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Signs and Classrooms Signs and Classrooms Historical Perspectives on the Role of Signs in Human Development, with Particular Reference to an Urban Classroom John Hardcastle Institute of Education University London Submitted to the University of London in fulfilment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2003 Abstract The role of language in development has been a central theme in post-war English. However, the European history of ideas about the role of signs has been insufficiently appreciated. I aim to enrich readings of contemporary urban classrooms by recovering something of this history. As the culmination of this work, I trace the story of a poem, written by a Black student in a London classroom, back into the history of discussions and debates that a class conducted with itself over five years. From perspectives provided by the history of ideas and recent work in social memory, I show how the student's representation of a childhood recollection (a visit to the site of a former plantation) was mediated and shaped by 'pedagogical artefacts'. I give a history of one such artefact as an instance of the role of signs in a contemporary classroom. A picture of language as human invention was drawn in the first instance during the European Enlightenment. From this picture a seminal theory about the role of signs in the mastery of mental operations emerged. On this view, memory and imagination depend upon signs. In the aftermath to the French Revolution, language was linked to conceptions of citizenship and human advancement. In Germany, the picture of language was redrawn in the light of Kant's epistemology, and connected to an educational ideal of self­ cultivation. In the nineteenth century, 'cultural' psychology attempted unsuccessfully to combine a notion of signs in the development of higher mental functions with findings in experimental psychology. Subsequently, the introduction of a distinction between mental 'contents' and mental 'acts' fostered new research into the role of signs in consciousness. Concurrently, an ethical vision of symbolisation as the 'common ground' of humanity issued from a philosophy of symbolic forms. As a whole the thesis seeks to show the continuing relevance of this history. 2 Contents Title Page 1 Abstract 2 Contents 3 Acknowledgements 4 Introduction 5 1. The Locke-Condillac Tradition: 25 The role of signs in the development of mind 2. The Idealist legacy: 48 German discussions of the origins and the nature of language 3. Signs of Enlightenment: 78 The formation of a European education ideal 4. The Nineteenth-Century Legacy 129 The role of signs in the development of the higher mental functions 5. On Common Ground: 166 Cassirer's work on symbolization 6. Grinding the Wind: 199 Excavating memory and imagination in a London classroom 7. Conclusion 302 Bibliography 309 Acknowledgements I should like to thank Tony Burgess for his generous advice and patient support and Jane Miller for all her help and encouragement. Introduction I never knew at the time I had an idea with no real meaning Kevin (age 15), Piece ofthe Past When Hackney Downs School opened in1876, The London Illustrated News reported admiringly that it was 'constructed of red brick and Bath stone dressings, in what is called the domestic Gothic style'. The building was planned to accommodate five hundred boys, with fifteen classrooms 'fitted on the Prussian system', a library and a large semi-circular theatre capable of seating eight hundred persons. The school is gone, the brick and Bath stone dressings obliterated. One morning last December, I pressed against the galvanized fence that borders the site and recalled my time teaching there. My aim is to tell the story of a particular classroom and to describe something of the learning that went on there. This will entail recounting events that occurred over a long cycle, five years in all. I shall attempt to reconstruct a retrospect of a class's history and the only way that I can reconstruct it is through a 'reading' of the past, that is, through multiple acts of 'remembrance'. Inevitably, what is recalled will be shot through with the reader's preoccupations and prejudices. Such is the historian's work - a compromise with objectivity. The material traces of lessons - tapes, students' scripts, scraps of writing, textbooks and so on - have been gathered and sifted for what they might hold of the past. But it is only through continual acts of interpretation - readings and re-readings - that such traces become charged with meaning. As the German philosopher, Ernst Cassirer, put it, 'historical objects have true being only so long as they are remembered' . Yet material traces have a solidity of their own, and reliable historical reconstruction begins with empirical evidence. I have mainly fragments to work with. Though incomplete, they must be selected, sorted and organized in a coherent fashion to tell the story properly. The problem of 5 interpretation will be a familiar one to students of the arts and humanities. Every act of interpretation, every reading is also a 'rewriting' because 'interpretation never comes to a complete standstill.' The so-called 'hermeneutic problem' comes to the surface whenever and wherever people try to reach agreement. For Cassirer, we understand ourselves as well as others through the medium of signs which provide us with the common ground on which humanity depends. Interpreting children's meanings will be especially important in the final part ofthis study, where I look at the relationship between memory and imagination in the writing of a Black student. My strategy overall, however, is to enrich and deepen a reading of a London classroom through an engagement with the writings of thinkers who have enlarged my historical understanding of the role of signs in human development. Elsewhere I have argued for a bridging theory of education that is capable of connecting language with history and the broader currents of social and cultural change. 1 I was reflecting on concerns that had occupied me as an English teacher in Hackney school, and I was calling for a unified approach to language, literature and culture at a moment when English appeared to be fragmenting. Similar arguments and reflections are at the core of this dissertation. Much of the empirical material for the present study (written materials, tapes and videotapes) was gathered with colleagues between 1979 and 1984? I need to acknowledge my indebtedness to them and say a word about what we were trying to do. We began with a shared interest in children's writing development. And we were especially concerned with the progress of boys from what we called 'West Indian' backgrounds. These concerns resonated with national debates about the provision for urban school populations in the light of what was perceived to be the 'failure of Black children in our schools'. (The setting up ofthe Committee ofInquiry into the Education of Children from Ethnic Minority Groups in 1979, under the chairmanship of Anthony Rampton reflected the mood at the time). We were trying to look beyond what can be characterized broadly as 'deficit' views of Black (and working class) language and culture. In particular, we wanted to challenge the then 6 widely held view that non-standard dialects somehow interfere with children's progress in learning to write standard forms. So we looked closely at the relations amongst written and spoken, standard and vernacular language with a view to establishing the positive strengths of linguistic diversity in the eyes of teachers and policy makers. We aimed to influence practice among English teachers by describing the present and potential strengths of collaborative ways of working, especially in the processes of writing composition.3 Looking back, I can see how our some of our ideas about children's writing development fed into the work of the National Writing Project. However, the linguistic features of vernacular languages and creoles are not my chief concern here, although I touch upon them at some points in the story. Subsequent research into children's writing has benefited from two powerful research traditions that have contributed substantially to work in English. The first tradition has been in applied linguistics and it has focused on the forms and structures of spoken and written language in relation to use in classrooms. The second tradition has its base in anthropology and it has fostered rich ethnographic studies of literacy in community settings. Both these traditions reflect a strong sense of the social and cultural embeddings of literacy, which is something that I am keen to retain. I recall that we were encouraged by exciting work was being done on the languages spoken in London schools by Tony Burgess and Harold Rosen.4 Jane Miller's study of bilingual children, Many Voices, insisted on the importance of taking a cultural approach to difference in schools.5 Indeed, such work helped to establish diversity as a fundamental principle for contemporary English teaching. Additionally, at the back of our early, shared concerns and interests lay the Writing Research Project that was based at the London Institute of Education (1966-71), and traditions of thinking about language and development that were established by James Britton and his associates there. 6 Britton's work drew upon linguistics, (particularly Roman Jacobson's hierarchy of functions), but it also had a substantial footings in 7 psychology and a characteristic concentration on the role of symbolization in children's development. When I first read Britton's work in the early seventies I was intrigued by the way that he drew insights from the German philosopher, Ernst Cassirer. These insights concerned the intrinsically human ability to create representations of 'actuality' with the aid of symbols of our own making - and to work on them.
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