National Missile Defense What Does It All Mean? a CDI ISSUE BRIEF
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Report: the New Nuclear Arms Race
The New Nuclear Arms Race The Outlook for Avoiding Catastrophe August 2020 By Akshai Vikram Akshai Vikram is the Roger L. Hale Fellow at Ploughshares Fund, where he focuses on U.S. nuclear policy. A native of Louisville, Kentucky, Akshai previously worked as an opposition researcher for the Democratic National Committee and a campaign staffer for the Kentucky Democratic Party. He has written on U.S. nuclear policy and U.S.-Iran relations for outlets such as Inkstick Media, The National Interest, Defense One, and the Quincy Institute’s Responsible Statecraft. Akshai holds an M.A. in International Economics and American Foreign Policy from the Johns Hopkins University SAIS as well as a B.A. in International Studies and Political Science from Johns Hopkins Baltimore. On a good day, he speaks Spanish, French, and Persian proficiently. Acknowledgements This report was made possible by the strong support I received from the entire Ploughshares Fund network throughout my fellowship. Ploughshares Fund alumni Will Saetren, Geoff Wilson, and Catherine Killough were extremely kind in offering early advice on the report. From the Washington, D.C. office, Mary Kaszynski and Zack Brown offered many helpful edits and suggestions, while Joe Cirincione, Michelle Dover, and John Carl Baker provided much- needed encouragement and support throughout the process. From the San Francisco office, Will Lowry, Derek Zender, and Delfin Vigil were The New Nuclear Arms Race instrumental in finalizing this report. I would like to thank each and every one of them for their help. I would especially like to thank Tom Collina. Tom reviewed numerous drafts of this report, never The Outlook for Avoiding running out of patience or constructive advice. -
Phillip Saunders Testimony
Testimony before the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission Hearing on China’s Nucle ar Force s June 10, 2021 Phillip C. Saunders Director, Center for the Study of Chinese Military Affairs Institute of National Strategic Studies, National Defense University The views expressed are those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of the National Defense University, the Department of Defense, or the U.S. government. Introduction The People’s Republic of China (PRC) is in the midst of an ambitious strategic modernization that will transform its nuclear arsenal from a limited ground-based nuclear force intended to provide an assured second strike after a nuclear attack into a much larger, technologically advanced, and diverse nuclear triad that will provide PRC leaders with new strategic options. China also fields an increasing number of dual-capable medium and intermediate-range ballistic missiles whose status within a future regional crisis or conflict may be unclear, potentially casting a nuclear shadow over U.S. and allied military operations. In addition to more accurate and more survivable delivery systems, this modernization includes improvements to the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) nuclear command, control, and communications (NC3) and strategic intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance (ISR) systems that will provide PRC leaders with greater situational awareness in a crisis or conflict. These systems will also support development of ballistic missile defenses (BMD) and enable possible shifts in PRC nuclear -
A Roadmap for America's Nuclear Policy and Posture
NTI Paper MARCH 2018 A Roadmap for America’s Nuclear Policy and Posture SUMMARY NTI co-chairs Ernest J. Moniz and Sam Nunn call on the United States and the other states with nuclear weapons to take immediate action to reduce the risk of a nuclear accident, mistake, or miscalculation. In six related policy papers, NTI provides an alternative vision and roadmap for America’s nuclear policy and posture, as well as a template for Congress and the American people to evaluate the Trump administration’s 2018 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR). Introduction by Ernest J. Moniz and Sam Nunn Papers by Steve Andreasen, Samantha Pitts-Kiefer, Leon Ratz, Brian Rose, and Lynn Rusten Contents Three Steps to Avert an Accidental Nuclear War ........................................1 Preventing Nuclear Use ............................................................3 Engaging in Nuclear Dialogue .......................................................5 Increasing Warning and Decision Time ...............................................7 Moving to a Safer, More Secure, More Credible Nuclear Posture in Europe. 9 Arms Control—Extending New START, Preserving INF, Supporting Further Reductions, and Strengthening Verification .......................................... 11 Securing Nuclear Weapons and Materials ........................................... 14 About the Authors ............................................................... 16 “Three Steps to Avert an Accidental Nuclear War” Copyright © 2018 by Bloomberg L.P. Roadmap for America’s Nuclear Policy and Posture policy papers Copyright © 2018 by the Nuclear Threat Initiative All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without written permission of the copyright holder. For permissions, send an e-mail request to [email protected]. The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily reflect those of the NTI Board of Directors or institutions with which they are associated. -
Nuclear-Conventional Firebreaks and the Nuclear Taboo
NUCLEAR-CONVENTIONAL FIREBREAKS AND THE NUCLEAR TABOO BARRY D. WATTS NUCLEAR-CONVENTIONAL FIREBREAKS AND THE NUCLEAR TABOO BY BARRY D. WATTS 2013 Acknowledgments The idea of exploring systematically why the leaders of various nations have chosen to maintain, or aspire to acquire, nuclear weapons was first suggested to me by Andrew W. Marshall. In several cases, the motivations attributed to national leaders in this report are undoubtedly speculative and open to debate. Nevertheless, it is a fact that the rulers of at least some nations entertain strong reasons for maintaining or acquiring nuclear weapons that have nothing to do with the nuclear competition between the United States and the former Soviet Union, either before or after 1991. Eric Edelman provided valuable suggestions on both substance and sources. At the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, Abby Stewart and Nick Setterberg did the majority of the editing. I am especially grateful to Nick for vetting the footnotes. Last but not least, Andrew Krepinevich’s suggestions on the narrative flow and the structure of the paper’s arguments greatly clarified the original draft. © 2013 Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. All rights reserved. CONTENTS 1 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY 5 THE AMERICAN SEARCH FOR ALTERNATIVES TO GENERAL NUCLEAR WAR 5 Context 7 Atomic Blackmail and Massive Nuclear Retaliation 11 Flexible Response and Assured Destruction 15 The Long Range Research and Development Planning Program 19 Selective Nuclear Options and Presidential Directive/NSC-59 23 The Strategic Defense Initiative 26 The Soviet General Staff, LNOs and Launch on Warning 29 POST-COLD WAR DEVELOPMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND RUSSIA 29 Evolving U.S. -
Nuclear-Conventional-Firebreaks
NUCLEAR-CONVENTIONAL FIREBREAKS AND THE NUCLEAR TABOO BARRY D. WATTS NUCLEAR-COnVEnTIOnAL FIREBREAKS AnD THE NUCLEAR TABOO BY BARRy D. WATTS 2013 Acknowledgments The idea of exploring systematically why the leaders of various nations have chosen to maintain, or aspire to acquire, nuclear weapons was first suggested to me by Andrew W. Marshall. In several cases, the motivations attributed to national leaders in this report are undoubtedly speculative and open to debate. Nevertheless, it is a fact that the rulers of at least some nations entertain strong reasons for maintaining or acquiring nuclear weapons that have nothing to do with the nuclear competition between the United States and the former Soviet Union, either before or after 1991. Eric Edelman provided valuable suggestions on both substance and sources. At the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, Abby Stewart and Nick Setterberg did the majority of the editing. I am especially grateful to Nick for vetting the footnotes. Last but not least, Andrew Krepinevich’s suggestions on the narrative flow and the structure of the paper’s arguments greatly clarified the original draft. © 2013 Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. All rights reserved. COnTEnTS 1 INTRODUCTION AND SUMMARY 5 THE AMERICAN SEARCH FOR ALTERNATIVES TO GENERAL NUCLEAR WAR 5 Context 7 Atomic Blackmail and Massive Nuclear Retaliation 11 Flexible Response and Assured Destruction 15 The Long Range Research and Development Planning Program 19 Selective Nuclear Options and Presidential Directive/NSC-59 23 The Strategic Defense Initiative 26 The Soviet General Staff, LNOs and Launch on Warning 29 POST-COLD WAR DEVELOPMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES AND RUSSIA 29 Evolving U.S. -
Nuclear Threat Reduction
Nuclear Threat Reduction Angela Di Fulvio Nuclear, Plasma, and Radiological Engineering Department 03/24/2020 Presentation developed within the framework of the APS Physicists Coalition for Nuclear Threat Reduction 1 Some technical aspects • Bombs, the world arsenal, and their effects Policy aspects • The long peace and close calls The current nuclear threat and how to reduce it Outline Engagement of the scientific community and the public in nuclear threat reduction • Past efforts • The APS Physicists Coalition for Nuclear Threat Reduction - https://sgs.princeton.edu/physicistscoalition 2 Reuters Photo AP photos Nuclear Threat Reduction The number of nuclear weapons is declining at a slow pace. The US, Russia, and the UK are reducing their nuclear arsenals, France and Israel have stable inventories, while China, Pakistan, India, and North Korea are developing new capabilities. Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan after signing the Figures depicting Vladimir Putin and Donald Trump Intermediate Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty in 1987. breaking the INF Treaty during the Rosenmontag parade in Dusseldorf, 2019. 3 The Discovery of Nuclear Fission Dual-use of nuclear energy started in the early days Lise Meitner, Otto R. Frisch • August 2, 1939 Albert Einstein sent a letter to President Roosevelt, advising him to fund research to explore the possibility of using nuclear fission as a weapon. • October 21, 1939 Otto Hahn, Fritz Strassmann The Advisory Committee on achieved fission in Berlin, 1938 Uranium budgeted $6,000 for neutron experiments led by Performed the first Fermi and Szilárd. The fission reaction of uranium with slow Manhattan project has neutrons, 1932-33. officially started. -
Critical MASS Nuclear Proliferation in the Middle East N I the M N the Iddle E Iddle Ast Andrew F
CRITI C AL MASS: NU C LEAR PROLIFERATIO CRITICAL MASS NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION IN THE MIddLE EAst N I N THE M IDDLE E AST ANDREW F. KREPINEVICH F. ANDREW 1667 K Street, NW, Suite 900 Washington, DC 20006 Tel. 202-331-7990 • Fax 202-331-8019 www.csbaonline.org ANDREW F. KREPINEVICH CRITICAL MASS: NUCLEAR PROLIFERATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST BY ANDREW F. KREPINEVICH 2013 About the Authors Dr. Andrew F. Krepinevich, Jr. is the President of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments, which he joined following a 21- year career in the U.S. Army. He has served in the Department of De- fense’s Office of Net Assessment, on the personal staff of three secretar- ies of defense, the National Defense Panel, the Defense Science Board Task Force on Joint Experimentation, and the Defense Policy Board. He is the author of 7 Deadly Scenarios: A Military Futurist Explores War in the 21st Century and The Army and Vietnam. A West Point graduate, he holds an M.P.A. and a Ph.D. from Harvard University. Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Eric Edelman, Evan Montgomery, Jim Thomas, and Barry Watts for reviewing and commenting on earlier ver- sions of this report. Thanks are also in order for Eric Lindsey for his re- search and editorial support and to Kamilla Gunzinger for her copyedit- ing. Eric Lindsey also provided graphics support that greatly enhanced the report’s presentation. Any shortcomings in this assessment, however, are the author’s re- sponsibility and the author’s alone. © 2013 Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. -
Artificial Intelligence, Strategic Stability and Nuclear Risk
SIPRI ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE, Policy Paper STRATEGIC STABILITY AND NUCLEAR RISK VINCENT BOULANIN, LORA SAALMAN, PETR TOPYCHKANOV, FEI SU AND MOA PELDÁN CARLSSON June 2020 STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Artificial Intelligence, Strategic Stability and Nuclear Risk vincent boulanin, lora saalman, petr topychkanov, fei su and moa peldán carlsson June 2020 Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Abbreviations vii Executive Summary ix 1. Introduction 1 Box 1.1. Key definitions 6 2. Understanding the AI renaissance and its impact on nuclear weapons 7 and related systems I. Understanding the AI renaissance 7 II. AI and nuclear weapon systems: Past, present and future 18 Box 2.1. Automatic, automated, autonomous: The relationship between 15 automation, autonomy and machine learning Box 2.2. Historical cases of false alarms in early warning systems 20 Box 2.3. Dead Hand and Perimetr 22 Figure 2.1. A brief history of artificial intelligence 10 Figure 2.2. -
The Impact of Artificial Intelligence on Strategic Stability and Nuclear Risk Volume I Euro-Atlantic Perspectives Edited by Vincent Boulanin
SIPRI THE IMPACT OF Policy Paper ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE ON STRATEGIC STABILITY AND NUCLEAR RISK Volume I Euro-Atlantic Perspectives edited by vincent boulanin May 2019 STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Dewi Fortuna Anwar (Indonesia) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org The Impact of Artificial Intelligence on Strategic Stability and Nuclear Risk Volume I Euro-Atlantic Perspectives edited by vincent boulanin May 2019 Contents Preface vii Acknowledgements viii Abbreviations ix Executive Summary xi Introduction 1. Introduction 3 Box 1.1. Key definitions 4 Part I. Demystifying artificial intelligence and its military implications 11 2. Artificial intelligence: A primer 13 I. What is AI? 13 II. Machine learning: A key enabler of the AI renaissance 15 III. Autonomy: A key by-product of the AI renaissance 21 IV. Conclusions 25 Box 2.1. Deep learning 16 Box 2.2. Generative adversarial networks 18 Box 2.3. Automatic, automated, autonomous 23 Figure 2.1. Approaches to the definition and categorization of autonomous 22 systems 3. -
Chinese Nuclear Forces and U.S. War Planning
39307 FAS China CVR w/Spine 11/9/06 1:03 PM Page 1 THE FEDERATION of AMERICAN SCIENTISTS & THE FEDERATION of AMERICAN SCIENTISTS & THE NATURAL RESOURCES DEFENSE COUNCIL THE NATURAL RESOURCES DEFENSE COUNCIL C Federation 0f American Scientists h i 1717 K St. NW, Suite 209 • Washington, DC 20036 n Chinese Nuclear Forces e Voice: 202•546•3300 • Fax: 202•675•1010 s Email: [email protected] • Web: www.fas.org e and U.S. Nuclear War Planning N u Natural Resources Defense Council c l 1200 New York Avenue, NW Suite 400 • Washington, DC 20005 e a Voice: 202•289•6868 • Fax: 202•289•1060 r Email: [email protected] • Web: www.nrdc.org F o r c e s a n d U . S . N u c Hans M. Kristensen l e Robert S. Norris a Matthew G. McKinzie r W a r P November 2006 l a n n i n g F A S / N R D C THE FEDERATION of AMERICAN SCIENTISTS & THE NATURAL RESOURCES DEFENSE COUNCIL Chinese Nuclear Forces and U.S. Nuclear War Planning Hans M. Kristensen Robert S. Norris Matthew G. McKinzie November 2006 Dedicated to Sally Lilienthal ABOUT THE AUTHORS Hans M. Kristensen is Director of the Nuclear Information Project at the Federation of American Scientists. He is co-author of the Nuclear Notebook column in the Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists and the World Nuclear Forces overview in the SIPRI Yearbook. His research focuses on the evolution of nuclear strategy and operations in the post-Cold War era, and his disclosure of preemptive nuclear strike options in the revised Doctrine for Joint Nuclear Operations in 2005 caused the Pentagon to cancel the document (see: http://www.nukestrat.com/us/jcs/canceled.htm). -
Physics Society
Vol. 32, No. 1 January 2003 PHYSICS&SOCIETY A Publication of The Forum on Physics and Society • A Forum of The American Physical Society Editor’s Comments This issue contains articles, news, and reviews centered upon advantages conducive to security, it is occasionally vital to live the secrecy, security and integrity aspects of the nation’s scientific with effective secrecy in order to enhance security. Without enterprise. All three are different elements of the same foundation integrity,including truthfulness and transparency, there can be no pillar of science. Without personal and national security, no science. science can be done. Since good science often underlies national continued on page 2 IN THIS ISSUE Note to Librarians and readers: You will note two tables of contents in IN THE OCTOBER 2002 ISSUE this issue: one for this issue - January 2003, one for the previous issue - Editor’s Comments October 2002 - which appeared only on the Web (at www.aps.org/units/ Articles fps/oct02.html). As previously announced to our readership, this jour- Germany: Disarmament Research in Physics, nal will only be published in hard copy in the January and July issues; the Jhrgen Altmann April and October issues will only be Web-published. For the conve- The Causes of the Chernobyl Event, Jacques Frot nience of those non-subscribers who only see us in libraries, the web- Chernobyl: The Effects on Public Health? issue tables of contents will also appear in the following hard-copy is- Andre Aurengo sues. Commentary IN THE JAN. 2003 ISSUE Nuclear Earth-Penetrators: a Dangerous Fantasy, A. -
The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture
The End of Nuclear Warfighting: Moving to a Deterrence-Only Posture an alternative u.s. nuclear posture review Bruce G. Blair with Jessica Sleight and Emma Claire Foley Program on Science and Global Security, Princeton University Global Zero, Washington, DC September 2018 Copyright © 2018 Bruce G. Blair published by the program on science and global security, princeton university This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial License; to view a copy of this license, visit www.creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0 typesetting in LATEX with tufte document class First printing, September 2018 Contents Abstract 5 Executive Summary 6 I. Introduction 15 II. The Value of U.S. Nuclear Capabilities and Enduring National Objectives 21 III. Maximizing Strategic Stability 23 IV. U.S. Objectives if Deterrence Fails 32 V. Modernization of Nuclear C3 40 VI. Near-Term Guidance for Reducing the Risks of Prompt Launch 49 VII. Moving the U.S. Strategic Force Toward a Deterrence-Only Strategy 53 VIII.Nuclear Modernization Program 70 IX. Nuclear-Weapon Infrastructure: The “Complex” 86 X. Countering Nuclear Terrorism 89 XI. Nonproliferation and Strategic-Arms Control 91 XII. Conclusion 106 Authors 109 Abstract The United States should adopt a deterrence-only policy based on no first use of nuclear weapons, no counterforce against opposing nuclear forces in second use, and no hair-trigger response. This pol- icy requires only a small highly survivable second-strike force and resilient nuclear command, control, and communications (C3). Five new strategic submarines (SSBNs) backed by a small reserve fleet of 40 strategic bombers would fully support the policy, which requires a robust capability to destroy a nuclear aggressor’s key elements of state control and sources of its power and wealth.