olympia simply reflects the gradual change which appeared in Greek society.

This change, however, is absent from the Homeric epics which reflect another change, that from kingship to aristo­ cracy.

The Homeric epics reflect athletic practices of the Mycenaean and later ages including that of the poet's own. Whether or not the Homeric epics reflect athletic tradition of Mycenaean and the transition period, one thing is certain: that the competitive games were aristocratic, and nothing indicates any involvement of the common people in them. The Homeric aristocrats endeavoured to gain supremacy over their equals by using athletic competition, which provided an opportunity for them to proclaim their superiority. The aristocratic character of the chariot- races throughout the Mycenaean and the transition period has been clearly established. This ensued after we 2 3 7 examined several aspects of the athletic contests described in the epics in order to determine their probable age of origin. The pattern was not consistent, and thus traces of athletic practices from the Mycenaean Age to the time of Homer have been detected. The traces which reflect the transition period indicate that games in general and chariot-races in particular were aristocratic and definitely very popular among the nobles of this period. The above observation is consistent with the material evidence from

Olympia and of course not in agreement with the tradition which holds that the Olympic games were democratic from their very beginning, with chariot-races being introduced as late as 680 B.C. Thus our investigation of the Homeric account of athletic contests reaffirms our belief in the aristocratic nature of athletic contests at Olympia before and many years after the traditional date of their begin­ ning. The traditional sources that are not in agreement with the archaeological evidence, nor with our interpreta­ tion of the Homeric account of athletic contests, are very late, indirect, questionable and unfortunately not conclu­ sive. Needless to say, in some cases they are fundamen­ tally distorted and falsified. Once this becomes evident then the need for new paths and interpretations is inevit­ able. Until new interpretations, based on material sources, come to light, our suggestions and conclusions will hold good. 238

The continuity of athletic traditions from Mycen­ aean to transition and Classical periods can be detected.

The decipherment of the Linear B showed the continuity of the Greek people from Mycenaean into the Classical period.

The people were the same but the society underwent several changes which affected the nature of the Greek athletic contests but not their function, nor their competitive character. The games, like the society, became more and more democratic; they were still very competitive and could promote the cause of peace and unity among the fighting Greeks. This function of the athletic contests can be seen not only in the classical period but in the

Heroic Age as well. The ancestors of the Classical Greeks were not different at all from their later descendants.

They were in competition and struggle with one another for excellence, supremacy, freedom, independence, dominion and power.

It is evident that one important element of the athletic contests of the Heroic Age did not survive into the Classical period. This was the spirit of joy of the participants in either victory or defeat. It is precisely this unique element which gave the sports and games of the

Heroic Age their true agonistic character, designed to demonstrate the personal and only the personal excellence of the individual.. With the appearance of the Greek polis. however, this delight in games and sports, regardless of the outcome, disappeared and its place was taken by 239 immeasurable enjoyment in victory and sadness in defeat.

This was due to the fact that the Greek polis, which pro­ moted the cause of athletics, the cause of fair victory and the harmonious development of mind and body for which posterity will always be grateful, sought to share in the glory of its individuals. With the involvement of the polis and its share in the victories of the athletes, the joy that one derives from the participation in sports and games despite victory or defeat suffered a long eclipse.

In our o w n society, which has many values in common with

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