The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia in a State of Uncertainty
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: from Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset*
164 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 2/2016 Populism and Progressive Social Movements in Macedonia: From Rhetorical Trap to Discursive Asset* LJUPCHO PETKOVSKI AND DIMITAR NIKOLOVSKI** Abstract Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times. In the 2009–2012 period, smaller groups of citizens rallied around issues as different as protection of public spaces, police brutality, rising prices of electricity, etc. Yet, it was not before the larger student mobilizations took place in 2014 that the social space significantly opened up with a number of social groups protesting the increasingly authoritarian rule of the il- liberal incumbents. In this paper, we investigate and compare the discursive strategies of the social movements (SM) in the two periods, especially the shift from ‘anti-populist rhetorical trap’ from the first period to the broader appeals for solidarity and a construction of equivalences which charac- terized the second period. In so doing, we hypothesize and demonstrate that the relative success in the second period can be accounted for in terms of the more inclusive discourse which helped SM avoid the ‘anti-populist trap’, thus challenging illiberal populism with progressive and (formally) populist discourse. Theoretically, the analysis goes back and forth between two approaches to stud- ying populism: the dominant theory which sees populism as democratic illiberalism and Laclau’s theory of hegemony that sees populism as a formal political logic with no predetermined ideological content. Keywords: Macedonia; populism; social movements; anti-populist rhetorical trap DOI: 10.5817/PC2016-2-164 1. Introduction Since 2009, Macedonia has experienced the two largest waves of progressive civic activism in post-socialist times. -
General Elections in Macédonia 5Th June 2011
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN MACEDONIA 5th june 2011 European Elections monitor Four months of Parliamentary boycott by the opposition lead Nikola Gruevski to convene early Corinne Deloy general elections in Macedonia Translated by Helen Levy On 15th April the Sobranie, the only Chamber of Parliament in Macedonia, was dissolved by 79 of the ANALYSIS 120 MPs and early general elections were convened for 5th June by Macedonian Prime Minister Nikola 1 month before Gruevski (Revolutionary Organisation-Democratic Party for National Unity (VMRO-DPMNE). According the poll to the electoral law the election has to be organised within 60 days following dissolution. This decision follows the political crisis that Macedonia has been experiencing since the beginning of 2011. An early election after political crisis The VMRO-DPMN qualified the opposition forces decision “as a crime contrary to the interests of Macedonia and Indeed since 28th January the opposition forces – the its perspective for a European future.” “The irresponsible Social Democratic Union, SDSM and the Albanian Demo- behaviour of some politicians may ruin the results that cratic Party, PDA-PDSh (i.e. 38 MPs in all) – decided to we have achieved,” declared parliament’s spokesperson boycott the sessions of Parliament in protest against the Trajko Veljanovski who denounced the ‘artificial political freezing of the bank accounts of media tycoon Velij Aram- crisis’ created by the opposition parties. kovski, owner of the TV channel A1 and the newspapers The SDSM which indicated that it would not give up its Vreme, Shpic and E Re. Velij Aramkovski was arrested with boycott of Parliament announced that it would take part 16 of his employees in December 2010; he is accused of in the next general elections. -
The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: the Macedonian Question—Resolved?
