Working Title Was

CEU eTD Collection Post- fascism, institutional nationalism and securitization in Italy In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of of Arts of Master for degree the requirements of the fulfillment In partial ‘Securing’ class power through the politics of fear: Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology Submitted Submitted to Central European University Second Reader: Gaspar Miklos Tamas Gaspar Reader: Second Jessica Lynne Jungblut Supervisor: DonKalb Budapest, Hungary Budapest, 2009 by CEU eTD Collection me with ethnographicthe insightinspired that andinformed this study. from afar, as well as my boyfriend Andrea and his family, whose graciousness has provided Chikan. Finally, Iwould like toacknowledge my family and friends who have mesupported Ildiko and Krisztina Bradeanu of helpfulness and patience as well administrative as the am way. the I along grateful helpful guidance for offering Naumescu, andAyse Caglar Vlad Department of Sociology and Social Anthropology, especially Dan Rabinowitz, Jakob Rigi, possible. I also thank my supervisor Don Kalb, as well as other members of the faculty of the the rest of the first-floor family at the CEU Residence Center, this thesis would not be Garbovan, Tim Weldon, and Neno Rakic. Without these remarkable friends and support from Gina Munteanu, and Morgan Ng, and my organizational team,Alexandra Oanca, Lidis Acknowledgements Thank you to my research team, Joel Ravelomanantsoa-Ratsimihah, Damir Cicic, i CEU eTD Collection References (from References...... 32 ...... 31 Conclusion Chapter 2...... 20 Chapter 1...... 5 Introduction...... 1 Table of Contents 2.4 2008: The “first freedom” as the symbol ...... 29 of democracy 2.3 2001: Shifting toward horizontal ...... 26 securitization 2.2 1994: Tracing the symbolic power of “security”...... 22 2.1 The pre-1989 internal-security scriptin Italy...... 20 1.4 “Performing” security: Analyzing the discursive sources ...... 14 of class power 1.3 Answering insecurity II: Institutional securitization as “horizontal” mobilization...... 9 1.2 Answering insecurity I: Horizontal and vertical mobilization ...... 8 of the populist Right 1.1 Neoliberal insecurity: The dual crisis of popular sovereignty and of labor...... 5 Il Giornale and La Repubblica ii )...... 38 CEU eTD Collection with internal securitization, has made post-totalitarian fascism fascism a reality. hasmade post-totalitarian internal with securitization, along andLeft, Right, far-right, the between “consensus” democratic-liberal that moreover, has come to symbolize democracy in the country’s so-called “Second Republic”. I argue, tendencies. Focusing on the case of Italy, I trace the hegemonic framing of security, which the popular anger,whilefurther servingits to neoliberalisation and insecurity-producing obscure to works effectively that nationalism institutional an represents insecurities with exclusionary with insecurities horizontally inthe form far-rightof populist movements targeting stateelites, mobilization political to key been have insecurity of feelings Consequential politics. therein, hasbeen marked and byanti-democratic tendencies of suppression the class-based facilitated and neoliberalisation and Right, the Leftbetween the War consensus The post-Cold . It is my contention that Left and Right politicians similarly answer to these horizontal securitization discourses. The latter process Abstract iii vertically , and immigrants, and , vertical sources of CEU eTD Collection of Rome (Hooper 2008). Others called attention to his promise to expelhis illegal 2008). Others called to promise 20,000 to attention of Rome (Hooper giving and Mayor“Duce! his inauguration supporters fascist salute as the chanting Duce!” at instance, last journalists, respondedinshock for spring when drew a memberof latter the Some Nazionale. Alleanza fascist— longerno expressedly nationalist—yet and the Lega Nord it: Theanti-immigrant followed swing voter that andtherightward nineties early the of crisis government the since turns administrative three Berlusconi’s in coalition Right any crucial 2009). (Jacques democracy” to and the country’s political strongest party “bitby erodes bit, separation the sopowers of media over whose control puppeteer, apublic-opinion here as is described Premier man, the richest Italy’s phenomenon”. and anti-democratic himself“a andtotalitarian Berlusconi calls present-day ponders writer Italy. connotations The historically-understood the of“fascism” in rule Berlusconi’s to inrelation word f- the evoke to articles mainstream many of one Introduction Others have stirred up the specter in relation to those parties making up the centre- in making upthe thoseparties specter relation to upthe have stirred Others “The eagle of fascism soars,” reads a headline in the May 2009’s in the May headline readsa soars,” fascism “The of eagle 1 New Statesman , just , CEU eTD Collection therein.between the Liberal Left and Right (Mouffe 2005) and the sovereignty of capital facilitatedIn Section consensus is, post-political aftermath the the neoliberalisation, that in wakeof occurring the 1.1, I McAdam 2001). will show2006) Banks and and (Gingrich that neoliberalisation of wake in the insecurities arecollective to linked deeply mirroredthemoreover, are, They beyond. and continent the throughout growing consequential demonstrably are Italy by what I will partly identificationuncover, nationalist-populist and mobilization occurringprocesses in call institutional-nationalism to research attempts present the that in ways arecontext-specific while outcomes However, hindrances idiosyncrasies. endemiccultural as countries European (and likewise Southern) Eastern of that depicting andimmigration, while causes external West, “fringe” the extremists to to to (Tilly,collective (forthcoming)they notes, chalktend to in populist rising far upthe right their countries own Tarrow, and Indeed, asKalb (Jacques2009). it” howeverwemightdescribe or “Berlusconism, of dubbing awkward article’s first in the implied clearly is as Italy, to peculiar as 2008). (Moore cannot” class what the political do “[the] People that matter-of-factly explained Lega Nord, a memberof Minister, Interior Italian the action, the‘vigilante’ to response “ethnic cleansing”, as one Molotov-cocktail it, described the thrower “ethnic asoneMolotov-cocktail cleansing”, immigrantscriminal depicted Berlusconi which during week, climactic same The as fascism. of memories “an army of evil”, of identifiedby action survivorsRoma, as an Catholic Holocaust andthe evoking Church saw popular fingerprinting the mandatory tooffice was return following thecentre-Right’s media interest raids on immigrants and aroundthe 85 Romanian-gypsymore destroy even capital. camps Catching settlements outside of Naples, or Any contemporary namingAny “fascism”contemporary of must takeinto accountwidespread trends anddevelopments discourses striking these contextualized has largely media Western 2 Telegraph reported. In CEU eTD Collection immigrant citizensthe protect from to eager hardliners as law-and-order campaigned have mobilization, or minoritypopulist rising of targets “vertical” themselves Right, and Left Liberal the of politicians effect, threat.bounded,homogeneous national body vis-à-vis other-culture the outsider In (Bigo 2001). The horizontally-directed a culturally with identification on depends discourse securitization farof the right, with that line In state. the within threats andother-culture immigrants at “horizontally” mobilization discourse instead remainbut needandsuperiority forto the “diverse”cultures to separate bounded. reflectsbiological not referdoes to that“new racism” a reflecting talkculture 1995), (Stolke more of by discourses marked are They welfare. than and economic cultural identity to athreat also a Romahorizontally, andimmigrants, of neo-liberal the and theoretical undergarder project; threats: vertically, cosmopolitanizing elites, whose support 2003) for cosmopolitan (Friedman “horizontal” norms or was “vertical” a against terms religious or localist, nationalist, in These populist mobilize movements onthe basis of cultural identification typically expressed mainstream contenders in Western and Eastern European politics, even at the executive level. threaten foundational idealsliberal the of states. it, beenby reflected coincidingtwo mobilization andinterrelated bothof processes, which has, Comaroff (Kalb forthcoming; as Popular and andComaroff 2002) anger I see discontent consolidation of wealth, and even their self-enclavementinto privately secured spaces. populations interms of their own cosmopolitan transnational and identification, their ongoing national respective from their themselves distanced havemeanwhile transformations, neoliberal of proponents been have who elites state forthcoming), (Kalb sovereignty insecurity.feelings While the of classesface dual popular andlabor crisis popular of organization and barriers other democratic to participation, aredeeply connected torising The second process is a state-led nationalist mobilization process that directs that process mobilization nationalist isastate-led process The second now by parties, political into organized movements right extreme are hand one On 3 CEU eTD Collection my critical discoruse analysis. discoruse my critical 1.4, discusses Tilly, Tarrow, and McAdam’s interactive approach to discourse on which I base totalitarian fascism Gaspar Miklos Tamas (2000,2001, 2006), globalthat capitalism hasmade possible in with argue accordance citizenship,universal reversing Iwill promise theEnlightenment of institutionalized throughpopularidentification nationalismwith and exclusionary culture talk, become have controls public-order internal that Considering play. into come will naming by it in framing insecurity causes threats. neo-liberal ofhorizontal terms of vertical it real the obscures mechanisms. Ultimately, social control andintensified democratic more anti- with and anxieties, discontent of popular asource neoliberalism, of tendencies democratic anti- the answers then, internal-securitization, Horizontal words. other In todemocracy. detriments other and (Harvey 2007)and elites experts torule by liberal transfer neo- the re-enforce only securitization of consequential practices the in discourse, sovereignty Comaroff(Wacquant 1999, Evokingand Comaroff sense of 2002). a popular-cum-state state with penal the state andeconomic of social the replacement neo-liberal the shown haveaptly andanthropologists it, associologists to as understood complementary better the rights of citizens themselves. restrict but 1998) (Sassen labor of flow transnational the criminalize only not that repression 2001) measures These of enable“illiberal”1999). security (Bigo crime (Wacquant discourses andorganized terrorism heading as under samethreat-management the latter placing the target from Soviet“communism”, aprimarily external “immigration”,enemy, to effectively post-Coldthe Warmilitary invention “homelandof security” and its explicitly switching of is borrowing 2004)from butlinked(Tilly,scripts farrightthe and McAdam of Tallow also to It is under such considerations, and namely in section 1.3, that the fascist moment of moment fascist the that 1.3, in section namely and considerations, such is under It is but project neoliberal the to linked temporally only not is security internal As such, that has by now become a reality in Italy. The last section of the chapter, 4 post- CEU eTD Collection discussed in discussed followingthe sections. be to processes mobilization and identification tocollective which isintimately related (Gingrichturn andthis Banks2005).In section I trace developmentthe of “dualthe crisis”, has come toplay a significantrole ingenerating belonging feelings since of neo-liberalthe Kalb calls“the dual crisis of popular sovereignty and (Kalb labor” forthcoming),insecurity popularfeelings andinsecurity, expressions of and discontent, anger. Stemming from what The symbolic draining under of neo-liberalsuch “signposts” isre-structuration linked to Janine Brodie (2008) has written hasJanine Brodiethat written (2008) 1.1 Neoliberal insecurity: The dual crisis sovereignty of popular and labor of Chapter One discourses. security horizontally-directed extreme with coinciding sense, material in the polarization an vertical extreme haveeffected in forreasons certain but Italy, exactly not replicated One,in are Chapter presented in Italy. The understandings vertical theoretical polarization and horizontal symbolic the understand to years election three between politics of state democratic citizenship rights… and collective political identities andalliances (200842) postwarperiod have lost their intent andmeaning—among them, state sovereignty, liberal- of the signposts organizing of the Most disorientation. and rupture of sense widespread is there after over two decades of restructuring meetto the globalizing international political economy, In Chapter Two, I will track the “performance” of securitization discourse at the level atthe discourse securitization of “performance” the Iwill track Two, In Chapter 5 . CEU eTD Collection (Gingrich and Banks2006:79). Such looks only intensify to as “worker-citizens in banditry” and warfare of state, the of privatization the ethnification, of zones “the cities, is in insecurity wake in felt mosterupting capital of sovereignty andaround palpably the experienced sincetheneo-liberal (Gingrich turn and Banks2006). Popular anger and stem from discontent resourcestruggles,the downwardmobility, unemployment and widely post-political the offerslittle in consensus termsinsecurity of addressing popular and (Jung2009), “innate”-identity politics politics towards awayfrom has turned “vulgar”-interest Left, initsof in Since struggle,class the abandonment Third-Way practice. neoliberalisation putting necessity another unionsof (Harvey2003)as intotrade parties orpolitical 114). ownership 2008: profit” (Brodie market andprivate and similar provision biases with toward elites of sets out in and voting means basically which democracy of conception narrow very promisedenigrated of atthethe “Citizens millennium by are constrainedaccountability: a in has processes judicial suppression further nameof andthe legislative of competition, in such practice, as the anti-democraticof privilegingexperts and elites (Harvey 2001) and the stance—thefiscal ‘tight Moreover thecontradictions policy’” (2001:51). of neoliberal theory a single on economic today converge is none,poles since there choiceessentially when consensual form “the terms, Zizek’s of In consensus. “post-political” ita calls politics(2005) Mouffe that so much so in our time is ondemocracy, hadhas severeright effects leftWarand Liberal of post-Cold the convergence a bi-polar system that speculation,social cuts to marketspending, andlaborflexibilization, other.the The on offers thehigh-stakes appearance privatization, and hand, one on norms rights human cosmopolitan on based of a was jointagenda 2001)whose (Kalb liberals economic and political between convergence Popular classes also face the (sometimes violent) repression of organization repression collective violent) faceof (sometimes the also Popular classes bya was facilitated neoliberal globalization of practical) and (theoretical The project 6 CEU eTD Collection Chapter Two. Chapter and McAdam 2001) which I will indiscuss framing terms of and symbolic meaning in Tarrow (Tilly, mechanisms relational and cognitive environmental, (overlapping) between interactive negotiations rather occurs andthrough Identification mobilization identification. construction,interpretationsimply little that ornofor possibility choice in political identity they purely of top-down are results tostructural changes nor retorts neither automatic are trends general these here that Inote two. the between interrelatedness under-theorized the illustrate to effort in an (1.3) securitization internal of discussion my in framework the explaining in double polarization farmovementsrelation to populist right (1.2)and then apply literature the follows, Idiscuss what In neoliberalism. under insecurities popular to a response regionalist, religious, nativist etc. 1 andconflict violent chaos increaseto the of Jonathan Friedman’s “double polarization” describes these forms of mobilizations in relation andmigrants and“horizontally” minorities. “vertically” eliteoutsiders against against movementsdirectedbased both mobilization popularlevel, have nationalist at the erupted, transnational counterparts instead of their respective state populations. In the absence of class- transnational capitalist mightthat well be addedin decades” nexttwo (Kalb,forthcoming).the billion as thetwo as well since 1989, system capitalist the havebeen addedto that workers class new feelof billion one the heat willthe to continue states transnationalizing contemporary (Kalb 2001), state elites demonstrate solidarity with their “nationalist” Consideringperiod. link “horizontal” Iargue the “vertical” and movements, another that “Nationalist” here refers not to the nation-state per se, but to the community identity, which can be localist, Meanwhile, “a organized itself”as formore class specifically, (Friedman 2003) or the 1 form of mobilization, one that is within 7 state-led stateboundaries duringWar the Post-Cold and “horizontally” directed, serves as serves directed, and“horizontally” CEU eTD Collection naming of Right’s populist the of element main a also is talk Culture elites. cosmopolitanizing à-vis “bounded fears identity vis- anddistinct” “culture existential inrelation to exacerbating talk”, (MacDonald 2008). mainstream resistance whichfor integration, European support Union offers Right theonly to populist the 2003). The riftis,liberal cases,by insome Left alsodeepened the and Right’s unyielding (Friedman ‘the people’” and elites between “rift deepening an overall and conspiracy-talk fuel scandals tocorruption grow, related of scale at the ever-stratified exponentially the top a “desperate claimidentity, community,Whileand legitimacy” 2005: (Kalb to salaries 10). promises of neo-liberal globalization, become the targets of disempowered citizens expressing andother citizenship fewwhoenjoy speaking,elites, the privileged cosmopolitanizing notes the that Zizek (2000) Eastern throughout and Western In relationEurope. the discussion to of previousthe section, politics electoral in mainstream contender areal become now by has Right far or populist in The Zlaslove crisis” 2001:55). (quoted economicpeople…during of and political times 1.2 Answering insecurity I: horizontal andvertical mobilization of populistthe Right and discontent towards and discontent neoliberalism” (Harvey2007: populist121), the Rightpopulardirects feelings insecurity of An “antidote to the dissolution of former bonds of social solidarity under the impact of Populists employ fundamentalistPopulists employ notions of culture, orwhatStolcke (1995)has termed the mainstream working class in our Western societies. (2000: 37- new and privileged of remains‘symbolic’ whatever mobilize to classes, seeksRight far the nationalist/racist/religious veneer.. While multicultural tolerance becomes the motto of the a with coated thickly rhetoric—if anti-capitalist employs still that force political populistmoves Right to occupy the terrain evacuated by the theLeft, as only ‘serious’ Hanz George Betz has noted that populisms exploit the idea has “the populisms of that noted the Betz Hanz exploit the of power George horizontal enemies, other-culture outsiders, particularly andimmigrants Roma in vertical and horizontal 8 (Friedman 2003) enemies. Vertically 38). CEU eTD Collection horizontally an what canbe considered describe I section, this In discourse. securitization called been has what through themselves to far right activistsprevious section. It isand my contention, however, that expressions theirof culture talk are notlimited followers,in the discussed movements far right populist the of rise ofthe in terms contextualized but are put into motion been it, havemainly to related andmobilization identification vertical/horizontal regularly by Liberal elites 1.3 Answering mobilization Institutional as “horizontal” Insecurity II: securitization fire. fuel “dual the crisis” to adding sovereignty, andinterests hinder popular consolidate their neo-liberal measures thatclass of enactment further the legitimizing credibility, thatthepeople lackdemocratic proves populist Right for the thatsupport interest polls” claim isthe (Friedman 2003), directly lack at observable of by hooligan”soccer publicly right-wing (Tamas hard-core 2001:10). the represented extremist immigrant—‘guestthe or ‘asylum worker’ than seeker’ obsolescentthe enemy of is nogreater “There conflict: class of racialization” and “ethnification effective the in ontoillustrate, “cultures.—andneed for thedelimited Hegoes separation—of thus part, racism”, one based not on widely discredited notions of biological superiority but on diversity “new 11),andassuch,as farcan “legitimately”(2001: the ‘natural’” mobilize this Right discrimination of acceptance the leads to definition) a cultural to shift nation (the of a concept withinEurope, As Tamas(2001)explains,“The the state. growing de-politicization of the So far dual the crisis sovereigntypopular of and class consciousness, and the Meanwhile, elites, “worried that the people have no respect for them and that their that and them for respect no have people the that “worried elites, Meanwhile, directed atimmigrants. directed institutional nationalist 9 movement which employs culture talk, culture employs which movement lumpenproletariat , CEU eTD Collection managers, their private associates and security students switched the focus from external from focus the switched students security and associates private their managers, Military threat state. of the institutions military for the acrisis, whathasbeen called or in looming dividend” stages of Warpredicament, late aconsiderable Coldthe the represented As such increase in military by marked 2006).“peace andthe (Reid the capacity regular war conflicts” Though founded (2003: 14). upon idealof hasthe been peace, liberal modernity moreover,it mirrors Friedman’s account of the shiftfrom “conflicts between states to substate and, essential, is security “internal” to “external” from management threat military War instead ofjust hegemonic discourses, securitization oneofmany possible issues. becoming immigration for nor times” our of vernacular political notdo call question the into“ of becoming reasonsforrepercussions the or security underneoliberalism,from renders “normal” Theyalso which politics questionable start. the of democracy promise limiting ever- the consider fail to instance, they for as implications, havenormative critiques Such and deliberation. processes of debate to here refers Normal “normal” politics. of realm of the anyissueout takes constituency, relevant of the consent which, with speech act asa securitization defined narrowly critics 2006:5), Huysman language of of the national security wartradition is “the articulation of existential threats that are framed in the characteristic andfundamental the that understanding Waever’s that Following threats. environmental legitimate and encompassed economic, cultural, security, that one of andfor practictioners students the introduction in Waever but (quoted endof Huysmana broader 2006:5)the led visionhad War Cold the to Ole of to according each other” threaten wherestates field “the had been security time, national exceptional that Before security. tonational new threats of range of awide naming the through enacted policies” of emergency states and measures exceptional to asaresponse field relations international (quoted in Regarding these latter points,Regarding Bigo’s latter these in(2001) description majorthe of turn post-Cold in scholars the wasdubbed“securitization” by“critical” nineties,In term the early the 10 the dominant object of object dominant the CEU eTD Collection thereby thereby employing culture talk as bythefarutilized anti-immigrantthrough right needexistential protect a nation to culturally homogenous against a“horizontal” danger, (Bigoet al nation-state” Consequently,politicians2007: 6). expressthe liberal left/right about body military the metaphors “revived ninetiesof of the that reflecting the doctrines and nation are evoked interchangeably state the has “home”, come security as national Yet 2006). (Jutila enemy” that of destruction including from the prevent enemy’sthe project succeeding, to innecessary… order identity, with lack the of and time of threat death requiring the useof “[a]ny means a social to threat asanexistential areconstrued threats latter, to the inregards security; 1999: 219). crimeand (Wacquant organized terrorism as samecategory the itunder placing security, of matter national asa immigration Comaroff as well 2002), and Maastrictthe Shengen provisions thateffectively redefine allocation towards domestic security for fighting “transnational crime” (Comaroff and in for resource advocacy EU-police the relation to hasalsobeenalludedto convergence theexternal-internal Terror”, “Warsince on the evident Madeparticularly parents. increasingly criminalexpressed concern about immigrantsand theyouth delinquent foreignof diasporas, andpolice “failed state” of potential the dangers to werecallingexperts attention combatto policing” et al (Bigo 2007: 5).Thus beforeeven intelligence September 11,2001, policing ultimately (Bigo 2001:77)— againstcrime” from taskof changing “military the withinscope of borders the include crossing people of surveillance the organizations to and militaryal. roleset of “Theandbetween police (Bigo 2007): collaboration police therespective and andthus crime-fighting spheresof war-preparation separate traditionally invention discursive “homelandof security” enabled blurring a practical between the The “immigration”. mainly ones, internal to “Communism”, Soviet primarily threats, Normative critics continue to distinguish between the framing of state and societal state of between framing the distinguish to continue critics Normative in (MacDonald securitization discourse 2006), 11 CEU eTD Collection measures it gets institutionalized into spaces and bureaucratic practices that inform inform spaces into institutionalized measures it and practices bureaucratic way gets the that articulated through butspeech also visualacts through images, and,beyond emergency transnational classes (Harvey 2001). for the like communties reserved andoffices, privatespaces, forsecurity the gated supplement the military-police“public” of work inchaotic public spaces, and they provide and security risk assessors, Private industry. itself isit. aprosperous And security follows then spatially that labor theflow of criminalize nationalization of politics” (1998: 219) —the pavers of the lawless path of capital sovereignty (1998) speaks “theof denationalization juxtaposed of territory,with anti-immigrant re- the connected to temporally only is not neoliberalism then, securitization, Internal neoliberalisation. follow to shown but should be seen as complementary generallyrates, speaking butin levelsdisproportionate immigrants for (Wacquant 1999), to it. This state (Comaroff in, illustrated and Comaroff instance,for2002), substantial the inrise prison is why Sassen has been called the neo-liberal rise of the penal state at the expense of the social what and economic with resonates state security internal The punishment. penal and surveillance, control, for an processes calling reestablishment of politicians “first freedom”, European have all stripes law-and-order announced political associated at its limits unease ina‘risk framed society’ with byneoliberal discourses in is freedom which always danger and (in)security” (65). As security is(2001: 67). claimed to be the peace” and for homogeneity necessary are body and aunitary law order, and sovereignty, that which“maintains state” of the order symbolic “[t]he by evoking earlier crisesthe discussed answer mobilization, vertical of atarget elites, state themselves So, discourse. securitization As such, any understanding of security construction should also note that it gets securitization “structural outthat theproduction reflects points Bigoof (2001) also internal-security state 12 surveillance providers, and prison companies marked by vigilantism, police by vigilantism, marked CEU eTD Collection dominated by dominated ideas of the anduncertainty, risk fear unease”, and of management of “The policies noted: havewidely been securitization ofinternal- effects the “illiberal” Terrror, War on sincethe And especially accountability. of means legislative and judicial blocking actors, private and experts to responsibility transfers further It neoliberalism. of tendencies anti-democratic the intensifies only by andlargely press andpoliticians, securitization accepted public-opinion-sphere, then the welfare systems that are in decomposition anyway.” massespreventinfought flowing tofrom of cluttering uptheWestern order inand refugees in upbyacademia, Huntington’s Propped as examples: last two the into relation especially securitization, rationality of perverted the immigrants for straining2001). welfaresystem the Tamas(Bigo (2000)explanation reveals blame economists while danger culture the evoke also Academics identity. national and crime about immigrants carrying institutional adoption inwardly-defensivethis nationalism.of professionals Healthcare speak foreign diseases Bigo “securitizing” the describes effectively only who immigrants, (2001) rely politicians on as media actors re-sound emotionallyitfurtheris elementof … everydaylife”(2008).By not showing thatcharged the alarm in terms more as a ‘security’–accurately,activity security or, and – rhetoric dominant, produce of andthereby treat in that ways proceed to pervasive, has“madesecuritization state, the areunderstood. threats Forthat MacDonald, “security inlobby”, the itspointing focus within raised levels of suspicion; justified the declarations of emergency rules and derogation of by isthe that adopted in sovereignty a discourse popular-cum-state While reaffirming intelligence services; andencouraged zealous visions ofdemocracy havethat difficultbeen to and police, military, of merging the enabled data; individual of exchange massive and level;justified developmentthe of technologies surveillance ofmass atthe transnational level international rule of the law; of destabilized importance human at rights conventions the Clash of Civilizations of Clash 13 have , “‘Humanitarian wars’ are wars’ , “‘Humanitarian CEU eTD Collection in identification occurring since the neoliberal turn, but these theories lack but the cultural these turn, theories neoliberal since the occurring inidentification sources discursive of power class security: the analyzing 1.4“Performing” likein reality Italy. places timeface fascism, hascomeby to of ademonstrable thenow actual post-totalitarian prospect waitingfor Mussolini, another orspeaking then, of “Berlusconisation” (Jacques2009),the ultimately that politicalproduces exclusion and “illiberal” Shortof outcomes (Bigo2007). crisis. dual the amidst interests class and legitimacy their saving classes, transnational the to challenger mainstream exclusive is the uncivilized, as dismissed easily Right, far The "outsiders". horizontal to obscureserves they culturally, and thespatially, and origineconomically position, class capitalist transnational of insecurity and chaos “secure” and practices moment, security discourse crisis- present the ridden relation to in its actions and class destroy to was willing liberalstate the they that had themselves built(Joll 1977). In projects capitalist the verticalpower, class maintain to it, explained Gramsci As 14). 1986: (Corner angerFascism onto allyingmovementfascistandwithout itself the‘exceptional’ of state with to resorting the be fascism of situated. must question contemporary the that “national security”, of shift internal of the isit and underconsideration regimes, So, the liberal state survives, albeit strained-as-ever through the institutional nationalism institutional the through strained-as-ever albeit survives, state liberal the So, In the economic crisis of the 1920s, the Italian bourgeoisie was unable to retain its control authoritarian of has beenatrademark security’ of very ‘internal concept Indeed the The previous sections general related in trends institutional terms of changes and shifts outside the battle field. (Bigoet al2007) distinguish fromideology an of empire, andhave generated criminal policies inside and 14 CEU eTD Collection interaction, or out of “known possible interactions that categorize a known set of of actors”. set a known categorize that interactions “known out possible of or interaction, two related aspects of contention:scripts andframes. develop Scripts from previous on reliesfurther latter as the engagement, for collective sufficient arenot these but known, opportunities known, orfor nationalistmobilization via securitization, for making political making on depends necessarily mobilization Collective (5). mobilization collective interactive aspects of institutional,identity, and interrelation between into the insightgaining for discourse asa rather Iregard source but bemere constructs, discursive to identification individual’s experience and moments of intentionality in choice- making. to wider social distribution, and stillprocesses maintains and it forresource a sensitivity the As(2001: 22). such,understand theirsis to ofidentity an attempt patterns change with regard as activechange” of creation sites and but culture structure, rationality, or consciousness, of expressions merely as not conversation and communication, ties, social interaction, 2004:6)whileintoaccount” (Todd “social culture treating accumulated historically and consciousness, interaction, strategic taking of “the necessity they life”, underline it. processes accompanying identification boundaries understand theinstitutionalizationto ofinternal nationalism and thecollective theorists of contentious politics offer a useful framework for breaking through disciplinary the these 2004:2).For presentpurposes, interaction”innew Todd of dynamics (citied create to new begin institutions that changing self perceptions changes by accompanied are 2004: 2). institutional and change changeself isasanintegral of aspect social (Todd transformation between interrelation the onFeuerbach, in thesis third Marx’s stated As classically contexts. specificity understandto populist and securitization in discourses national different local and Following Tilly, Tarrow, and McAdam (2001), I do not take securitization take notand I do and(2001), McAdam Following Tilly, Tarrow, Fundamentally arguing that “social aspects andrelations arecore arguingFundamentally that interactions of social Tilly, Tarrow Tilly, , and McAdam further(2001) 15 argue that “ it is only when institutional when is only it threats CEU eTD Collection provoked by provoked changes and responsiveto and instructure institutional social in as thepractice, is itself in identity-categories time,change At same the outsider. “enemy” who isthe and is attack life under andway culture of whose discourse, for securitization excluded, or, behavior, asin identity shifts and changing understandings isof who includedis and who meaningthe of identity categories explaincan help to major changes in political and social sides, “them”“us”. with andFor Tilly, Tarrow, McAdam threatening in subtle shifts (2001), political between two ofboundary creates formation category that specifically more explain choice. about is both, or existential, economic, whether “threat”, The “threat”. migrant relevant culturally protectionthe of local national the identity or and interactively namers, of speaking, the are not helpingframe to itself themovement but they are participants within it,mobilized in andpopular andinstitutional In Liberalpoliticians, securitization, actors media, of terms the for Tilly, Tarrow and McAdam (2001), framing is not adistinct variable, but instead refers framing largely studiesideas have for expression as the depicted of usebyleaders, and atool scripts. Whereascollective mobilization through mutually andthese cumulatively understood is framing, threat Through attributed innewand reworked routines old circumstances. rules implicit to in relation modified are styles or messages, Tactics, manner. improvisational asinan performed are, conversation, ofbeingfollowedprecisely,scripts Instead the deliberative framing efforts of movement leaders.” (2001 44) shape and constrain resources cultural and others, for as well as participants its for movement a helps to frame its demands; the media and other sourcesof communication frame inadvertently state, third parties and the media. The political context in mountedwhich a movement is to the interactive construction of the disputes among ofchallengers, their opponents, elements not But how But does framing theopportunity relate or toidentity?threat These theorists participating, and, as the hegemonic discourse there iseven participating, makethere room little hegemonic discourse asthe to that and, 16 CEU eTD Collection or European unification coincided with forms of elite identification that has little symbolic (or symbolic littlehas that eliteidentification forms of with coincided European unification or other-culture from outsiders. We institutional neo-liberalgenerally can thethat posit towards shift globalization horizontally, or elites, transnational from vertically, ways: general two of indifferentiate acommunity identity from outsiders that categories discourse, one threatening described in As sections. previous in depicted far-rightpopulistmobilization in1.2, draws, such a meanings, as belonging tocommunity feelingfearand oranger outsiders. towards world. A symbol outside the of conceptualization in the possibilities there areunlimited meanings, whereas can be a word with associated finiteconventional words numberof area because there Language islimiting or an imagerepresentation concept,or they use language forms expressto meaningthe concept. of that that comesmental coherent a single, into information diverse perceptual andintegrate world, the perceive to represent in form-meaningthey words, are, assemblies(Evens other So, aspeople and Green 2006: 6). a wide variety meanings; certain with gestured) andare associated written or formsor (spoken in different of symbols which can be subparts of words, words, or strings of words. Symbols are represented symbolic andinteractive functions. Itallows theexpression andof thoughts ideas through and meaningsandinteractive framing in language as general, cognitive has,for linguists, both is included not in boundary.the Focusing ison discourse useful for understanding symbols meaning linkingthe shared identity category and the shared differentiation from itiswhat that class,feminist,nationalor securitysolidarity, in or general—whatever provides key the and McAdam 2001). The symbol can be a certain nationalism. defensive leader inwardly- of or permeation event,institutional the and security internal to external from a shift politicalmilitary category like So, here, within this framework, I again consider the two interrelated IagainSo, here,within twothe framework, this consider processes Tarrow, (Tilly, manipulated is symbol identification an formation identity-category In 17 CEU eTD Collection real discussed, in analyzing the ways that threat and identity are discursively framed bystate framed identity are discursively and thatthreat ways the in analyzing discussed, political economy,institutional security andpractices, collective feelings of insecurity, as global between changingrelations the consider I practices, andsocial practices, discourse structures, social between clarify unseen connections the Analysis to aims Discourse Critical As Italy. in level national-political the at discourse securitization of meaning symbolic as threat. is understood “immigration” symbolically however insecurity, horizontal collective of cause national-cultural form identification,of with a certain meaning,associated framed against the abounded strategically discourse deploys securitization words, diverse Inother meanings. represent to specifically more categorized thus and scripts relevant contextually into fit “security”, get or as well “insecurity” as “immigration”, category broad the say can also that nationalities or cultures mayspecific that Heexplains leaders neutrally. state other with measures security coordinate be valued in one country and state politiciansseen “immigration” can inso that threat of terms unease” 11) opaque the (2001: as a threat in others, but we framedsecuritization managers “professional are broadly discourses bytransnational of iscategories notclear. he horizontal,meaning the contextual symbolicthese provides examples, andwhile of or vertical form, of pattern a general beyond attribution threat and identity-category not Friedmanexplaindoes Yet insecurities. incultural-identity symbols the usedeach (2003) termsvertical of and horizontal enemiesbe understood to responsiblefor economic and solidarity hastoo, lostmeaning, mobilization populist frames a national identity-category in 2 ) meaning) for popularbe hascome classesandinstead seen to As asa class threat. The present research, a critical discourse analysis, is concerned with findingis concernedthe with analysis, The presentresearch, acritical discourse Then, in thesecuritization inBigodiscussion (2001) hasarguedthatrelation to 1.3, 18 CEU eTD Collection ultimately make “security” a symbol of democracy in Italy’s so-called “Second Republic”. in so-called asymbol Italy’s make “security” democracy of ultimately yearsfifteen to past the over developed has “script” security howthe Itrace politicians. ethnographic methods in localdifferent wouldcontexts beuseful. Istudied, examples in discourse provoked the andthreats categories the of efficacy symbolic understandthe better to local in Indeed parties. participation of atradition identities and especiallytheirmeanings be differently understood can local at individual as well as levels. This is important in the contextevoke. to attempt of Italy,andbeing identity-categories framed,symbolic interpretmeaning the and to thatpoliticians a stateunderstanding of withscript performance. Still,a I washistory abletelevision, performance via the of scripts television have tofullercould contributed to make in-depth observations of threatof from mosttheir Italians news get fact that different the considering interaction. Indeed political is of still this inclinations,a limited that picture understanding andexpressedly Left Right regional use, Ichose newspapers with to make andquotations which regardingstories political choices Since newssources election process. with media,voters during the communicate through mediated politicians, in which way important one show that scripts of be examples to these symbols for and threat national identity change in form and meaning during the periods. Itake politiciansin which toanidentity-category.were beingattributed threats Iconsiderhowthe “center-Left” and of “center-Right” political discourse extracted I forpremiership, Italian 1994, 2001,and 2008.For these whichperiods, begin ten weeks before general the election Republicca My research included the study Rome-based newspapers, the study My includedthe of prominent research Symbols of security, of course, are not only different in every national context, but and Milan-based the Il Giornale , for three years , during election weekperiods the 19 La CEU eTD Collection 3 and of internal practices securitization “civil war”, discourses ongoing, defense armed Weinberg 1997).Thismeant that throughout post-Warthe period, Italy familiarwas with the to“theamounted worst epidemicviolence world”terrorist of in (Eubank and Western the from “red”Decades ofcarriedboth out violence extremes and“black”political terrorist Italy.forty particularly formanage innorthern years threat, active to internally Soviet the front of forNATO deployed the southern Armedforces were “Communism”. against under the command of the U.S. military, playing a key role in the ideological Cold War functions. Throughout the postwar period, moreover, Italy was an internal security state and Carabinieri filled the factionsand other havepolice both traditionally andmilitary really a shift atall. Unlike other European countries, Italy has a centralized police system, 2.1 Thepre-1989internal-security in script Italy of symbol democracy. has hegemonic the become one itself that freedom”, “firstthe is for security, inpolitics sicurezza, Italian into itbecome has Since clearentrance 1994. that his since democracy Italian of symbol the person, very in his embodied freedom, made has and only one other word: SICUREZZA. This single example is a telling one. Berlusconi in “script” 2008’s national election featured campaign facethe of hisSilvio name, Berlusconi, communication between politicians and the electorate in Italy. One form of this visual Campaign posters that decorate streets and billboards are a majorform of political 2 Chapter For alengthy analysis of CIA involvement in internal terrorism inItaly during Coldthe War, see Willan,1991. In Italy, the post-1989 military “shift” from external defense to internal safety was not 20 3 CEU eTD Collection securitization discourses, institutional nationalism, and, ultimately post-totalitarian fascism. post-totalitarian ultimately and, nationalism, institutional discourses, securitization Fascism. The second is particularly important for the present discussion of internal political terrorism that swept Italy in the past century, the first one leading to the rise of waves in of of two hasbeen the analyzed terms traditions revolutionary ”black” “Red” and liberalism: Italian of that to compared history” “glamorous distinct a had each in Italy traditions has revolutionary Redandthat written the Black character, historical abused. And Karl Mannheim, who argued that no country can ever fully escape its own (paraphrasedin hasDrake 1983), beenstrong so that theterm has beenoverly anddiffused country (Drake 1983). these were the most significant, and distressing, phenomenon in the post-War history of the in an intensification of red and black terror in the eighties. Italians agreed at the time that mostthe radical,interestingin and, end,the violent 68s”of Europe’s (Foot2003), culminated regards to the latter, extreme-right wing terror in response to “Italy’s ‘long May’, quite easily pre-War period. Both are seen as effectively ostracizing the “extremes” in Italian politics. In Christian-Democratic hegemony in Italy post-War to duringthat the liberal hegemony of the defense and institutionalize defensive nationalism. associated with it, long before other European states would move to internalize national 1983) literary inteaching of and andnetworks editorial publications.positions, (cited Drake traditions, each offering channels for careeradvancementin formsthe of party jobs, fascist and Catholic, communist, socialist, in vigorous resulting life, intellectual and political extremist comparatively volatile, highly country’s that for precondition ideological essential the been has liberalism Italian of weakness endemic The The Italian cultural tradition of ‘revolution’, as Nando Della Chiesa once explained Some have attributed to the “hopelessness” of political actors in the context of 21 CEU eTD Collection the only hope for economic modernity and political moderation against an ominous left-wing liberal democracy, for War” enlightened “Civil Italia led the continuing Forza on other. the past,on aboveits criminally corrupt hand,one from full-fledged and becoming ademocracy, 2004)—adevelopment(Ginsborg Berlusconi that, promised, would keepItaly from rising modernizing acountry at risk of neo-communisttakeover of government. freedom as freedom from the state, meant that the Knight would now be the only hope for was the embodiment of free enterprise and unrestricted accumulation. As such, his vision of of marketing company, television stations, supermarkets, and the AC Milan football club, he the corrupt political classes, which he continuously conflated with “Communists”. The owner is commonly referred to in relation to business, sought to save “all good-willed” Italians from Democrazia Cristiana and Italy’s so-called “First Republic”. The Republic”. “First so-called Italy’s and Cristiana Democrazia 2.2 1994:Tracing of symbolic the “security” power fascism. and risepost-totalitarian of the between the nation and its enemies, has been a key factor in the repression of class struggle Communist party in the Western world, the symbolism of security as the boundary marker moreover, come to include parties of the extreme right. In a the country with the once-highest Right was present before 1989, as the following sections will discuss. In Italy it would, country. The movement toward a “post-political” liberal consensus between the Left and in that consensus Liberal war Cold post the understanding for consideration a relevant everything to a static idea of culture, but the historical strength of anti-liberal forces in Italy is Indeed the Communists were the closest they had ever been to coming to power My research began in February year1994, the following the dissolution of the The contentious politics discussed framework in section 1.4 reminds us not to reduce 22 Cavaliere , or Knight, as he CEU eTD Collection connivance at illegalityconnivance at everyback of kind, to go the(2004). Risorgimento” ever since unificationin 1860, andthat roots the of widespreadthe distrust of authority, and agree: “It could be argued that the Italian state has been in the throes of a legitimation crisis would Ginsborg asPaul apalpable symbolism, bureaucraticintent rule, on threat, “vertical” first-past-the-post system referendum passed in 1993.) The criminal elites were thus a proportionality whichdependedproblem, coalitions, on besupposed wasalso to tackled by a (The a dysfunctional one. system of government hadmade“partocrazia” that the but as the personification of the people himself. He evoked the need toend the extremism 5 January 24, 1994. most public execrated in figure land”the andforced intoexile (2009).Berlusconi, even as he Perry Anderson explains afterthat being by struck corruption charges, “Craxi had become the Craxi had Bettino leaders, major DC the Partida Socialista Italiano (PSI), the Italian Premier from 1983 to 1987, and the ally of two headof former andactually.symbolically The tofill—both spacehe was political attempting in be contextualized Italy the must anewliberal-democratic references to along with constant andPorta Vannucci 2007 standing” vessel 4 intolerance” markedby“illiberal “cartel” callus See footnote 5. footnote See “Segni? Pare uno di Beautiful: Ombretta Fumagalli: a Palazzo Chigi Berlusconio Cossiga,” Berlusconi spokefor workingBerlusconi “parasiticclass”( Italians againstthe bureaucratic Ginsborg 2004 Party”. Socialist disputatious and proud once inthe democracy party of internal crushing the including Blairism, invented boots, corrupt his to down right Craxi, class. working industrial both the symbols (hammer and sickle) and the material interests (indexed wage-rises) of the prefigured Blair by crafting a new, strongman social-democratic politics which broke with 5 would country the doom status.Heappearedthird-world not asapolitician ) of the DC era, and his embrace of the Angloversion of freedom, 23 4 . The anti-freedom “last neo-Communist “last anti-freedom . The il Giornale il Della , CEU eTD Collection e snobba inostri disoccupati,” 8 elections. (2006). the newly formedthe centre-right coalition enjoyed the majority of votes inthe1994, 1996 and 2001 national 7 6 were pushed out of the social centers they controlled. him” reduced their friendship to sendingthe a few of while postcards “thelefthad gonetobed with immigrants” way, asit complains that the “racist” Communists were “speculating on the skin of vivid in a particularly threat-naming vertical and horizontal the examples relates discourse expressed fear of a Communist takeover of government in the 1994 elections. One of my cultures (Stacul represented by 2006), Legathe andother regionalist parties.They also Communist and Catholics, in 1994 they largely identified,interactively local with speaking, waste) them. Though these working class voters were traditionally divided between their economic gains to Roman politicians and Southern residents, who would “eat” (read: Stacul anthropologist to region described Trentino the against Roman elites and migrants from the South. As many residents in one valley area of Nord, a party that had started as a regionalistmovement for secession and a tax revolt directed 2009). to be governed by Communists” (paraphrasedthe byaninterviewee, cited in Anderson: not determined also confused, but isdisoriented, that electorate the part of “reach to that how TV stations flouted him and his supportedhim. profits In1993,he personally Berlusconitold for Berlusconi’s business and ventures enacted lawsthe for saving them, Berlusconi’s while godfather of one of his children, Craxihad (through provided banksthe of PSI) the loansthe Anthropologist Stacul conducted research in the Venoi Valley in the Trentino regionof Northern Italy, where Il Giornale Virman Cusenza, “Gil, Come Cabbare I Lavatortori: Un assessore verde: il sindacato illude gli extracomunitari gli illude sindacato il verde: Unassessore ILavatortori: Cabbare Come “Gil, Cusenza, Virman 6 , actually had a close relationship with Craxi. The best man at his wedding and Another “vertical” and “horizontal” crusader was Umberto Bossi Bossi Lega was Umberto populist of the crusader “horizontal” “vertical” and Another , 1994. 8 , soliciting the latter to receive government funds, while Northerners in need in Northerners while funds, government receive to latter the soliciting , il Giornale , January 24, 1994. 24 7 , the hard-workers of the North “fed” CEU eTD Collection revarnished anew: the same name, same ideas, same controlling and statalist mentality PCI old the but nothing is PDS “The cartel: criminal the with conflated still was left abandoned the class struggle onbehalf liberalism,of Craxi had as done, anti-Communistthe liberal-democracy, and they also used the security framing against Communist. Yet as it the Centre-Right. revolution” “non-violent the with violence” “verbal its juxtaposing Left, the of fascism “scam”, part of the plot against him and his crusade on behalf of freedom. Fini alluded to the all things Left, explained that any talk of fascism in relation to Fini was just a Communist of extremity the left.Berlusconi,while emphasizing tothe movement anddramatic takeover Communist impending the crime, ahistoric he in called orelse what beaccomplices partner Berlusconi insisted. Moreover, liberal insisted. material Moreover, Berlusconi the despite the taking theoretically consensus, mostmodern Western sense of the word” anti-fascistFirst Republic. Fini, expressingnow only freedom-loving nationalism “in the in hadbeenthe that Socialeostracized Italiano Movemento version of neo-fascist the imaged of just remnants old.“recycled” were explained that the Lega was the only real party that would survive in the end, as all others Still,he make Republic. to Second First passagefrom Italy ever the would that Berlusconi 9 parties toppled” necessary “father of reconstruction”. He too explained that it was with his “gun that all the Its leader, Bossi, was seen one party member as the true hero of the revolution and, as the 12 11 10 La Repubblica, La Republicca,1994. 28 Jan Giornale, Il Guiglia, Frederico Frederico Guiglia, Il Giornale 1994. 15 gen. p.3 The Partida Democratica di Sinistra proved eager to appear a moderate amoderate for di eagertoappear proved option The Partida Democratica Sinistra Forza Italia formed the “Freedom are- South with Alleanzathe Nazionale, Pole” of Forzaformed “Freedom the Italia In the North, Forza Italia formed the “Pole of Good Government” with the Lega Nord, 1994. 9 , and he would join the moderate liberal-democrats as it was only with 10 , called upon liberal democrats to accept him as a 25 12 11 ,” of CEU eTD Collection La Repubblica 13 slyly “disarmed” througha “well politicalorchestrated production” securitization against the red siege of the magistrates, by whom, he explained, he had been ‘revolution of judges’the ( manner of a parasite. Indeed after making himself the symbolic people’s hero of the an antidemocratic culture” and posed a consistent threat “feeding off our flesh” in the hidden as obvious as it had been in 1994. The Uliva coalition,for the Cavaliere, was “permeated by democracy was still alive, and thus the civil yetwar symbolism continued, the danger wasnot elections, 13 May, would “be the day that democracy returns.” The communist threat to 2.3 fashion. in of movements Italy andostracized neo-liberal criminalized a Thatcherite (109) were 2004: 111).With consensusthe on Berlusconi’s vision freedom,of theonce-strong labor without supportfrom a major union trade federation from and workingthe class(Amyot Right coalition, even more than the DC had in the past, was able to attract the public-sector centre- Despite the mostly internal its incongruity, voted Nationale. for Alleanza programs overwhelmingly successful in Public North. workersthe sector relying on public welfare housewivesand in particular), pensionersand (Amyot 2004), FI-LNthe coalition was forby battle left”. all the families of deployed great capitalism, the Italian to refer “to interests out of andpolitics effectively society rendering classless (Tamas 2001),allowed Fini This was, of course, occurring well before 2001. 2001. “Il Cavaliere ha un sospetto E' stato il guru di Rutelli.” 2001: Shifting horizontal toward securitization With the Center Left in power in 2001, Berlusconi declared that the date of the In the end, the FI inherited the DC’s base of the self-employed, women (and , March 16, 2. Della and Porta Vannucci 2007 26 ), he had pointed vertical 13 . The production of CEU eTD Collection before September 11, securitization discourses coincided with the intensification of internal of intensification the with coincided discourses securitization 11, before September in The a horizontal frequency term nearly attention attracting the threat. towards of quadrupled shouldnot be allowed togovern 2004), (Ginsborg crime in “publicrelation to security” was judiciary 2004). (Ginsborg abi-partisanwhich through towards would agreement work ultimately ensuing demotion of political corruption as a political priority was intentional and enacted inright-leftalternation (2009). power” representation and weakgovernment anecessary towards strengthening of executivethe anda interests hisconflict of influence, was“movingawayfrom or detrimental proportional Leftcontinued argued, the claimItaly, of instead to beingthat by threatened Berlusconi’s like its otherEuropean counterparts, wasa full-fledged democracy. Indeed as Anderson has aEuropean super-state.” Europe, Europe. Theirs is a neo-Stalinist plan. They’ve made a pact to create a Soviet Union of always have... and (in all of Europe) is scared of the domino effect, they are scared to lose fascist. To this, Lega’s leader replied: “The left weaves plots behind the scenes like they the Lega, while Bossi had himself been accused by a European Parliament member of being a provided them power the with to easily change the Constitution, member accordingone to of 15 14 that he would avoid through changes to law and stalling out the statute of limitations which he spoke, was of course, a corruption charge against him, one of many criminal charges As shown through the search engine on the newspapers’ website. About one fifth of all charges are dissolved in this way in Italy (Anderson 2009). La Republicca At a time in which the majority of Italian voters agreed that if found guilty, Berlusconi In reference to the fascist danger of Lega Nord, EU President Prodi insisted that Italy, inlegislation that principle” The leaders fascist of leftthe “enshrined had covertly in 2001 (and would yearly incrementally increase thereafter Della Porta and Vannucci (2007) have shown that the that shown have (2007) Vannucci and Porta Della 27 de-autonomizing the 15 ) as, even 14 . CEU eTD Collection latter has been marked by framing that places the non-EU immigrant where the Southern immigrant once fit, the fit, once immigrant Southern the where immigrant non-EU the places that byframing marked been has latter “restorative project” to the instituionalizationof the European Union’s cosmopolitanvision of citizenship. The 17 inprotesters Genoa andthe killing of CarloGuiliani. 16 security foreign immigrants foreign to Southern from focus horizontal in its ashift by marked been already had framing security Lega’s the As immigrants].” [illegal of clandestini invasion the from island the defend “to whileNorth, its deputy mayor of Lampedusa explained his presence in Southernthe city was intruders, around organizing protests twinthe concepts of “liberty inand expulsion” the weredeployed enemyMeanwhile the against Legamembers criminal organizations”. racist, he declared that immigrants “without the means to live, end up joining unskilled Nolonger forced by“expulsion immigration, accompaniment.” accompanied with an overt citieslocal violence need the tointroduce in illegal represented crimethe Southern of role. To me it seems comparable with that of Sicily of the seventies.” Fini argued that the intrafficking weapons,illegal immigration, has Puglia drugs, cigarettes, taken a geostrategic international in changes in the that understand to difficult not is “It city. his in Mafia you callwhat it” explainedmayor one being existence about the after questioned of real the discursively linked tothe ongoing waron organized crime andimmigration.doesn’t “It matter fightit”.enough to of their services. “On one hand we see the Far West but from the other State is not equipped leftmayor called for more police and Carabinieri, and for civilians to make more frequent use andfear.” Thecentre- threat, crime, suffering, by“rampant was threatened to crime” Gela and higher wages was the “only way to restore calm to the population.” Naples too, was “hostage security” andproposed providing that local with morepolice men, equipment, better and Theshift inframing is best described by Kowalscyk Popkewitz and (2005: 425), who link Lega’sthe reactive That same yearmake globally headlines pre-planned policethe with violence againstG8 The Far West image also symbolized crime threat in terms of third-world status, 16 . One centre-right candidate for mayor spoke of the “defeat of the government on government the ofthe “defeatof spoke mayor for candidate . Onecentre-right 17 , the 2001 sample offered an arresting exampleof culture you talk:“If 28 CEU eTD Collection 2.4 2008: The “first freedom” as the symbol of democracy “developing country”. Though without the Socialist party in its coalition, the centre-Left, led an image “destroyed throughout the world” it was again the Cavaliere that would make Italy a economic crisis on an incumbent government seemingly as fractured as it was in 1994. With of the left that "Today there is more fear, more poverty, more insecurity," blaming the leave the freedom of conscience in all situations” (my emphasis). He said that it was because regional integrationdid racism. multicultural model of “unity in diversity” enabling culture talk as much as the historical hierarchal framing of criminals, clandestini, Roma, with tolerance "Zero promise: first platform’s in his explicit of forFreedom.” People namely the power of freedom, vote the “should Italians the conquest, bipolarism, Berlusconi explained that ”the only recipe is a liberal one”. To stop the risk of finally Italy leaderwas going move to toward Asthe a party that of country." and democratic culture and“guistizsmo” of red-judge redforces the that keptItaly from being“a freeWestern by wasstillinto PartitoVeltroni Democratico, and organized the married “horrifying” the to founder. For the rest it is an monarchy with respect to the leader, who is the undisputed one and only, as well as the remained unrestricted as ever, as one quote from my sample shows: “I say that my party is a announcing instreetside posters that“The party Italiansof the is born.” His idea offreedom about xenophobic laws. complainedcalling after “racist” aLegaleader,from announced migrant thelatter Marocco a who invite ourfellow citizens, guilty of being non-Muslim, toleave their neighborhoods,” want tolive in peace,leave Porto Palazzo... The point has come that it is they, the Muslims, That his “security vision took beto the firstfreedom” al (Bigoet 2007) wasmade In 2008election,the formally Berlusconi with united Fini in the Party of Freedom, anarchist party, on issues of ethics and morality,for example, we 29 CEU eTD Collection 18 naming. They moreover, on culturaldepend, and economic fears in relation immigrationto might come with it. To compensate, security discourses have heightened horizontal threat- the missing element of transnationalism could have denied some middle class service jobs that super-poorthe (onein four Italians wholive in on poverty) bottom the (Anderson 2009)— and superrich top the on with toan extreme, hasbeenstretched vertical elite. the Materially, a transnational not is Berlusconi ruler multi-billionaire the as in Italy applicable completely not is though, framework, Friedman’s Roma. and immigrants especially threats, horizontal communitarian, radical and solidaristic working class” (2002). big that the of virtual paralleling industries sustainedthose once disappearance a heartlands in the North has been one of the most dramatic trends of the last twenty years, in its Leftformer of established the “thethe collapse votes, up former working-class retreat from class to identity politics in Italy has been a striking case. With the Lega picking overwhelmingly worked by North Africans.” “The iron furnaces of the Brescian countryside—once a stronghold of the PCI—are now cleaners and caretakers,butmany in worked others factories. Foot explained in 2002 that informal economy, particularly its service sector. Thus many worked serving the rich as traditionally emigration Mostcountry. of them had found in work famouslyItaly’s significant specifically,in the same speech, he promised that if he won, “we will hunt the Romanians” arguing that “sicurezza is not of the right or left,it is the right of every citizen”. More to deploy troops in cities. Veltroni, the center- Left candidate, alsomade security its “first”, with a policy no of open ports andmore severe penalties for repeat offenders” and thepledge La Republicca It is clearsecurity that framing, hassince 1994,been marked by a shifttoward in the arrived had immigrants million two around mid-seventies, the Since , 2008. 30 Again, the post-political Left’s continuous Left’s post-political the Again, 18 . CEU eTD Collection Whatsmore, pre-1989 internal securitization, as well as a striking post-political consensus that fear. popular amidst immigrants, Roma and Roma, and immigrants targets that symbolism security horizontal increasingly through hasbeenanswered which vertical polarization, extreme but classes by transnational not marked is Italy above, discussed theories general Italy, areality. in and, possibility a become has fascism a post-totalitarian that argue I crisis, dual neo-liberal the intensifies further it as mechanisms control social increases latter the that Considering institutionalization internal of markedsecurtity, by of discourses cultural-nationalism. of farin right markedEurope, by of culturediscourses talk, one hand, one tothe labor” (Kalb forthcoming). I then proposed, in relation and to this,sovereignty a side-by-side popular of crisis comparison“dual ensuing of the of out erupt neoliberalisation political fascism. post-totalitarian be considired should, and can, in what in Italy crisis economic meetsthe trend.Thedual been has the crisis reverseshift the in material, while the mobilization, horizontal vertical to from by a shift markedbeen have fascism, to references dispersed about brought thathave all linked elements to the discourses, securitization have aimed show,to notunwarranted. I have attempted here explainto why,in Italy, internal Conclusion opinion-sphere Reid (Angus 2007). Global Monitor public- is,the to That according countries. European other of that far in surpass that Italy Chapter Two, then, presents the case of Italy. Certainly not a mirror image of the In Chapter One Iaimed showto that the insecurities associated with belonging in post- Since the victory of Pdl, the alarm-sounding with which this thesis opened, is, as I 31 CEU eTD Collection Bigo, Didier, Sergio Carrera, Eispeth Guild, and R.B. J. Walker. 2007 Bleahu, Ana.‘“With 2007. yourcalluses on palms they you”:don’t bother Illegal Romanian Bigo, Didier. “Security 2002. and Immigration: TowardaCritique of Governmentalitythe of Benhabib,2007. “Twilight S. of sovereignty oremergence of norms?” cosmopolitan Ashika, M.Yenal. 2005.“Poverty and citizenshipbetween bare life and the political.” Anderson, Perry. 2009. “Italy’s Decline.” New Stateman. May. 2004. Grant. 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West European Politics Methods Critical Discourseof Analysis 37 . http://www.opendemocracy.net/people- August4.Retrieved 12, October 2008 New Review Left The Socialist Register 24: 224-237. Dynamics of Contention Dynamics of 2: 37-45 . Authors Choice . . London, . . Leo New . CEU eTD Collection Cossiga”. NA.“Segni? fumagalli: 1994. Pareunodi beautiful: ombretta Chigi aPlazzo Berlusconio NA.“La 1994. Cgil fa la crestasugli immigrati”. NA.“La 1994. Cgil fa la crestasugli immigrati”. 1994.“SeMazzuca, vincoforsemi farode parte”. Alberto. NA. 1994.“Al pci miliardi 27 di Calvi.” Guiglia, Frederico. 1994. Passalacqua,Guido. 1994. “Bossi announces noto Ppi”. Bocca, Giorgio. 1994.“L’anti without municipalities”. 1994.“Bossi:Guido. are toItaly league”.Passalacqua, underbut Yes the votes Lucchelli, “If 1994. vuole Giuseppe. only woth stia fascisti”. Caporale Antonello. 1994. “Segni Pronto a dire si all abbraccio di Bossi Battistini, 1994 Giorgio. Segni, Mario. 1994. “Bossi, Farsa que...”. Battistini, and 1994.“Purpose Giorgio. berlusconi sponsors premier”. NA. 1994. “ScalforoNA. ppremurose 1994. with troppo Occhetto”. Rimland,1994. "Do Bernard.children's invite shots autism?" andLaRepubblica) IlGiornale (from References 5. Times January January 19, 7. January January 14. 29, 6. Il Giornale , April A1326, , January 24. . La Repubblica, Il Giornale , Jan18, 3 Il Giornale January 26, 7. La Repubblica 38 Il Giornale Il Giornale , 18 Jan. Front pg. La Republica La Republica , January 26, 7. La Repubblica Il Giornale , January 23, 5 , January 23, 5 Los Angeles La Republica , February 11, 1. , Jan 27, 3. , January 15, 5. La Repubblica , February 18, 2. ”. La Repubblica, , February 04, La Republica , January , CEU eTD Collection 2001. “Rutelli: Sui collegi l'ultima parola spetta a me.” parola spetta l'ultima collegi “Rutelli: Sui 2001. 2001. “Quel è un poster fotomontaggio.” 2001. “Devolution? Polemichetta.” Guido Passalacqua. 2001.“Troppe pressioni sulla Consulta ma noi non ci fermiamo, 2001. “E nell' atrio della stazione centrale appare una stele del Cavaliere.” “Belovedfor theSenate2001. shake running onlists.” times 2001. “Duello datadel sulla voto Berlusconi: 13maggio.” 2001. “E Martusciello attacca Rosetta ‘Sfascio dovuto anche al tuo ministero.’” Travaglio, Marco. 2001. “Troppo diverso daDomenico per prendere il suo posto.” Jerkov, Barbara. 2001. “Ora serveve la tregua con Berlusconi.” Curci, Nicola. 2001. “Paure Paure, misteri e avvertimenti dietro la poltrona di sindaco.” Giuglia, Frederico. 1994. “Mino eMariotto non vi credo piu: La facci di Martinazzoli e quella 2001. “Due chili intritolodi Comune, Casadio, Giovanna. 2001. “Basta con l’intolleranza.” populareNA.1994. “Il applaude”. partido NA. 1994.“The leftdreams of a Cuban government”. Cusenza, Virman. 1994. “Gil, come cabbare I lavatortori: Un assessore verde: il sindicato NA. 1994.“Fini ai moderait: pattichiari”. Repubblica March 4, 2. Repubblica Repubblica Repubblica invence noi dobbiamo della di agire,”. politica, un agonozzante illude gli extracomunitari illude gli e snobbainostri extracomunitari disoccupati”. 24. , March 4, 8. , March 6, 2. , March 3, 5. , March 3, 5. La Repubblica La Repubblica La Repubblica Il Giornale Il Giornale 39 , March 4, 8. , January 22. , January 23. , March 3, 5. La Repubblica Il Giornale La , March 5, 11. La Repubblica La Repubblica IlGiornale La Repubblica Repubblica, , January 24, 4. , February 24, 4. , March 5, 11. , March 4, 8. Il Giornale La Repubblica , January 24 March 4, 10. , March 3, 4. La La La , January La , CEU eTD Collection Lussana, Massimiliano. 2001. “Il federalismo dell’Ulivo eantidemocratico.” Gatti, Cristiano. 2001. “Ormai il referendum e partito.” 2001. “Civilian Vigilantes.” 2001. “La denuncia dibossi: ‘Prodi in europa controtrama la lega’.” Gatti, Cristiano. “Ormai il referendum e partito.” 2001. “Borgheziodenunciaper razzismo.” marochinno 2001. “Il Cavaliere ha un sospetto E'statoil guru diRutelli.” security’.” on of government the ‘defeat of “ThemayorBortone Lecce Poli 2001. speaks Griseri, Paul. 2001. “Oggi non ci può essere sviluppo economico senza rispetto del territorio.” Parise, Lello. 2001. “Please, gentlemen, not minimized.” Lorusso, Raffaele. 2001. “Fini E does not lower our guard ‘A Bari and Puglia in the mafia’.” “Campagna dei da gente fatta 2001. elettorale La clan.” Repubblica, March11,2. Ficarelli, Ilaria. 2001. “Qui non esiste Èa Catania e Palermo.” Ragone, Ottavio. 2001. “Jervolino, sfida del voto pulito.” 2001. “Gela, the city burning.”of Ragone, Ottavio. 2001. “La Jervolino el’ ostruzionismo del Polo ‘Boicottate le misure 2001. “Ore 21,lezione di conflitti.” elettorale.” “Sicurezza, caso 2001. Ottavio. Ragone, Ragone, Ottavio. 2001. “Security, electoral event.” Repubblica La Repubblica La Repubblica, anticrimine’.” , March 15, 9. La Repubblica , March 15, 3. March 15, 4. Il Giornale Repubblica La Repubblica , March 6, 2. , March 4, 5. , March 11, 1. 40 Il Giornale , March 7, 5. La Repubblica La Il Giornale Repubblica Il Giornale La Repubblica La Repubblica , March 4, 2. La Repubblica La Repubblica , March 6, 2. , January 10, 6. , March 6, 2. , March 4, 2. Il Giornale , March 15, 5. , March 11, 4. , March 16, 2. Il Giornale , March 11, 2. , March 12. , .., 3. La CEU eTD Collection Castelletti, Sergio. 2001. “Venti feriti e tre aresti per il tentato assaltodegi ultra a leghisti.” Lussana, Massimiliano. 2001. “Il federalismo dell’Ulivo eantidemocratico.” Gatti, Cristiano. 2001.“Ormai il referendum e partito.” 2001. “Borgheziodenunciaper razzismo.” marochinno “Campania2001. Berlusconi.” Boccaccio, Paul. 2001. “Il vicesindaco contro l' alfiere del Vaticano.” 2001. “Rutelli: Partita aperta il“Rutelli:e cominciato aperta 2001. Partita sorpasso.” polemiche.” e solidarietà “Emma, 2001. 2001. “La denuncia dibossi: ‘Prodi in europa controtrama la lega’.” 2001. “La sinistra e statalista temme li’individuo.” temme statalista e “La sinistra 2001. Cesaretti, Laura. 2001. “Il centrosinitra e debole, nella coalizione regna disordine.” 2001. “Il altropolo., truffatto duevolte, nonedisponibile anuovi raggiri.” 2001. “Il altropolo., truffatto duevolte, nonedisponibile anuovi raggiri.” Telese, Luca. 2001. “La sinistra insists: We don’t agree with federalism.” Telese, Luca. 2001. “Rutelli fa la corte a bertinotti mastella infuri.” 2001. “Dini2001. Rafficadi ‘occupa’ laFarnesina: Eletorale.” Nomine Giornale March 4, 3. 4. 6, 3. 6, Giornale 6, 3. 6, 6, 2. 6, , March 4, 9. , March 10. La Repubblica La Repubblica , May 3, 2. 41 Il Giornale , May 3, 8. Il Giornale Il Giornale La Repubblica , March 6, 4. Il Giornale , March 4, 2. , January 10, 6. Il Giornale Il Giornale La Repubblica , May 3, 5. Il Giornale Il Giornale Il Giornale , March 5, 6. Il Giornale , March 5, 7. , March 12. Il , May 3, , March , March , March , Il CEU eTD Collection Cesaretti, Laura. 2001. “Il centrosinitra e debole, nella coalizione regna disordine.” Giornale , March 10. 42 Il