Nationalities Papers (2020), 48: 2, 205–214 doi:10.1017/nps.2020.10 ANALYSIS OF CURRENT EVENTS The Macedonian “Name” Dispute: The Macedonian Question—Resolved? Matthew Nimetz* Former Personal Envoy of the Secretary-General of the United Nations and former Special Envoy of President Bill Clinton, New York, USA *Corresponding author. Email: [email protected] Abstract The dispute between Greece and the newly formed state referred to as the “Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia” that emerged out of the collapse of Yugoslavia in 1991 was a major source of instability in the Western Balkans for more than 25 years. It was resolved through negotiations between Athens and Skopje, mediated by the United Nations, resulting in the Prespa (or Prespes) Agreement, which was signed on June 17, 2018, and ratified by both parliaments amid controversy in their countries. The underlying issues involved deeply held and differing views relating to national identity, history, and the future of the region, which were resolved through a change in the name of the new state and various agreements as to identity issues. The author, the United Nations mediator in the dispute for 20 years and previously the United States presidential envoy with reference to the dispute, describes the basis of the dispute, the positions of the parties, and the factors that led to a successful resolution. Keywords: Macedonia; Greece; North Macedonia; “Name” dispute The Macedonian “name” dispute was, to most outsiders who somehow were faced with trying to understand it, certainly one of the more unusual international confrontations. When the dispute was resolved through the Prespa Agreement between Greece and (now) the Republic of North Macedonia in June 2018, most outsiders (as frequently expressed to me, the United Nations mediator for 20 years) responded, “Why did it take you so long?” And yet, as protracted conflicts go, the Macedonian “name” dispute is instructive as to the types of issues that go to the heart of a people’s identity and a nation’s sense of security. -
Mass Surveillance Endangers Freedom of Expression in Macedonia
Mass Surveillance Endangers Freedom of Expression in Macedonia Metamorphosis, the IFEX member from Macedonia, expressed grave concern about the publicly announced allegations of mass and unauthorized surveillance of citizens, performed through criminal association and official misconduct in the state institutions and/or influential corporations. Invasions of privacy directly affect freedom of expression in Macedonia, and fueling the overall climate of fear and silence. "The right to privacy is an extremely important human right, and the threat to privacy is also a direct threat to our freedom. Authorities must make the decisions on wiretapping and surveillance in accordance with the applicable laws. Those decisions must not be arbitrary decisions made by individuals who have the power to do so. The allegations for mass eavesdropping of more than 20,000 citizens are very serious and the public must seek responsibility from the relevant institutions"‐ said Bardhyl Jashari, director of the Metamorphosis Foundation. Metamorphosis reminded the public that the protection of privacy, the protection of personal data, and the protection of human rights related to freedom and dignity that may be violated by eavesdropping, is stipulated by the Constitution of the Republic of Macedonia and protected by number of laws, including the Law on Personal Data Protection, while the Criminal Code sanctions unauthorized wiretapping. On the other hand, the 2014 European Commission Progress Report on the Republic of Macedonia indicated that it is necessary to further adjust the sector‐specific laws in order to fully comply with the European regulations on personal data protection. Setting the protection of privacy as a priority in building an information society, Metamorphosis has since 2004 publicly indicated, on a number of occasions, the possibility for abuse due to the lack of mechanisms for supervision over institutions that have the capacity to conduct eavesdropping by the Parliament. -
A Perfect Storm: Macedonia's Political Chaos and the Refugee Crisis
A perfect storm: Macedonia’s political chaos and the refugee crisis blogs.lse.ac.uk/europpblog/2016/01/28/a-perfect-storm-macedonias-political-chaos-and-the-refugee-crisis/ 1/28/2016 Macedonia has been experiencing a prolonged political crisis, with the country’s Prime Minister, Nikola Gruevski, resigning in January this year ahead of new elections intended to be held in April. Dejan Marolov writes on the roots of the crisis and how the present standoff between the ruling party and the opposition has developed. He argues that resolving the political stalemate will be vital if Macedonia is to meet a number of key challenges it faces, such as the country’s location on one of the main routes for asylum seekers and migrants to travel into northern Europe. The Republic of Macedonia is facing possibly the toughest political crisis in its existence (if we exclude the armed conflict from 2001). As a result of the crisis, which was initiated by a phone tapping scandal, an EU-mediated agreement, known as the ‘Przino agreement’, was reached between the main political parties in July 2015 to undertake a series of measures to resolve the situation. This was to culminate in new, fair and democratic elections, which were set for April 2016. The resignation of the country’s Prime Minister, Nikola Gruevski, was part of this agreement – and it was this element that generated a particularly large level of attention. The roots of the current crisis Gruevski has been Prime Minister from mid-2006, which means he has governed the country for almost 10 years. -
Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs
Macedonia: Defusing the Bombs Crisis Group Europe Briefing N°75 Skopje/Brussels, 9 July 2015 I. Overview Macedonia is reeling from two shocks. Amid a scandal over leaked wiretaps revealing a state apparatus captured and corrupted by the leading party, a battle in ethnically mixed Kumanovo between police and ethnic-Albanian gunmen, many from Kosovo, caused the region’s worst loss of life in a decade. Unless addressed urgently, the double crisis (government legitimacy/regional security) carries risk that could extend to violent confrontation, perhaps in worst case to elements of the conflict narrowly averted in 2001. Discredited national institutions cannot cope alone. The opposition has broken off talks on a European Union (EU) mediated deal between parties for reforms and early elections that deadlocked, substantially over whether the prime minister, in power since 2006, must resign and the time a transitional government would need to level the field. The EU must press for a comprehensive agreement addressing the state capture and alleged corruption, including independ- ent investigation and monitoring with international help. Macedonia and Kosovo, also with aid, should jointly investigate Kumanovo. In February 2015, the main opposition party began publishing excerpts from what it said was an illegal wiretap program leaked by unidentified persons. The massive surveillance, from at least 2010 to 2014, seems to have targeted thousands, including nearly all top opposition and government officials, as well as ambassadors and media figures. The fraction of published wiretaps focus on what appear to be conversations of senior government persons plotting to subvert elections, manipulating courts, controlling a nominally independent press and punishing enemies. -
The New Face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ Identity Dilemma
Paper prepared for the Sixth Euroacademia International Conference Re-Inventing Eastern Europe Belgrade, 27 – 28 January 2017 This paper is a draft Please do not cite or circulate 1 Make Macedonia great again! The new face of Skopje and the Macedonians’ identity dilemma. Piacentini Arianna University of Milan [email protected] Abstract For long time, the existence and the nature of the Macedonian nation have been contested by Macedonia’s neighbours - particularly Greece and Bulgaria. With the establishment of Tito’s Yugoslavia Macedonia became a federal unit and its inhabitants, the Macedonians, a constituent nation. However, the Yugoslav decades seems to have been only a buffer-time period, and identity disputes re-emerged in 1991 with Macedonia’s declaration of independence. A huge debate with Greece started over the use of the term Macedonia but, more profoundly, over the symbolical meaning and national importance of all that the term Macedonia symbolizes. From 2010, the Macedonian government has undertaken a project called “Skopje 2014”, aimed to renew the capital city Skopje not only by adopting neo-baroque style and building statues but also renaming the major streets, the stadium, the airport and the schools after the names of alleged ancestors lived in “a glorious past”. Hence, the project has gradually shaped, and changed, not only the identity of Skopje but the one of the Macedonian nation more generally, producing new national narratives. The importance in analysing what seemed to be a simple urban renovation lays, therefore, in a devious identity politics whose narrative is emphasizing a direct descent of the Macedonian people from Alexander the Great. -
To Download a PDF of an Interview with H.E. Nikola Gruevski, Prime
INTERVIEW VIEW Blacksands Pacific Group, Inc. Interview INTEGRITY – one of the fastest growing and INTER Macedonia’s COMMITMENT most dynamic energy companies in the United States – will soon be making a DYNAMISM series of announcements about Advantages far-reaching global partnerships that will produce and deliver energy An Interview with efficiently around the world. H.E. Nikola Gruevski, Prime Minister of Macedonia improvements in Additionally, we created free economic the quota system zones with a tax holiday in the fi rst 10 years for and the admin- companies operating there. This is an important Oil and Gas Exploration & Production istration, and in advantage. the fight against We’re also a small country with two million Crude Oil and Petroleum Products Trading corruption and people within 25,000 square kilometers, but we Gas and Power H.E. Nikola Gruevski criminals. have free trade agreements with all countries in The fifth of Europe except Russia. This means everything EDITORS’ NOTE Nikola Gruevski has been the our top priorities is education; not only that is produced in Macedonia can be exported Prime Minister of Macedonia since August 2006, fi nding ways to improve its quality but also to those countries without paying custom du- and has led the ruling VMRO-DPMNE party making education easier and more ac- ties. Products produced in Macedonia get the since May 2003. He was Minister of Finance in cessible for all citizens across the country. same treatment in any country in continental the VMRO-DPMNE government until September Connected to this is also innovation, and Europe except Russia. -
Macedonia Name Issue: the Bucharest Summit Syndrome Redux
Macedonia name issue: The Bucharest Summit Syndrome Redux 03.12.2009 From Skopje, Risto Karajkov nathangibbs/flickr According to the European Commission, Macedonia is ready for the accession negotiations, but needs to solve the dispute with Greece first. Despite some positive signals between Skopje and Athens, like the meeting between Gruevski and Papandreou, the country expects a further disappointment Macedonia is reliving its Bucharest syndrome. With just days away from the meeting of the European Council, scheduled for 10-11 December, when a decision should be made whether to open accession negotiations with Skopje, political fever in the country is on the rise. In its recent annual progress report, the European Commission (EC) suggested Macedonia was ready for starting accession talks with the EU. Now the European Council must make the political decision – to accept the EC’s recommendation and set a date for the opening of the talks. However, a big obstacle remains: Greece’s resolve to veto Macedonia’s integration until resolution of the 18-year old issue of Macedonia’s name. A similar situation occurred in spring 2008, when during the NATO summit in Bucharest, Macedonia hoped until the very last moment that something – help from allies, or a sheer miracle – would allow it into the NATO alliance despite Greece’s objection. The miracle did not materialize, and Greece effectively exercised its power and kept Macedonia from joining NATO. Many in Macedonia were disappointed. The country entered a period of political crisis, which in turn led to early national elections. The stock market declined seriously in response to the excessive political gloom. -
The West's Responsibility in Macedonia
No Stability without Accountability – The West’s Responsibility in Macedonia A DPC Policy Paper by Kurt Bassuener Sarajevo, June 2015 http://democratizationpolicy.org A report from Democratization Policy Council Author: Kurt Bassuener Editing: DPC Editorial Board Sarajevo June 2015 http://democratizationpolicy.org TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS .............................................................. I MACEDONIA’S JOURNEY ............................................................................................................................. 1 GRUEVSKI IN POWER .................................................................................................................................. 4 INTERNATIONAL FACTOR: PERVERSE SYMBIOSIS, AUTHORITARIAN DRIFT ............................................... 13 CONCLUSION AND RECOMMENDATIONS ................................................................................................. 16 http://democratizationpolicy.org EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND SUMMARY OF RECOMMENDATIONS1 The Republic of Macedonia (hereinafter “Macedonia”), once considered an island of relative stability in a troubled region, is now once again in the news, for the first time in almost a decade and a half, on account of internal turmoil. The hostility or opportunism of Macedonia’s neighbors has in the past decade abetted the degeneration of an already clientelistic domestic political culture into one in which neo-authoritarianism has taken strong hold.2 The Social Democratic Union of -
Macedonia, Serbia and the European Border Regime
Barbara Beznec Marc Speer GOVERNING Marta Stojić Mitrović THE BALKAN ROUTE: MACEDONIA, SERBIA AND THE EUROPEAN BORDER RegIME Research Paper Series of Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Europe 5 1 2 Barbara Beznec Marc Speer Marta Stojić Mitrović Governing the Balkan Route: Macedonia, Serbia and the European Border Regime 1 Impresum Barbara Beznec, Marc Speer, Marta Stojić Mitrović Governing the Balkan Route: Macedonia, Serbia and the European Border Regime Izdavač/Publisher: Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Europe Urednica/Editor: Wenke Christoph Lektora i korektura/Proofreading: Joost van Beek Dizajn/Layout: шkart Fotografije/Photos: Marc Speer Tiraž/Circulation: 1.000 Štampa/Print: Standard 2, Beograd, decembar 2016. Godina izdanja/Publishing year: 2016 In cooperation with bordermonitoring.eu e.V. Supported by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Europe with funds from the German Federal Foreign Office. This publication or parts of it can be used by others for free as long as they provide a proper reference to the original publication. The content of this publication does not necessarily reflect the official opinion of the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung. Responsibility for the information and views expressed therein lies with the authors. 2 Research Paper Series of Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung Southeast Europe No.5 3 1. Introduction Before summer 2015, the prevailing representation of irregularized migration to the EU concerned maritime migration routes. The dom- inant images depicted overcrowded boats in distress and tragedies like the capsizing of a boat just off the coast of Lampedusa on 3 Oc- tober 2013, when more than 300 people drowned. In summer 2015, however, the focus in the portrayal of migration shifted abruptly to the Balkan route. -
Freedom House, Its Academic Advisers, and the Author(S) of This Report
Macedonia By Jovan Bliznakovski Capital: Skopje Population: 2.08 million GNI/capita, PPP: $14,310 Source: World Bank World Development Indicators. Nations in Transit Ratings and Averaged Scores 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 National Democratic 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.75 5.00 4.75 Governance Electoral Process 3.50 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.50 3.75 4.00 4.00 Civil Society 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.25 3.50 3.25 3.25 3.25 Independent Media 4.25 4.25 4.50 4.75 4.75 5.00 5.00 5.25 5.25 5.00 Local Democratic 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 3.75 4.00 4.00 4.00 Governance Judicial Framework 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.25 4.25 4.50 4.75 4.75 and Independence Corruption 4.25 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.00 4.25 4.25 4.50 4.75 4.75 Democracy Score 3.86 3.79 3.82 3.89 3.93 4.00 4.07 4.29 4.43 4.36 NOTE: The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. If consensus cannot be reached, Freedom House is responsible for the final ratings. The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest.