History of the Mountain People of Southern Indochina up to 1945

Home , Annamite Range, Auguste Pavie, Battle of Phu Lam Tao, Dali (crater), Funan, Gia Long

HISTORY OF THE

MOUNTAIN PEOPLE , OF SOUTHERN INDOCHIfNA

Age~lcyfor Tnterbntltionixl Dovelop ment Washington, D.C.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE OIVISIOW 8F LAICUAQE SEWVICES

CIlAFTER ONE

THE COUNTW

:PA GE; 3.. Main Struc-tnral. Features of the Mountainous Regions ...... 1 2. The Tribes of .the kiLerG.or E'or.merl:y Occupied the Coa.sta1 Plains of Central and SouLhern Viet,nam ...... , ...... 2 3. The Hi.nterland ...... 3 4. Doundar*ies of .the tIinteubland ...... , . 11 5 , The Central Plateau of hLndochj.n.a and the (;~:ri.L~*a.i.Depressior! 5

I. Mountain .People of the NorLh and. the Sou.th ...... 2. Fi.rbst Historical Record of -the Mountain PeopLf...... 3. 0r:igins o.f the Moun'tain I'eop1.e ...... 4.. Melanesians ...... ,...... *... 5. Indonesians .....,...... ,.....o,.a...... +... 6 . Mourrtain People of Southern Ind.ochina 12el.al;ed to Coastal I'eopl-es of the Pacific ...... 7. Diversity of the Mountain Peop1.e ...... , . *. .

CIIBPTER 111

THE SETTmG OF l3-E MPS AND THEIR mU.TIONS WITH NEIaIBORLNG COIJNTRES

1. In Ancient Times ...... 2. Relztions with India ...... ,...... *...

3 4 First Hindu Se.ttlements and their Effects ...... 4.. Funan ...... a...... o.. 5. Hinduized Indonesians and Indonesians of the Mountains . . 6. The Champa ...... ,...... ,.e.....a...... ~... 7. Ekpansion of -the Champa ...... a.. 8. Resistance by the Earlier Coastal 1lwell.ers ...... 9 Trade and Wars ...... ,...... ~....t... LO. The Cham and the Mountain People ...... 11. Influence of the Mountain People on the Cham ...... u..Characteristics of the Cham Occupation and its Beriefits

13 3. The Vietnamese ...... ,...... ~.4,~....e CHAPTER IV

FIRST CONFEDEMTIONS OF MOUNTAIN PE0PI.B

1. Formation and Differentiation of Dialects ...... 20 2 . Fan Wen ...... 21 3 . The Principality of the Ma ...... 22 4 . The Jarai and their "Sadet" ...... 22 5 . The Patau Pui and the Cambodians ...... 23

CEIAPTER V

MOUPaTAIN TZEGIONS CAUGIT ElWER WARRmG KHMERS AND CHAM FROM .11th TO -L5th CENTURY

I.. AreaIiuled'bytkleKhmers ...... 25 2 . The Pla-teaus. Battler ield 01' Lhe Warring Khmer and Cham . Peop1.e~...... 26 3. Western Part of the Plateaus Occupied by the Cham ...... 27 & . IJoss of .the Iijnterland by the Cham ...... 30

THE %:AS?'EFiNPART OF T1-IE: HINTE;mND FROM THE 15th TO SPITE I~EG~NINGOF THE 19i;h CENTURY

The Mountain Peop1.e from .the 15th .to the l7-Lh Century . , .... Waning of the Sadet s Inf 1-uence ...... Downfa1.l of .the Che Ma Pri.ricipality ...... The Organization of the Moi. Courstry by .the Vietnamese, and the Expansion of Vietnam Toward .the South ...... Aim and Proce&u.res of .the Viei.namese Administration ...... Adminis.tra.t5.ve and. I?iscal. Organization ...... Commercial. Organization ...... e.,... The IZevolt of 1761 ...... The Tay Son and .the Mountain People ...... The Administrative Achievements of Gia Long ...... The Vietnamese, the Cham and the Mountain People of Binh Thuan Province . Po Cheun Chan ......

CIUYI'ER VII

THE WSTEIW PART OF 'ME HINmRIABD FROM THE 15th TO TEE EARLY 19th CENTUEIY

1. Slave Raids ...... 53 2 . The Retreat of .the Khmers ...... 54 3 . The Advance of the Laotians ...... 55 4. Siam and Laos at War ...... 56 5 . The Siamese Invasion ...... 57 6 . Revolts ...... 58 TElE MOUIVI'ABQ PEOPLE FROM TIE RESrmMTION OF THE NGWEN IN ANMM UfaTIL 1859

The Stieng Panduranga ...... a...-a-... Son Phong : the Mi.1itary A ccornp1iskunen.t s; Pisca.1. Reorg:iyij.~,a,- tion; Admrinis-trative Iteorganization; Trade arid !;i~rrui~i::~-cc. .. The 'i'ribes of -the HighLa.nci PLa-tet~us: Sedarig , Bahnn.r, Jarai, Iihade, etc...... Establishment o.C the Ca.thol.j.c Mit;sion in lior~tun~......

The Mounl;,air\ People Du.r:i.~ig the 1:'rench Occuyti.t:j.o!. cj I' Cochi-rl-.Ch.i.riil...... Tay Ninh ...... 1'o.u Combo ...... a;+e.+ r,ihe Canbod.i.n.r:i:; a-L Srelc !E"kv-~ri ...... 'I'he MLssi-on 01.' A. (;an't,:ier ...... !The Mouri-La.:i.ri '1'r:ibtis i.n -the Annc-trn:i-1,s Il.t,&'.71 or1 :3 * . . - , . . 'S.'huan Klianh ...... IS.ua.ng Ngai...... ,...... ,.....~..e.,...... sa-.e. Se F3ang Iii.erig ...... ,..,...... The Mi.s:c:ion ......

Revolt of the Sc)?o.l.aro ...... Siamese Encroachment ...... The Koritum Mission ...... 'The Balilriar-Roxigao Coni'edera Lior~ ...... Mxyrena ...... ,...... e*.,h. The Pavie Mission ...... Cupet ...... Se Dori and Se Barigg 1i:i.eng ......

:I.89.3-1925 mSITANCY - CONT'US1:ON - mTIGATS '.PE.Ti-iE APOSTLES AhTD TIE VICTmS

Revolt of Phu Yerl (1900) ...... The Bo:l.ovens (%901--07) ...... Assassirlation of IIo'be.ri; at .the River Psi Post (1.901) . . , , . The Jarai. 'The Sa.det. Lose Thei.r Prestige ...... A ssassinati.on of Oderid ha:/- ...... Orgai?i.zation of the Iiinterlarid ...... The Pi.oneers ...... Me Sao ,...... ,,,.~...~.L....L..L.~..~n.~...o The End of the Son Phong ...,...... ,...,...... e..e..e* Sabatier ...... ,...... e...... ~+e...... *.a The Southern Hinterland ...,,.....,..,...... ,,.....,,.,t

I'A. CIF ICATJON

The Circular of July 30, 192% ...... At the Frontiers of Cochin-China--Progress and Incidents Agitation in Kontum ...... The Kha Th ...... LS 110. 51833 C/R-XVII French

The present study, bepn in 1951, was conti.nt.ted at the suggestion of H,E. the Director of the Inlperial Cabinet, Having 23.ved for the past three years far from the plateaus of the "montagnards" and the libraries of Saigon and Hanoi, I have been unable to continue my documentation beyond 1945-46, and I therefore chose, this point: at ,which to break off my narrative. This accounts for the absence of references to disposi~.i.ons and docunlents compiled by authority of the Imperial Cabinet: and of his

Majesty.

My thanks are due to Mrc Fraa~oisPaul. Antoine, H, M, Commissio~~er for the Education of the WS, who was kind enough to encourage this paper, review the text:, and give me the benefit of his val-uable experience with the mountain tribes,

The geographi.ca1 sketches are reproduced by courtesy of Mr. Delacour,

Assistant to the Director of the Ptxb1i.c Works Department in Phnom I?cnh, and of 'Messrs. Bui-Quang-Tra and Nguyen-Bao-Loc, both engineers with the

Cambodian Public Works Department. I should lilce in this foreword to place on record my sincere gratitude to them,

Bernard Bourotte

DEPARTMENT OF STATE DlVlSlON OF Lh#CUhQE SERVICES

LS ~0.54701 T-~~/K-zv French

Appendix

Index of Vietnamese Names

Maps Page Fj g. I - The "mc,nLagnardl' peoples of SouLhcrn rndochina ...... 1

" 2 - Fi.ghti.ng .i.n [:lie vicini.Ly of Yal-i ..,...... ;? 9

" 3 - Search for eaglewood ...... Ir :?

" 5 - 'The S6 l3ang I4i$ng Region...... 56

" 6 - The Son Phong ...... 61

" 7 - Movenlerit of the tri bc?s Ilrom the 1.81Jil Iro the 79th centllry . . 67

" 8 - Wginnings oE the I

" LO - Pavi-e Mi-ssion. Cupet's 1.ti.nerary ...... 91

" 11. - Southern Hint:erland...... 11 6

1 27 " 1.2 - Operations - 1945-1947 ......

THE ZlISTOKY OF 'CIZE MOUNTAIN PEOPLE

OX;' SOUTIERN TNDOCHTNA UP 1'0 1.945

CWP%'ElI ONE

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7.'1.112 C otIwrl

1. MAIN STKIJCTUIUL FEATURES OF rIlilJ3 MOUNTAINOIJS 1IEG:CONS

The mountains of Asia are t:he highest in the world.

In prelti.:;toric tin~e?the southernmost of these rallges were thrust: against the very anc.i.ent , tltick, resistant mass:i.E of sou tlzerrl Ch:i.na,

'[.'heir mountain folds, close-packed ant1 deflected toward the croutll, extend

.L .L across T.ndoclii.ua until they reach a fracture marked by the, Ai.1.ao" Pass and the course of the Se Bang Itieng river.

South of this line, whi.ch runs close to the 17th parallel N, the physl.cal. structure of Indoch.i.ria changes : in contrast to t:he close successio~l of parall.e:l. fol.ds fotmd In the north, souti~ernZndoc11j.ni~ resembles a vast sandstone tableland, Starting from the east, it slopes gent1.y toward the

Melcong in a series of broad tiers punctui~teclby smaller steps.

Like that of the 1~k1ssi.l:Ceutral. i.11 France, the ens tern edge of this p:Lateau drops away abrupt:Ly to the east, as a result oE earlier subsi.detlce,, onto the coastal plain of:' Vietnam, When seen from the open sea, this escarpnent 1001~s like a gigantic wall and is son~eti.mesmj.stalcet1 for a mountain range. Li.ke our Massif Central., the Lndochl.~.iesep3.a t:eau contains extinct volcalzoes, in some of whose craters pl.ncid lnlces may be round; subsidence has hol.l.owed out the? sur.face sandstone to form occasional marshy depres sions , some of whi.ch have been developed as irri.gated paddyfields. (1)

*For technical. reasons, the names that appear in this essay in tlie guoc-gnu tra11sliteration have been wri.t:ten without diacritics. For those of our readers who are interested in their exact orthography, we inc%ude as an appendix an alphabeti.cal list of all these names. N.I).L.R. (1) This tectonic foreland, to use the term proposed by geologisLs to describe souther11 Indochina, has the advantage of coinciding approximately with the region inhabited by the mountain people of the soutli. Care should be taken iiot pursue this comparison between southern Indochina and the Massif Central of France too far. it was i.ntroduced here for the sake f simpl!.ficatton as well. as to combat the 13elie.E in the existence of an 'Annam~tIC ~ha1n"'- not to say cordillera - wlii.ch text:bookr; and maps imported from France seem una11l.e to shed. Unlike the Massi.f Central. of France wt1:iclr culmiizates in the southear;;t: the h~ghestelevat~ons In southern ~ndocfiinaare found in the northeast: ok t11.e forelaizd; moreover, the plateaus are covered by a thick layer of sandstone, whereas granite preclomi.nates ill our Massif Central. - 2-

Near the Krong Ana river, the region around Lake Dak Lak provides a

typical example of these ferti.le pockets. Bere and there, on the Bolovens,

Plateau, in Kassex~gcountry, from Kontum to the soutlzern part of the

1)arJ.a~Plateau, on the Djiring plateau and the slopes of the Zof ty

Chhlong, the red and black topsoils of the depressions, formed by the decomposition of the basalts, are used for crop growing and nowadays even plantations.

These scattered enclaves of fertility stand out in sharp contrast

against the remainder of the higl~lands, which bristle with impenetrable

jungle, and against Lhe vast expanses of savanna11 anil sparse woodland.

These plateaus, these seemingly infi.nite tracts of for the most part poor

land, are now the Zioine of the mountain people whose history is su.nunarS.zed

it? this study.

2. TI-IE TRIBES OF THE INTERIOIi FOllM'EIILY OCCUPIED THE COASTAL PLAINS OF

CENTRAL AND SOUTFERN VIEYNAH

1.t seems probable that at .first the mountain tril3e:i inhabited the

narrow strip oC low-lying and relatively fertile plains which hugs the

coastline, because some of their 1.egends still speak ol' the sea. I'lrivcn

out by invaders, they rook reiiuge in the mountains, Safe behind the

mountain ra~nparts overhanging the coast, they settled in the hi.ghlands,

where fever and fear of the Spirits reign. The appall-i.ng reputation of

these regions, the forniidable slopes barring access to them, and the

impoverishment of the soil repulsed would-be conquerors and deterred them

from pursuing the fugitives, who had become "mountain people."

This term "mountain people" or Ml'S (_Mountain people of Southern

~ndochina)calls for clarification: t:he WS are not confined to the peaks,

as are the Ka Taouat and the IZa Tu from the sources or the Len and the

Banao, or the Meo, true mountain tribes which came frml SouCh China. To

the Meo, altitude is a necessity; they are not at home at sea level. If

they are forced to stay below about 5,000 ft., their systems react -3- dangerously; in any event, tiley Ilave so far shown little incfi.nation for cultivating irrigated paddyfields. On the other hand, numerous tribes of southern Indochina (the Sr6, Bih, Mnong Rlam of Dak Lak) make excel.lent rice growers; some of tl~em, for example in Quang Ngai, still live in delta areas, By and large, if men from the hinterland llappen to be brought to the coast, t:l.tey are neither surprised nor unduly awed by the sea. More- over, i.f transplanted to the ba~iltsof the Mekong, they generally stand the move very well.. 'Chis happened in the case of some of Po Cheun's companions: driven out of their country by the Jarei., they have Laen thri.vi.lzg for more than 50 years now in the neigl~borhood ul^ Veam Chi Lang in Lower Caliil3odi.a. l'lie Tiorn Pueum and the Bih, too, ,who were c+xpell.ed frau their vil.l.nges by tlie Mnong &cen.g in 1887, settled in lowland areas that had been left vacant by successive wars, raids and :i.~rvasions.

In real.i.ty, theref ore, tl-le mountaln people are pln teau people.

3, 'CTIF HINTER.~CANU

lIint:erlarld is the term applied to the regions o.C the interior that:

lie between the coastal pl.a%ns of the Sout:h China Sea and the banks of

the Mekong.

Prom an altitude of 8,125 ft. at Ataouat in the northeast and of

6,825 ft, on the La M8re et l1I3nfant (Mother and Child) massif, the highest point in. the southeast, t:he land drops away gradual.ly to 1.,950 ft. west

of the Central Plateau anct on1.y a. few hundred feet in the spurs and foot- lriills of this plateau.

The administrative l.imits of i~hepresent-day MPS do not incl.ude aL1

the mountain people of southern Indochina; their territory formerly comprised five provinces. From north to south, these were:

1, IContum, in whi.ch the Rahnar and the Sedang were predominant,

2, Pleiku, inhabited chiefly by the Jarai.,

3. Darlac (Ban Me Timot), .in which the most important groups were

the Rhade and tlle Mnong. 4, Lang Bian and

5, Upper Donnai, both territories belonging to the former pri.ncipa1i.t~

of the Che Ma.

If one were to confine oneself strictly to tlze history of these provinces, sizable groups or undeniable importance wouLd be passed over, for ex,lmple the Da-Vach of Quang Ngai, south of the CoZ des Nuages (Pass of the Clouds), who are traditional pickers of cinnamon and were formerly subjects of the Sonphong in Quang-ngai.

Under cover of the foothills that run seaward from the mountains of

Annarn, mountain people are sometimes round right up to thc sea shore.

111 Binh-din11 (2), Phu-yen, IZhanli-hoa and Ninh-thuan, they occupy large areas, and I:he enti.re western part of these provi.rices is their domain.

In the southwest, the lZuoy, the Mahdi and the Antor are spread out n5, far as the Mekong and even beyond, although they fall outside Llie scope oi' the present ebsay,

4. EOTJNDARTES OF THE IIZNTER'LANI)

To the east, the hinterland begins with the lines of ridges that skirt and clominate the p1ai.n~of central Vietnam. Along this eastern boundary the steep scarp face of the plateau effecti.vely .i.solated arid protecl:ed the fiahnar, the Sedang, the Jarai and the Rl~aile: the boundary is st:r:ikFngJ.y clear-cut. 'l'he races whi.ch inhabit the plateaus have remal.ned relatively pure..

'So the south, the boundary is irregular: it reaches almost to the coast near Ba-ria, then moves northward to beyond the Donnai river.

To tlze east of ttie median course of this river and as far as the

13i.nhthuan extends a region of hills broken by rnarshes, "filthy mudholes" and impenetrable forests. It is here that the Che Ma took refuge after being driven from the plains oi' present-day Vietnam.

(2) Mr. Antoine has visited villages west of the LJ. IIai. valley, where the people, who describe themselves as 13ahnar-Cham and Jarai-Charn, have maintained some relations with their parent stock on the plateaus. -5-

Within the shelter of this "infernal" region, certain groups of Che

Ma managed to retain their original character and qualities for a long time,

Next, the oblique bouildary twists its way toward Ilon-quan. Between

Ta-Lai, situated on the R, Donnai (Done?--Translator), and the Song Be, it slopes gently upward to meet the Central ~lateau.

The same transitional character is foulnd reflected in the inhabitants of this region: they are the Stieng, a people whose original character changed on contact with the Vietnamese and Cambodians, Ease of access attracted outsiders into the area and, in a way, encouraged them to

examine it and finally settle there.

From this quarter, laclting in protection frm the ruountai.ns, the hinterland has frequently been crossed by traders and nligrating tribes,

as well as by otk rs engaged i.n wars and pi.llaging.

5. TEE CEN'CIW, PP,ATEAU OF LNDOCIIINA AND TIlE CENTMI, DEPRESSION The sloping Land of northern Indochina rises toward a region which E has been called the Central Plateau of Indochina, lcnown as the Yok Laych

by tlte people who i.nilabit it, It is here that the Song Be rises and here,

too, is the meeting point of the Three Frontiers (South and Central

Vi.e tncim and Cainl3od la),

%'lie foothil.'l.s oC this plateau extend as far a:; Sre Khi~un~and almost

to 1Crati.e on tlle R, Mekong, Air 3.50 Icm. north of the highest point o.f the

"~okLaych," Lialfway between thc Ya Liau and tho Se San, the terrain dips

to form a depressed area whiclt stretches as far as the outskirts of Koni:um,

These lowlands separate the northern part of the interior from the

mouritains of the south (Darlac, Lang J3ian and the Central Plateau). East

of tlzis intrusion, the width of the high-altitude strip .fran east to west:

barely exceeds one hundred lci.l.o~neters;at no ot,fler point in the whole of

Indochina are the Hi.ghlands so narrow.

The flat hnd along the lower and central reaches of the Srepok is

covered by sparse forest that is virtually uninhabited. The highlands, -6- and with them the mountain people, reappear around the 14th parallel N in the regions watered first by the Se San and then by the Se Kong, the

Se Don and the Se Bang Hieng rivers.

Peaceful invasion by the T'ai came late to thehe parts. The 'broad tributaries of the Mekong (Se San, Se Kong, Se Don and Se Rang Hieng) favored the infiltration of outsiders into the interior. From Stung

Treng to the Se Bang Hieng River, the western edge of the hinterland, which hugs the great river, is never farther than 50 km. from it.

-0-0-0- THE LNIWRLTANTS

1. MOUNTAIN PEOPLE OF TIB NOKTB ANI) T'kE SOSOH

The population of the mountains of northern Indochina consists mainly of groups of Mongol origin, in particular the M.eo, 'Man and Tho tribes, but in between the isolated bl.ocks t:liey fon~zare found tribes whose p11ysLcal type, cus toins and language are reminiscent of the more southerly MCS.

This is true of tlie i3olovells, the Ta Woi ancl the Ka Lu; others wExo live still fertlier nori:ii, e,g. the So, the Sck or tlle Sue, have undergol~e the in.Cluence of tile l,aotians, whose :Language they speak in addition to [:heir own, whi.cli appears to be oli Moll-l

K11a peopl.c, as they are cal.l.ed by tile 'L,anti.tins, are found i.n tlle north as far as Nape, and even beyonrl the 'I'rnil-ninh.

?:'lie limest:onc rna:jsi.E of Kebang, howc?ver, si.tuatad west of Dong-hoi, forms a nat-z~ralbarrier between the people of the 110rth and of tlle soutii.

1 sfiall be inent.:i.oning the former oitly i.nciclent:illy, :is tiley are iIound i.11 small.ish group:; and little i.s kn0~1-1of 1:l-iem; 1:lley are not part of tlie MPS and t11ei.r history .i.s bo1.1nd up niorc wi.t.l~ Laos. My st~rdywill. he concerned to sollie extent wit.11 tl~etribes now dwellitlg soutll of the Icehang massi.f, but above all wi.tl~ the pe0p:l.e wllo arc liound sout:h of tlie 1.6th paral.:lel, wil.icll runs tchrough tllc approachc?~to Da Nang (iCournne) and the Col. des

Nuages (l'as:; of the Cl.ot1cls).

2, FIRST IiISTOIlICAT, RECORD OF 'I'llD MOUNTAIN PEOI'1,E

European maps make 110 mention of the mountain people until the 27th century, in 1645 to be precise, It was the missioriari.es who first revealed

tl-ieir existence. 'rhe first peop1.e they recorded on their maps were the Moi..

Naturally, in showing Europe ttiiit: these peop1.c~existed they gave them a name. The Chinese, tlie Vi.etnamese and the Cham ltncw of them because they

had I-lad to fight: agai.nst them to the west of the coastal plains of Vietnam, -8- but on the whole they did not differentiate among the various tribes which we distinguish there today,

The Chinese referred to then1 under the coll.ective name of K'ouen

Louen; the Vietnamese under that of Moi Tliuoc and Moi Da-Vech, according to whether or not they were subject to the Icing of Hue; and the Cham under that of M'Lecchas (savages) or Kiratas (hill people), However, the Cham, wtlo of all the peop1.e of the plains became the most actively involved in the life of the highland people, already Itnew the Rhade, the

Jarai and the Ma,

3. ORIGINS OF TfE MOUNTAIN PEOPTJE

Where do tliesc pcoples spring from? Even they do not know. Some

13ill and Kliade Legends clai-m they emerged from the bowels of the eert:h tl~roug'nthe Bang Itiregne hole, The I3olovens, Alalc and some 01 the Iiliade, according to their own traditions, or i glna red in Vientiane or Muong 'rheng

(Dien 13ien Plzu). Let us remember simply Lhat they claim to come from the north; the most intriguing of these legends suggest that tlle peoples lzow inhabi.ting the plateaus of the interior first lived along the seashore.

O[:her (Alalc) versions indicate tha t they came from islands in tlic Pac2.f ic

Ocean that have now vai~isiiedbeneath the waters.

'Uhis ~?art::i.c~ilarversi.on, which tallies fairly closely w:i.th present

geological data, would a3.so serve to explain the Eamill.arity wl~.i.ch springs up so clui.ckly between the niountain folk and the sea; at the same

tioie, it would account for disconcerting sirni.larities between certain people on the Asiatic and American seaboards of the Pacific Ocean.

"The most obvious conclusion to draw from this fact is that the

original. inhabitants of Indochina and the Malay Archipelago were akin to

those still living on the :isl.ands of the Pacif i.c toclay."(3)

4, MEUNES IANS

In the light of present-day ethnological knowledge, there is seen

to be an extremely wide variety of physical types and languages in the

hinterland.

(3) CoedBs, "Histoire des pays hindouisds de llExtreme-Orient," p. 4, -9-

Bone remains found in the lowest layers of prehistoric deposits,

Tor example at Linh Cam, suggest that hdochina was origi~lallyinhabited by Negroes, Pdp~~arlsand McLa~ies,ians similar to the aborigines of Australid

,jnd New Guinea, These people have now disappeared frotn Soutl~eastAsia,

In former times they appear to have spread from otle si.de oi the Pacific

Occan to the other.

111 Lndochi.na, the chipped stone tools that: i.t has been possible to cl.nssi ly prove that these races extended northward ar; Far as Tonkin,

'There are probably stil:l. 11ygnti.c.s in tlie 11i.ntcr:l.aud of 1)oilg Iloi. near tile approaches to the. Mu Gia Pass (Col de Mu-gi.a), w11il.e farther to soutli ce1:tai.n do1.i.choceph~zli.c i.11di.vi.dual.s with curly or f t-.i zzy Ilail: now appear to be sc1rvival.s itroln a .very distant past.

Sl:ilI. i.11 very remote t:i.mes, tllougli at: a s:l.ightly :I.al:er sl:age, peo1)l.e of 1ndone:;ian racc bcc.:~mc sul?eri.mposed upozi and -in.i:errni;ted wi-th (:lie former Wegrico stock, ol whoru o11l.y scat t:erecl traces reniaixl.

It i:i this Indvnesi.ar~ r:~cc wlii-cll is ilow ~?rcdcril~:i.uml~ton tl~ep%wteclus oL .Iildoch.ina ; i. t i.:: a:Lso foutid i.n :I:i~doz~esiaand on tile i.sLanc1:i of L'ol.yr-les La,

Perhaps it was tl1i.s race wlri.cli Jii.rs t brought neol..i.i:liic ant1 "po'li shed- s tone" i.ndus try to tlie Far East, l'lle Malays arri.ved La ter, but., settl.j.il$: al.ong the co;lst, they cross-bred very cxtensi.vel.y ,

According to some scliolarc; (Kern, Cabahon), soutl~erilIncfoclli.na. was the birthplace 01 the Austrroncsian or L'olynesian race. "'fhc: cave-dwelf.c!-:i of Pho Kinh Gia seem to represent: tlte earliest: type oE tiiis race"

(Mansuy), which presurnab3.y then spread throughout !:he l'acif i.c Ocean.

The path followed by these peoples appears 1:o be lilarkeci by the Bac Son massif i.n Toilkin and by the caverns of Annai~l, 600 icii~. farther south. 'l'liese early inhabitants of T.ndoc11ina may be cornpared with the Wacljak of .Java,

Others llo3.d that t:llese Indonesi.ans came from tile ivlirlay i.sl.ands or possibly from Borneo, f roin where they radiated westward to Jndochi.na - - some claim even to India-,-and eastward to tlie irjlands of thc IJaci.fic. -10-

6. MOUNTAIN PEOPLE OF SOUTHERN INDOCHINA REUTED TO COASTAL PEOPUS

OF THE PACIFIC

The dialects, art and certain features of the customs of the mountain people of Indochina are reminiscent of tl~oseof certain Paciric peoples.

For example, the sacrificial poles of the upper Quang Narn and the way in which they are decorated call to mind the art of the Maori oE New Zealand.

The breeding of hogs with curved canines is connnon both to the Polynesians and to the Ka Tu who live at the foot of Mt. Ataouat and Mt, Bana, In two fact-filled articles in this Bulletin, Mr. Pierre Paris drew attention to some details that are common both to the mountain people of Indochina and to some t1:ibes of American Indians: feathers are used to ,decorate the tur1.1ans of the Jarai; ivory or .wooden earrings are common to the 'Iildians of Honduras and to the Che Ma of the Dji.ring region. Like the Sre, the

Incas also believe that the sun contains the souls of the departed.

Coedks writes: "Long before the arrival of foreign seafarers (he was referring to the I-Iindus), these peoples lzad their own navi.es."

The voyage recently undertaken by Norwegian scholars, who cast off from Peru and were carried as far :is Polynesia by the winds and the currents, gives some insight into how these navigators were able to 11l;ike use of the natural elements. Far from being the savages their conquerors claim, the tribe:; of the hinteriand of Incloclii.na probably represent: a lost: ci.viliza- tion, "which de.veZoped c:Lose to the sea, along the coastal rivers of

Annam" (Coedks) . Some of these Lndo~-iesi.anscame from the north. 'In this respect, etlznologists are in agreement wi.th what can be unraveled from the Legends

of tlte Iialazzg, the Niaheun, tlle P,ol(>verts, etc. But others came from

is:Lancls in tho Ocean, and it j.s therefore impossi.ble, without some r-servatiolls, to accept tile claim that the mountain tribes of southern

Indochina originally formed a sing1.e people. -11-

7. DIVERSITY OF THE MOUNTAIN PEOPLE

Widely differing physical types are found within each tribe, The

Jarai alone have such a large number of men of tall stature that in former

times recruiting parties used to leave behind men less than 5 feet 7 inches tall.

On the plateaus one comes across faces whose features have a distinctly European cast; others call to mind the Australian aborigines, and yet others the American Indians. Their hair, though generally sleek, is occasionally wavy and sometimes frizzy, Among the Sek a large number of men with reddi,sh-brown hair are observed.

As a rule, a11 the tribes deny the ascendancy of the mother within

the family structure, although the rice growers form an exception to this rule. This fact makes it inaccurate to attribute to all the mountain people the custom of migrating slowly within a confined area. The only characteristic common to these people seems to be their reluctance

or inability to accept a hierarchy or authority ext-raneous to their own villages. For centuries, kingdoms or even confederations are found only very exceptionally in their history.

-0-O-o-

CHAPTER III

THE SETTING OF THE MPS AND THEIR RELATIONS

WITH NEIGRBORING COUNTRIES

1. IN ANCIENT TIMES

Very little is known of Indochina in ancient times. The mountain people have no history, nor do they attach any importance to it, the notion of events being spread out in time being entirely foreign to them.

Their Legends, altElough frequently picturesque, gives us virtually no

insight into their distant past.

A Mnong legend speaks of a flying man, and reference has already been made to traditional evi.dence that the Indonesians spent some time near the seashore, and to their advanced navigational skills. -12-

The legends barely spread beyond the immediate domain of the tribes; each group has its own but more often than not is ignorant of those of its neighbors.

It is to the races with histories, the IIindus and above all the

Chinese, that we must turn for clues as to how the mountain people now living on the plateaus of Indochina were led to settle there.

Populated by Melanesians and later by Indonesians, ancient Indochina, to use the expression of both Hindu and Chinese l~istorians,was "inhabited by naked men,"

As Al.fred Fouclier poinLs out, nakedness is not a measure of

"savageness." These primitive tribes possessed '3 certain civilization tltat was not enLireZy unlike Lllat of pre-Aryan India, Moreover, it is believed that these early inhabi.t:a~~tsmaintained relations by sea not only wil:h India but also with the shore dwellers o.C the I'acili.c and with

Indonesia.

The relati.ons o.E the Il.i.~.iduswitlz the Indochincse penillsula are the

first 011 recol-d. rtvcn before the great: re.volutions of tha secoilcl century had driven the vanquished parties to what is called Outer India, tlindu

~itesclian~scniiie to reconnoiter the coast of IndochFna. 'Cttey learned that

i:he courltry prodttced spices, perfumed woods and resins, and above a1.l

gold. Wc know t11aL the counLries of Southeast Asi,~were reputed to con-

LLtin inexllaustibl e reserves or this metal., hence the name "Golden

,, ,i. Chersonese. Accordir~giy, the Iiindus set up tlading stations in the

Mekong estu~jryand dlong the coast of Vietnam.

Conversely, Indonesian traders frolit Indochinj. sailed to the shores

of India and 1:oundecl small groups in some of the major ports,

This sea-borne trading paved the way for the settlement of rrinctus

along the Indochinese coast. They arrived at a time when the "great

prellis toric migrations of the Melanesians, Pndonesians and Austro-Asians

Trade and the quest for luxury articles, intensified by the creation of the Empire of Alexander the Great, caused the Hindus to press on into

Southeast Asia, which extends from Burma to the islands of Indonesia and to China. The rise of Buddhism, the struggles, and particularly the weakening of the caste system which ensued, gave added impetus to Hindu migrations toward Indochina.

3. FIRST I-IINDU SETTLEMENTS AND THEIR EFFECTS

The Hindus settled chiefly near the estuary of the Mekong River. It was here that they had their trading posts. What they brought with then1 dm the way of art, culture and language had practically no influence on the local inhabitants, but, simply for the sake of their business, the

Hindus were unable to put up with the particularism and anarchy of these tribes, From these trading posts they promulgated their political views and their conception of royalty. It is not known today whether the people merely offered no resistance, whether they actively sought to elect a

I-iindu leader (as would appear to have been the case with the Brahman

Kaundinya, founder of Funan), or whether for that matter the settlers gave their backing to an influential local notable who subsequently consolidated his poaion by adopting the Hindu faith; the fact remains, however, that the first kingdom, or rather the first confederation of scattered principalities, was formed in this way in the 2nd century of the

Christian era: it was Funan,

4. FUNAN

Funan was the name given by the Chinese to what we now call Cambodia.

In addition to the lake region, it appears to have included present-day

Cochin-China, that is, the alluvial land of the Mekong delta, where rice growing was possible. - 14-

Originally, Funan also encompassed the southern provinces of Central

Vietnam (south of Cape Varella); after the 3rd century A.D., it fell to the Cham.

5, I'IINDUIZED INDONESIANS AND INDONESIANS OF THE MOUNTAINS

Those of the natives who were unwilling to submit to the new rulers of the plains, or to accept their monarchical. system and the customs they had brought: with them, were led by their liking for independence to withdraw into the mountains and forests,

A difference therefore began to spring up between the hinduized and the other Xndonesi.ans, and it was the latter who f or~ned the first groups of ~nountainpeople,

The distl.ncti.on, however, was not always clear. Thc search for precious products sontetimes took the Funanese Ear up into the mountains, where they found their old tribal kinsfolk. Prom them they endeavored to obtain not only gold but also some of the highly prized comnodities that are found in the mountains, sr~chas ivory, rare woods and resins. What is more, the need for labor led to raids to provide slaves .for the rulers of Funan,

By reason of these forays and expeditions, and of the reprisals and pillaging that resulted, the mountain folk remained in touch with the

"civilizedt' people of the plains. It may be supposed that, starting at this remote peri-od of time, the Punanese language must have left its imprint: on that of the natives: "Their dialect and their blood will by

this time have received such a heavy Mon-Khmer admixture that it will no longer be possible to recognize them as the original brothers of the Moi of the Annam hinterland" (Maj . Nyo).

6. THE, CIWA

During the time that Funan was being established and was gaining firm control of the Hekong delta, other Hindu immigrants and seafarers, carried by the current which had borne them eastward from India and urged on, no -15- doubt, by the desire to establish links among the trading posts they had strung out along the coast, began to advance along the southern seaboard

(present-day Vietnam), subduing unruly native tribes as they went. They organized them to form a new confederation which the Chinese at first called the Lin Yi, but which we know under the name Champa.

7. EXPANSION OF THE CHAMPA

This kingdom comprised tribes of Indonesians who had not yet become hinduized. A certain ~'iuLien formed an embryonic version of what might be termed a Cham state. In 136 A.D. a thousand "barbarians from south of the Pass of the Clouds" attacked the Chinese sub-prefecture of Siang Lin, which appears to have occupied the southern part of the piesent province of Thua Thien.

By 192, the Cham had established themselves in the south in what are today Ichanh I-loa, Ninh Thuan and Binh Thuan, taking land from Funan in the process.

In the north, taking advantage of the tottering Han dynasty, the Cham again attacked Je Nan (between the Gate of Annam and the Pass of the

Clouds) and one of their chiefs proclaimed himself king of Siang Lin.

According to Mr. CoedBs, the Cham who led this oLSensive in 193 were probably hinduized. In 248 they conquered the region of Hue.

8. RESISTANCE BY THE EARLIER COASTAL DWELLERS

It is unlikely that the earlier occupants allowed themselves to be driven off good land without resistance: "Before relinquishing the coastal areas and retreating to the cover of the mountains and the Darlac plateaus, the Jarai and the Rhade fought many battles against their former Cham brothers, now turned invaders." At all events, the memory of their cmmoli origins has survived to the present day: "We and the Cham are brothers with the same mother."

As in Punan, the adoption of a foreign culture by a section of the population had the effect of thrusting back into the mountains the tribes -16-

farthest from the coast and most jealous of their independence. Iler again, the earliest inhabitants of Indochina tended to splgt up into two groups: the mountain people, who stuck to their age-old custo

their kinsfolk who stayed behind on the coast, They, the Cham, changed

on contact with the Hindus, whose influence was most pronounced in the matter of language. The Khmer-ized mountain people occupy the hinterland

north of a line drawn between Qui Nhon and Stung Treng, while a second group stretches south of the 12th parall.el.

The area between these two brancl~esoriginating in the west, i.n

Cambodia, graduall.~came to be filled with tribes spreacljng like a wedge

from the east and From the Annam coast. These tribes--Lhe Blao, fro11t

IJhn Yen, tlic Mdhur, Chur

Siirai in the north and the lihacle in Llle soul-h--show signs 01 being

j n Cl.uenced by the Champa and iLs larigudge, Separate f rcxn tllis nucleus,

buL sirnil arly in£luenced by the C'tlarn, the lioglai F om? ,I sumicircle round

tile last: surviving bastioil of Clje Cham at Phan ~i/Phanliang.

9. 'I'RADF: AND WARS

Despite the steep mountain wall protecti-ng the tribes which had

retreated to the safety of the plateaus, ?he Chntn aLtemptecl to remain

in touch with t'iicm. We know wl~athighland products the traders had always

sought after,

The Ch'im had remained a warli-ke people; the inroads which their

acquisitive urge 1.ed them to undertake toward the west--the country of

gold, ivory and aloes-wood?-aroused a considerable reaction on the part

of the inhabitants oT the hinterland. For the mountail1 people, the appearance

oT the Champa and its attempts to encroach on the plateaus led to wars that

were to 1Lare up periodically Tor as long as this kingdom remained powerful,

*The French "bois d'aigle" has two meanings in English: (1) dloes-wood: the heart oT the Asiatic tree Aquilaria Agallocha, which when burned gives off a fragrant, resinous odor, much appreciated by the ancients and still used widely in India and the East; and (2) eagle-wood: the inner section of the trunk of a tropical Asiatic tree which is used for fumigation and as an incense. The two English terms are thus virtually interchangeable, although (2) will. be preferred in this translation on account of its unnlist-akable similarity to the French term. -17-

10, THE CHAM AND THE MOUNTAIN PEOPLE

Their skirmishes with the Cham did not prevent the mountain people from developing feelings of respect and gratitude for their masters.

They were to miss them when, after the collapse of the Cham hegemony, the inhabitants of the hinterland came under the domination of new rulers.

It is known that when the peoples of the plateaus were required to pay tribute-money to the Vietnamese, the latter having overrun the entire territory of the Champa, they nonetheless continued to pay their tax to the Cham mandarins, who transmitted it to the Court of Hue. Moreover, as the guardians of the royal insignia and last treasures of the Cham, the mountain people have always had great respect for these precious relics. Indeed, until re1.atively recently, a call for help from a latter- day princess of the Champa royal house--who had admittedly fallen on very hard times--was all that was needed to bring the people of the forests rushing to olfer her all the scrvices at their command, without expecting any form of reward Tor their trouble.

Such devotion is accounted for more than anything by the approach which the Cham adopted; they behaved less like concluerors than like guardians and advisers: "Far from being wiped out by the conquerors, the natives round in the Hindu society--transplanted from its source and grown more Plexible--a f ramework within which their own societies were able to rind identity and develop." This is so true that whereas the Cham are now reduced to only a few thousand souls, the mountain people are far more numerous than they were before, The Cham merely sought to establish traditional ties, without political dependence. They accepted the mountain people as they were and respected their customs, without forcing upon them either their chiefs or their hierarchy.

11. INFLUENCE OF THE MOUNTAIN PEOPLE ON THE CIUM

Lt is almost certain that the Cham even accepted the mountain people as kings. This much we are able to glean from certain legends. The

Cham were quite happy to marry the daughters of the mountain people; - 18- though the marriage of Choi Koho to the Cham Nai Tolui was reputed to be a bad match, such unions later became so much the accepted practice that

Glui Glah, a Cham chief, sought the hand of a highland girl in marriage.

We also learn from the legend of Du Droe that the husbands of two mountain girls were chosen by the Cham to be regional chiefs,

This legend, one of the most striking in the entire folklore of the

Sre, celebrates both the happiness and the strength that such marriages between mountain girls and the Cham brought to the country. For confirma- tion ok this we can turn to history itself, rather than to legend.

According to Mr. Rolf Stein, tile accession uT Llle Fan family to the

Champa Lltrone (Fan Hiong ascended the throne in 270, was succeeded by

Fan Yi, etc.) marlied the assumption of power by File indigerlous element, possibly with Lhe support OL the people. In this Eami ly, as wi lh the

Lndonesians, princes inherited tlleir right to the tl~roncthrough their mother and not their TaLlier. l'he Ilindus, on the other tldnd, and tlze peoples to whom they brought civiii~ation,remained Cait1hfu.k to Liieir custom of handing the crown down from LaLlrcr lo son,

12, C1JAZIACICER:LSIULcS OF TlTE C1-IAN OCCUPATION AND I:'l1S 13ENFP:C'CS

What is more, the benefits which the MPS owe to their former conquerors have not been forgotten by them: the end of human sacrifice, and the expansion of the 1nountai.11 people whi.ch PoSSowed; tile art of train- ing elephants and, in all. ~,robabi.l.i.ty, that of metaSworlii.ng, as well as t:hat of cultivating the paddyfields and irrigating, i.n wl~icl?not only the Sre but also the Bill, the Cop, the Mnong Rlam ant[ the. Mdllur of the l.oweu Song Ba valley excelled.

Mernori-es such as these explain the l.oyalty of the peoples of the

1iiiite.rl.and toward their conclueuors; even tlle taxes were usual.ly agreed to without undue resistance. And if the Cham were able to send l.arge quantities of ivory, rhi.noceros horn, eagle-wood, perfumes and medici.nal plants as tribute to the Chinese Court, then these products undoubtedly -19- came from the highlands. So much gold accumulated in the Cham capital

that when it fell to the Chinese in 446 it yielded 100,000 pounds.

13, THE VIETNAMESE

Thus far, we have seen the land around the mountain people of the hinter-

land gradually becoming occupied by people from India. The great thrust which carried them eastward became deflected toward the north along the coast of Vietnam and seemingly petered out near the Gate of Annam.

"Nowhere are the Hindus on record as having undertaken military conquest and annexation systematically in behalf of a State or metropolis" (CoedEs),

Subsecluently, another wave of invaders was to sweep through the

. /, . country, this time from the north: having settled in Tonlcin around the

4th century 13.C. and undergone chlonization by the Cliinese in the 2nd century, the Vietnamese were to act not through infiltration, nor through

trade, as the Hindus had done, but by conquest. Freed from Chinese control.

in 934, they succunibed almost at once to the attract:i.on of the regions

of the south and their rich rice-fields. Inevitably, they came up against: the Cham, whcm they began to drive back i-n 1003; by 1301 they

had pushed them south of the Pass of the Clouds.

The conquerors must have hugged the eastern edge of the hinterland

farther and farther south, since by the 17th century they occupied the

entire coast of Annam as far as present-day Cochin-China. Their territorial

conquest was accompanied by incursions into the mountains, resistance by

the men of the plateaus, and rai-ds by both sides. But this struggle rlcver

resulted in races being annihilated, nor in their wholesale and comple~e

eviction, as happened with the Red Indians in Ameri-ca, the aborigines in

Australia, or the Yukaghirs in Siberia. There is no record of any race

having been wiped out among the MIIS. - 20-

CHAPTER LV

FIRST CONFEDEUTIONS OF MOUNTAIN PEOPLE

1. FORMATION AND DIFFERENTIATTON OF DIALECTS

We have described how one branch of the Mal.ay-Polynesians, which became the Cham people, yielded to the control of the 1.Xindr.i~and allowed

itself to be civilized. The others, farther away in the Interior,

retained their primitive customs and continued to be regarded as tile

"savages. "

To begin with, the Cham were not to follow them into their "impene-

trab3.e" domain, al.though "continuing relations arid a deep-seated affinity , , were der;tined to subsist 'between tl.iese two quite different oEfs1ioot:s firom

the parent stock."

"Thus, close to the Champa kingdom, there was to develop the nucleus

of a large Moi fami1.y that was to produce descendant:; embodying many

Cham elements, It is this fainily which has spread over the Jarai and Darlac

plateaus and along the Annam%ti.c range from Phu Yen to Binki Thuan--the

Jarai., the Rhade and the Roglai. It is also the family that bears the

closer;t resemblance to the Malay type.

"In the meantime, on the Melcong side, the Ma:lay-Polynesi.an indigenous

tribes, cut off from the ori.gina1, branch by the kingdom of Funan and later

by that o:f Tclic!~lla, were undergoi.ng very different: destinies that were to

n~alcethem Inore and more unlike their sister tribes on the Annamitic slopes.

"By about the 6th century, the kingdom of Tchen3.a extended as far as

Chantaboun, Battambang, the Dangrek, the Khone falls, Bassac, and Attopeu,

"In Tclzenla the monarchs of Mon-Khmer stoclc were to change pro-

Coundly the natives they subjugated, 13y the time the latter, in order to

escape from their bondage, fled the pJ.ains and retredted toward the

interior, they hdd already aLLered to an enormous extent. Their dialect

and their blood must by now have received such a heavy admixture of Mon- they Khmer origin that/could no longer be recognized as the original brothers -2l- of the Cham and the Moi of the Anngp hinterland."

It is these familigs, apparently the last survivors of the tribes of Funan and Tchenla, which make up :

- the western groups: Che Ma, Stieng, Mnong or Phnong, with their

numerous subsidiary peoples, such as the Preng, ttte Biet, the

Noong,

- the northeastern groups: Bqhnar, $edang, Rol~ens,Tahoi, efc.,

whose dialect is shot with Khmer elements and whose skin on

occasion is deeply tinted.

Mr. P. Guil.l+mineL points out, on fhe oLher hand, that the Kllmer

influence "made

then on certain tribes oL the Upper Donnai, and w~uldappear to have been

exceedingly weak, if not nil, on the Rhude and the JaraiU(4>.

"Ilowever , primi.tivc and independent pri ncipalitles--more warlike in

natcire or better protected by the inaccassibiLity of their tesri tory--

must have continuod to exist side by side with the two great lcingclo~ns l:hafi

ruled sputhern Indochina botween them, the Tcl~enl.~~and the Idin Yi

(Cgmbodia and Champa). "(5)

2. FAN WEN

This Wqn, a native of Kiang Sou in Ching, becon~cddvibar to the. Cham

king Fan Yi and served him so well that he beqanie more and more powerful.

When his master died in 336, he usurped the crown. First of all, Wen

pacified the savage tribes in the interior of the kingdom who still formed

independent states, and later went on to attack the tail and the short

Kik'iai, the Che Pou, the Siu Lang, the K'iu Tou, the Kcin Lori and the Fou

Tan, all of whom were savages who spoke a primitive tongue (Maspero).

"They tattoo their faces and bodies and run naked. Of a11 the Moi

conquered by Wen, the Jarai and Khade were the most warlike" (Elenri. Maitre).

Among the chiefs which the tnountain people elocfed to rule them--

fol.lowing tl~~example sat by the Cham and thus reacting against their own

(4) P. Guillcmi.net, "Recherches sur 3.es croyances des tribus du ildut-pays dlAnnam, les Bahnar du Kontum et leurs voisins, les magiciens," R,T.I.E.JI., 2941, pp. 9-33. (5) Maj. Nyo, "Lx p6nktratian franqaise dans les pays n~oi," B.S.E.I., xrx, 2, 1937, pp. 48-49. natural tendency to anarchy- -we sflould perhaps mention the princes of the

Ma and the "sadet" of the Jarai, The power of both kinglets was at best exceedingly precarious,

3. THE PRINCII'ALITY OF TIE MA

The iizdications arc that the Ma abandoned the plains of Cochin-China only after a prolonged period of domination by Funan by which they became deeply influenced. They settled in a very inhospitable region, in the tract of hills, forests and swamps that extends from the coast near present-day Uinh Thuan (Binh Thanh?) as far as the middle and upper reaches of the R. Donuni (Done?). This uq,rcdc tive strip of land forms a link between southern Annam and the country of the Stieng. For all its unpleasant- ness, it nonetheless provided a passage to Cambodia.

Each of the groups (Chrau, Kollo, Chasre, Cop, Chato) belonging to the principality grew what crops it could on its soiL and traded its produce with its neighbors. The Che Ma were renowned lor their skill in harvesting and weaving cotton, from which they made blankets and clothing.

This State, which was t.o survive until the 17th century, was a Cree principality, although under the suzerainty of Cambodia. The sway of tl~e

Che Ma princes stretched southwest to the Lagna basin and northward onto the present-day plateaus of Djiring and Lang Bian.

4, TEE JARAX AND THEIR "SADET"

Farther to the north the Jarai had settled, or the Mada, as the Cham called them. This sturdy and wariikc tribe retained its independence.

As chiefs it had two sorcerers: the Patau Ya or Water King and the Patau

Pui or Pire King. They lived apart From each other and were supposed never to meet, If they did, it would bring down unspeakable calamities on the country. For the same reasons, they similarly took care not to be

seen by their subjects,

The Patau Ya, lord of the waters, possessed the power to cause rain,

floods and even a deluge that would cover the earth. -23-

Their authority was purely nlystical and never concerned itself with things temporal. It extended to the Jarai, all the Bahnar and sonie of the

Setiang, to oiention only the north. "Though rarely willing to submit to dny LluLllority, they all recogni ~edthe Sddet."(6)

5. TlIE PATAU 1'117: ANU 'TIIE CAMIIODIANS

IUlie I3re lci-np, was the depositary and guardian of n magic saber (7), tlic =I, ---kllan oC the Cambodians. Legend has it that a Char11 king had drawn this saber out of a river in which, although submerged, it continued to glow. Like the Cambodians, both the Jarai and the Rlhade clai.nled pos:;essi.on of tlic sabre, Po The entrusted the blndc to the Fire Lord of tlic? J:lr~ii., while tlie I(hn1e.r apparently gained pos:ie:;~ion of' the scctbbard, wlli.cli l l~eyc:!i-r i cd off to (:lrei.~:capi. tal. Juyavnnnan 1.1 (002-854) Ilad ;t labulou:; p:il ace built to liousc tlle talisman. By thus dividing ownership cif tile I.)l,icle

Ti:c)iii Liie 11ionar;~cryof :;ambok to tile residence of tl-ie Patau l'ui anii tile Z'ntau

Ya ''ill the Ay~n~lpnrregion," tl~nti:;, in the region ol the Ayun, a tril~utary of tl.le Song I:;! (Y,ip:l). 'Nle Sndet::; had tlrereEorc settlecl near the confl.uence

(,Itlie Ayun and Song I;a ri:vcrs (8).

As late as t.11~ I~eginr~ingof the 19tl1 century, the !;ndct, who were

Linditi.onnl:l.y sel.ected From the Siu clan (through their mother), still preserved thei.r attacliment: to this region. When the icings of Cambodia stcippcd sending tiieir ollerings to the two magician-cl-tieEs, the latter also rcfritinccl il-oxo dispetciting theirs, whi.ch were of very little value

(6) P. Ciri.'lleininct, up,cit., pp. 9-33. (7) "Tliis weapon was noL a merc object, or a si gn of alliance with Ll~e !,pisits. IL w'~.ls, and this is unique, a relic, Lhe possessio~iof which ~naclc the SadeL Lhe heir ol tlie yang (spiri~s)." (P. Guilleminet, ibid.) (8) The lisL ot Ll~egiits sent every three years by the 1Chmer king: 2 bull elephants, 2 sLar-spangled palanquins in which Lo ride on Lhem, 60 bulLaloes, ceremonial langooties, striped clotliing, mattresses and cushions, 2 rice and 2 water services, 2 red costumes with accessories, n~usicalins tr~~ments, long-tiandled parasols, pottery, 100 napkins, 100 bowls, 2 wagonloads of salt, 500 ingots of iron and 20 of Lead, clothes and bolts of silk, 200 needles, etc. - 24- anyway in comparison with the rich flow of presents they received from

Cambodia. Let us compare them for a moment: the Sadet sent their sovereign a little ivory and a rhinoceros horn on behalf of the two Patau; and, from

each of them, a cake of beeswax bearing the imprint of the right thumb.

This paucity of the vassals' dues makes the lavishness of the sovereign's

gifts even more astounding by comparison. Historians have long sought to

explain this anomaly. Some assume that on some unknown occasion, possibly before the Cham invasion, the Sadets had helped their king out of a

difficult predicament. To this day, however, the greatest authorities on

Cambodian his tory admit they have no idea what form this service could

have taken, Nor does folklore do much to clarify maLters: "By giving the

Cambodians the scabbard, which is lesser than the sword, could Po The have

been trying to suggest that in the exchange of gifts between tlie Khmer

kings and tlie Sadets, those from the Cambodians were Lo be greater?" In

the message which accompanied the shipment of present5 every three years,

the Cambodian sovereign enjoined the magician-cliiers oS Ayonapar: "to

remain ammdchas (rulers) of all Rhade, Jdrai and Phnong terrj tol-y, as you

have been from antiquity to the present, and to guard the rodds ‘inti Lllc

forests well against all enemies." The Sadets were tllus put in charge of

defending the outer limits of the 1Climer realm. fir this as it may, Chc

Cambodians seemcd to attribute magic powers to thc gifts they receivecl

from Ayonapar, which considerably enhanced their value, In grave

emergencies, the kings of Angkor or Lovelc used Lo ilivolie these pmcrs :

"Whenever the king, in an attempt to break the drought, decided Lo pray to

the five Kshatriyas--protectors of the kingdom--the piece of ivory, the

rhinoceros horn and the costume sent by the Fire King and the Water King

would be brought out and sprinkled with lustral water while the four

Maharajahs squatted underneath them, croaking like frogs. " We are at

grips with the miraculous.

It is recorded that if the 13ok Redau (Patau Pui) was on the point of

dying his attendants would "help him on his way" by delivering tl-I(> -25- coup de grGce; moreover, if his successor was not designated by the yang, as required by tradition (9), the new Patau Pui would be selected from among the dignitaries who had assisted his predecessor during his lifetime,

A chieftain of the Ksor family would then tie q bracelet of cotton thread around his wrist, after which the new Sadet selected the officials who were to serve him, His jurisdiction embraced the Hagou, the Golar, the

Habau, the Jarai and others. His trips into the ipterior of his fief were regulated, as were the offerings that each village visited was expected to make to him in the course of his official tours.

CHAPTER V

MOUNTAIN REGIONS CAUGHT BETWEEN WARRING KI2ERS AND ClW FROM 11th TO 15th CEN'IURY

1. AREA RULED BY THE WRS

Besides the Sadets of the Jarai people, the King of Cambodia held sway over the tribes along the banlcs of the Prelc Te, the Prek Chhlong, ancl the lower reaches of the rivers Se San, Se Kong, Se Don and Se Bank

Hieng, although, in the case of the latter, only until the end of, the 13th century. This date marks the beginning of the gradual. retreat of the I

Khmer empire toward the south. The invasion by the l'ai, Laotians or

Siamese Iran the north was to weaken and subsequently curtail the domination of the Khmers, which, in the 10th century, extended over the northern part of the Malay peninsula, the Menam basin, the norLh of present-day Laos as far as the divide between the Black River and the Song

Ma, and finally the highland strip overlooking the plains of Annam.

By the beginning of the 14th century, the Khmer had lost all control of the regions situated north of a line drawn between the island of Kl~ong and Qui Nhon.

(9) When the Sadet dies, the young warriors gather in the longhouse; while they are asleep, one of the elders suddenly cries out: "Who will. be the Bok Redau?" Still asleep, one of the young men answers, "It is I." When they wake up the next morning, they notice that on his wrist he is wearing a bracelet, a thread of cotton tied there by the ~ang(spirits). -26-

Throughout its rule, Cambodia had maintained "relations with the Moi

tribes in its hinterland, penetrating as far as the Darlac plateau, ..., since it was possible for wagons from Cambodia to reach the heart of this plateau" (Henri Maitre).

Farther to the south, the Mnong and the Che Ma trjbes, darker-skinned

and more or less interbred with the Khmers, were frequently pillaged by

troops led by the kings of Angkor, and it was to them that Cambodia turned

for slaves, Accordingly, these tribes "sought their salvation in with-

drawing into the heart of the ~t~ountains."

311 addition to blaves, the Callibodiari arid to a Tar greater extent the

Chinese traders took back from these regions deerslcins and forest products

(wax and gamboge), as well as gold and, of course, rhinoceros horn and

ivory. IIere, as was true throughout the interior, the main trading

conunodity was saLt.

2. 'rlE PLATEAUS, I3A'L"CLEPIF~LlI01" TlIE WARRING ICIlMER AND CHAM PEOPLES

again in 1065, the king of C,intbodia had to quell uprisrngs. The leader of

the second revolt, crossing LIie mountains of the interior, Tlcd to the

Champa kingdom with liis arnly.

The year 1113, when Suryavarman II ascended the Lhrone, marked tl~e

start of a "hundred years' war" between the Khmers and the Cham.

In 1123 and 1145, when the Cc~m~~l)odiansoccupred the Champa Itingdom,

and again in 1148, the warriors oi Lhese countries swept across tlie plateaus,

and we know that any tribes who hdppened to be in their way paid dearly.

In 1150, yet another Cambodian force crossed the mountains, this time

in the direction of Tonkin.

In 1177, the Cham once more turned to the offensive, driving their

chariots from Binh Din11 toward Angkor. The expeciit ion was ill-fated, t~~t'

in the following year a naval force, pressing inland from the co,ist of

the Champa, seized the Khmer capital. The Khmer kingdom was thereupon

annexed and remained a Cham province until 1181. It took the great king -27-

Jayavaman VII (1181- after 1200) to liberate Cambodia, a success which he followed up by taking control, in his turn, of the kingdom of his enemies. A great builder of temples, Jayavarman VII also built roads that later drew words of admiration from Tcheou Ta Kouan, the celebrated

Chinese traveler: "Along the road are resting places rather like our own relay stations." One of these roads ran clean across the hinterland, linking Angkor with tk capital of the Champa kingdom.

3. WESTERN PART OF TIE PLATEAUS OCCUPIED BY THE CHAM

The mountain people played an extremely important part in the history of the Champa. From 939, the year in which Vietnam succeeded in throwi-ng off the Chinese yoke, the northern .frontier of the Champa was the scene of continual turmoi.1.

In 1069, the king of the Chaiu, Rudravarmatz 1x1, was forced to yk:Ld

Quailg 13inh and Quant Tri to the 14y; this event heralded the beginning ot the Vietnamese advance toward the south.

Seventy-si:: years later (sic), in 1149, tlic IZl-imcrs liad invaded the

Char~pa, as mentioned earlier, and the first task of Jaya Ilarivarman 1 was

to drive out the Cambodians trorn llis cour~tryagain, Ile t:lien had to reassert hi.s authority over the "IZirata" (mountain people) : the Rhade,

Mads, and others, who had taken advantage of the diffi.cu1.ti.e~plagui.ug

the Cham to come down from the plateaus and seize control of the plain.

These insurgents found a leader in Vamcaraja, brother-in-law of the ki-ng

of the Champa. Vamcaraja aslced the Vietnamese for help, and in the tenth month of the year 1150 they sent troops From Thank1 1Ioa and Ngtle An.

The mountain people and the Vietnamese put up a tremendous fight,

but were unable to triumph over the enemy armies, Varncaraja, their chief,

died on the battlefield, along with his ally Nguyen Mong, the Vietilamese

leader.

The date 1150 is an import-ant irilestone in the history of the tribes

of the hinterland, since it marks the start of the conquest and occupation -28-

of part of the plateaus by the Cham. This occupation was to lost for

300 years,

Pressing home his victory, Jaya Harivarman pursueu the Kirata into

the highlands, and it was then that the Cham won c,ontrol of the northern

Darlac plateau by advancing up Lhe Song Nang valley; tliis admirable

penetration route forged by the course of the Song Ba and the Ayun rivers brought them to the land of the Jarai and the Kongao. They appear to

have exerted an influence over tlie Jorai and the SadeL reglor' Crl ,I

considerable ti.me, Although the southern part oT tile 1)arl.n~p!at-cau was

spared, their inrluence seenis to have been pnrti.cul:irl.y strong 01.1 tile

tribes that had set-tlecl in tlie mountains ruriil.i.ng from l'hy Yell i o 'ii.nti

Thuan (tlle Bl.ao and the Kog%.ni).

Cham moriuments abounded throughout tt1i.s empire, and their ruins arc

held in awe and reverence even today; there are the towers cif Yank: Mil141

and 1)rang Lai, near Cheo Keo; tile towers and the smnl.1 wal.l.ed I:owil 01: tire

Plnong on Lhe E:ilil.co (Yang l'r uril:) , 40 krii, north of I:iin 11011; ;I fi!:j~i?& j?&t;il>. (LO) ,

near Ban Ple l'huot and IZeu Deu (Iio Do), beside the Meteung (:[I.), eos L- oi:

Pleiku, and last but not least the af.tars that can sti.11 be seen today

here and there up to the appro;iciicr; to ICoc1i1i11i. 'i'lle conc~iicst11i;iy c:ven hovti

extended as Tar as Veun Sui. i.n tilt: west, CIS Ilonri Maitre writes thiii: fie

has heard report.:; oT reninins, "l)os:i i.bf y of i:li;~m o~:jgii~,"irl Llic vi.c iiii 1.y

of this town.

'So faci.l%tateiiii>veiiiei~t L.J~ t:l~ iii ihi: wh0l.e 01' the areit they itad inken

over and to enab1.e their sett i.ers to becoiile iistabl. isliad, the Cham opened

up roads. French explorc?rs cliscovered the one whicli I.ecl Ercrn~ iZonLu111 to

Ouang Nnm, altl~ougilattenipts mode siuco to reopen this ro;td [love proved

unavailing .

This control. of the country, tant-awoiinl: to t! ~Crangleliold, explains hy

tile Cham Icing, Indrnvarman V shou1.d have Laicel, refuge in the ii-iountains in

13.83, at the time of the Mongol invasion t:

century. Either by persuasi.on or coercion, he appears to have prevai.led -----..... (10) Rasung bo tau : cereinonial washing urn transported nearly to Ban Me 'Chu ot . (11) Meteung or Po 'Tong. These ruins are found aL il?e edge ol tlie swamps from which tlie Meteung draws its waters.

-29- on the people to supply him with armies, which he despatched to fight the invader: "Entrenched in his ~nountainiastness, he continually rebuilt his forces which were proniptly put to rout by the Mongols. The invaders, however, were unab1.e to ~nakcany real progress in a country where they suffered from the heat, front siclcness and (ro111 Lack of provisions'' (12).

Indravarman V came down to the plains again jn 1285, when Sagatou, the

general conlnianding the enemy forces;, had been deleatred by tlte armies of

Tran Nhan Ton in Thanh Hoa province.

Nonethel.ess, the dynamic thrust Chat had earlier carried the Cham deep into the hinterland fi.naLLy petered out. To the north, the Jarai

and the Rougao still ctterisli (:he nleinory or the defeats they infl-icted on

tlrr: invaders.

1Ienri Maitrc 1.i.sts the batt1.c~Sought by 1:lie mountain peop1.e against

tlle rel:reati.ng Cl~an~,i.n tlic fol.lowi.iig ci!ron~>',l.og.i.caLorder ("Jungl.es Moi,"

p. 443):

1. 1httl.e oC T,;llie Tenueng, norl.11 of Pleiliu, at wlii.ch the Cham wcre

drowned;

2. Battle of the Piver Peto (Po 'Song), 5 km. south of IContum;

3. Battle of the .Jrai. L.i (Ya J,i) faL:Ls on tlte Dali Rla.

encounters wou2.d have thrust the (:lr;!iii back ttward thc west or tlortlrwest,

but there appears to be no reason wiry tlie fu~;.i.tives sho~rldhave rel-reated

i.n this direction. The ';alinur consul.ted by Mr. Antoinc are categori.cal on

one particular: that the Cham came frail the west. I'rorn Ya Li they are

said to have moved first toward Lake Tenueng arid later toward the road to

An Khe so as to reach the coast. This route appears l:o be tlte more lilcely.

11: may therefore be assumecl, as the Rahnar contend, that tlie Cham

were intending to cross tile Dzilc iila upstreant of the Ya Li falls, where

the river is easy to ford. 'l'lie ~nountainpeoplc? laid i.n wait tor the enemy

at tl1i.s poi.nt, very close to llom (n~arkedas Po:l.ei. 'l'um on the 1:400,000

road map), and cur them to pi.eces.

-p ------

(12) G, Maspkro, "llis toire du Champa. " The survivors were pursued into the region that txtend~becween the Dak Bla and Lake Tenueng; the latter hugged the path that led on from there to An Khe, The Bahnar who have been asked about the matter have heard no stories of Cham being drowned in Lake Tenueng. Mr. H.

Maitre gives the following account: "At the very bottom of the lake, say the Jarai, lay the great jar of the La TFaou, the Seron Yuan; now, by diverting all tlie water into the Menam plain (a vast swamp area 5 km. north of T,ake Tenueng), the Cham had greatly lowered the water level.,

The jar, Itowever, was blocki.ng Che mouth of the spring and therefore, when the Cham tried to remove it, the waters came gushing out in torrents, engulfing Llic? Cllnrn and ref il.ling the lake. I'

WiI.1luut ucccssarily wishing to give more weight to the Balinar version than to the ,Jarai '8, we shall assume Zilco Mr. Antoine, lor the reasons oL probability outlined above, tlia t Lhe battles taolc place in tlie lollowing order:

1, Ya Li falls

2, River Fevo

3, Lake Tenueng,

'She poem of 'hin Di.siak tells us ~f tl)e resistaqpe put; up by Che men of the southern hipl~lunds, In 1328, tlie "Vrla:;" (Occult: GlaF) , and more especially the Chrau, ICo'ho and Stieng, revolt;ud, A general named Nok put down the rebollion.

4, LOSS OF THE HINTERLAND BY TILE CHAM

In 1471, when the victorious Le TIlanlt Ton became ruler of the Cbampa ntj far a8 Varella, the Cham troops and settlers wito had been cut off in

IContum and the north of the hinterland by tlie Vietnamese advance along the coast, were forced to ab~~ndonthe regions of tile interior where they had snttlod, The provinces of Icaurana (Khqnh 1103) and Panduranga (present- day Ninh Thuan) became the bastion of Cham resitiLunce. Aftpr an uprising by the Vrlas (Orzing C,lai, Chrau and Srs) against: tile Lroops of the Cliampa -31- kingdom, the advance of the Annamitee had the effect of bringing the

"~irata"closer to the Cham for the purpose of defending the region together. The Roglai legends tell of the battles which the mountain people of the south fought side by side with their old masters against the new invaders. It was thanks to the "Kon Cau" that the Cham were able to hold out for almost 200 years in Panduranga. The story of Tamrac may be traced back to this period. Sunka, the Cham chief, called on the men of the plateaus to fight at his side, The Cham at this time were fighting with crossbows. We know what extraordinary archers the Roglai are, for example, and even more so the Fil. According to legend, the battle of Mount Jodong lasted seven days and seven nights. According to some, Tamrac was taken; others aver he committed suicide, In the end, the

Cham gave up the struggle and renounced their hegemony over the mountain people.

The latter remained faithful to the memory of their former rulers.

The Cham influence can be detected in some aspects of the customs and language of the Jarai, the Rhade, the Krung and the Roglai, just as the

Khmer influence left its mark on the dialects of the Che Ma, the Stieng, the bong and the Bahnar.

CHAPTER VI

THE EASTERN PART OF THE HINTERLAND FROM THE

15th TO THE BEGINNING OF THE 19th CENTURY

1. TIiE MOUNTAIN PEOPLE FROM THE 15th TO THE 17th CENTURY

Even though the Mongols had been unable during the 13th century to conquer either the domain of the Tran in Tonkin, or the Champa, or

Cambodia, which then held sway over the peoples of present-day Indochina,

the offensives launched by Kublai Khan had liberated the T'ai and had

started them moving toward the south; moreover, they had brought to light

the fighting abilities of the Vietnamese. Later, too, they were to precipitate the downfall of the Khmer empire, already under fire from the

north by the Laotians and from the west by the Siamese, while the Champa, -32- which faced a less immediate threat from the Cambodian side, was to succumb

to the onslaught of energetic and ambitious adversaries--the Vietnamese

from the north.

Carried along the coast of Annarn as Ear as Vaiella by the momentum

of their triumph in 1471, the Vietnamese reduced the Champa to a small.

territory boxed in between Phy Yen to the north and the northern boundary

of "Cambodia of the Water" (Cochin-China). Halfway through the 16th century,

the Cham kings were recognized by the Court of Hue, While the Vietnamese,

almost immediately after their victory, came into contact--and conflict--

with the mountain people, the latter, as we have already seen, turned against

their former masters and attacked the Cham. The Cham, in' turn, threatened

by the advancing Vietnamese, evacuated the plateaus they still. occupied

and retreated toward the coast of the South China Sea.

2. WANING OF TIE SADET' s INFLUENCE

Although they did not assume overall com~andof the struggle against

the Cham, the Sadets nevertheless played a substantiaL part in it, Led

after a fashion by the Patau Pui or the Patau Ya, whose role Westerners

always tend to overestimate, the Jarai and the Rhade dogged the Cham

troops as they left the regions around PleLku and the northern part of the

Darlac plateau.

Farther to the south, around the middle oE the 15th century, the

Orang Glai, the Churu and even the Sre (Koho'), seeing that the kings of

Panduranga and their people were streaming back into their territory,

first fought to keep them out. Later, faced with the threat of invasion

by the Vietnamese, the Cham and the Roglai (Orang Glai) joined forces

in what often became heroic stands. To this day, at Glai Jaboung (west

of Phan ~ang),the Roglai proudly preserve the head of Po Binh No Svor and

the ornaments from the temples abandoned by their fonner Cham masters.

We lcnow, also, how piously the Chrau and the Sre have guarded the treasures

of the Champa princes. At about the same time, the mountain people, having less to fear now from the Cambodians, whose power was beginning to decline, started to settle in the hinterland formerly controlled by the Khmers, and established

their influence over the region bounded by the Prek Chhlong, the Mekong and the Se Bang Hieng rivers.

The Khmer empire began to totter under the blows of the ~'aiadvancing

from the north. West of the Great River (Mekong), the Siamese had seized

Lovek in 1587, while east of the river the Laotians were infiltrating along

the valleys of the Se Don, and later of the Se ICong and Se San rivers,

spreading their influence where earlier the Cambodians had held sway.

Giving up the lowlands to these new arrivals, the 'L'a Hoi, Bolovens, Brao,

tialang and Champuon withdrew to the high-lying parts of the hinterland;

under the shelter of their forests, they retained a large measure of

freedom and independence.

Early in the 17th century, the Laotian advance southward came to a

temporary halt, Seeing this, the Khmers under Chey Chetta 11 attempted

to regain part of their former domain, In the south, in Cocllin-China, the

Vietnamese toolc advantage of the absence of the Cambodian troops, mustered

elsewhere, to attacks in the north and northeast, In 1641, the Dutchman

Van Wusthof found the Cambodians had regained control of the Mekoug area

south of Bassac; they had set up a trading station at Somboc, where they

were doing a brisk and profitable trade in salt, for which the tribes of

the interior paid exorbitant prices or gave slaves in exchange. The

Khmer empire at this time once again extended as far as the Phonough

(Darlac) plateau, some of whose inhabitants were paying tribute to Oudong.

It was presumably during this offensive comeback by the Cambodians toward

the north and east that the kings of Cambodia received such valuable

assistance from the Sadets that an agreement was drawn up in 1601 setting

forth the gifts which the Khmer kings were to exchange every three years

with the magician-chiefs of Fire and Water (Patau Ya, Patau Pui), We

mentioned earlier that in both value and volume the presents from Cambodia far outstripped the insigniricant offerings from the mountain chiefs.

These exchanges were carrjed out to the letter for 250 years, until 1I.M.

Norodom put an end to them in 1860.

Furthermore, the presence of the Vietnamese along the coast, coupled wit11 the organizational system the Le lcings had by 1540 imposed on the mountainous regions of Quang Ngai and later Dinh Dinh and Phu Yen, wi.th

the able assi~t~~~iccof Bui Ta Han, and possibly also occasional flying columns despatched across Jarai country prompted the Sridets to acknowledge

the suzerainty oi the Nguyen. Indeed, no sooner had Wguyen iIoang been appointed governor of Y'huan Hoa (1558) than the Sadets agreed to pay hini

t I-i buLe. 'l'his roy,ilLy, which consisted initially of elephant tuslcs and

rl~inoceroshorns, was paid to thc Court of liue until 1841.

Ry K~OLJthe in.Fl.ue17ce of the Sadets, who were paying tri.l>ut:e to both

Phnom Penh and Ilue, had dwindled to a mere shadow of the political power

(which had always been rather iL1 defi~iedanyway) Lhat the Lords oi Fire and Water had once excrtecl over the ,Jarai and the 13altnar (Ilagu and Golar)

however, iii ev~dencedby ti~eirsending a funeral urn made of metal,

repriLQclly silver. IL wcis a Loken of the dignity conferred on Lhe 11ew1y e IccLed Sadet, and dcl ega tel; from Pl~uYen brought it Lo liirii following hi3

~ppoinl.mcnL. 'l'lie 111051 obvious mainsprings oi thcir ncitl~orilry, however, were I c<~rol the ev~1 spells the people beLieved they could cast and their

~~1stod iansl~ip of the legendary sword or oi: a flower-decked rattan cane,

boLt1 of which were specia L "Yd" attributes.

Nearly a century later, relations between the nto~~ntainpeople and

the princes of Panduranga recovered much of their former loyalty, and the

Cham princes of Bhan Rang regained sufficient power to enable then1 to

travel through the hinterland very much as they pleased, This much i.s

apparent lro~riLhe story of Po Rome (1627-51). From Darlac, to which he

had ddvancetl, tl~eItjng brought baclc a wife from the Rhade tribe: Bia Tau

(13) "South of Cheo Reo, Lhe authority of the Patau Ya was unknown to the Jarair' (p. Guill cminet, "Recherches 5ur les croyances des tribus du It~utp,tys dlAnnam," B. I.I.E.1-I., 1941). -35-

Chan, Later, when the Vietnamese had invaded Panduranga, some of Po

~ome'sofficers sought refuge antong the mounrain people, but the Icing

tiimse1.f tried to resist the invaders. I-le was killed, anci Bia Tan Chan

flung herself onto her l~usband's funeral. pyre, The statue erected in honor

ol: this exemplary wife can still Itc seen near Phan Rang. The Vietnaniese,

liowever, continued their pus11 to tlie south.

Carried as Tar as Varella by Llieir victory in 1471, they spent Llle

yedrs that iol lowed c~nsolid~~tingllie~r o~cu~~lt-io~i of tlle intcl-ior of

I3inh Dinh and Pliu Yen provint cs. 'They succeeded in doin!; i,o l~yiiiul L~plyiiic:

1 lie numher of ~gr~-~~ntldin11 djri~; ill 1654 , l.c?,ivin;: VClrclL,r ttciiind

I Ilanr, ~l~cyconcluered IZlld~lll 710~1, n'jnll 'llllui\n d~ldTiin11 'l'lluan, dntl t Ire lcing

of the Cll;inl>a was forced to rcoogni.zc: t:lie ascendancy of t11e Nguycil, 111

1696 , iiiilr.i.t:i.nie Cnnll.)odia nl.:;o fell. L-o Llrc Vi.etilan~esc; the year 1.699 witnc:;:;i?tl

t11e i1ppoi.utment of the 1f.i rs(: A~lnrrii~i.t:cgovel:nor cr t G i.a Di1,ll. 'l'lre jurisdic:.

ti.on of the Court oii Il~ta tl~cnaxlrendccl all. along t.hc coast oi: Al~ilani, and

tlie i11ocml.ai.n pril1c.i pal. i.ty o C I:Ii(? (:he? Ma was tll~~scloomcti to T;idc :~wuy.

For as long as tlie so~ttlisrncoas 1: had been occupi.ed ,joi.nl:l.y by tlie

Clram :i.n tlic north aild the I(11iners in the south, tl~epri.ncipa2LLy 01: tile Clle

Ma sc?parntecl the two empires by a 1ci.ncl of wedge, lirom wl~i.ch wotrl.tl-be

al;gressors were deterred I)y the mount-sins lying insliore iiiicl the swamps.

1dit.h the estriblislmn~entoT Vietnamese rcginietlts and settlers i.n Pai~eluranga

and later i.n tlle 1)onna.i. clclta, t.1~lautl of the Che Ma was fi.nal.ly

eiici.rcled. 'Cl~econtj.nued cixi.s tence of sucll an enemy enclave, l~owever,

iiii glxt li~~veJeopardi.zed the ;~rriv;iL of Annami te rei.nf orcement s hat1 the

situati-on in Gin Dinh made it necessary to send for theiii. The suppression

of tile Cl~eMa appears to date lroni the end of the 1.7ti1 ccnllury: "Alas,"

runs a Chrau war song, "there was once a lting of 'Ci.orria, there was once an

Annamite king. 'Tl-ie Annamite lci.ng carri.ed off the king of ~ioma'swi.fe, and

tllat was the start of the war." 'Ylie bgcnds of the Chrau, the only ones to

mention tlle subject, speak only of giant turtles, enormous egrets, aucl

various 1ci.nds of cyclops, and Llic perj.1. in which these iiionsters placed -36- the people sometimes led them to seek help from the Vietnamese. These legends also tell of the occupation of the heights situated two days' march from Krontuk, that of a mountain overlooking the lower reaches of

the Danibre, a tributary of the Da Boue, and finally that of the source of

the Lagna. The territorial progress of the Vietnamese westward made a great impressio~lon the minds of the mountain people,

At the end of the 1.8th century, the surrounded princi.pality fell apart; the distaste of these tribes for any form of organization hastened

their return to their native anarchy, Where the process of breaking up did not proceed so far as to leave only i-ndependent vi.ll.;tges, only a

few groups of Ma, Sre, I;op and Gi.1, tri.besmen were 1.e.ft i.n the area of

the former con.Eederati.on. The Vietnamese lost no time in strengthening

their domination, and began to lay out roads, At tttc close of the 19th

century, Lt, Gautier retiiscovered sections of the one which led frau 'l'ri

An to the old territory 01 the Clie Mil ,via the confl.tlence 01 the Da Iloue

and Donnai rivers.

Another road hugged the river J.,ngna and, after slci.rti.ng the Nui Ong,

led into Khan11 IIoa. It was tlle mountain peop1.e who supplied frllc lnl)or to

build these fortified roadways that cnabl.ed the Viet:nai~iese to avoid

Pandurnnga, of which they were never Loo certai.~~.1:n 1755, ten 1:housancl

Chrau and Che Ma tribesmen wl~ohati been t:ransplanted to the (;o Vap region

or1 [-.he i.nstructi.olis ol' an Annanli.L-c ge~lcri~l,were set: up011 hy tllc? Canil~otli.:~iis.

Five tl~ousaiidof [:hem were rescued by the Major-General. ?'ri.nll, They were

ab1.e to witlidraw i.nto the area Itear Mt. Tay Ni.nh. 111 1757, a number of

Moi conscripts acti.ng under Annamite order:; were among the troops who

entered Phnom Penil.

Blthougti the Sadets and the Cl-ie Ma had bee11 forced to submit to the

growi.ng power of Vietnam, the Sedang, the I)a Vach and the l

sllelter of tl-1ei.r ~l~ounLnins,were to I~oldour; for a 1o11g t:i~neagai.nc;t any

ouLside inf luence. -37-

4. THE ORGANIZATION OF TI-IF, MOf COI!YtrRY ;3Y T1E VIETNAMESE, AND THE

EXPANSLOE OF VIETNAM TOWARD ':'!1Ii, SOU'i'li

iiarely thirty years had elapsed - ince the victory of I,e 'i'llanh Ton

(1471) and iiie estab2ishment oT 'l'onlcinese colonies in Cham country, before the Cliam and the Moi in the sout11 revolted against their conquerors during tlrc rein of Le Uy Muc, he uprising was ciuashed and the mountain people evi.ctcd Erom the plots they still lle3.d i.n Lhe coastal. plains (1504-1509),

It had taken less than 1:hi.rt.y years for relat:iol~sto become strai.ned betwec:n Irhe Vietnamese and the Sectone ;ind Bahnar livhg along the edge of tho ~nuuntzrj.ns ill Quang Nam ant1 0ua:lg Ng~lj. 111 no other area was there sr~cl~constaut rcba'l.lj.on against t:he lle,w o~:cupati.on forces. Accordi.ngLy, i.11 1.5ft0 the emperor appointed Bui Ta Han governor of thc province of

Qunng Nan). This .Leader proved as able an adrni.nis trator as Ile was an c!nterp~:ising soldier. I-Le 11ui.l.L forts on the western Cronl-i.er of present- tl;iy yuang Ngai (the province was not act:ual.ly creal:cd unt:i.l. a llundred years :I.ater). 'i'llnnlcs to this l.:i.ne of tlef:el~t;eand to the Eear that governor

B11i Ta llan was ab1.c t:o inspi.re, pence was restored I:o this trouble spot f2ar:l.y in thc 16th century (sic)$ "Mc~tly ~rlouiztain people became servants of the VI.e.t:ncirnese arld tended their orchardsf1(l4),

111 tlte 1.7tll century, the mi-litavy organization was further strengtliened.

Six &cq (IronLiel- provinces) were established along the border wit11 ~'nc

Lcrr L~DLYoccu1)ied by the :nounLain people.

111 1750, wtlen Nguyen Iloanp, Lllc' fottnder oi tlie Cochin-Chinese dynnsly,

became governor, he seems to have respected and retained the organization

i.nsti.t:uted by Bui %'a Iian. He liacl placed a native giao dich in charge of

tllc nloimtain clistrjc t under liis control; two centuries of peace (according

to the Annals) iirnily established the virtues of this system, which was

later extended to tile southern provinces as Vietnamese influence spread

southward.

-;iT,N. If ttie governor Eui Ta Wan was not appointed until 1540, the restora- tion of peace at tile beginni.ng of tlte 16th century can hardly be attributed to liim. i suggest "cikbut" is an error for "mi.li.eu," which would bring 1)acif i.ca tioii Lorwnrtl to so~iietimein tlie l55O8s, a much more likely chronology.

(14) "Phu Man I,uc," by 'l:i'& Phu Su (18721, RI, 1.904, p. 456 et seq. -38-

THE SE BANG BIENG REGION, AND VIETNAMESE PROGRESS WESTWARD

A rather special system of government was later granted to the Pou

T'ai, So and "Kha" tribesmen of the Se Bang Hieng region.

Laotians Prom the upper Mekong had takenlrefuge there under the leadership of their phaya to escape irmn the Hi dnd the Rur~nese. The

Icing of Vientiane had granted these fugitives his protection and the right

Lo occupy the territory of the Plleng My (from the Se Bang Fai to Ban That).

A revolt by the natives, the So of the valleys and the Khd of tire highlands, was crusl~edby the LaoLians. So~neof the vanquished Pheng My emigrated e'isLward ,ind set tled in the Cam Lo region occupied by the Vietnamese.

i'hc (:OIILL 01 1,.10s Il~dleTt Lhe ad~~~inistration01 the people in the Se

Ii'tllg l!iciiii: rcgi 01% J 11 Lile liands of Lhe ir iormer herecii tary chiefs, the & l~'~l1. - +- T,'kLer, around Ll~e beginning or the 18th century, the kings or Iluo,

\JIIO priclr 1.u tile det'e,it of Lhe I'heng My by the T'ai, had received elephants

Lroill tlte~i~as an annual tribute, successfully pressured Vientiane into rcviving Lhe tradi tion. Vo Vuong (1738-65) credt ed five iitrlong iil the region, I)uL selecLcd Lheir chiefs frtnn tl~every fa~uilicsfrom which the

1,110 ban wl~o servcd the Laotian noverei gns lldtl been chosen. The iniluerlce of these oLiicial agents, who were dpprvved simulLaneously by Lhe Courts oL Vientiane and ihie, was to have Llie eLfect of heartening and pacifying

~lle~O~LOII, wilere VieLnamese i oit~ni~~itton ldter took c( strong Iiold, Wi Lli

I.lle ~Icqule,terlce ol Lhe I,'ioLidn5, tl~cNguyen tlrus came Lo cuutrol Liie

1,esL of tlie roads l.inlti.np tlie sea cvilsL wi.th the banks 01: the Mekong.

'U11i.s roild started I-'ruil Cam Lo and went through the Ai Lao pass, '1'11is outcoi~leis a'll tile illore remarkab1.e because since 1421. and especiiilly si11ce 3.479 rclatio~lsbetween Ann,-tiitites and Laoti.ans had been marlted by

IIII:;,L ili Ly .

5. AIM AND PKOCEDUlXS OF THU VJE'I'NMSE ADMLNIS'I'IW'J'LUN

Froni tlle Lime ol thc 1)inli (967-9/9), that 15, ever since the AnnLlmiLes g,i 1 i~edLlre i r t ltdependet~~e,tile quest ion 01 the tnoilnLain people iiad confronted all the dynasties which successively ruled Vietnam. 'Che attitude and behavior of this nation toward the tribes of the interior llave been evaluated in widely differing terms, according to the individuals

appraising Lliem and the period or the region considered.

In tliejr relations with the people of the hinterland the Manddrius

lidd three object~ves: to contain tile tribes which had retired to the high-

lands, and to deny them access to the fertile land suitable Tor irrigntcd

pc~cidyLiclds,e.;peci<~ lly ~16the Moi, who fornierly ow~lecl tl~ebeplaitlc;, tcnded

to return to raid them wllcnever they had Llie least chance t o do so, 'Ille

~iiiZitaryorgani~ntio~i ,tl.ong llle frontier thus began to 1-alce sIl;ipe, and

wi ill i L ,I rigid ac,par.~ti~,~~1)etween the Annamite t~orLdand that of the

uiollntain peoplc. Near the approncl~es to the demarcatioll line, the

e, tnbllbl~nrcnt or cIJ-~;2.i-t (1 5) d17d i-on clie~?. (LO) was the ~t~stomarylriethud

the Anndnlitci used in spreading their influence.

l'roni thc I ribe:, ~l~c-yc oiicluered the Vietn;lmese dcrria~~dedpayment oi

iribute, eitlrer LL~sil vcr or in produce: rattan, rice-straw fiibric,

iiicLal:, and lurnl~er (c,+leiiibac or eag1.e-wood) in the southern rcgi011.

Fu~aLly,Llie~r dim wds aLso to rebcrvi: LO tllc Court or llue dnd its

rn~incl~irinsthe profits frmi trade with the inhLibitant:i of the plateaus, n

trade which was CLL'J the more profitable since co~npetitionwas entirely

el imlnated.

In Llleir favor, the Victnnmesc can adduce the [act that--contrdry to

what I~ddtaken pL:icc during the I

l,e n ileged regarding the l"ai, Sicjmese or Laoti ans--s Lavery with t hen1

remained tlie exception rather than the rule, Admittedly, the missionaric::

nritl, later on, tile French troops were to come across niany slave:, in

Vietnamese territory, especial.ly in southern Vietnam, and there was

indeed a ilnve market in Saigon (%l $a thang & (17), near the stud-farnis),

- - +------(15) Farming settiements, (L6) Military far~ns, (1.7) L. MalLerct, R.S.E.C., 1935, Mo. 4, p. 18. -40- but survivals of such practices are hardly out of place in fonner Cambodia of the Water (Cochin-China) . Whereas the Khmers and the Cham, followed after the 15th century by the Laotians, made their way into the hinterland and mixed readily (in the case of the Cham and the Laotians, anyway) with the mountain people, the Vietnamese made only furtive excursions west of the frontier, which was drawn roughly along the scarp edge over1.ooking the coastal ranges.

The only road by whj.ch the troops and agents of the Court of IIue were able to advance as far as the Mekong was the one north of Flue that led out of Quang 'Cri through the Ai Lao pass. Just prior to the revolt of the

Tay Son, the Annamites occupied the left bank oi the Grdat River between

the 16th and the 17th parallels, roughly between Kenmarat and Ran Don.

Against this background we shall attempt to pinpoint some features or the civil and conmercial orga~lizationwhich the Vietnamese imposed on the mountain people.

It was clear1y understood, to begin with, that the non-Annami te members of the population wou.Ld never be regarded as subjects of the Court

of Hue. The emperor Gia Long rejected a request to this effect "because no notion of social obligation can be detected in these barbarians."

The conquerors did indeed seek to expand onto the fertile land which had been cultivated by the mountain people, but the villages taken over

in this way were fairly rapidly brought under the common system of administra-

tion. The Nha Kinh-ly became just one more huyen, and the frontier was

pushed a little farther westward than it was before.

6, ADMlNISTIiATIVE AND FISCAL ORGANIZATION i However, bearing these general principles in mind, the regime applied

to the mountain people was one of great flexibility,

The boldness arid unruliness of the tribes of the Quazlg Ngai, hinter-

land led the Nguyen to make this province something of an experimental

area, and the organizati.ona1 system developed here was later to be extended

all along the mountainous ledge of Annam from the Col des Nuages to the

outermost foot-l~illr; of Binh Thuan. -41 -

A Moi region was created with a native dlias chief. First

instituted rnidway through tlie 1.6th century, the giao (Iich was riot abolished until 1863, wlicli the Son Phong was crcated. The district placed under the

control. of the gi~was subdivided in1.o four me7, where the pro-

.vi.nci.al Annaii~it:e adminis tration was represented by a & ,quali with one

01: rnore ELI cis deputies. Their primary function was to select the ---th~a &, who were the only persons autliorj.zcd to travel in the i.nterj.or

of the stxes. for the purpose of tradi.r~g; a few mountai.n pcop1.e were

given tile r.i.glii: to tratlo in Anrtamite country, In addition, the $- &

actcci as tax col.l.ectors. Apart fran tlie tax paid in silver (wl~ost: value

\%la!; rrrugl~ly~ci~~j.vnl.ent to 3., SO0 pias t:crs for the foul: nguyen of! Quang Nga i

provincci), i.1.: was Jiorl~i.dclen (to Jc?~iiandanytl~.ing Eurtller froill the mounl.;i-i.n

peq).l.c I. i.\ri.ng bcyc?nd tl~cIrotcntlari.cr; of t:lie !!,~J%I?,* Any ~atl:cmpt to oxt.ract

niol:e Iron1 tlri?se :;turdy peop1.e 3.ccl 1.0 revol.f::s. 'I'i~ep~:ol.i.l!erat.i.o~~ of L:he

coi\ait(?,rc i a. 1. o !;ell l:!~ oi: (:lie ~~\!~~~&!~~: sk 2;&, !;&xqc&L and , 1.~1her, &u_&&IL,

lizitl [:hi: same ri::;~i.l.ts,

'i'liii; ;idmi:i1i,strativi? systclli was subsec~uent'Ly exteilded sout:hward to

L:iri. (:~ii; i l:e was Lcrn eilgc 01: the tt:rri.tories occupied 1)y the An~tatni.ies;

niorec)ver, iL was mod.i.fi.ed anti adiiptecl to tile parti.cul:ic contlit:i.o~is ol' each

i1i:itricL.

1% I?anti~~rarlgn, the las l: rc!m:l ining s tronghol.cl of the Champa Ici.ngcIorn

iri t:'I~c sout:h, tlicl name:; g:i.vc~~Lo I.11(? t:ratli.~tg-;~gar~ts-ci~~~i-t~~x-~co~~ectc?rs

\iic!re riot the only tl-li.zzg;ij to bi: cl~nnged: the t:ax sy:.; tell1 ant1 the extent: of

the cxtor:ti.on practiced by the col.lectors ~lndt11ei.r deputies varied

I.ocal3.y ncc ording t:o how fearsome or harmless the mountain peop1.e appeared.

In I'ii.nh Hoa, the Blao were feared for tI1e:i.r st:orrriy 11ature. Accordingly,

,~lthouglii t wcls :,eLdoni poss iblc to gatlier even h:~LT of the tax due, the

col.l.c?ctors never resorted t:o vio1.euce. Lndeeil, tl~etax-farnlers ever1 paid

for le;lst:si, fiowevcr, i.n adtlitio~lto L:hc oTl.i.ci.a:l. arno~~ntof tlle tri bu t:e,

the prov.i.nci.al authorities "had t1iemsel:ves ofl!c!red" gifts,

Dhc Iloglni of Nha. 'hang, weaker arid more wretched, did not receive

st~chkid-g3ove treatment: the g.l ki~recouped themselves, as we can -42- only imagine, for the considerable trouble they went to in traveling great ciis tances to collect the ivory, rhinoceros horns or eagle-wood in which

the tribes there paid their dries. With the passage of time, the abuse grew so serious that in the 19th century the Court of Hue issued an edict:

Corbiddirlg SLIC~Ipractices. Vict1'1tors ran the risk oL being beheaded,

Fk~ny of the mountain pcople living very close to the frontier used

to :jati:;fy free of cllarge the needs and even the whims of the mandarins,

who somet:i.mct.s resold t.i~eir surplus. IJl.tirnat.e'l.y, however, i.t was the

Cl~inesewho profj.ted. from this 1busi.ness by buyi.ng t~pc1ieapl.y tlle merchandise

olltn-i.11c.d in tfl1J.s fashion, Ulouting the ordcrs issued by the royal governmen$,

1.11 133.1ih 't'h~~an~the Chiil~l, tile Ilogl,ai., the Mu, t:he Sre (despite tzheir inclre ;itlvanccd de.velopnrent) i~ricl t:li(? Cllrau fieem to have been i.11 an even more

:;orry prociic;ln~ci!,t: t:licrc, Cllrce .- 1.0% dicll both col2ectetl the taxes and

scrvcd as :jutlges, A'i.t:bou g11 poorer, L lle:;c n~ourlLain tri.bcs paid as heavy a

(:ax as r.11eir brotl~crsin IZhonll Ilrja, 'Chey paid extra I-axe:; (11: l)eeswax,

rlri.uocer~t)s liorns, i.roin, eagle-wootl (al.so lcnown as cal.enrbac or Lcx nncl

I~oriey.

'So this were added, for t.11~enti.re former terr.i.tory of I'nnduranga,

tlw srrrn:; [xiid by way oi' !!I. iind != %I& (1.8), the brunt of which fell

on tlie mos t doc i-le.

7. COMMERCIAL, ORCANIZA'IIZIIN

'Uhe org;%ni~,..ntion created by Dui Ta IIan (died 1568) had :;uccessfnll.y

pacified the mountai.ri people. 'i'tie peace lasted for 200 years, Even the

ways between the Trinlt <3nd the Nguyen (1627-77) failed to elicit any

sczi ouca rc-,rr ti on oii tile part of Ll~epeople of the I-iinterland, even in the

direst moiiients for the Coc1ii.n-Chinese, trheir masters, Moreover, nei.tlier

&liecivil w'rrs, nor the struggle against the Champa, were seized upon by

the niountain people '1s an opporti~nity for a general uprising. *-.---- - (1.8) !& 52: tlle furnisliing of matrerials and coolie clay-labor for the cons true tion anci niai.ntenance of public buj.l.dings. lloa --mai: goods procured for the palace feasts and the needs of the royal fami.l.y, ranging from torches t:hrougli logs of proci.ous woods to r11,inoceros horns. The prices, fixed at rock-bottom level by the central admi.nistrati.on, were subject to conimission paid to the m%ddl.enion. In practi.ce, no payment: at a11 found i.ts way back to the :;upplier:;.

-43-

During this period, the Vietnamese conquerors appear to have respected the custonis 01 their subject,tribes. Ul.timatel.y, the ViePnanlese were sati.s- fi.ec1 as long as the labor of these people provi.ded the~iiwith the wllerewi.thal to pay their tribute a.nd as l.ong as the bu1.k o.E the profits Erom their trad:i.ng ac t:i,vit:ies ended up i.n tlie royal treasury and the mandarins ' coffers.

'Ilhe following is an account of tile proceclure adopted in Ninli Thuan province in searching for and cutting eagle-wood (the "se1.1f of the Arabs" cal.etiiba, lv~ns), "the lnost precious corrunodity to be extracted frotn Cochin-

China for export to,forei.gn lands" (19). The senrch was ent:rustecl to a

Cham manda t:-itl, the Po Cal.linis, chief of tlie mos Len1 vi.llage of l!al.ei iial.np,

3.0 lcm. nor th o C T'lla11 Rang.

Under h.i.3 orclcrs, si.xl:cei~ supervised t:he Kogl.ai anrl their chief, lllle ,1??,x&cC, wlio was 1:espon:;i.bl.e for 'l.ocatint; and cutti.ng tile wood, Prccecletl and l:oll.owc?tl by sacri.i:'.i.ccri to tlic? dei.t:.i.c?s worshi.ped i.n t:llc vnl.:l.sy, t:lie e2c~?eCli.t:i.ous:i.n quest: of c!ag%c-.wood were conducted -i.n ~%l.ence;.it was

11eli.eveci that the :iuund oli a I~urntin voi.ce wo11l.d i.mpa.ir the fragrance of the trcc, "'i'he cal.eiiiba i.:; itri essence wll:i.ch beloixgs to the i(:i.ng (of Ilt~e)al.i)ne,

IJ~vi.rirue of t:he esteern in whi.cll its perfume and powers are held."

As for c.i.niimion, tliotlgl~ it: was ICIIOWII and was meut:i.oned in the earli.est reports o E the ii~i.ssionar.i.cs, :i.t was not rea:l.ly expl.oited u~lt.i.:l.later.

'Clle Vietnamese and ii~oc.intai.n pctop1.e Ilave, .i.n .[act, rccogr~ized its: commercial. val.ue for :Less; than 200 yc;lrr;, It i.s said that: t:hc:y I.enrncc1 of i.t tlirougl-I the Chinese. Iiefore tlie rcvo1.t of the Tay Son, the value of the tri.but8 demanded o.£ the m0untai.n pe0pl.c of wang Ngai pi:ovince in the form of cinnamon was less than o11e sevenky- fif th of the amounts levied in ~ii.lver

(20 Ligatures* worth of ci~inanionin the nguyen 01 Cu-bCt <$lone, ~o~npared with a levy or 1,470 l igdlu~'es Lor Ll-ie four nguyen togetl~~i-).111 addi.ti.on, frail the 1.7th century onward, rattan, woods, r11j.noceros horns, ------.-..-----.--- (L9) R.1). Christoforo Borrj , "Kelation de La ~zouvclle mi &&ionau lioyaume dc la Cochinchine," 13.Atl.V.H., Nos. 3 and 4, 1931, p. 299,

J.. ,.i.ransl.at:or'sI note: The "li.gaturet' was the I.ocal. form o.f currency. It seems to ha-ve consistecl o.E a ~zunil>erof pieces or coi.ns of si.l.ver (or gold) threaded on a string, ivory, elephants, betel, beeswax, etc., not to mention the ocellated pheasants for the emperor of China, a11 came to swell trade between the Moi and the

Annamites. Direct trading in these products, which accounted for a large part of the Vietnamese economy, was not tolerated anywhere. The thuong ho of Quang Ngai, cac Iai of Binh Dinh and Phu Pen, thu ngu and thuoc lai, --thua bien of Nha Trang, and thong dich of PEtan Thiet, the only societies of licensed traders, frequently abused their monopoly. The exasperation which ensued, the irritation caused by the imposit.ion of heavier taxes, and, to an even greater extent perhaps, an awareness that the Nguyen were gradually weakening during the second half of the 18th century, were eventually to lead to renewed uprisings by the mountain people.

8. TIE REVOLT OF 2761

The reign of Vo Vuong (1738-65) was a troubled one, and the mainspring of the trouble lay in opposition to the policy of Truong Phuc I,oan, the regent.

Ttie muuntain people of Quang Ngai--the Hre, Tare and Icare, who were interbred with Cham and Jarai stock; the Xa Giang and Ka Giong, of the

Sedang family; the Bonom, of the Rahnar family; and finally the 'l'ava and the Talieng--were luit~ped together by the Annamites under the collective name of Da Vach (cf, the Dayaks of Borneo). In Hue, they were regarded as relatively peaceful, forgetting the defeat which these "~oi"had inflicLed on the Vietnainese near Mt. Da Vach. These tribes, though co~npletelydivorced from the political agitation going on in Annam, may nonetheless have detected a certain loss of assurance among the mandarins, who acted as agents of the Court of Hue. Agitation immediately grew rife anlong groups of I

'I'rang "Moi" were particularly troublesome. All of them grew increasingly rel.uctant about paying their taxes, which were becoming steadily more burdensome. The royal administration began to pester the thuong & more and more, and in 1761 the Annamite villages which had so painstalcingly been established along the frontier, under a peace that had lasted through

eight succeGve reigns, had to be evacuated.

It was not until. 1770 that l'ran Ngoc Chu, invested with the rank of lcllam sai, was finally able to quell the revolt. Having once again clriven

the rebels back into their mountains, he built fortified posts along the

fronti-sr to hold them back. IIe restored the vollagec; that had been

evacuated in 1761 to their Lormer owners, strengthened them by putting in new settlers, and ordered a resrrnlption of rice growing.

At about this time, the Nguyen were swept from power by an i.nsurrec-

tion staged by the Tay Son (1773) and the capture of liue by tile Trinh. u

In their downfall they brought down 'l'ran Ngoc Chu and a3.1 he iiad achieved.

'Many mountain peop1.e placed then1se:Lves under the orders of Mguyen Van Nliac

and his: brothers, who were trying to muster :IS many Figliting men as they

col~lclfor the concluest of the Antlam plains. In 1775, under the assau1.L

of the niountain people and the Ctraiil, ttic Vietnamese were once niore repel.let1,

this time as Ear as the sea.

9, T11E 'YAY :>ON AN11 'IiiIE MOIINTAIN PEOPLIS

llailing froin Nghe An, the Nguyen Van Nhac family had been establishecl ' on the An Klie pl.ateou in Tay Son for four generation.s. Nguyeri Van Nhac

llarl begun by trading i.n betel wit11 the Moi and Xahnar tr.i.bes i.n the

territory in which he I.i:veil, and l~adlater 1)ecome a tax collector in

Val1 Doll.

When, after squanclering t:he money entrusted to him, Nguyen Van

Nhac fled into the mountains, Ile promptly recrui.t:ecL a bank of "CI-~i.nese,

jungle bandits, and Cochin-Chinese rebels."

Supporters flocked to his cause, urged on by tlie increasing burden

of taxation and 1ty the situation of such abject debti tu ti on that in 1774

a handlul of hulled rice cost one ligature and human 1lesli was on sale in

lie marlcets (20) .

'I'hougll he robbed tlle rich, Nhac gave some of his booty to tl-le poor,

and thus became lcnown as the charitable robber. In this way he won rapid --- (20) Caclikre, "Le Mur d& Dong lioi," B.E.F.E.O., 1906, p. 238, n. 1. -46- popularity; with the help of contributions from certain local notables, he built up his forces and in 1773 succeeded in taking Qui Nhon.

In November of the same year, the Tay Son revolted and fought a pitched battle on the boundary of Binh Dinh and Quang Ngai. The rebels comprised three bodies of troops: "one Chinese, the second barbarians deployed on either wing, and the third the rebel Cochin-Chinese sandwiched

in the center1'(21). For the first time since the beginning of the uprising,

the royal troops made a serious attempt to resist. The battle lasted

three days. Finally, the Chinese fought their way through to the bravest

of tile mandarins (the c&i- Be, according to the Spanish missionaries) and

the rebeLs carried the day.

IIistory records that the mountain people and the Cham serving with

the Tny Son later toolc control of the north of the province of Quang

Ngai as Tar as the port of Co Luy Tan on the sea coast. "In certain

valleys in these regions one finds a large n~~mberoE cultivated plots wlhich formerly belonged to the Cochin-Chinese, who were forced to abandon

them on accc)uut of the almost daily thefts and murders by the nlountain bandits.. .. Only one who lias crossed the mountain region can really know the cruelty oP its inhabitants" (22), and the missionary goes on to

mention that "no clothing protects them against the tllorns, it being their:

custom to fight naked."

On December 21, 1773 another battle toolc place, but farther to the

north this time, in Quang Nan. "On the left, the mandarins, who were

supposed to hold back the barbarians, turned tail and fled with all the

elephants" (22). However, the royal troops rallied and t-he Tay Son were

obliged to withdraw into the mountains.

There is no call here to retrace the history of the Tay Son; it will

suffice to highlight just some of the episodes in the war against the

rebels in which the mountain people appear to have been involved.

Contrary to what we had hoped, the book by Mr. Hoang Xuan llan throws no

light on this subject.

(21) "Les Espagnols dans 1'Empire dtAnnam," B.S.E.I., 1940, Nos. 3 and 4, p. 75.

(22) "Les Espagnols dans 1'Empire d'AnnamY1'R.S.E.1. 1940, Nos. 3 and 4, pp. 72 and 76. After the decisive successes of Nguyen Anh in the south, "the rebels sought to move down the Melcong; in putting this plan into effect, they doubt:less passed through the Ai Lao gap and the hinterland of the Se Bang

I-Iieng, which they co~~trolled.However, upon arriving in Cambodidn territory they came up againsL a Siamese amly which promptly Lo]-cecl the171 to return to Ann'im by the way they had come" (23)

In 17'30, there wds an uprising in the region round Bassac; the

Vietnamese garrison was unable to ~ontrolit, and prince Iloi had torts buiLt along the new delnar~rition3 ine. In the course of this some year, the province of Binh Thuan changed hands several times,

In 1794, ait er the deatl~of Ng~~yenVdn I-Iue, rollowed by that ol

Nguyen Van Nliac, Llle 'ray Son, ~~llowere laying sicage to Dien IZhdn11) were

Corced to takc to Llze rnoulltain road in order to reach Qui Nhon.

In 1797, the mounl ajn people ol 13inh 'l'huan revolted agclir]st Lllc Lroops of IJg~~yt'nAuh, arid mi lilnry columns Irad to be orgawi~edto ~ubcluc I liem.

'rwo years later, Mguyen An11 deiuantled that: a Sianiesc army cross Ihc highland s ; the AI~~~I1 i l is t oizl y Lhe Sidnie~e,IChmer and 'Idao t i ,~riuniL s of i.11i.s army, but: in al.1 probabi.l.ity it aI.:;o numbered some mou~tta-inpeople in its ranlcs, 'l'lli:; force was supposed to atirack Nghc An, wl1il.e the (:ochFn-

Chi.ncse, adv;incing from the sotltll, tried to clrive baclc their adversaries norf:l~ward. 'Ch-i.:; opera tion prov:i detf yet: c~nothel:opporl:uni.t'y .for levy i.ng troops.

:In the fol.lowi.ng ycwr, :L800, [.he Siamese, twcnty elephants led by

C:i~nt.~oclians, ant1 above all ~11eZ,anti.ans, having reached [:he northern par ir of Annarn, incited revolts ~n Nghe An and Thanh Hon. By way of reprrs,rl, tl-ic Tny Son did their beqt to turn the tribes ol: Tran Ni~ihagainst Nguyen

Anh, and to thwart this attempt at subversion the Latter had Lo send reiniorcernents under the command of I,e Pln~cTuong by Lhe mountain road passing through Cam Lo ancl Lao Bao. Thereupon, the ~>rinccenjoined 1 he

Laotians and Lhe Moi to guard the clef'iles. The future emperor Gia Long toolc atlvantage of this opportunity to organize bodies of. troops in the

Annami te nloun tai n!;. ------

(23) 11. mil re, "Jungles bfoi," p. G68. -48-

Finally, after the Tay Son movement had been finally crushed in 1802,

the rebels who had escaped Lrun Qui Nhon fled into the mountains led by

their generals Dieu and Dung. Le Van Duyet and Le Chat pursued them and

forced their surrender; with them, 150 elephants fell into the hands of

the Nguyen.

Another version has it that after being crushed by Cia Long the Tay

Son took refuge in Sedang country, where they remained for quite a long

time (24),

It would be necessary to examine the part played by each of the

military leaders in order to iind out how, if at all, the mounLain people were involved in this conflict.

The following, for example, is what we are able to ;:lean Lrom the

biography oL Chau Van Tiep (25). Ile was a native oL l'hu My, in present-day

Rinh Dinh. In Lhe course of his trading, he struck up relations with

Nguyen Van Nhac, and, with his three brothers, 'L'iep mustered more than a

thousand Moi and took up a position on Mt. 'i'ra Long. Le Van Quail, his

brother-in-law, had married Le Thi Dau, the celebrated Chau Muoi Nuong,

who was giited with a particular flair for war, as are all the girls of

Binh Dinh province according to a local proverb.

Nhac, worried by the Trinl~in the north and threatened in the south

by Tran Cia Dj.nh, who was serving the Nguyen, concluded an agreement under

the terms of which Tiep was to place his troops at the disposal of pri.ncc

Duong, the son-in-law on the leader of the 'Tay Son, However, when the

latter betrayed the cause of prince Duong, Chau Van Ti.ep returned to

occupy Mt, Tra Long, this time against the Tay Son. On behalf oL Due Ton

(Hue Vuong), he defended Phu Yen and Binh Dinh provinces in 1776 and Binh

Tliuan in 1778. "Thereatter, the imperial army held its head a little

higher." Tiep died in the service of Nguyen Anh in 1784,

Nhac had also found another ally in a certain Duyen, who had first

distingui.shed himse1.f when defending Nam Ngai against attacks by the Moi.

(24) Lavallke, "Notes ethnographiques sur diverses tribus au S. -E. Indochinois, I' B.E.F,E,O., 1901, p. 291 et seq.

(25) B.S,E.I,, 1910, and B.A.V.li., 1.914, pp. 134 and 135. -49-

During the reign of Gia Long, the Siamese took control. of the Cambodian provinces of Melou Prey, Tonle Repou and Stung Treng, and their rule then extencied as far as tile right barllc of the Melcomg soutl-2 ot: the Kltotle falls,

The former ascendancy of the Cambodians over tlie tribes of the hinterland gradual1.y gave way to dorninatj.011 by tl?e T'ai peoples, the Laotians i.11 t:lle north and the Siamese in the soutliwesk.

At around the same time, that is, 1800, "the Atmamite arinies penetra tect into the 11interl.and of central Annatn, spreading thei.r cont.rol. Srorir Iiue on the coast to tlie Meltbng and along tl~isri.ve,r fro111 the 1.6th to the 1.7th

1~acal.lel.north; t11j.s i.ncl.uded the entire basin of the river Se Rang Ilieng, the sl?:Lenclid nil tural. route down wllicl~ ILlle Annanii. tes advanced" (26). In

[:he F;e Bang Ilierig region, five di.stri.cts establi.sl~odby the Court ol lhre were subdi.vi.cletl into nine inuong, i.11 whi.ch autliori.t:y was vested in thc?

( I?ou 'Y'ai, who col.l.ec tetl tlic i:ri.l,ui:c (27) and clespat:cl~ccl it to the imper:iul. treasury. Tlie bu1.k of thc revelltie carne from taxes on I.ztnbering i.n the forests of the Anuan~i.tc: range. 'Che royal.ties corlti.nued to be paid unti.1 tile Si.anlese i-nvasion,

To the east oT the 11i.ne mm, there were nine Lt coveri.ng a total of 67 Moi vi.l.l.ages under the juri.sclicti.on of the tri:-pi11 of Can1 T,o, A road two to four meters wide was bui1.t from Cam Lo to the Mekong, passing tl~rougllMai\l,anlr and Lao Rao, ant1 another vi.a La111 13tr:i., tang Sen and Xuong lChanh.

"Thus, the tri.bes of Can] TLo, tlic Moi tribes of Annam, and t:he Sadets of Fire and Water brought gifts to tile capital and cariie to pay ho~nage to the sovereign" (28)-

10. TilE ADMZNISTRRIIVE ACIIZEVEMENTS OF GIA LONG. TiIE TRAN MAN.

Gia 1,ong refilsecl membership in the empire to the barbarian tribes oT tile rnountain region that sougitt to join; once restored to the ancestral. .----

(26) Maj, Nyo, "'La pQn4tration franqaise dans l.es pays moi.," 13.S,E.I., No. 2.

(27) For Ltte cli stric t oC Song l

(28) Mdybon, "1l.i s~oirelnoderne du pays d'linna~it," p. 386. -50- throne, the prince's first concern was to reassert his authority over the'!

Moi territories and to resume trade with the subject tribes. He was assisted in this by Le Cong Duyet, from Mo Duc, who had shared the years of ordeal with him in the south and on whom he had twice had Lo call. to quash revolts in Nam Ngai.

As always, the organizational set-up was first established in Quang

Ngai. fn 1804, in the western part of the province, the king founded '1 completely Moi district called Tran Man, which became Lhe appanage of Lhe

Nguyen Cong Toan family of Binh Son. In the reign of Due Ton, thaL ib, before the Tay Son, Nguyen Cong Toan had won fame by routing a body of

Moi troops who were returning from a raid wit11 their spoils, and by tliits setting free many captives held by the mountain people,

Just as before 1.773, Tran Man comprised four l?guycn with five

(frontier provinces) at Cu-ba, Dao, Phu Ba and Ba To, and six lcien coo

Nguyen Cong Tru and Nguyen Klzac Tuan fortified the frontier by constructri.ng

frontier posts at strategic points,

The tribute fixed by tile Court, which incidentally was paid in a fairly regular manner, was lowered to its 1773 level., Recollecti.ons of

tlie trouble whicll the ?lay Son had encountered when they had tried to double the tribute paid by the nguyen of Da Bong effec,tively ruled out

any question of increasing the taxes. Indeed, except for the guang Ilri.

region, only tlte mountain people in the east were subject: to the tax.

"The Annamites never dared to venture very deep into the 11interl.nnd."

In 1819, the year before the great emperor dierl, Le Van I11tyet I)og:trl

to build the defensive wall to ward off the incursions ol the nlounLairl

people; although as a fortification it was not perticularly sirong, stx11t:

traces of it can still be found toddy on maps and at its iite.

One hundred and fifteen posts, each manned by tcn soldiers, were

placed at intervals along the 90 lcm, 01 this truong ~LIY~,whi~h wd'.~

protected by ditches and a hedge.

"The Annamite colonization was thus destined to continue, more

unbending than ever, and still based on the same system as itad been e~iiploye(l ever since the conquest of the Cliampa kingdom, a sys tem which the Moi uprisings had only temporarily been able to thwart.. The Moi withdrew farther and farther into the mountains before the conquerors, yielding the valleys they still occupied in the plain to the,new arrival.^, who were more tenacious, harder workers, and above all inore prol.ific, The il.ill.sides, barely scratclieci by tire primitive dibbles whicb tlie tribesmen used, now began to be t:urnecl over deeply by Annamitc plows (29), and at the center oL the ctllt:i-vat:ed plots first one, tlien two, then ten huts would spring up; finally, and, as time went on, with growi.ng ease, a central longhouse or &+i wou1.d appea.r, syubolizirlg clle early beginnings of comn~unitylife in t:he buddi.iig vil.l.nge (30)"

12. 'I'IiR VIEZI'NAML3SI3, 'I'HE CllhM AN1) TlIE MOUNTAIN PI

PROV TNCE. 1'0 ClUilJN CllAN,

Throughout the c1i.CEerent: tli.stricts of cent.ral. Anllain, from Qunng 3:ri to soutll of Vare:ll.a, Llie Annamitos' policy of expilnsi.on cont:i.nued it.s regular advance al.ong tl~cfringe of the niountain people's terri.tory,

Conducted wi. t:ki gi:ca ter brutal.:lty t11i111 i.n Rintl 'Ilhuan, .i t mcl. wi.th setbacks not encount:erecl elsewhc.l:e. It was agai.nst this background that the story of one of: tlie last Clianl princes of l?ancluranga, Po Cheun Chan, unf olcled .

In 1.799 Gia I.,ong had plnctd him in commancl of all the Cliain and a1.l the

We do, however, lcnow the name of &heprince's wire, which was Rrah; we also know that ize was takcn ill and withilrew to 13'ilok Cham in soutllern

13inh 'fl~uan. lie was not laclcing in energy, howevcr, and indeed occasionally

(29) P, Lechesne, "1,es Moi du Centre ~ndoctiinois," li.I., 1924.. Arnong tlie Bahnar it was for a long time regarded as sacrikge to use a plow. A, Raudenne, I:.I., 191.3, p. 238: "Pl.ows are used only by the neophytes of' the missionari.es .,,. The ochers would feel bound to offer all kinds of sacrifi.ces if they ventured to breolc tile grouild in this fashion." -52- resorted to violence. An Annamite mandarin found this out to his cost when he tried to ravish his daughter: Po Cheun Chan had him killed, These events seem to be contemporaneous wi.th tile death of Gia Long and the accessi.on of Minh Mang (1.820).

It was undoubtedly because of that murder that wRi1.e on a reconnaissallce trip i.n the territory of the Chrau Bala, in the southlwest of the province, he received instructions through an envoy from the Icing to give an account

of liis actions before the governor. Po Cheun Chan was to bring his sons aizcl grandsons with ldm; however, the Clirau seized the Vietnamese messenger.

Al.ong with the summons to appear, the messenger had brought gifts of cl.othing and rolls of material as a mark of the esteem whioh the Court of

li~ieintended to show its vassal..

'The dj.eu lcIii1~1duly set off for tlie plain and tlie capital. On 11i.s way, a [minor mandarin stopped llim at Busai and had a cangue'c placed round his neck, although it was later order to be removed by a more senior official.

tiowever, the prince was forced to remain in captivity for two months. I-te was then subjected to violent treatment at the hands of a certain Ong ']'a, who was apparently out to execute him. On the morning of the day set for

the execut.j.on, a higl-1-ranking ol'f i.cial sent for the prisoner for ques tionin5.

Po Cheun Cl1a11 finally made good his escape from the violent clutclles of

the provincial authorities.

As soon as Re was free, weary of all these scruggl.es, he planned to

:I.ecld 11i.s foll.owers (Cliam and mountain people) to Cambodia. The Annamites

tried to stop him, but after winning the ensuing battle he was able to

evade them. He fled to the I

follow to reach Khmer country. The first Koho he met gave him a warm

welcoiiie, but a little later a force of 200 warriors of the same tribe--

conceivably at the instigation of the Annami.tes-"attaclced 11i.m. A Cham

officer, Juk Bang, managed to brealc through the line, whereupon the Koho

took to flight. Po Cheun Chan finally subdued them after four months of

struggles.

9cT.N.: See Webster's Third International Dictionary.

-53-

In Llle end, the Ic~ngoT Anna~n authorized the exodus of these moslern

C!ic~m tribesmell in the direction of Cambodia, and the Dong guided

LLleui as L'tr as the Bu Svai area, while Juk Bang rentdined behind with the

1Zoho Lo raise Llie necessary buffdloes and victuals. After repulsing a

Idbl-mit~uteattack by I

:ioine ten years I

1:1101.1 TIP 1.5 tl~'1'0 'l'llt? l(Al.Cl,Y 1.9 t:h CDN'SLIRY

I., !YIAVE ItATIlS

In tlie ear; I:, [:he t:ri.l)es of tile l~interland,subject- t.o the suzeraint:y of tl~eVietnamese, systematically drive11 from tlw plains arid the fertile crop 3.aud ;inti treated gurlera1l.y as i.uferi.or bei.ngs, were tiorced to witli- clraw i.n[:o iiiount.nins tllnt: were too forbidding to tenipt the conquerors to i~lrthe~:pursuit. Altliougl~ t-he coutrol of the Aniiamites had its harsh s,ide, at l.ctast the irttial-~itaill:,.;of the plateaus benet'i-ted from the order

'i.'liii wes l..errl part: oi [.lie iij.l~terl.nnd, on t:he otlier hand, entered on

jii:;L :!s cti.sastrous and c11aoti.c n period of t:iiej.r 1lisl:ory ns did the ri:g%on:; i)ordering on the Mekong at the same time. 'She 17th and 18th ic,nturics were t.0 precipitdte the downfall of Canil>odia, The powerful and sl~lcr~dltll,,in X,iilg OF tlie 17th centul-y was destinecl to be cut up into Lour --" -- 4--"-.wp------"- (13) Aymon~i~er,"1,6gezldes historiques charn," E. ot K., XTX, L890, p. 148. -54-

Laot.i.a~ikit~gdoms (Vientiane, hang Prabang, Xieng Khouang, and Bassac).

Sinm, Elrtsl~edwi.th its victory over thc Khmers an.d Z,aol:ians, seemed poir;etl at [:lie tnrn of the 1.9tll century tro assilme control. of the entire Mekollg I,u s i.n .

It was tlie mount-ail] tribes which paid the price of these upheavals.

Fal.ling into tlte Iiands oT one master after the other, disorganized and demoralized, they iuevi.tably fell prey to slave-11unti.ng raids by the

Ta Iioi, Sedang an.d Jarai.--joinecl in these rcianhunts for their own ends, ant1 it was tiley who by depopulating the Champuon region, and the banks of

[:he Se' Sari and Srepolc rivers, liep t the iitarkets of T'IIIIOIII Penh, Banglcok,

Attopeu, Sienlpang, Bassnc and S [:tl~~gTreng supplied wi.tl-I slaves from the nioilrl tnin regions. l'l-~eAnnalni t es, it is said , ordinarily refrained Ero~n t11c slave crade, alt:hough unwary Vietnamese were some1:ilues captured in t.lle b~i:ih and kept as sl.aves. 111 such cases, they endured a iar harsher ai>rvit~~ciei-llan t~lirit s13CCered by t:he rnountaitl people who were in captivity.

'J'lle SLi,elig .in the south, for I-lleir part, were active purveyors of sn.;1vcs.

2. '1'111.: KK'I'HISA'I' OF THE l

Harassed by tlie Arul~amites in the east, the 1,aoti.ans in the north,

.rrliJ 'thovc

ir11 l~~canccvvcr the hinterlat~dwhich Lhey had forrnerly donlinated dnd wii 1c.h I)icbc, Helloso, wllcll searcl~ingfor King Sotha 1 wl~ohad taken reiuge

i 11 I,,LO<,, ~ouldst111 cross Trorn tlic Annam coast to the Mckong (32) in the yt' 11-5 I-i~atfollowed tile capture of Lovek by the Siamese (1593). By the l,c!gi.l~rii ng of t:he 17th cen tury the 1Zhmers had lost c:veryt:hi.ng they once co~)~.rol.l.eduor(:h of the I

oF tllc Se Kong ancl Sc Son, 11ad infiltrated everywhere when Chey Chetta ZI

(1618-28), overlooking the threat from the Siamese, despatched a small

I (wce of Japanese, Chinese, Pkilays and Klumers in the direction of Attopeu

(32) 11, %:itre (".Jungles moi") stdLes that D. Belloso and B. R~tiztraveled 1 rom Liue to Llie Mekong by w<~yoL the river Se llaizg ilicng (1536). -55- and the gold mines he believed they would find there, The first: expedi-

tion was a disastrous failure, but the next brought the Cambodians back into the hinterland and along the Great River north of Bassac, The

Dutchman Van Wustllof reported their presence there in 3.641,

A century later, around 1775, two advcnturcrs, 'l'a Seng and 'I'a Piing, at the head of a band of Khmer slave I~nnters, set up base in Seng Pang

(how Sicn Pang) on tl~elower Se IZong river, Their mass raids 011 the Brae

drove them northward in the tlircctionr; ol Attopcu, T,atcr, at the bq$nning

ol thc 19th century, some Canll3od ial~sL-rom Rorlleas Ilclc who were being

persecuted by tllo govcrnor oL 'I'libn~tngI(hrnu~n cirrivocl to swell the numbers

oI Llle Khrners ill Siem P'ing, Subsecluent event r, show how in a short space

oL tinlc tllc Si.amesc were to convelt this Ca~nlmclian outpost i lito a Laot ian we

3. 'CLM AL)VANClS OI" TIIE lAO'C1ANS

AL the beginning oC Lhe 28th century the Laot:i,~ns, who were esi-ab'lished

31011g the SD Rdng IIicng river aud had rul.ed ovel: AL t opeu slnce thc end o£

the 16th century, intensified their infiltration tow'lrd the southeast,

altl~oughtheir aclvance never assumed the proportions oL a real conquest.

At home in the forest which the Annam.Ltc?s so clreadcd, the subjects of thc

king of Vientiane mixed readily with the Sue (cross-breeds of the [

Laotians) of the valleys and contributed to the spread of Laotian customs,

The Se lZong and Melcong rivers brouglit- them as far as Stung Treng, whicll

the C:ambodians, who were also under attack fro111 Siam, gave up wj thout. a

struggle. The indo1nitabIe mourltain people, for their part, fled from the

slave hunters and sought asylum in the high-lying areas; the stream ol

Laotians, spurning these mountainous outcrops, sought out the fertile Land

and clung to tlie ndvi.gable waterways, In this way they gained control of

the Se Don basin and the Bolovens pldteau,

Pollowi.ng down from the Se lcong, the Se Sn river brought the '~'ai

eastward into the heart of the territory of the ltalang; tltero they levied -56- taxes and charged gold-dust for the buffaloes they brought into the country.

Finally they supplied the officials with Laotian Crading licenses and seals, For a few years, Ban Ek actually became the capital city of the province. Applying once again tlie policy that had served him so well. in the Se Bang I-lieng region, the king appointed a native chau In cl~arge of the aof Sathan,

Still farther to the east, a Laotian post was set up Ln Bahnur

I.erritory on the right banlc of the 13121 river opposite present-day I

Zn addition, a chau muon% was pLaced in charge of the Icon Hard region.

The seckang, incidentally, credj t the Laotianb wi Lh l~dvingfirst

intro~luccd tllein to the art oL Fron-working,

'I'o he sou1.11, travelling as far as the river S~~epok,tlie 'l"ai founded

Ban Lain and Uan Don, among tllc Mnong.

Tlms, tol.erant and beneficial for those who acceptecl it, but catastrophic

for the rebellious tribesmen threatened by the slave traders, the influence

of tlie Laotians had spread soutl~wardas far as tlle 12tli paralle:L and

eastward to the brink of t:he scarp face ovcrhangi.ng Annam.

4.. STAM ANI) LAOS AT WAR

Ilowever, si.nce 1.771 the King of L,aos, Sai Ong Hue, had been at war with Siarn, w1ii.ch had entered into an alliance with the kingdom of Luang

Prttbang and tit tacked Vient:i.ane.

Some ol. the mountain peop:le near the approaches to the Se Bang llieng

pref:'erred to leave all their chattels 'behind tllc~nand, rather than remain

in subjection to the Laotians, settle down in the east near Cam Lo under

the authori.ty and protection of the Vietnamese, while others of the So

tribe, for the same reasons, crossed the Mekong to the west and settled

i.n the vicinit:~of Melou Prey and Tonle Repou. 'I'hey are sometimes

i.dc:iltified with the Kuoy of modern ti.mes.

The kings of Vientiane, at grips with the Siamese, joined in the

exodus of their subjects toward Cam Lo, Chereby hoping to win tlie support

of the Vietnamese.

After conquering Melou Prey, Tonle Repou and later Stung Treng (1814) the SLamese accepted the surrender of Ponhea Huk, the Cambodian who was the commander at Siem Pang and who thus became the first Siamese vassal on the left bank of the Great River, The Sidmese gave him a deputy or: -ou pailat oi Laotian nationality called Tliao Oun, who replaced Ponhea Mul~ as the chau zollg when the latter died, Once again, therefore, but t:his time at: the instigation of Si.am, Lhe inE1.uence of the Laotians supplancod that of tile Carihocli.ans in the li.Lrit:erland. Tlie latter rapid3.y became "Lao- sized." For the rest, only the slave traders and hunters were left in

Llie I-cgion; t.he crop growers, saddled wj LIi jntolerab1.e taxes, had taken refuge in Bassac,

After 1.827, wheu Vientiane w~staken, the plateaus fci3.l rapidly into tire power of the Siamese, IChe Vietnamese c1i.d atternpi. Lo block tile invaders progress and on the first occasion (3.828) suceeded in drivitlg Lliern baclc; later, pushing lorward a second tiiiic, the Si.an~esedepopulat.ed tlle region of the Se Bang liiclig river, wllereilpo~~the subjects oE I-Lue retired in the direction of Carn T,o, The enemy perse.vered with its expansion, Iiowever, and when, beginning iu 1887, the French intervened in support. of Annamite claims, they found the Si.ame:;e flag all along the Annamite range to as far south as the latitude of Nha 'Crang (just above the 12th parallel. N).

Tile most important Siamese dignitaries were starioried in Attopeu,

Uassac, Stung Treng and Oubon.

Occupation by the Siamese proved disastrous for the niountain people,

The Siamese levied a tax payable in gold (33) on their subject peoples; the gifts made to the minor mandarins constituted an additional burden, On the whole, policing was entrusted to Laotian militiamen, The new rulers did nothing to enliance the welfare oil the people, Mass rrtigrations took place iron1 Laos to Siam, wl~ichwas being raided by the Burniese, The entLre Itinter- land was laid waste by tile slave trade which was tolerated, when not actively encouraged, since ttie oflicials received a tithe on the proceeds,

(33) Some villages were required to pay, in gold-dust, the weight of 2, 5 or eight grains of rice per inl-iabltant. Without hope, their fields or their food-gathering (s)grouvlds in utter neglect, the tribes led an existence of unspeakable wretchedness.

6. REVOLTS

Around 1820, urged to action by a Laotian bonze, Ya Pu (34), the Rlao of the Se Kong river sack& Attopeu and the larid of the IIalang. T'he Laotian authorities, te~nporarilythrown off balance by the suddenness of the attack,

£.inally managed to isolate the leader of the revolt on an inaccessible peak, which has been, known as Ya Pu ever since. There, i.n return for provisions that were brought to him by willing supporters, the rebel d:i.stributed mi.rac.ulous water, The police forces eventual.ly succeeded i.11

' 8 st:onni.ng his retreat: Ya Pu was talcen captive and beheaded. Many

:;j.mil.ar risings ensued; the farther the mountain people s:i.uk in their mi.sery, the more t:hey tend to loolc for a "messiah" who will restore their

good fortunes. We shal3. have frequent occasi.on L.o revert to this topic,

and we shall encounter this same confidence, as enduring as ever, in t:he

magic powers of a potion that protects warriors and wards off all disease.

CI3APTER VIII

TIIF MOUNTAIN PEOPLE FROM TIIE RESTOWfLON OF TIB

NGUYEN LN ANNAM UNTIL 1859

The revolt led by Le Van Khoi, and the wars which had preceded it

starting in 1830--wars between Siam, Cambodia and Annam fought in the

theaters of Cambodia and Cochin-China--all these upheavals resulted, when

peace came in 1846, i.n tile evacuation of Cochin-China by the vast majority

of the Cambodians who had lived there since the close of the 17th century.

l-lowever, one Khmer enclave remained in the northern part of the province

of Tay Ninh.

(34) According Lo P. Guilleminet, a ya- is a heroic demigod born of a male or female genie and a human being. In former times, the peopled the earth and lived fox hundreds of years. They were invulnerable and possessed elixirs of far superior potency to the best remedies to be had today. 1, THE STXERG

This demographic revolution affected the border of northern Cochin-

China. For two hundred years Vietnamese legislation had been applied to the subject zone, which lay approximately soutll of a line between b1ui 130

IZe arld Nui Tho Son. From 1850 onward, Annamite infiltration intensified on tlie southern edge of the gentle and easily accessible slope wliictl rises toward the pla tcau ol ce~~tralInclochina and whose populnti on, orig inal1.y

Stieng, had long been influenced by the Khmer occupatiolz,

The Stieng wllose blood was purest were situated farther to Ltie north and liad ijucti a L'ormi.dahZe reputation that they 11ave some ti~~iesbeen referreg

Lo as the Scdar~gof the souC11,

l:hc i.ric:e:isant guerrilla warfare against the Mnong tribes profit:ed the slave dealers more thali anyone el.se, Bands of Stierig t:ribesmon ventured beyond tlie Che Ma plateau i.n search of I;op or T,at: capti:ves wllicll they brought back from tlie Upper I)o~~nai.for sale in Cautbodia, and in

C:ocl~i~?-CtiFna,too, 111 IZratie the slave trade was recognized to such an extent: tltat the Khmer government imposed a levy of 6 francs for every captive sold in the c i. ty ' s slave ma rice t,

On eitlier side of the Song Be val.l.ey and of tlte secl:i.on of tl~eprcscnj: lioute 13 tliat 1x111s parallel to it, t:l~e primi.t.:i.ve tribes, who hat1 up t:o then bee11 plundered by axid conipel1,ed I:o interbreed wit.11 tllc Calulbodi.ans, the Cham and tlie Clie M~I, I~cnceforwardnlet the same fate ot thc hands of the Anna11iit:es. It1 tl~isway, the 'I'io Ma, Che Ma, Uudeh, Prezlg, Nonp, Biet

Belen and Riet Bunur, at least those cl.osest to the delta, los t what few distincti..r7e characteristics they 111ight still have retained, The crearru of these tribes was subsequently skinmed off by tile Artnamite wood-dealers and tradesmen whose avarice was not- tempeued by even nominal supervi siou, liowcver, although Cochi.n-China at this time received Moi slaves eithel. -60- from the Stieng or bong hinterland, or from Hinh Thuan or lClianh IIoa ('35), it must be acknowledged that by and large the country was spared the scourge of slave- trading, wllicli was repugnant to the Annaniit eb . None- theless, as I-Ienri. Maitre points out, "The pcaceful iwasi.on of Lhe Annarnl.tes, who left nothing behind them but degenerate dregs riddled with alcohol and contagious diseases and saddled with the administrative yoke, was in fact far more damaging to the Moi than the brutal raids by the J,aof.ians and Cambodians.

Against this backdrop 01 unbri.dled cupidity, on1.y a catholic mission, which was established a!: Brolam (36) around 1.851, appeared to be inspired by charitable mol'ives, It was destined to be razed to the ground during

Llte revolt- of Pou Go~nbo in 1865,

The rebe:Llious muvement led by Lo Van IChoi in CochL~z-Ch:i~lahad repercussions in Hinh Tlzuan and, in Clzam territory. In 7.833, Tlla Va, a nloslem from Ninh Thuan province, led an uprising of tile Sre and the Chrau the~:e. WLf:Il.in eiglzt days the AnnamLtes had s tifl.ed the movement, and captured an.d executed its ringleader. 'The Chn~n, 11el.d responsible E0.r the revolt, were once again dec:i.rrlated. These reprisals were a disaster for the province. It was then that the Sre and the Chrau, who had come down to the plains i.n answer to TZla Va's call, returned for good to their niountaizis, taki.ng with them the treasures of the former kings of the Chalnpa, which they concealed and kept in the forest.

,.-- (35) The French troops found Mnolig slaves at Sadec and Long Xuyen in 1874; child hunting was organized along the hanks of the Song lie. (36) Father Addmar, "T,es Stieng de ~rolaln," in "VariQtks sur les Moi," p. 125 et seq. F. AzQmar also compiled the first Sti.eng dictionary. The efforts of Father Azdmar had been preceded in 1770 by an attempt .to establish a mission by F. .lugnet, who died of exhaustion along the I'relc ChhTong, another by I?. Faulet, who left us a few observations on Stieng customs, and a third by F, Gri.llet, who i:ravel.ed about 40 mi.les throzlgl~Stieng count:ry. The i.~it~ab:i.t:ant:sdid not take readi.1.y to being converted. In F. Azkmar's view, this tribe seemed i:o be hospitable, and lazy and vagrant rather than warlike; however, it wannly welcomed defensive wars since an attaclc provided a good motive for reprisals later. War justi.fied pillaging, and the capture and sale of women and chi.ldren. The Stieng, F. AzBmar goes on, suffer from i.ncorri.gi.ble lack oE foresight: each year part of the harvest is used in making alcohol. and each year famine results. They work iron, grow a little cotton, lcnow how to fire crude pottery, and use the same tinder-box as is found among tlie Meo. According to Patte, 13rolam may be located in the north of Loc Ni.nh, near Budop close to the fork in the present Saigon-Snoul road, (Contd. at foot of next page)

In the provinces of Binh Thuan, Phan Rang and Khanh Hoa (Thuan

Khanh) the Vietnamese extended the administrative system which they had first devised in Quang Ngai, The mandarins of Hue viewed the Moi preeminently as taxpayers, I'll3 jig in Birili Thuan, pat3 "~2and $2 in Khanh IIoa, and nguyen in Ltie Nirih Ifoa region collected tlte tax and passed tlie proceeds on to the proviiicial autliorities, The Khade of the DarZac plateau were required to pay a royalty of 800 & 01 bccswax in lieu of any other tax, Everywhere, however, the tax coZlectors doubled as pedl.ars and, t:lio~.igh tcclinica1l.y prohibited to all but tl~cagents licensed by the Annarni.l-e yovernmeiiL, trade with the mountain people was prof i tab:le busl.net;s. Il'lre eilorinou:j profl. t. wl~ichthe traders ~nadeon L:llc sale of salt:, eart:hi?~iware, gongs and cotton guods, was inocc 1:llan doub:Lcxi by the exorbitailt cluant:.i.l:les oll forest produce wliicll they dernanded in

In Pllu Yen and Bin11 llinh the tax paid by the mountajn people was collected by 1.11~ viJ.J.age chiefs.

3. SON PIIONG

Quang Ngai had been the scene of the first experimerltaL atteznpts by the Court ok tlue LO devise an adn~inistrativesystem whereby it cou1.d control the mountain tribes. 'Chis had given rise to the Tran Man in thc reign oE Gi.a Long.

I3ut the mountain peoplc of Quang Ngai are unruly, It proved difficult to collect the taxes, and rebelLion was brewing, '"rile fronti.er villages were then devastated by incursions launched by the tribesmen. Most of these villages were abandoned. 'ihe troop strength of the eight (regi.ments) was very defieient1'(37).

(Note 36 cont. Lran foot of preceding page) Mditre placed Brolam 18 km WSW of Budop, thai is, slight:2y to l11e c,tbt of the poirtt indicated by Patte, 011 the 1:400,000 road xilap this spot is now niarlced by ICohor Bret Maitre described the Stiertg huts: "'Chey stand on piles, and zesemblc the huts of the Jarai, except that the partitions, instead oS being at right dugles to the floor, forin a very pronounced ubLuse al~glewith it."

(37) "Phu Md11 'l"11) Luc.," by 'l'ieu pliu su (Ng. Thanti), R,1,, 1904, p. 4Sb cl seq, -52-

In 1842 the $&& (gElwen Ninh believed he could put an end to it by Cerror, Thirty mountfain natables, tricked by promises of pardon and peace, came down to b%8hAn, T1.mi.r throaks ware proluptly sJ.lt on the vary daorsrey of the Vietnamlir~e tznding agant, 'the nlajority of Lhe tribe!; thereupon refused to pay CheLr taxas, Wax wna declarad immedintaly*

In 1844, a Pew viat~zieeby eka Vieenarnwe ra~~rc~cdpeace, 'In an offart a C appeaa@inentr, tha tlatk@rLtlae eirL the r~mnbwr of th~l.tr mL2J Bary pusLa, hackad clew&%the heaps protee &Lag @he &, and tll~banclslrl the rnl1,Ftias

A ~ca~l;nine year@ Eytcar, kewevar, in 1853, the aetnnLry wslct agrr ln up Lm arma, Whan a roduarion in &lie total rnxca tn 1,320 f Lgnburau SnLlod to clis'trrii ilie sgvol t b110 Botirl, ctf fiue coaorted to Larco: 80 ix@w 19nsl.s wblre

I~uilt lo retn1'orcu the 71 w11Lcl1 had been rotalnocl irx 1,844, 'l'lre ;4u[hur113c!13 wcre rouz~tlng011 500 recruLt~,ZevLed Ln the IrnntLor rogfon, Lo pi~cLl"y

Lhc cn~tzL~y,but the lrctnc-tireuro of Tran Tru, the mandarlti whom [.lie

Court had charged wi t11 punishing the insurgents, lost three bdttles in t11e

I,arlg-y rcgl on,

In 1.855, three years before the first Prencli attempt Lo take Da

Nang (Tnurnne), there was a miliCary operation against Minb Long that at first seemed certain LO succeed, but the Vietnamese were deeply troubled by the brush, which to them was liostile and full of genies. As the column wound back on j Lse 11, "the whispering of the breeze and the cries of the bwansl' (38) smed panic among the ranks, and t.he soldiers killed each other in the dark.

In 1859, the battles at first began to take a heavy toll of the mountain people, and the regular troops advanced as far as Nuoc To in the highlands, which had resisted all attaclcs up to then, Once again, however, the

Annamites cllowed themselves to be taken unawares, and the campaign cost them many arms, men and officers.

In 1863, finding hilnsnsclf at grips in Cochin-China witb the French expeditionary force which, after taking Saigon, had extended its control to the eastern provinces of Cochin-China, H.M. Tu Duc, anxious to restore calm to central Annam, decided to accept the services of Nguyen Tran, the

(38) Ibid, p. 456 et seq. -an sat in Thai Nguyen in a Ttai province of Tonkin. This mandarin was instructed to "subdue the Moi by force of arms and organize the country.''

He was given six years in which to accomplish this task. The situation had by then reached a point where it was necessary to organize a powerful repressive column.

Nguyen Tran was a direct descendant of Nguyen Cong Toan, the administrator of the Tran Man; holding the rank of tieu phu su, he was not merely an exceptional mi1itary man; in addition, his assignmelit gave him an opportunity to show his skills as a politician and administrator. Annam owes to him the idea of the Son phong, of which he remained the chief until his death and which was imitated as far as the borders of Cochin-

China and all. along the frontier that separated the Annamite lands from the tribes of the hinterland. In addition, he was the founder of a dynasty; first his son Nguyen Do, then his grandson Van Minh, the son-in- law of H.M. T11anh Thai, succeeded him in his post until the Son Phong was abolished in 1904, The lest of these great mandarins wrote a dlsserta- tion that is indispensable Eor anyone wishing to study the Son PIiong (39).

"The Son Phong is an extraordinary jurisdiction. Its principles are strictly military, and it did not assume the direct collecti.on of the taxes paid by the Moi until tho administration of Nguyen Thanh, when it did so by setting up the a.The Son Fhong remained the aln~ostexclusive appanage or one landowning Eamily because of the services it had rendered."

This iilstitution operntecl under the direct control of the central government. It covered the entire province of Quang Ngai., the region of

Tra My (cinnamon), in Quang Nam, and extended throughout the hinterland of northern Binh Dinh,

THE MILITARY ACCOWLISWNTS OF THE SON PHONG

The tieu phu su raised 3,600 regular troops and strengthened their ranks wit11 partisans. He eliminated the giao dich (tax collectors) and

(39) R. P. Durand, "Les Moi du Son-phong," R.I., 1907, pp, 1055-58. Haguet, "Notice etlinique sur les Moi de la rkgion de Quang Ngai, R.I., 1905, p. 1419 et seq. Maj. Nyo, "PBnktration Eran~aiseen pays moi," B,S.E.I., 1937, No. 2, yp. 45-67 (and l map). Trinquet, "Poste administratif de Lang Ri," R.1., 1908, IT, p, 346 et seq. (and 4 good maps). Laborde, "Monographic de la province de Quang Ngai," B.A,V.II., 1925, pp. 153-192, and above all "Phu Man Tap Luc," R.I., 1904, p, 456 et seq. -64- cancelled a whole year's taxes. Subsequently, he established three (and later four) large fortified stations under the command of Mo Duc, the military and political core of the district. Prom Tra My (Quang Nam) to

Chi Doc (Dinh Dinh) about ten forts were constructed,

To assist him, the chief had a staff composed of an inspector-general, a d&' d%c, two chau lanh binh (divisional), and two pho lanh binh (corporals).

The country was divided into two comands: Nghia Bien (Quang Ngai and southern Quang Nan?), comprising 7 regiments and 7 forts, and Dinh Bien

(northern Binh Dinhy, conrprising 3 regiments.

The recommendations issued to the field olficers give quite an accurate idea of the principles underlying the policy oL the Son Phong:

"Sound icnowiedge of Llle mountain people, circu~nspection,and solicitude, but also unwavering firmness in certain cases. (40)

"1Ceep your operations secret; do not allow taxes that are overdue to remain in Llie coClers of thc collectors, If the mountain tribes attack, harvest their crops. On the other hand, once the enemy has been deleated, distribute food and clothing, and have the sick taken care of. 1f they do not resume their tax payments then, cut: down their rice; but, turning the well-known loyalty of the tribes of the hinterland to good account, always act in an uprl ght manner. Keep your word; if rebels surrender, do not demand reparation for edrlier misdeeds." The ~husu was aware oC the couragc of the Moi: "They slash their thighs and hold a burning coal on the LZal of thejr hand without a murmur. Those of the mount air^ regiolls are weil lcnown for their unruly nature; their gait is light and agile, like the speed of whirling lightning, according to Vuong I(hoi, a poet of the Ilan era.

"Without a sovelrign and without any form of government, these Moi inhabit impenetrable regions. Naturally given to acts of hostility and aggression, they live by pillage and plunder. If we use energetic means to subdue them, they flee; if we attempt to win them over by appealing to

(40) "Phu Man Tap Luc," R.I., 1904, -65- their emotions, they become insolent, If we kill any of them theywear hatred, and if we are magnanimous, they show no gratitude.

"The taslc calfs for an energetic approach, and faint-hearted acts must be shunned. The commander-in-chief of the expedition must be a resourceful. man, well loved by his men, fair, as generous with hi6 rewards as he is harsh in his punishments, Be must plan his operations with care, and reconnoitre roads and paths well, in addition to the position of the enemy's hideouts; he must strain his soldiers in the use of rattan shields, javelins, arquebuses and cannons, and in wielding the scythe, because clubs, sabres and lances are oi no use."

By 1866-67 the tieu phtl nu had subducd all Lhe Moi Thuo~with the excepl-ion oi those in Nuoc To and Nuoc Xanh, whi.cll, together wit.11 Nuoc

Cia and Coi Nam, formed tl.le Ldng-y region. 'I'hese peoplc "prolecl.ei1 by their mountain fastnesses, still showed the~nselvesLo be indomitable."

13y 1869 the uprising had been comnp3 etely quelled.

PLSCAL KEORGhNXZATiON

The & 2 began by suppressing the &o dich, trading agents and tax col1ec tors docted from among the luountain people themselves.

Their duties were thereupon talcen over by ton_g nguon under tlie direc- ti011 of Lhe Vietnamese canton chief; in other words, tax gathering became all Ann,~a~iteaffair, Following itlstructi ons lro~nthe tong M, tile dau muc, cllosen from the mountain people, and the sach Lruong, who were rather like mayors, were 111adc responsible for delivering the tax monies

(1,350 ligatures, instead of 1,470, for the entire territory of the Son

Plnong) to the torlg npuon. 't'he taxes payable in kind were brought in by the cac lai. As it happened, the tieu phu su had imposed a tax of 1,200 -h$c of paddy; the original tribute of one million lengths of rattan was later abolished.

NfMINISTXATLVE KEOKGANIZKrION

Tlie Tlia ngu and thua bien were eliminated, and the district was split into four chau (districts) in 1887 (Ha Tinh and Tra My, Ng11i.a Hanh, Duc

Pho, and Bong Son). -66-

Their chief, the tri chau, was assisted by five officials. Under his orders he had Annamite chanh tong and pho tong, in addit3on to tol?g M, canton chiefs, who were in command of "montagnard" dau mc, and of sac11 truong, rather similar to mayors in function, and also of

"montagnard" origin. Whether or not the dau muc and the sach trt10118 were tractable depended on their mood at any given tirne.

The formed appendages to, rather than integral parts of, the prefectoral admjnistration; the tri chau, although residing in the same ci.vi'l. territory as the provincial mandarins, were only permitted to dis- charge their functions within the precise limits oC their powers, which inevitably gave rise to occasionaI Lriction (41).

Tn other words, within the province the Annamites were administered by the provincial mandarins; only the chau and their assistants were charged with the arlminis tration of the mountain people.

TRADE AND COMMERCE

Barter markets known as truong were opened by ofiicial order close to each t;ong nguon; they attracted few people, however. Indeed, all. trade and business was reserved to Lhe agents of the Son Phong, who sublet to each tong the right to trade In one or more vil.lages in the mountain region.

As everywhere else in the hinterland, the penLars imported salt, earthenware, glass beads and trinkets, cotton goods, etc., but also gongs, since only the Moi, who were unable to malce them, knew how to tune them.

The highl.ands yielded cagle-wood, ivory tusks and rhinoceros horns, but above all cinnamon Lrorn Quang Ngai and Tra My. The Ta ICua of Son

Tho, Son Thuan, and Soxi Bong, who spoke a different language, lived in liouses of an unusual shape and had specialized in gathering cinnamon. The

ICa Ciong (Sedang) also grew it, dlthough tlley preferred to raid the Ta Kua vi 1Lages once Ll~e la1 Lcr had g,lr~iered t.heir h'lrvesl . 'Trade in cinnamon, which had been free under Cia Long, became the monopoly of the royal family (112). Minh Mang placed his brother Kien An

(43.) F. Durand, "Le son-Phong," R.I., 1907. (42) The province of udng Ngai and the district of Tra My (Quang Nam) produce almost a11 the cinnamon exported to China. Frc. 7

-67- in charge of it, and the latter's agents, or &h_ e,passed on their trust to their descendants. In the early years, these &i&& grew rich without resorting to dishonesty in their trading. But their roving agents, the lai buon, fell badly into debt to the Chinese buyers, who then quickly cornered the market, After that, the cinilainon trade gave rise to such abuses as the following: After a copious meal, the crop was generally purchased prior Lo cutting. Whilc the villagers caroused, thc coolies, acting on orders from the collectors, set about stripping the bark at random from the reserve plots as well, without keeping within the boundary lines 'that had been marked out. The mountain people, who had often received nothing but an advance against the harvest, then discovered the lraud. Skirrnishcs were LhereEore frequent at Tra My and

Pliuoc Son, the n~ajrlcin~zanro~~ markets, ancl at Tinh Son, Plru 'Yhanh Gia and

1.0 Dong, the secolldary markets.

In summary, the most realistic estimates put the traders' prof it on exports at 25 to 30 percent, but the profit they extorted lrom imports was three times as large, Salt, which it1 terms of volume accounted for the bulk of sales to the mountain people, was sold to then1 for at least twice the price paid for it at the coast.

Within the boundaries of the district of the Son Phong, slavery was prollibitcd, as were also the system (food gatlering) ancl the trans- mission oi messages by beacons and gong-heating (43).

Iienri Maitre deplored the fact that "the most enchanttng of Indo- china's wild regions was ruined by the Son ~hong."

4., THE TRIBES OF THE IIIGICLAND P~ATEAUS: SEDANG, RAHNAR, J.AR1, RIWE, ETC,

From 1827 onward, the Siamese i~lvasionfavored anarchy among the mountain people and the dispersion of the tribes. The more belligerent anlong them took advantage of this state of affairs to step up their raids and slave- trading activities. Some of them, in par ticul.ar the Sedang and

Jarai, drove back their neighboring tribes and seized what good land they could. The two sketches attached (see facing page 46 of the original) show how the Jarai and Arap and some of the ~odrungset upon the Bahnar, - (43) F. Durand, "Les Moi du Son-Phong," R.I., 1907, -6 8- who were forced to abandon the left bank of the Rrong Bla and withdraw onto the right bank, giving up the southern part of the lush plain watered by the middle reaches of the Krong B3.a and by the Mo Tung.

Father Dourisboure depicts (44) the Jarai Rodrung as being particularly warlike and more given to cruelty than the other mouritain tribes. Con- trol.l.ing rich va'l.leys, they left their wo~nenfolk to cultivate them and concentrated on what seemed to thein the only occupations truly worthy oE warriors: raiding the Bahnar, keeping their prisoners as slaves, or sell.ing them on to the Laoti.ans. Their incursS.ons nevertheless liad one beneficial. side-ef fect : tlic Balinar admittedly lost excellent land as a restrlt, wliich was tlien left idLe, but after al.ways leadi.ng a scattered cxi.stcnce tliey came to rec:ognize the advantages of unit:i.ug for their conunon deltensc?; they settled down toget:he.r in vill.ages along the right banlt o.C the ])la. The Uahnar tribe thus acquired cohesion.

After be.i.ng set upon by tlieir forrncr allies, the IIodrung, (:he .laria- h:ap I:urnecl against the Ilalang (who worked iron, but: ~rincipallypanned the riverbeds .for gd) and the Cliorn Puon, wlio receded--the first norttlward beyond che 'kng Mrai Mts., and the otliers between the Se San and Srepok rivers, i.ndeeci even as far as !:lie lower Dale 1Cri.eug north of Sa~nbor (the

I<.roi arc an oECs11oot of the Chorn Puon, although tl1e.i.r di.alect has since untlecgone laimer :influence) .

Fillal.ly, jus I: at tile time t:lie Jarai.-Arap were f i.ghti.ng against the

Ual~~iirr,tilie 'I.iit:L:c!r were a1:iraclied from the north by the redoubtablc Sedang, anci it was on3.y thankx to the be1.p of the Frencli tnissionaries that they were able to ward off the invasion. The Sedang then turned against the

Brao, w110 were forced to emigrate westward, south of the Se Su river,

Raids by tlic Jarai compelLed tllc Biet to leave the area they occupied, af l:er whiclx tliey settled some 50 km. east of ICrat.i.e,

Y:hrough Zornphat an~iBan Don, the Jarai. mai.ntained trading rel.ati.ons wi.Ct~Mnong of Prek Y'e. .------.. (44) P, Dourisboure, "Les Sauvages Bahnar," Pari.s, :LS7!5. -69-

The Jarai push westward was still in progress just before the second world war broke out. Jarai still occupy the eastern fringe of the Veun

Sai district, but some groups have worked their way forward to reach as far as the approaches to the provincial capital itself, e.g. the village of Ban I-Iuoi Lay, 5 km, northeast of the city (45).

Though the Jarai showed considerable aggressiveness toward the elid of tlie 18th century, their Sadetti were no longer powerful enotlgl.1 to have played the influential role wh:ich some writers have attributed to thein during the Jarai's campaign against the Cham,

I-lowever, in I858 the Sadets won inclependeace froin t:he authority of

If~ie. 'i'11c:y even suppor teci the 1ci.ng of Calnbodia , Ang I)uong, , wlio was l.i:acling i:he war :in JClliner counl:ry against the A11naini.tre troops. 'IXe Sadet of Fire sel~tnine e'l.ephanf:s wLt:li 1:heir Jarai. mahouts, a:l.orlg wi.tl-i 11:i.s wi.shes for a Cambodian victory. 'The accessfioii of Norodorn i.n 1.860, however, put an sud to the exchange ol gil'ts with tlke Court of Oudollg. Norodorri took the i.nil:i.ati.ve in tliFs break iiritli tradition, anti tlm hall-hearted reinonstra- ti.ons by the Sadet .fail.etl t:o e1i.c:i.t: any response. I)ecadur~cewas al.so to s trilce at one of the i~lonntaintribes which could in 1.945 [si.c 1845?] be regarded cis among the inost highly evolved: the Rliade,

It i.zi on record tllat the Icings of Cambodia sent caravans to the

Darl.ac pl.al.cau, wh.i.:l.e tlie Vi.etnarne:;e Lrovn Song Ca or Tuy Hoa, traders i.n

:;earcli o.E horses;, made the:i.r way t:oward Rhade country v:i.a l:lie M'Urac pa:;.';o

lilrci I

800 pounds of wax. About half-,way through the 19th century, accordi.ng to Moura, the Annnmites i.llsrnded the Darlac regi.on. Thereafter, the annals of the area are filled with little else but raids, vendettas, and wars

Between vl.llages, Sabatier, the entilusiastic champion of the 1)arlac area, planned to organize a conlmeunorat:ioi~ for a vi.ctory whi.ch 1:lie lihade had won over the Jarai, but too few details are known of this event. U11 the other hand, we know .Eor sure that the Illlade villages, at that t:ilile still. averse to any form of authori.t:y, were tyrannized by the M'tau (~5%).These ------.."-

(45) See the very fine ethnic and linguistic map of the Veun Sai regiori by F. Bitard, B.S.E,T,, XXVII, No. 1, 1952. -70- adventurers, many &whom owed their fortunes to tlte slave trade, inspired sufficient fear to instil obedience into a number of villages, which they then led in attacks on peace-loving tribes or surprise raids on Annamite traders. In this way, one party of %lade-Kpa tribesmen was forced to f:Lee from the southeastern part of the Darlac plateau and talce refuge among the mountains that rise south of L,alce Tak Zalc.

These roving parasites of the pl.ateaus included the Jau and the Nlau, who lived I.n the urban area we now lc11ow as Ban Don. They raided and p.i.llaged the middle. reaches of the Srepok to such an extent that they have been barren ever since (46). Thu, a dcscenda~rtoC mixed Mmng and

:I,aotian stock, corrtihued this pl.unilering, After sI~ow.i~igextre~~le 110stil.i.ty i.n%t:inl.l.y to Captain Cupet , who had bec+n sent l:o malcc the Sia~ricseevacuate t:lle country, ?Illtt 1.a ter becalm, under the name I

Another notorious band was that of: IZhaii~ Lu. Hc. was rcpuLcd to bc i.nvulnerable. W.i th some fifty fellow Burmese, twenty I,aotians and a hundred Mnong L'reng recruited by Thu, ICham Zu set out Lo attack the Hi.11.

IIowever, 800 Bih tribesmen, led by Ngeuh, lay in waj.t Tor lljm at 13an Phok, near 13an 'llur. 1Zham I,L~was shin, and thirty Burmese with h-im. The Mnong

Preng, EeitrEul of repri.sals, scattered, some toward the Se IZong in the northwest, and the rest a~nongthe Stieng in the inhospitalbe mountains of

Lhe soutli, Ngeuh turns up again on the occasion of the Rih revolt from

1.900 to 1.903.

Descendi.ng £ran the upper reaches of the Srepolc by way of Ban Don,

Loinpllat and the Cl-ihlong, the Mnong or tlie Stieng would bring elephants, lac, wax anc1 s3.aves for sale to the Khmers or Chinese living on the Mekong.

The ~narlcet at Sarnbor prospered. The Siamese burned i.t down, but the

Carnbodiaus bui li anotller farther south at Rolca Krindal; from i t, Icrati e grew.

The Mnong hamlets paid the chiefs appointed by the Cambodian autltorities a due oE 4,000 kilograms of wax and sticklac, every three years. - (46) 11. Maitre, "Jungles Moi.," p. 71: "The Mnong did not return to this area until after the Frellch llad establ.ished tlleniselves in the HighLands."

-71-

To return to the Stieng, the occupation of the upper Chhlong by the

Cambodians between 1868 and 1875 constrained them to withdraw eastward beyond the source of the Chhlong river,

5. ESTABLISFII43NT OF 'L'I-IE CAIClJOI:,IC MISSION SN KONTUM

The early years of the 19th century, so ricXi in upheava3.s for the niountain tribes, were to witness the appearance of a new force so

dynamic that even today Lhe disruptions brought about by tlie second world war are not enough tu impede its development. 'Chat force was the Mission

at IZontum,

I:[. wat; Mgr . Cuijnot ' s iciea to es tab:i.i.sli chris tencloni in the very heart

oli I:lio 11 i ntcrl.nnd. The pre:I.at:o, upset by the persecut:i.ons that: marlced

tl~e1:eign~ 01: Mj.nll Mang and iCI1:i.e~7l.'ri., p:Lannetl to Co~~ilda re:Cuge for the

Cai.l;liful., .iE they should need it, and for the clergy i.n the event that

life hecame i.nt:olerahle f o.c thein on the coast.

In 1842, on tlic i.nstructions of the bishop, Fathers Miche and 1)uclos

set out from Pliu Yen bound for the interior, 'Ilheir access to Moi. country

was barred and the front:i.er well guarded. Arrested by cac lai, the two

riiissj.onaries were handed over to the iiiandarins ancl were on1.y released

froni prison thanks to the arrival of the HQroine at ])a Nang in 184.3. Once

Iueecl, tile two priests again endeavored to carry out tlie order they Ilncl

rc+ce.i:vecl Ercrn~ t21t: bishop. 'Cllcy did riot succeed either this second time, .

wl~ei-1tllcy 3.t:Ct Crorn (luanp Ngai., nor the third time, when they departed

from Cjuang Narn.

It was a Vietnamese deacon, Father Do, who enabled them to succeed.

lie discovered an al~nosti.mpassable path that was little traveled. Along

tliis, he let1 F, Cornbes and later F. F'ontaine into the 1Cont:um region, wllerc,

as chance wo~11.dhave it, ICieni, a. Bahnar cllief and a friend of the deacon,

had been the appointeil representative of the Court of IIuc since 1.840.

illhough ,very devoted to the i\lintlni.ites, ICiern none thel.ess struck an agreement

with tlie mi.ssi.onaries and al.l.owed them to build a hut in the midd1.e of

the forest at ICelang. -72-

Such were the beginnings of the Kontum Mission. The terri.tory of

the Bahnar extended for about 60 to 80 kilometers from north to south and

from east to west, The early missionaries estimated the sl:rengtl-i of the

tribe at some 25,000 souls, scattered among villages consisting OF ten

to one hundred houses each. Naturally, these villages were constantly warring with each other, which was hardly conducive to evangelization,

especially as the conversion of one group aroused religious hostility in

its neighbors.

The Bahnar-Rongao, who readily band together with the Serlang, lkgu

and IIalong of the Pleiku region, who are rather .fierce and prone to

forrning federat:i.ons, which gave thtm the reput:ation of being formidable

ol?pone~~l:s,the Jol.ong, arid, cl.osc:r L:o Quang Ngai, the I3onom, i:'arnicrs and

exploiters of t:he Cores t, wlio were depicted as relatively gentle by

nature, and finally the I)a Vach-ma3.3. these Bahnar tribes, except for a

few scaLtered groups farther to the east, were reputod 1.0 be more peace-

loving than their neighbors: the Sedang in the north and tlie Jalrd in the

south. A s~niallAnnamite chris tian colony lived by trading. Long years

of Cambodian occupation had left their i.mpressi.on on the dialect: spoken

Cut off froin the excellent plain of the Mo Tong river by the Jarai.,

tlie Hnhnar pract:ic.ed ttiei r crude Carming methods between the moderately

Cort:ile hi1.l.s that undulate north of the Dla r:kver; their crops included

rice, tobacco, cotton, arid a very smal.1 amount of sugar cane. 'Co the

east, the Bonom had specialized in raising and cutting a choice grade of

c innamon.

Their industry was limited to making crossbows, canoes, and above all

gray or white cotton blankets. Even though the dwelling houses may 'nave

been dirty, each village boasted a canmunity house with a braided roof

that was ,not witllout elegance. According to Father Coml~es, trading was

inhibited by their fear of debts and the slavery which resulted. Prom

the Annami.te merchants who came fran Quang Ngai. or Binh Dinh they bought

salt:, iron inipletnents or copperware, gongs and earthenware pots. The Mission was founded in 1849, It is perhaps worth dwelling for a moment: on the choice of KO Lang, then of KO Xam, when Fathers Dourisboure and Desgouts arrived, and finally of Rohai for the early establishments.

The missionaries did not settle in the heart of Bahnar country, but on the southern fringe of the tribe, between it and the aggressive Jarai-Hodrung, so as to form a barrier. The fathers did their own clearing and then, after their first baptism services, in 2853, encouraged their Christian followers to take to the plow. Oxen and buffalo purchased from the Iiagu were hC~rnessedbefore the plows. l'hi.s method of cultivation was a victory over superstition (47). It gave the converts the advantage of a technical r;uperi.ori.ty and guzirnntectl t:llem belitor harvest:s than [:hose of "pagalls, wllicil, in a country where 1aan.i.n~ is an evcr-present tlrl-eat:, could not

En.i.:L to draw the people. By the end of 7.851, the four mi.ssi.onari.es (tliree

French and one Vietnamese) were firm1.y established in four vi.l.lages, all very close to the confl.uence of the Bla and the Poko rivers.

Some Annamj te Ci2the1.s rrom llinh 1)inli and Phu Yen did succeed in

.*~t.,lching >, the upper Srepok, where tlley Eoutid a Chrj.st:i.an settl.ement at:

'Tin11 Ju, which is believed to ll'lve been near present-day I3u Jctt I)laorn, in

Mnong country (48). Fntlrer Bou.i.l.7.evilux (LI~), setti.ng oul: 1:roni Sond~or, paid a vi.:;i.i: to this short-l.i.ved mi~;si.ou. Ultl.mate'l.y, o~~l.yIContum remained i~iibi.tabl.e by the missionnri.es. It was here than i.n 1.854, when the aut:hol:i.-

Lics in Bin11 l)inh, where a new persecution was rampant, senL soldiers out

L.O arrcst the prhsts oE tlic hi.nterl.and, the mountain people--even the Jar;i.------(47),From as early as 1856-58 plowi-ng was taught i.11 tZie Catholic vi.l.l.ages: tt1i.s was a tremendous success, especia1l.y in view of the terror it insp-ired in the Bahnar. Accordi-ng to t1-lei.r fetrisliistic beliefs, the god 01 fllunder was certain to show his wrath at seeing buffaloes thus diverted Erom the purpose for which they were created; the Moi. believed these animals were placed 011 earth for the speci.fic purpose of being eaten irt ritual sacri.fices, and not to be used for work at all. Therefore, only convert:ed villages agreed (and then only very rel.uctant::Ly) to use the pLow; the paddyfie3.d~made i.n thj.s fas11i.on made a. singular contribution to devel.opiitg agr%cul.ture among the tribes, which had up to then been only very rudimentary (H. Haitre, "Jungles Mo.i., " p . 21.4.) . (48) TEle Mnong had unpiled huts resting directly oil the ground (ibid., p. 91). (49) For a bi.ograp11y of F. Boui7.levaux who discovcrecl Anglcor before Mouhot and who, a.f ter two adventurous tours in Indoclii.na, remained a humbk canon in Montier-en-l)er (tiny French village) for some forty years, see B.S.E.I., 1949, No. 4, pp. 59-62. - 74.-

threw the detachment off the scent and refused to supply guides; the party grew weary and pulled out.

The Annamites, on the other Ziand, piqued by the capture of Saigon

(l859), cut tlie fathers off frolil all. relations with the coastal areas and from their sources o:f provisions, In 1862, therefore, when appeasement came, Fathers Cornbes, Verdisr, Besornbes and Suchet were dead, exhausted by deprivation and disease, Father 13eson1bes, a mti of great courage--he had actual1.y been seen to out-wrest:l.e a tiger--had sett1.ed at [Con So:lang in an area apparently occupied at the time by the Sarai, later moving on to Tower, on the river of the same name. In addi.ti.on 1-0 the difficu:l.t:ies sl:eiimii.ng from an unlcnown I.anguage, he was faced wi.tli a tribe that was more

110sti.1.e and more reclotlb table even than the Bahnar, The .lariii were sluiths, ancl knew liow to temper iron ancl cast copper. Quite a brisk trade was done in their white, red, blue, and checkered Labrics, but for the menfol.lc war toolc pride of pl.ace over any other occupation. 011 Father

Besombes' death, his place was talcen by P, Dourisboure (50), who continued thework of the mission in Jarai country.

iChe end of the persecution in Bin11 Dinh see~i~edall. set to bring

C1tri.stiani.ty a period of tranquil.i.ty, The Court of I-lue recognized its existerlce in 1862, Zn that same year, however, tlie Ualmar were deci.~nated' by smallpox and the witch-doctors blamed the mission for the epidemic.

It was also in 1.862 that a party of 400 Sedang came down from the north and set upon Lhe 13ahnar, who were a1.ready under attack from the invading

Jarai-lIodrung i.n the south. By chance, the birds, tigers and elephants which the Sedang column came across all presaged disaster, and the

aggressors halted.

The advantages of the protecti.on afforded by the missionaries appeared

indisputable. It i.s certain that the Chris tian villages, held together

by tlieir presence, had displayed resistance instead of scatteri.ng i.nto the

forest.

(50) Dourisboure, "Les Sauvages Rahnar, " Paris, Tkqui.. -75-

These Sedang, also a metalworlcing people (it will be recalled that t:he Laotians Ired ini.tj.ated ti>en>i.u the art of working iron and using b~?l10~6),were if anything inore forn1idabl.e than the Jarai.. The latter savored t11e cxci.t.einent that: war brougl~t,but the Sedang, relied on it: al)o.ve a1.3. for their supply of slaves. They consequently preferred to a ttaclc iLsolated groups. On. the whole, l.hey did not maltreat their slaves, for fear of recluci.ng the value 01: t~lreirchattels. they ate the livers of 1:lrc.i.r enemies and, when they built a l.iouse, the base <.if tire master pillar iiad tro crusli a sli~vea:l.i.ve-,- to theni, tl~i5; was ttie pri.cc? of c1urabl.e cons tructj 011.

,1.l.ioy> c:ou'l.d eitsi.l.y havc: tlonc a lirislc trade i.n tl~eaxes, weapons and fariiii.11g iiul>'lamt!nl:s thay ia:ilri.oned, but, s tubboriily i11c;i.stirlg on usj.ng sto~-~c:r;;.IS Ii~tnur~orsand ailvj.l.s, they 1'n.iI.otl tc7 ~~roduceany article:$ I.i.kc?ly to tcrni:l: rrc~!;pcct:i.vc buycr:;,

Accortli rr); 1.0 I:llo u~is~;.i.onaries,1:Iie Sedang sl~ovedtlie~n 110 hos ti1.i.t~; l~ttl:rI1i.y rai.tfc!ci tltc: Ctrrist:.iani: n1I the same, not because of their rel.%gion but bi?can:;c? t.licy wc~:t?linhntir. 'l'tic Jarai, too, rarely passecl up a chance to p3.tintler convoys bounci for tlie Cliristians in I

'rl-re lCovlt111rt set:i:'lernent: i:l~.ri.ved. On his arrival. t.here i.n 1883,

Father C:lrcrr'locir found 1.,500 Annauri.te Catllolics and four vi.:ll.ages where i:he nvljori ty of 1:he people were liahrrar coiTverl.s. In deference to the

1nemol:y of 1-lloi;e Eir:st ni.ghf:s and 1.11(? early weeks that t:he:;e pi.oneers livecl tllrougl~, Lost in the forest among w.i.1.d beasts, eneini.es and strange tribes, this outli.ne ought- perhaps to Iit~vetree11 less oratter - of-fac t. 'I'HE llIN'llERLANL! PROM 1859 TO 1885

In 1859 the capture of Saigon brougl~tthe French into lower Coctlin-China;

in 1863 Cambodia p1accJ i.tse3.f uncler their protectorate, and, in 1867, wi.th

the irldd i Lion of wtis tern Cocl1l.n-Cl~i.na, the troops o.E the expeditionary force

occupied the 1.ower reaches and the delta of the Mekong River. Up to 1885,

llowever, tliti wavering and co~ztradictoryattitude of Parlialnent in Paris made nrly occupat:i.t>~tof [:he 1iitlirer:l.and out 01:' the qucstior~. 'fhe bl.ow wl~icli

tlie atlvent of tile I+'rencli struclc against: the Courts oT: Iluc and Oudong,

i..omb.i.nc:d wi. tl~i:he ti:ortb:Lc wlii.ch tlhell eusued and the resulting wcalceuing

of Ann;{rn o11tl Ct~r~tbotli.;i,and the Jiact that Siam endeavored .i.n thc meantime

to exi:cnd i.ts 1~oundar:i.e:; across the Se Bang iljer~gand tlle !;c? 11o11 rivers,

~,iarclysc?rvc:tl I:<,acccant.ucirc I:I)i- particularisrr~aiicl {inarchy oC tlic inountni.11

tribes. 'i'l~c:prcldatory :;c:darrg, 'lla ILoi., Jarai, Khade ulld St:i.eng bantlits

tooli. otlvniit::igtr of t11:i:; :; i.tual:i or1 l..o intens i fy tlici r ra i.tls and slave

Ituntiiig excursions air tltt? c?xpen:;e of tlle less warlike tribes. In 1887,

alriler l:lie a ELni.rs oi 'i~vnlci.~~ancl Annam, encroacli~i~enl-by 1:lie Siatnese

1:llxenl:enecl tl~eentire hinterland and, Il:orn sor.tt:l~of Llie U'l.ac1c River t.o the

iioritlic~rn p;~l:t of tlre peninsula, t:lleir aclva~>~eposts rapidly began to occupy

the I.inc: oC pcalts whi.cli Torn t.lie western border of the Annainitc plai.11~.

3, 'l'llli, 'MOIIN'I'A'I'N PEOPLE 1)LJlVI:NC: 'I'IIE FRENCH OCCIJPATION 017 COCHIN-CIIINA

'Clie pol)~t'Liir di ssatis Iclc ti.on which fol.lowecl the occupati.on of eastern

Cochi.n-China after I859 was exploited by tlle Court of ihte, which organized

;I vi.o'Lt:nt: anti..- French reaclion and hei.gilteried the pcrsectrtioil of the

Christians wllicli ii~id been raging si.ricc 1847. By intensifying the brigandage,

tile Annami.tu ~uandiiri.nswere out to make the country ungovernable for the

7-7I: le~lch.. ~~11tl their supporters. 'I'lle tigitation even spread L:o some of the

luountai~ltribes. Some groups ok Stieng fro111 the north of Thu 1)au Mot and

Iiien I-foa and of Cl~raufrom tlie east: of Ba Ria joined in the general revolt

of 1862, All [:he frontier posts in the north and nortrheast of Cochin-China Frc. 9

-77-

ere thus blocked. "lt was chiefly in the forests that separate us from

Binh Thuan that the insurgents attempted to reorganize themselves" (52).

lh the province of Ba Ria Colonel Coquet, after receiving a few reinforcements, repulsed the attackers as far as the borders of Annam, while Col. LoubBre won a similar success in the north of Bien Hoa and

Thu Dau Mot.

Throughout the following year, 1863, the enemy tried every imaginable ruse to unnerve the occupation forces: "Vietnamese troops, charging out of the Moi jungles, would come swooping down on the French positions and clean them out" (52). For the mountain people, these aggressive measures on the part of the rebels brought nothing but forced labor; in the case of the

Stieng, too many forced tasks of this kind led to outbursts of anger against the Annamites, This explains how the quall (outlaw chieftain) Su, "the feared assassin and bandit," came to be handed over to the French by the

"savages." He was executed near Ba Ria on May 9 (53). Other bandit leaders met the same fate. After they had slain more than 200 of the rebels, the

Che Ma paraded their heads on the endSoE their pikes. Such acts of violence effectively put an end to the agitation from this quarter.

2. TAYNLNH

In 1869 the trouble began afresh, this time in the north of the province of Tay Ninh. Inspector Reinhart--who had so energetically cleaned out the region of Trang Bang in 1866 and was later to become the first French charge d'affaires in Hue--and the warlord sn, celebrated an account of the leading role he had played in the struggle against his counterpart Dinh, pursued the Stieng, The latter were intercepting the cattle from Cambodia destined for the expeditionary force, and their inroads into the plains were growing increasingly frequent, Hunted down, the Stieng poured back into the forest. ~einhart'smen did not give up the pursuit until they had passed through the area where the agitators had been. The villages surrendered. Covering their retreat by erecting abatis and showing

(51) Vial, "Les premikres annkes de la Cochinchine," I, p, 234. (52) Ibid, p. 236. (53) Ibid., p. 277 -78-

ferocious resistance, the indomitable Stieng retired to join the remnants

of Pou combo's forces.

As things,turned out, the Cochin-Chinese revolt in Tay Ninh was compli-

cated by another series of incidents rooted in ~ambodia'shistory.

3. POUCOMBO

Norodom, as mentioned earlier, succeeded his father in 1860 and,

seeing his lcingdom threatened simultaneously by the Annamites and the

Siamese, placed it under the protection of the French.

A bonze by the name of Pou Combo, who some say was a native of the

, Kuy region, spread the word that he was the grandson of King Ang Chan I11

(1806-34). In 1865 he laid claim to the crown and revolted. Having

established his authority over the right bank of the southern Mekong,

except for Thbong Khmum, he formed an army of 2,000 mencomposed of Khmers,

Annamites, Tagals and Stieng (54). His principal retreat was at Chhrey

Meang, on the river of this name, some 15 km, southeast of Snoul. After

his defeat at Kan Chor, he took refuge among the Mnong.

On June 7, 1866 his roving bands massacred the inspector of Tay

Ninh province, De Larclauze (55), as well as the colonel sent to relieve

the provincial capital. They also wiped out the mission at Brolam. Later,

Pou Combo threatened Phnom Pen11 and was slain along with 34 of his followers

in Kien Svai province, Cambodia, in 1875.

4. THE CAMBODIANS AT SREK THUM

These events were to have repercussions on the tribes of the hinterland.

The Khmers, as we have already seen, had evacuated the approaches to the

Central Plateau of Indochina. As calm was gradually restored to the

interior, in an effort to pacify the Stieng and the Mnong and prevent them

from resuming their inroads into Thbong Khmum they reoccupied the mountain

(54) That the Stieng took part in this uprising is allegedly due to the ill feeling aroused by Xnspector Reinhart when he was in charge of the province. The existence of such a grievance, which was referred to by certain missionaries, has been questioned. It is strangely at odds with what we know of Reinhart and of his patience and under- standing of the country, both of which qualities brought him success in the delicate, top-level assignments entrusted to him in Tonkin in 1874 and later in Annam (see Sogny, M., "~einhart,"B.A.V.H., 1943, Nos. 1-2.

(55) See B.S.E.I., 1939, Nos, 3 and 4, p. 185. - 79- region as far as the middle reaches of the Tio Ba and colonized the valley

of the middle Chhlong between 1866 and 1875, In 1884, they installed a

governor at Srek Thu~n, which for many years was to remain the easternmost post held by the Can~bodians. Those of the Mnong and Stieng who were still unsubdued yielded ground before them and found themselves cut off from

each other by a zone that was thereafter subject to the authority of Phnom

Penh.

5. THE MISSION OF A. GAUTIEK

Before ending this account of Cochin-China's neighboring tribes, it

111~1st he mentioned that Le Myre de Vilers was tl~efirst governor to conceive

what: was then termed a Moi. poli.cy. (56) It is to hirn that the c1:edj.t

bel.ongs, among other things, for the mission entrusted t:.o I,t, An16dtZ.c Gautier

from 1881 to 3.885 (5'7).

Al.ong the northeast frontier of Cochi.n-China, stil.:l. vi.utual.1.y

unexplored, agitation was still seething. Gautier was instructed to

reconnoitre and cross this frontier. From Bien IIoa he was to advance to

ilue, passing west of the Donnai. He expected to come across the Stieng,

Ffnong and Bahnar. He was also to seek out one of the Sadct who had a hold

over the Jarai.. In 1880 the Sadcr had visited the governor in Sai.gon.

Le Myre de Vilers had warned Gautier that he would find tribes being

hunted down by the Annamites, Laotians and Cambodians, who were Lrying

to reduce them to slavery.

In fact, Gautier advanced up the Donnai fran llriau as far as the

confluence with the Da Houe. There he found traces of t11.e military roads

and camps laid out by the Vietnamese just after 1471 (58), but his guides

refused to lead him northward and always brought 11i.m back to familiar

ground again, following the itinerary already taken by N&is in 1880.

(56) Dubourg, "Georges Bloy" (brother oE LQon ULoy), Peyronnet, 1950, p. 58.

(57) "La Mission d'An1QdBe Gautier: Une tentative de colonisation en pays ~oi,"Rev. d'llist.. des Coloni.es, XXXVII, 2nd quarter, 1950.

(58) See above, Chapter VI, 4. -80-

During the months that followed, the explorer made a reconnaissance of the

Da Glun, a tributary of the Song Be. The interest of this survey does not lie merely in the fact that Gautier was able to move around freely in a region which a few years later, when pacification was far more widespread, neither TJt, Gknin nor the Marquis of BarthBlemy was able to cross; we also owe him many particulars regarding these Stiertg tribes which Le

Myre de Vilers had described to hi111 as being unsI.rakably 11ostil.e.

~autiar'sopinion o.f these tribes agrees closely with that of Father

Azkn~ar. I3e dep:l.cts them ns pI.ac:id, courageous, honost nnci Izard-work.i..ng, but adds that this picture applied only to the peol?:Lc of [:he villages

t:ixat lay deep in the forest, citt off from a3.l dealings with the outside world. Farther to tlre soutll arlcl closer to t:he plain:;, when these people mixed with the Cambodians and even more so with the Annamites, they lost

their sterling qualities and became little better than a rabble of

"degenerate and supers tzitious drunkards, Liars and t'tlieves. I' llhey got into debt and fell into the grasp of their creditors, whom they were

forced to keep suppli-ed with dug,-outs, torclles and carts, which they

excelled in rnalcing. They tencled their masters ' gardens and surrendered

to them the rice they harvested. This rice was then reso1.d to the free

Stieng at an exorbitant profit when the annual famine period was at its height and the gap between harvests had to be bridged.

Cautier gave us a portrait of one of tliese expl.o.i.ters. 111s name was

Tong ]$en, lle was a patriarcll, 75 years old, and known throughout the

region as the "I

his ski.llful relations with the mandarins, and the precaution he took of

reserving for himself: the most beautiful girls in those parts--which had

earlier assured him o.f the devotion of the village chiefs, his fathers-in-

law--together with his undeniable personal prestige, were the fact:ors that

accounted for these attributes of "royalty." I-lis j.nl-'l.uence extended fro111

Trian to the Nui Ong and to the upper 1,agna. For sl.aves, the subjects of

Tong lien were not too badly off; their labor brought them, first and fore-

most, food and salt, but also tools, fabrics and ornaments, all of whicll were beyond the reach of the other Stieng. Later, when he was sent: to Lang Bian on a topographical mission and charged with mapping the route of a trans-Indochina railroad (from Lang

Bian to Cung Xom (Song Darang)), Gautier left the army, He tools up residence as a settler and died suddenly one night from an attack of malaria,

6. THE MOUNTAIN TRIBES IN THE ANNAMLTE REGIONS

Annam (now Central. Vietnam) in due course felt the backwash of the events that were disrupting Cochin-China.

On the plateaus, the Ta Hoi, Sedang and Jarai stepped up their wars, pillaging and rape of young girls, acts which in turn provided pretexts for fresh wars. All this merely added to the profit of the slave traders.

In regard to the Moi, the Court of Hue stuclc faithfully to the policy it had first devised in the Son Phong, extending it southward to the frontiers with Cochin-China. The Annamite leaders were out to establish a barrier (symbol.ized by the truong 9 in Quang Ngai) between the world of the Moi rind that of the Vietnamese, but this barrier could, of course, always be pushed back at the expense of the mountain people, especially if the covetousness of the inhabitants of the coastal plains was justified by fertile land that could be made into paddyfields. Pedlars and tax collectors acting on the mandarins' instructions spearheaded the penetration; later, military settlers were established along the demarcation line. They could be relied upon to extend their territory in the desired direction.

7. THUAN WNI-I

In Thuan Khanh, the system of don dien, or military colonies, grew more oppressive and eventually spawned the Homos. In 1887, taking as his pretext the recent conquest of the country and the insecurity of the

Annamite subjects, one of the latter had organized bodies of "so-called

clearers of fields, sworn defenders of the empire, and self-styled

permanent militiamen," The pioneers of the don dien themselves hardly

represented the elite of the Vietnamese, but the Homos were the scum of -82- the don dien. Unquestionably adventurers, yet entirely without scruples, these men were ready for anything, and it must not be forgotten that they were armed. One of the relatives of the founder took over command of all the Homos and became the warlord Tuong. He set up camp in the mountainous area west of Phan Rang in the villages of Tavek and IIamoeu Barau. As the sole supplier of salt, Tuong had the mountain people under his thumb, and forced them to return every two months to replenish their suppl.ies from his own reserve; he never sold enough to enable them to build up a stock of their own, 'riAwever small. He began by expropriating the land of the defenseless Cham and the Roglai, and then compelled them to work "liis" ri celields. Slackness was punj c;hed n~ercilessly:Ilerds and farmyards would be confiscated and barns burned to the ground. In 1884, an epizootic disease struck the buf Caloes, leaving the mountain people wi tli nothing but the skins of tlie dead animals. The bandit leader Tuong confiscated everything. Ayrnonier (59) has furnished us with copious documentation on the ~nisdoingsof Tuong, Undoubtedly, the most grisly episode was the terrible fate of the village chief of 1)arui in 1883. For failing to supply all the laborers demanded by the Itomo, he and his wife were beaten for

Five days on end. By the sixtl) day his wife was dead; the man was burned alive. The grievances ol the mountain people--and there were many-- were therecore directed toward seeking protection from the misdeeds of

Tuong, However, tlie plaintirfs were cast into prison and later forced to

supply gongs and slaves. Visiting the area in 1893, Yersin still heard

talk oT these grievances.

The Cham and the Koho (Sre) wore themselves out supplying the families

of officials with rhinoceros horns, cattle and forest products. Some years, bars the mandarins sold for as much as 1,00O/of silver the surplus they had

extorted by the methods described earlier. With the choice of being beaten

or sold into slavery, the Roglai of Nhao took the course of leaving their

lands and seeking refuge in the mountains of the upper Donnai, of Binh Dinh

and of Phu Yen. These areas were feeling the effects of the blockade of

(59) Aymonier, "Notes sur l1Annam: le Binh-thuan," E. et R., 1885, NO. 24. -83- the coast by the French vessels, and the mountain people took advantage of the resulting famine to attack the tribes lidng on the plains. From

Ninh Boa, the Annamite pedlars reached the Darlac plateau via ~'Drac.

Those from Phu Yen followed the Song Darang upstream toward Cheo Reo; still others traveled up the Song Nang valley to rejoin the road to the Darlac plateau.

8. QUANG NGAI

In Binh Dinh and Quang Ngai the institution of the Son Phong had been in operation since 1863, and business was thriving from thLs situation.

'The IZa ht of Quang Nam were, as always, responding to that strange con~pulsionthat drives them continually toward the soutl~,

9. SE BANG IilENC

Finally, in the region of the Se Rang Hieng river, the Siamese continued to expand their influence. In 1885, the So and the IZha Lung of t-he Se Bang Hieng stopped paying tribute to and trading with Annam.

This region, like that of the Se Don river, was to be used as the starting point: for the Siamese advance uf 1886.

During this period, the Ta Woi, Sedang and Jarai continually carried off women and children from neighboring tribes and killed anyone who resisted them. Even the Annamites on the plains were noL inmune from these raids. On the contrary, the captives from Quang Nam, Quang Ngai, Binh Dinl~, etc., were even treated with a special severity. According to Maitre, they were being made to atone for the crimes of the bandit leader Tuong, whom, as it happened, they did not know any more than did their abductors.

10. THE MISSION

In the midst of all these different dramas, the Mission at Kontum performed the miracle of surviving. It was even enlarged with an influx

of immigrants from Quang Nam and Binh Dinh in Annam. Isolated in the middle of the plateaus, which were being scoured and plundered by the Jarai and the Sedang, their communications with the coast frequently cut by the -84-

Jarai, the Catholic fathers, even if they were never actually attacked by the surrounding tribes, were nonetheless left to fend entirely for

themselves. Despite this, they undertook the task of teaching the children

in the vicinity. The compilation of a method for transcribing the Bahnar

language, based on the principles underlying the &c nasystem, dates from

1861. The Bahnar pupils were taught to write and to do simple ari'thmetic.

The immunity which the missionaries owed to their prestige and good works did not, however, extend to strangers. Mr. Navelle, the resident in

Qui Nhon, paid a vi'sit to the establishment at Kontum. On his way back,

the Jarai attacked him at Plei Chu near the confluence of the Bla and the

Peko. One member of his escort was killed and nine others wounded, Mr.

Navelle was able to scatter his assail.ants, but neither he nor his successors

in Qui Nhon were to return to Kontuin before 1889.

In 1883 the ranks of the small. group of missionari.es were considerably

strengthened by the arrival of Father Guerlach. Ile was then a young

priest, and his state of health often delicate. His photograph can be seen

on page 27 of the third volume published by the Pavie mission. tiis charity,

courage, spirit of determination and patriotism made him a truly exccptionctl

personality. Both Prance and the pr~pagationof the faith owe him n great

deal. The li.ves of rnany adventurers is less fascinating than that of this

cleric. We s1~aI.lhave occasion to see his achi.evernents later,

Father GuerlacZi described the status of the Christian church in Kontum

when he toolc up his position there: "four Christian villages and a small

Annamite colony. 1,500 Christians hemmed in by the Bahnar and the Rongao.

The entire remainder of the popul.ation was fetishistic. Socially speaking,

there was no cohesion; i.t was every man for himself, and there was no

single chief whose authority extended to a3.l the villages belonging to the

same clan. In a word, the situation was but one step away from anarchy" (60).

Kiem, the Bahnar chief whose sons had been taught to read at the

Missi.on, had been appointed Annamite delegate to the region; his assignment

appears to have consisted chiefly in stimulating Annamite trading in the

area and improving conditions of access.

(60) F, Guerlach, "I,'oeuvre n&faste," Saigon, 2906. -85-

CHAPTER X

1885 AND AFTER

The events that took place in Tonkin and Annam between 1882 and 1885 were sanctioned by the treaty of 1884, by which France was charged with maintaining Annamite territory intact.

In Annam the establishment of the French protectorate led first to

the revolt by the Scholars. Moreover, Siam seized upon the opportunity afforded by this trouble to sweep along the left bank of the Mekong as

Tar as the mountains dominating the coastal plains of Annam.

1.. REVOLT OF TI-IE SClIOLARS

'Chis movement was directed against King Dong Khanh and the French;

it also toolc up issue with the Catholics.

The insurgents had had themselves made hideouts by the mountain peop1.e

oL the Nhatrang and Ninh IIoa region.

In 3.887, in Ninh Hoa, the uprising organized and led by Gia broke out;

the principal base and refuge of Gia and his followers lay deep in Ulao

country on the "la M&re et 1'~nfant" (Mother and Child) massif. Caches

of arms were frequently left on the plateaus. A cache of rifles from

Laos had been made at a point eight daysf march iron Ninh Hoa in a westerly

direction.

Mai Xuan Thuong, claiming to be a descendant of the Tay Son, had

established his concealed headquarters in the vicinity of Cheo Reo. From

there, he would sweep down on Phu Yen. After being pursued by Tran Ra

Loc, he was captured and executed in 1887.

Thuan Khanh, where the Homos abetted the rebels, was also pacified by

Tran 13a Loc between July and late September 1886. This energetic chief also

subdued Phu Yen and Binh Dinh in March and April 1887. Before relinquishing

his command, the p& Loc made arrangements not only for the appeasement of

the mountain people, but especially for their protection against their

traditional exploiters. It has also been mentioned that: in 1887 the Bih

of southern Darlac were threatened by Kham Leu and that the Preng, fearful

of reprisals by the Bih, left the area. Later, Dr. Yersin and the resident Bourgeois were to have dealings with the Bih, who had finally won the day, and with their chief, Ngeuh.

Farther to the north, this period was characterized by King Ilam Nghi, after abandoning his capital after the failure of the ambush in Hue

(July 5, 1885), taking refuge north of the Se Bang Hieng; the Selc and the

So showed him the most lasting faithfulness (61).

Later, I-Ian1 Nghi set out emissaries across the southern part of the hinterland, bound for Siam. There, they were to ask for help. The officers of the Pavie mission met with several of these emissaries. At the end of January 1887, the resident at Qui Nhon managed to arrest three of them. %he most celebrated, Ang Ciianh, lived among the Rhade and owned a cannon. Kun Yu Nob refused to let him have the guides he wanted to carry to Siam the gifts which the fugitive lcing was sending to Lhat country.

Following the failure of tlie rather gauche ~nissi.on of Montigny in

18-56, Siam won support £ran the English. Determined to wrest from Bangkok whatever territorial gains it could in the Malay provinces, England suggested the Icing might seek compensation for this loss by laolcing eastward. 1Iowever , the Franco-Siamese pact of 1867 precluded annexation at the expense of Cambodi.a, so that King Chu La Long Korn, still on the advice of the English, once more set his sights on the left bank of the

Mekong. 1Te clai.med the entire territory bordered to the east by tlie mountain scarp of Annam, north of the 14th parallel. Their frontier would UP thus joinlwith the Melcong near Sambor. Encroachment by Siam would thus encompass Kontum and the Se San region.

These ambitious claims violated the territorial. rights acquired by

Annam. Although the Court of IIue had exerted only tolcen authority over

the Se Bang Hieng valley since the Siamese advance of 1828, it is neverthe-

less true that ever since the 17th century the subjects of Laos living in

the valley of the Se Bang Hieng had insistently demanded reunification with Annam, initially because the Annamite regime suited them better and,

(61) Gosselin, "Le Laos et le Protectorat fran~ais,"p. 133. The So did not swear allegiance to France until 1897. - 87- later, in order to obtain protection against: occupation by the Siamese,

The people of this region had paid tribute to Annam regularly since the

17th century.

Siam, on the other hand, was intending to take,advantage of the unrest that was brewing in Annam, Talcing the Se Rang Iiieng and Se Don valleys as starting point, it had resolved to push forward its advance stations as far as the divide and thus confront France and Annam with a fait accompli.

As it happened, an invasion by Chinese bandits into Laos provided an

"honorable" pretext for the operation: Siam, a 'Thai power, claimed it was occupying the country only in order to protect the Laotfat~Thai.

The orders from Bangkok were passed on via Bassac and, east of the

Mekong, via Attopeu, Saravane, on the Se Don river, was adrninis.tered by a chau inuon& contralled 'by the Siamese. I11 1885, the tribes of the Se

Bang Elieng who were sti1.l paying tribute to Annam were forbidden to continue this act of .vassalage. was then that, at Bangkok's behest, Moulapoumok

(present-day Veun Sai) was founded on the Se Sail, A Siamese force was garrisoriecl at Siem Pang, the former trading center of Cambodia, on the Se

Korig .

However, i.nimedi.ately following the conflict that had brought it up against Annam in 1885, Prance declared its willingness to enforce the treaty of August 28, 1883, whereby it had undertaken to ensure that both the rights and the frontiers of Annam were respected. A French Vice-

Consulate was established in Luan Prabang in 1895. Auguste Pavie was the first holder of this new position. IIe and the French offi.cers of the mission under his direction, not forgetting the ten Cambodians or so who from the outset proved such valuable assistants to Pavie, set about mapping the con- tested areas and establishi.ng the frontiers on the basis of the resulting maps,

3. THE IWNTIJM MlSSlON

In opposing the Siamese claims in the hinterl.and of Indochina France was fortunate to be able to count on the support of the Kontum niissioil, -88- which was still in alliance with the Ralmnr of Kiem. The offi.cers of the

Pavie mission found it a center that formed a convenient counterweight for Attopeu, which was i.n Siamese hantis. From this center they ol)ta:i.nad the mos 1: ef fect.i.ve arid cIc;voted llelp,

It may be recalled that while tlle mountain people, duri.ng the revol.t o.f the Scholars, steadfastly refused to suppLy guides for the Annamites who had been ordered to seize the mi.ssi.onaries at Kontum, the latter were

Ilic 'vi.cti.ms of a strenuous bloclcade by the Vietnamese, as wel.1, as by the

.I,li:ui. brrndi.t:s, that was to :last unt:i.l. :L897. Father G~~erlach,I.eacli.ng

200 Chri.:;ti.ans, routed a detach~mentof Annnmites at Kori Cllorah, near An IZhe, ai~cl i.nipri.soneci a ~nandarirland 1li.s servnl~t.

'iilie occnpati.on of An lille by Prenclr troops put an end to the isof.ati.on ol: Irlli? mlssi.onaries.

'.1'11(> latter had not spent their long years of secltsion without protect:-

i lie i.hci.r northern side from attaclc by signing a pact of al.l.iance .in iieccmbc:~.1885 with the redoubtable Sedang. They thus safeguarded themselves agaiiisi, any reclirrence of the attaclc of 1862. Ln addition, they kept open

1:1it, pa 1:li tliat l.ed t:o thc: banlcs of the Bla, whi.ch was used to evacua t:e fJ11i:i:j t. i.iii?:i J':l.cei i~g[:he persecution i.11 Quang Na~n.

Wi.[:ll tlrc k~znaru:i.te threat: cl.i.sposed of, there remai.ncd the Jarai, and

tltc tlodrtlng i.n pnrt%cul.ar. Altl~oughthe latter had refused to lead the

Annainites to I

01 Ii,'I'iley came clown and saclced an important c:onvoy bound .for the

Mj.ssj.on, At- or~cc: I?ntller Guerl.ach cal.3.scl to arms a3.1. the Bahrlar who were

nursl:ng gr:i.evanccs against the Jarai, 1,200 answered his call.. Never, i.n

all. the. 11i.st:ory of the rno~tntain region, !.lad such a large force been seen

rcspondi.~lg to tile co~~unnnd:;of a sjng1.e man. The battle t:ook p:l.ace in mid-

Ircbruary md the vanqui.sliecl Jarai. were forced t:o beat:, a re1:reat. It was

~:rol~~t:llj.s v:i c tory that: 1iat:ller (;uerl.aclr 's pres t:i.ge ti l:cxrm~ed; :[.a tel: the moulltaj.11 people were to confer the special name Boc Can11 011 him.

Seei.ng that his warriors from ICon Mouey had capturcid a ~araiwoman,

F. Cuerlach sent her baclc t:o tier people wit11 some rice and ;I 111essage "89-

fixing the date for a meeting, Seven days later, a Jarai delegation came

to the appointed place. Peace was concZuded with the Jarai, No further

incidents occi~rredto disturb it. From then on, the road to Rinh Dinh

was safe.

4. TI312 XA'lNAK-RDN(:AO COWEDIIIWTLON

lChe Missi.oi~'s sphere of pol.itical influence was lat:er extended still

further. 1Ci.eii1, now advanced in years, was succeeded I)y 11i.s son I?i.m. On

the advice oC the fatllers and an officer from 13inh Dinh, Pim brought about

tlle con.fedcrati.ou so desi.red by Nave:l.le, the governor in Qui Nl1o11. The

Bahnar of LZont~tm reached an agrcernerit wi.th tho Kongao and the I%orrorn. The

obji?ct of this 1.uag11e was to 11ol.tl the Jarai. 1.11 check. It was ofI:i.ci.al.l.y

~:acojinizctl two yi..a.rs :1,;1te1: by Rr!i.nliilrL:, thc govr?rnor-.i;encral in Huc.

5 MAYR13NA

Mal.1.e .".' L, 1C:i.ng oi: I:lic Sotlilng! 'Illlcrc was not a to~tr:i.st at thc L:i.me

who d:i.cl not devote a paragrnl>h i.n 11i.s travel. rloLcri to 1:hi.s Iielgian

atlve~~t~~rer--l~aitdsit~n(~,ui~erj:i.l~g marltsrnun, and "LZi.ilg of tlie Moi." A Illan of

intc:lli.gence and energy, he urllortui~atc?lybecame notorious lior 11i.s crooked

de;tl.i.ngs, wl1i.ch discredi.tcd hi.ii1, Hic; dea1:l.l was as pi.tifu1. as it was

111ystcri.ous.

':[:he cpi.sode nc>nethel.ess merits serious study, :l.'lie MayrBna inarlced the

first occasion on wh.i.ch the Si.amese encroachrneilt was e Efec tivcly t~alted;

his was in 1888.

IIaving come in theory to survey gold mi.nes in tlie area around Attopeu,

Mayrkna had been assf-gned an unofficia'l. mi.ssion by the French Government :

Siam was o~~tto unite the tribes of the hinterl.and under Its own control,

despite the Eact that some of thcn~, by virtue of the historical. suzerainty

of A~ma~tl,were ciernanding remiifi.cation wi.tti the Court of Hue. Mayr6na1s

, task was to cross the disputed territories, divide them intct groups, and

protect tbe~nagaitist the int:rigues of Siam. If lie was successful, France,

taiting ovcr fro111Milyrknil, was to col~tinuethe ~xndertnltiitgand enforce tlie

observance oi: Anilalii's rights. -90-

To start with, everything went iniracu1ousl.y well. At the request of the governor of Qui Nhon, Lemire, the Kontum fathers and I?. Guerl.ach in parti.cular had agreed to assist Mayrena in his efforts, so that in this was he had the benefit of the undeniable prestige that the mi.s:iionacies enjoyed i.n the highlands.

On May 23, Mayrkna was at Kontxm, where lie was asstired of the goodwi.11 of the Christi.an Bahnar. 1Ie ral.l:ied together a number of groups: the

Kamrang, who are the Sedang of the jungle, and the FIamong, who 1.ived along the right bank of the Pelco Elver, 0pposi.t.e the confluence with the Bla.

On June 3, these different Sedang units formetl a confecleration which they

terinud i:l-le 1Zi.ngc1orn of the Sedang, cund Maric? I was proclaimed its ki.ng.

An allinrlce was then struck between this federation ancl the u~ti.onof

the Uahnar and the Rongao, whi.ch had heen forrned to coni:al.n the .lal-a.L. 'Che entire al;senibl.y was placed under the general. chai.rmai1shi.p of ~Crbi.,who was appointed by the conibined council of elders.

The Siamese naturally found tliese activi.ties little to their liking.

A chief of the Koyo1-1 (between t:l-re Halang and the ICa Seng) arrived at the invitation of Mayrkna; lhe was 1lilu:l.ed over the coa1.s by tlle Siamese ofPFcial

in Attopcu and the gifts I-ie had received from t:lle French envoy were conf iscat:etl.

Mnyrkria also was to jeopardi.xe the success or 1:llc.: work that 11nd started

off so well.. Casting aside tllc agreements, he endeavored to keep for ili.ri~::~l.f"Itis territories" or else sell. them. There was taLic of a German

group that l~acl supposed:ly come forward as a prospective buyer. %'lie king of

the Sedang was short of money, and he attemptecl to raise some along the

coast by rnethocls remi.ni.scent of a common criminal. Arriving in Europe, he

set out to do everything in royal style, arid to rai-se the wherewithal. he

sol.d decorati.ons, titles of nobility and estates to gul.li.ble buyers. The

Serlang St:at:e was given its own flag, and up to 1945 the Khai. Di.nh Museum

in Hue used to display the collection of postage stamps issued by this short-

lived kingdom.

Wtlen Mayrkna returned from Bel.giuin i.n 3.889, the goverlllllenll of Indocllina

forbade him to set foot in Annam or his "kingdom" again, Subpoenas were Pavie Mission,- Cupet's itinerary

-91- awaiting him i.n connection with his fraudulent conduct, Mayrkna was un- wFl.ling to try his luck again; he met his death suddenly on the stnall island of Z30u3.0 'llio~nanwhere he liitd talten refuge (63).

:t'lie l.teadwey made in the tiinterl.and was by no mans lost, however. In

1889, the Governor-general Reinhart, who approved of the idea of the federation and was anxious to sce .i.t expantled, t?ntrentecl the priests to lend

L:liei.r assistance to the governor in Nlion. The latter, Inore fortunate than Mr. Navel.le, arrived iu I

Aduli.t:tedly, t:l~e bond t:l.rat ti.ed tkcm was not over1.y strong, hut in a land of indiviclua l.ism and anarchy such an acli~i.evoment at a 3.3, repl.:esented a re~iiarkablestep forward.

The Siamese were the firkit to f!ind out for tl~eiiiselves that progress had been made. The base at Rontum had materialized opposi.te their own at

Attopeu, and, instead of a nu~nl,er of scattered tribes that they could have' absorbed oxie at a time, 1:lle cruissarj.es of Ilnnglcolc fou~lcl a coherent who1.c wRi ch, on the s trcrlgtlt of it:s experience of past annexations, dreaded notl~ingquite as n~trch as Siamese "protect:i.on" or dominati.on.

Siam had every i.ntenti.011 of exploiting tlie temporary collapse of Laos and tIie trouble that was sapl>i~lgthe strength of Annam, in order to asscmnie control 01: the lc.Et: bank of tl~cMekong as far as tllc pealcs overlooking

p4 lance-, appointed Pavie to oppose the substantial. forces dispatched eastward by S:i.a~ii.

(67) See .J. Mc~rquet, "UII aventurier du XLXe sihcle, Marie xer, roi des Seddng," B.A.V.II., 1927. -92-

So far as the plateaus are concerned, the work of the Pavie mission can be divided into three phases.

The first (1887-89) does not directly affect the regions under consideration here. Pavie performed the remarliable, feat of forcing recogni- tion of Laotian rights from the valley of the Melcong as far as the Black

River. This forms the subject matter of: "A :La conquGte des coeurs."

But the successes of the French Vic:e Consul were so rapidly won and seemed so prodigious that Siam resolved to put up the most strenuous possib3.e resistance ko any further deployment o.E French actl.vities. Lt hardened its attitude to such an extent that the tribes in the disputed regi.ons stepper1 up their requests to the French to intervene and protect

Llhem .Eronr the Si.arnese i.ncuraions,

'Che object:i.ves of l?avie's second missi.on (1890-93.) were, among others, either to forestall the Siamese by occupying lcey positions in the interior or to .force the Siamese to evacuate the posts they hacl already taken over.. it can never be repeated often enough that: t:he goal was accomplished with

3.tidi.crotrs:l.y smnall resources, At the outset of Itis long excursi.on from

1Cont:um to Ban Don, Cupet had with hirn six mili.tiamen and a reli.al2l.e aide lent 1.i:i.m by Father Guerlach. By the time contact was luade with the enemy, , only three men were sti.1.l. at his side!

The heroes of the mission were Capt, Cogniard, Lt. Dugast, the police it1i;pcctor Garni.er, who came down fronr Ih~e,but above all Capt. Cupet,

I:n the case 6f Garnier, Ft-. shou1.d be borne in mind that even today rtra1ci.ng the direct trip from I'luc or Jla Nang i:o LContu~n is sti.11 a demanding feat. One cannot but admire the daring of men who ventured to negotiate

the jungle o.f Ibntum and of the Scdang when, behind them, the rebellion

that was Layi.ng waste the lowlands made retreat out of the question.

1Jni~ortuaat:el.y, wit11 their mission comple ted, the companions of I?avie were recal.led t:u the plains. The Siamese i1n111ediatel.y set about making up

for what they had lost. The third and final phase (1892-93) marlcs the resumption of French activity. It is illustrated by the occupation of Laos. The incidents in Hanglcolc in July 1893 led to LZte signature on Oclrober 3, 3.893 of the treaty betweeu France and Siam,

7. CU1'ET

Leavi.ng K3:ati.e i.n Decernber 1890 with ten Cambodian militi.arnen, Cupet set off for Ban Dort ancl Ronturik. The Siamese "assi.gnedl' the luong siak11011 to him. Accorcling to the latter, he would have needed an escort of at least 300 to 4.00 men and recourse to arms to have been able to entertain any hopes of success, His task was to re:joi.n Ditgast, Cogniartl and Garnier, who liacl also i:ecc?iveci orders to proceed to #onturn.

The capta.i.n and I1:i.s siiia1.l. cletacllrllent met with a friendly we:Lco~ne frmr the tribes they cntnc across, who were .fearful of the Sialnese and their escort.

At: Rat1 Don he crossed swords wi.tli :llhu, '1.ate.r lcnown as 1<11n Y1.1 Nob,

"wllose face w&i a picture of s11,rewdness and guile." Cupet's requests were all. uncoritpromi.si.ngl.y deni.c:d 1)y the Mnong l.eacler : no guides, no i.nf orma tion, and no boats i.11 wlii.cl1 to c:ross t:lie rPc/er, ire clai.nied tic was afraid of repri.sa1.s by the Rhadc: "If :l: 1icl.p you to cross into tl1ei.r territory, my vi.l.l.age will he pillaged. Tliere are only a few of you, but tllerc are ten thousand Rlincle. The Rhade only allow freedom of passage to t:liose they

Itnow or to outsiders wl~oseconduct i.s vouched for by someone they tr~~st"(64).

Ila.vi.ng found a Iaotian to .gtxi.de him, the senang ycow, Cupet wished to visit en route the Sadet of Fire, "in charge of the Annamite slope, just as the Sadet oU Water kept: watch over the T,aoti.an si.cle."

13y chance, between Ban Mewan and Ban Mehang, they met the widow of a dignitary whoin the Laotian knew, A village chieftain, who was a relative of tile Sadet and "curious1.y familiar with the pol.iti.ca1 r;it:uation," offereti t:o l.ead the party to I3an Blasotn (93 lcm, north of 13an Don). At Ban i

(64.) "Mi.r;sLon Pavie," 111, p. 256 et secl. -94- never set foot in Indochina); he rumnaged through the off.i.cer's baggage and made off with practically everything. Fortunate1.y for Cupet, the Sadet was 111 the vil.l.age. tie had come to visit a re:l.cit.ive.

C.upet records that the Lord of Fire's retinue showed no partir:r~l.ar respect JIor the aging chief: "JIc! is nonethe1.e~~a rnan of i.mposing st:nture, tal.:Ler than the average European. tle has a cunning face."

To begin with the conversation was fa]: froin cordial, but Cupet tiad a way of getti.ng what he wanted. "If the sun has been hidden since lay arri.vi~l., %t is because 1 wanted to tillow you that tlie ,pi& (spi.rit:s) of [:he

Fvencll are more powerful than that: of the Sadet, My pig;. are far superior."

JTe pron~ptly pul.l.ed our his compass, and tlie onl.ookers were .duly amazed.

lille outcome of these 1.i.t:tl.e i.nci.derits--wlii.ch a~:c annising to read about, l,ut: were i~ct:~i~l.Zytra8.i.c when viewcd against tlie baclcground of i.sol.ati.on

in tl~em:i.dsi: o.C such forbiddi.ng 'ountry--was thalr Cupct won thc round. Ile tiad :;eel1 the Sndet: and I-lad succeeded i.r.1 wi.nning his confidence. Many difff.cultics were later smoothed over Lhanks to ttle goodwi-ll, of the old magici-all.

Continui.11g through tlie terri.tory of thc 1Iadrong 2nd llul~au, members of tllci Jarai. tr.i.be, Cupet .finally entcircid I

011 Marell 2, 1.890 he set ocf again, this time lbouncl for At1:ope.u. News

trllat a Siamese col.u~nnwas being formed on the lower Sc San caused him to cliange direction. Without Y, Guuerl.acltfs ai.tle, the captain declared, hi.s rilinisc1ilc: tlctachzi~enl: cou1.d izevc~: Ilavc got tl~ebetter of the Siamese forces

LJ~ICIIIIit was hi.:; t:a:;k to rout. l1ni1bl.c to leave t:he mission, E'atlier Guer2.ach

sccollded Sauh, his trlrstecl aide, to the detachrncnt of mi.lit:i.amen. Sanli

sported a superb red jacket with plenty of tri.mmings; i.t made a great

impression on the tril~es,but misfired so~~~ewhatwhen i.t came to tlie .Jarai.

A3.3. the same, Sank saved the capt:ai.n by setting off alone I:hroirgh 1:he

jun.gl.e, in search of reinforcements, bound for Kont~~m,wlr.icli was se.vera1.

days' march away.

Tlle situation grew more cmipli.cated. Cupet was to €ol.low the Se San

downstream and thus prevent the foreigners who had set out from Hassac -95- from reaching the road to Attopeu, when a message from Hue warned him that

400 Laotians, under the orders of the sakhon, had left Stung Treng on February 23, 1890, bound for Ban Don. These reinforcements would raise to 700 the nuniber of men statianed on tlie Darlac Plateau who were in the service of Siam. Cupct set hi.~nself the task of heading off the Siamese ofricer and his Lroops. The latter had a lead of 15 days. Cupet had only six men at- his disposal., At Plei R'de a request for hel.pagainst the

Siamese was handed Iii~n;he l(?ft for the south after asking that 60 reserve niilitiamen in ~~ontum'besent as reinforcements. Ilugast, who remained behind on the Se San, was to halt the advance of another Siamese force that was on its way from Attopeu.

A band of Jdmi. overpowered and robbed a small. detachment commanded by a Laotian i.n tlic service of the Siamese.

On the 1.4th, Cupet, passi-ng via L'lei Bi.a, reached tlie Srepok basin.

At Gong Rouel: I:hc tribes appeared cli.strr~s.lful. It see~ued to them that the srnilll. I~~cI~cIId~ffi~~l~l~lent, WII Fc11 was in a hurry, ITIUS t have been fleeing before the Siamese and 1,oot i-ans.

To avoid the cou11t:ry ravaged by the misdeeds of the m'tau in the south, thti captain was forced Lo detour to the southeast and take a longer

route by c1er;crit~ingan arc so as to follow the line of villages from which he mi.ght expect to obtain prov~sisions. Cupet did not see the Sadet of

tlie Patnu Ya, but: he, sent word to the old chief that he proffered his

fri.el.ldship. The Sadet accepted it. From hi.~n, the captain received a

copper bracelet and a bag of sacred ri.ce possessing magic powers, as a

token of alliance.

By now, I~owever, the luong salchon had reached Nong Te on the Srepok

p~~ver. .. Time was running out, and along the path of the French officer,

the nlistrust of the inhabitants was turning into open hostility: the

Si.amese and 1,aotian forces seelned too close to victory. Leaving behind

(65) Ma itre, ".Jungles Moi": "'Che Patau Ya has long ceased to enjoy tlie prestige and auLhou'ity that in centuries past he shared with the Sadet of Fire. The present I'dLau Ya is a tall fellow, dry, placid and unrulfled, who certainly has nothing royalabout him; his village is not far from the one occupied by the Sadet when Cu et visited him in 1891. He accepted our authority frp the very leginning and had nothing to do with Odendfhal's murder. his baggage and the men required to guard it, Cupet continued his journey with only three men: a Cambodian, Ro, and his two boys. Finally, on the

22nd, he reached Ban Don, But the luong &~~~~iiati beaten [him to it. f1e had with him 370 Laotians, 22 Siamese sold.iers, 14 eiephatlts and some horses. Despj te al.l this, he was t:o give up, Assured by Cupet that there was not a village in the entire region that would pay tribute to the

Siamese authorities, the 3.uong saklion ordered his detachment to retreat,

The effect on the mountain people was trcmenclous: "'She news of the arrival of L-l~e I

I;'ri:~lch s:i.del' (66).

It. wa!; l

Cupet, carrying out l~isorders, returned to tha coast o.f Annarn wi.tl1 the reinforcements who hdd arrivccl, 11js mission acconiplished.

'Slie =ng salci~on, however, tl-tough he tiad left the 1)ariac PJ a teau, ac1v:ulced up tlle Se !;an again with hi.s forces.

At Se~nct:, after being begged by the i.nl~abitant:s of all. the v.i:l.lages al.ong t:l~e Narn Sathay to halt the Siamese invasion, Lt. llugasl:, too,

:;uccecdcd in cau:;:i.ng the l.l~vadcrs to retreat (March 2, 1.891).

AlloL:l~er tl~l:;~chmenl;of the eneliy, advancing Eroni Attopeu, di.cl not- even wait for Inspector Garni.er t:o show up at I)ak Ii'cle.

Before i.he threat of the mil.itiamen of Uelinget te, the Siamese had abandoned the "Gate of Sianr," a monuniental frontier stoclcade built on t:he 1,anlcs of tlre Dalc I-loni.ong, among the Koyon.

'I'l~e ntl:i.t:ude o.f the people, their aversion to the izroops controlled by R;jnglcolc, and tlieir refusal. to pay tlzern taxes had all. made a powerlul corrtri.l>uti.on towarcl our officers' success, --"--.--

(66) Maitre, op, ~it.,p. 529, -97-

It would be unforgFvabl.e not to mention the others who helped to bring about the 'happy ending' of the drama of the plateaus: Capt. Cogniard, wlio liad explored the territory of the Golar, JJricourr:, De PLal.glaive,

Dclingette, and Odend'hal, who was later to play a very import rale before succumbing in 1904 to an attack by the men o.f t:he Sadet of Pire.

The tab1.e~had thus been turned. The initiative no longer lay with

Bassac or Attopeu, but with IContnn~aiid Ban Don. '['he Siamese threat had apparently beet1 sfaved off,

tiowever, now that their praiseworthy tour was at an end, the officers of the I'avie mi:;sion, too few in number, were posted e2sewhere. Their adversari.es set ahout ta1ci.rtg advantage of tt1i.s to rnalce good their setbactcs.

Pnthe~:.Guerlacli still. liad occasio~lto hold baclc the Ifal.ang to prevent: them from att:.aclti.ng the Si.an~ese,hat, bel.ievit~gthemsel.ves freed from a1.7. danger, the tri.l)es Ecll. apart again; i.11 1893, the J'arai ancl Rhade, who for a along ti.tine hati (21):; truc ted our detncllmc~lt::i, returned to ttie.Lr fclr111e.r i so:l.ntion.

'The Siamese sellt out the kI.3 ,?i~Ichet"1:o mapff tlie land invaded by the

Si.arnese ; the s i.tci;i t:iou 1.1:itl onci: more grown threatell i.ng.

1:t was not until 1893 i:liai: France finally decided to act; 1)e Lanessan was governor-general. at tlic: ti.me. 1.t was lie who ordered the occupat:ion of southern Idnos. Garnicr l.iberated 'Ilcliepone and the vall.ey of tl-ie Se Bang

Eeng ;IS far as the Meltong. Setting out Erom Cambodia, Captains 13asl;arcl and. Ilhoreux establislied po:;i.Lio~~sat Stung Trcng and later at Khoilg.

:T.nspector Cuosgctrin, who in 3.892 had p1.antc.d tlie French llag along t:lie Song

Ba, Ayun, Bla, Peko and Nnrn Sathay rivers, left: from Vi.nl.1 and toolc control of the Canmou. Jle was assassi.natkd at Keng IZiec along with 20 mi:liti.amen on the orders oC the Kha-luo,ng Phrayot, despite the fact that the latter had just agreed to evacuate the area.

Si.am deliberately del.ayeti the negotiations de:;ignetl to establish the compensation to be paid to t:he fami1.i.e~of victi.ms and settle other out-stand- i.ng issties, whi.ch pronlpted Fra~zccto send Le Myre de Vil.ers as pleni.potentiary t:u 13angltolc, The Siamese rerrtained hosti1.e; two French gunboats were bombarded in [:he Mellam estuary, but lat:er. sai.led 1.113 to Banglcolc and lcept -98- their cannons trained on the royal palace. Siam signed the treaty of

Bangkok on October 3, 1893: "The Moi hinterland of Annam and Cambodia becilnle French. "

8. SE DON AND SE BANG I-IZENG

Despite the insistence with which the people pleaded to be reunited with Vietnam, in the years that followed 1828 the Annamites evacuated the

regi.on that had been depopulated by the troops of Rangtcok.

In 1888, Siam occupied Nong and Phin, in 1889 Muong Chanh, Tabang

and Lang Trinh, and later Nabon. It was from these positions that the

Siamese launched their offensive aimed at occupying the interior as far

as the approaches to the Cam Lo pass. In the beginning the Ta Iloi

ossist:ed the invncters in their efforts. For a few months an excursion

led by two French officers managed to hold this advance in check, but

Banglcok, early in 1890, ordered a new push eastward. 'The Siamese took

up positions along the lower Tchcpone and at the approaches to Ai Lao

pass, whicll had been f:ortified by the Vietnamese in 1837 but evacuated

when their adversaries advanced. Grosgurin, the future victim of Phra

Yot, forced the Siamese to relinquish this position, in addition to

pulling out oC Nabon and Thuong Khe. In the meantime, De Malglaive, a

member of the Pavie mlssion, arrived from the source of the Se Kong where,

initially, the hostility shown by the Veh had obliged him to seek the

support of reinforce~nentscommanded by ~dend'hal. In November 1890,

De Malglaive reoccupied Ai Lao and then returned southward to confront

the Siamese from Saravane, who were endeavoring to gain control of the

source of the Se Kong. With the aid of the Kontu, he forestalled his

adversaries and occupied A Roc before hem.

The failure of their columns at Ban Don and in the Kontum region had

exasperated the Siamese, who proceeded to reoccupy a11 their former positions

along the Se Bang Hieng. After the succession of advances and retreats

that have been outlined, they were finally dislodged for good by Lemire,

the governor in Dong Hoi, and abwe all by the treaty of October 3, 1893. CHAPTER XI

IIESLTANCY - CONFLJSlON - RETREA'L'S

THE APOS111,F:S AND THE: VLCllIMS

The period that followed witnessed a repetition, m more severe form, of the vacillation, contradiction and relinquishn~ent that ltad pcevaileci during the pc~v~emission. The work, which seemed well i~nderway, was suddenly cut short, and erstwhile heroes were foxgotten or vilified, Take Bourgeois, for example, Lhe first pacilier of the

Ihrl ac. Who lias heard of Ili~nLoday? Sabatjer lrad the exceptional good rortune to make his drcatu -- the revival of an entire people -- a realily. llow intamo~~sly11e was repaid for his pains I,y t:hose who benefited from fii s achievements, including the lZ11;tde and the Mnong

(though the French oci trl i d evcv~them) !

Other great names stand out beside those of the missionaries

(I?. Cuerlaclz, F, Krmlin): Ode~iti'hal, Yersin, 11, Mait re, Sabatier (67),

Odkra. Tl~ehiglilaztds atf.racted men of' caliber, 01 tlzose just merit-ioned, the ,larai

Indochinese policy rested with the governors. Le Myre de Vilers,

De Lanessan, Doumer and Paul Beau, with his disciple F. Pasquier, all

showed concern for the mountain people and each drew up a charter for

their protection, But governors of Indochina did not stay put for long.

The French effort tended to peter out as soon as Parliament ceased

berating the pioneers.

The unpredictable changes in the political status of the mountain

regions were at once a cause and reflection of this instability,

Following the treaty of October 3, 1893, the highlands were first

attached to southern Laos (Khong). Then came the dissolution of the

confederation of the Bahnar and Rongao in 1895, The territories

involved were first placed under the control. of the governor in Qui Nhon,

Guiomar. But the hinterland of Binh Dinh was then brought under the

commissioner of Attopeu, who delegated his powers to Father Viallet,

the father superior of the Kontum Mission. The south, including the

Darlac plateau, was governed from Stung Treng, but, as the Laotian

officials had supported several of the revolts that took place just

after the turn of the century, Kontum and Ban Don were transferred

to Annam on July 4, 1905.

After 1893 the general course followed was to ignore all but the

Laotian Bahnar and Kha, that is, the less refractory elements. At

the outset no attempt whatever was made to approach the tribes that

had remained independent of the Siamese, Laotian or Annamite authorities;

thus, the Ta Hoi, Jarai, Sedang, Rhade and Mnong were left free to

live as they wished in the mountains.

Slavery then underwent a shocking resurgence. From 1900 onward,

when columns of militiamen penetrated the interior to suppress banditry

or quell revolts, they constructed fortified posts. To begin with,

they were content merely to occupy them, and did not seek to probe

(68) Gravelle, R.I., farther into unsubdued areas. But later, attacks on these stations or against convoys of the lndochinese Guard, coupled with the audacity of the bandits, were to lead to the expansion of the Frencli occupation, l. REVOLT OF PHU YEN (1.900)

This episode, which is more a matter of Vietnamese history, could perhaps have been omitted altogether were it not for the fact that the forces of Le Vo Tru, "the king of the Moi," bonze and sorcerer, included some 200 "montagnards" rigged out in uniforms.

Entrenched in the Dong Xuan nlassif (inunetfiat:el.y west of that delightful palm-fringed beach known as Vung Lam), Le Vo Tru set off one day in May 1900 to attack Song Cau. The idea was to take everyone by surpri-se -- the governor, his wife and the main guard -- and massacre them. The attack came that much closer to succeeding because the bulk of the Indochinese Guard, with its leader, had left for Cung Son in the south, The fifty mili.tiamerl left behind in the provi.ncial capital. were enough to stop the "king of the Moi" during the night of April 1.4-

15, altl.iough he and his 900-man force did advance to within a lcilometer of Song Cau. Fifteen days later, .Le Vo Tru fe1.l into the hands of a puni.ti.ve column. The rebels were forced to pay a "war tax."

This movement may be regarded as symptomatilc of the renewed agitation that had ravaged central Annanl since 1885. 'The revolt of the Bolovens, which was conternporaneous with it, was of an a1t:og ther different nature and infinitely more serious,

2. THE BOLOVENS (1901-07)

The origins of this rnysterious uprising must be sought in Siam, where the treaty of 1893 had not been accepted without some resistance.

Oubon and Bdssac were the centers oE the revolt, and the phou------my ---boun were its agents. The &u my %n were magicians. They claimed that they alone were worthy to govern Inen and usher in a reign of justice. in proof oi this, they slaughtered anyone brash enough to refuse to join their movement. The Bolovens and the Brao regarded them as if

L l~eywere ~ricssaiallsof the type cxemplificd by the & E.

'The Lord of Rasbnc, a devoted follower of the Siamese, saw in

his agitation ;i cliance to regain the importance which Bangkok had dcnlctl him by sjgning the treaty of 1893, under which he had forfeited hi.; i'ormer ascendancy over the authorities of Attopeu and Saravane. iic<,ides, the phou my boun had promised to sweep aside all outside powers, beginning with that of the French comn~issioners.

Worried by the abolition of slavery, proclaimed by H.M. Chu La

1,ong Koru of Siarn, and by the prosecution of slave-traders being org~nizcdby the Frenc11 governors, the Laotian officials were ready to support "tradition" and thereby safeguard the profits which the sale of their captives brought them; the Alnk, Nia Ilrun and Bolovens, whose interests in the resale of slaves had been dealt a severe blow, thus iornted a ready-made audience for the plans of the phou &. The conmissioner of Saravane, ll&my, was the first to be attacked, when Ize was assaulted by 1,500 "montagnards," some of whom were armed with flint-guns. Trapped in Thn Theng pagoda, R6my w~Lhstoodthe

assault with fifteen militiamen, but within CI. few days ttic whole of

the Bolovens Plateau had joined in the revolt-. A very dynamic man,

~Qmymanaged to hold his own. Despite the pronllses m

it-ie French rifles did not blossom into jasmine flowers. When it became known that the phou my boun were entirely unable to perform

the n~iraclesthey had claimed, their supporters renounced them and,

one by one, surrendered. However, in April 1902, the rebellion flared

up again at Savannekhet, farther to the north. The commissioners were unable to agree on what policy to pursue,

but when, by dint of courageous resistance, the Prench had, one after

the other, succeeded in staving off the threat of encirclen~cnt: that hung over each of them, the rebel c:l.licfs reassemb:I.ed tt1ei.r 1:roops on

the wooded heights that Cla~lkthe Se Kong norrll of Atl.open. 'Fliere

1:hey remained until 1907, when, di sunited, famished, arid hounded by

the French, who still had plenty of dash (outstanding among whom was

Mr, Dauplay), the insurgents finally surrendered,

The &% 9 @ were al.so rcsponsib1.e for i.nstigating the attack

on the Psi River post i.n Jtrne 1.90.1.

As early as 189/t, 1iluc61 I'arther south in (.lie valley of thc Krong

IZno, Dr. Yersin had beer1 set upon by the 13i.h at Peko. After a hosti1.e

reception from the Mdhur in t.he vdl ley of t-hc Song Nang, trib~ttaryok

the Song Darang, two French colrrlnrls retctrnetl carrying wounded soldiers,

'The plateaus were far fro~npacified as yet (69),

At the confl.tlence of the rivers Psi and Peko, uorthwest of Iconturn,

the commissioner of Attopell, Castailier, had founded a post and placed

the militia officer Robert in collxnand. His assignment was principally

(69) The general unrest was eCfe,c"ti.vel.y pro1.onge.d by the spate of messiah s, who included, in 1:hi.s order: In 1880, a French warrant offi.cer who deserted ant1 sett:l.ed i.n Icon IIer ing . In 1890, Khan1 and Khun, two Laotians who claimed they could fly. Out of admiration for such extraordinary powers, the Moi showered them with gifts of chickens and pigs. When an Annamlte challenged Iaam to fly just onto the verandah of a house on plles, Lhe Imposture was unmasked. In 1901, an Anndmlte creLlrt had a temple bu~ltIn his honor and dedicated to him at Dalc Uang. Father Vialleton destroyed his prestige. In 1908, a tame civet-cat from 12abertts post was pro~lalnteda mess id h, That same year, the Bahnar and Jaral paid homage to a self- styled wtio claimed to have inst gated the revolt of the shorn h'iir In the pla~nsoT Central Annam. I11 1910, the people worsh~pped d dwarf; ill 1916, glatlt. In 1924, the airplanes that flew over Kontu~~ifor the land survey were seen as "wh~te-winged heroes," desiined to restore the golden age and expel the French. In 1939, a two-year-old c11.1ld attracted la~tl~ic~lfo l l oweus,

Jarai; this road was used by the Sedang when they set out to sell as

slaves the Annamites they had managed to capture inside the Provinces

of Quang Nam or Quang Ngai.

The attack took place at about nine o'clock in the morning, shortly

after Robert -- who although alerted believed there would be no danger during the day -- had dismissed the sentries who had been keeping watch all night. The garrison consisted of Annarnite volunteers. The

attackers stormed through the wide-open gate and speared the station

commander twenty times with their lances. Thereupon the Sedang retreated,

taking with them neither the tax money which Robert kept in his chest

nor the boxes of cartridges.

The militiamen, for their part, evacuated the station, taking to

Kontum their fatally wounded commander; the latter was taken In by

a missionary, who then went back to recover the money and the ammunition.

The following night the Sedang returned and set fire to the deserted

post. It was rebuilt later in 1901.

Five months later, at the end of 1902, after the revolt had

claimed the lives of two more Frenchmen, Henri and Sicre, Father Keinlin

was attacked at Drei, his parish, by 450 Sedang. The assault was

repulsed and the Sedarlg even left behind one prisoner in the hands of

the Christians.

The governor in Attopeu had a new post built among the Hamong

converts. In a month-long campaign of expeditions and flying columns,

the guard commander Meslier restored calm between Attopeu and Kontum.

By repurchasing a large number of slaves in order to free them,

the missionaries added to their popularity in the region, which

Governor Pournier found quiet: and prosperous. With the advantage of

abundant manpower, relatively hardworking and amenable, the province

boasted vast cleared areas. Use of the plow spread steadily. Distri-

butions of rice, medicines and fabrics brought them creature comforts which, while modest, surpassed anything they had known in the past.

Things reached the point where the Bahnar, if they had occasion to venture into Sedang country, took with them the rice they needed for their meals; they could no longer stomach the gruel of millet and squash that their hosts would have offered them -- willingly, but in a dirty trough. The number and extent of the raids declined steadily (70).

'The Sedang continr~edto tread very warily aftcr the Mayrbna

incident. For a Long time they opposed the constr~iction of roads north and northeast o£ IConturn.

4, THE JAlUT, TIIE SSADET LOSE THEIR PmSrI'lGE.

In the south the 130,000 Sarai remdined unreliable. It was nonetheless anlong them at Plei ICu Der that ~'lantih, the ti rst governor, established himself after the province had been transrcrred to Annam

(.July 4, 1905).

The prestige of. the Sadot was desiined to be dealt a serious blow

from whicti it would not recover.

In 1892, the governor in Stung Treng, intending to put an end to the incursions of the Jarai along the trail linking ICratiB with

Ban Don, set of1 at the head of a sniall expedition and reached t.he headwaters 01 the Ya Hleo and, close by, the source of the Ya Kt?.

The Sadet of Water thought better of waiting Tor him and sought

refuge near the Patau Pui; the latter did not atteinpt to resist,either.

His village was burned: "Above the hut which housed the fanious sacred

sword (which P. Guerlach claims was of very crude workmanship) a ball

of fire was seen to rise and disappear southward. To the mountain a people this waslsign that the magical powers of the Sadet had been

taken from him."

(70) Baudenne, "Les Kha d'httopeu," R.I., 1913, p, 258 et seq, 5, ASSASSINATION OF ODEND'HAL

The Sadet Oi At was to commit a fresh crime, however, and thus bring about the effective occupation of the highlands French troops or by militiamen. There is no doubt, moreover, that this murder was not entirely unconnected with the transfer to Annam of the hinterland of Phu Yen and ~inhDinh, which to begin with had been attached to

Laos following the treaty of 1893.

Explorer, adnzinistrator, scholar, and lecturer at the Ecole

Pranfaise d4Extr^eme-Orient (French College of Far Eastern Studies),

Odend'hal had talcen part earlier in the operations of the Pavie mission.

In 1904, setting out from Widn Rang, he crossed the Lang Bian and the

Darlac Plateau. During a stop at Cheo Reo, he met up with Stenger,

the station commander. Enthusiastic and full of vigor, and over- confident since the success of his reconnaissance surveys, the progress of which he recorded in a fascinating report, Odend'hal was intending

to make the Sadet surrender, Perhaps the old sorcerer would even let him see and touch the famous magic saber so persistently covetecl by

the Khmers and Laotians. Every attempt by the latter to seize the

relic had ended with the massacre of the presunlptuous claimants.

Stenger listened anxiously. The Jarai had been particularly suspicious

since 1903, when the Vincillioni column, which had been charged with

repressing bandit activity in the Ankhe region, began to apply a new policy and, albeit without outward violence, started to occupy the

area permanently, Stenger, powerless to dissuade the administrator

from his plan, did his best to persuade him at least to take along

an escort of militiamen. To no avail, At the beginning of April 1904,

Odend'hal set off again. If nothing else, when he had to halt a while

at Plei Koueng on the Ya Pa, he did accept an elephant from P. Vialleton.

At the outset, the Sadet gave the explorer a warm welcome, so warm in fact that Odend'hal, in pain and enervated by the continual

libations to which his journey had exposed him, thought it would be a11 right if he refused the tradithlal alcohol and chicken and passed

them on to the others in his party. Ptit on his guard by a gesture

that was interpreted as a mark of disdain, the Sadet became even more

distrustful when Odend'hal, with the earnest insistence of a scholar

about to unmask an enigma, begged to be allowed to Look at the sacred

sword, Tn the evening the explorer wrote a note to inform and reassure

Stenger. The Jarai, however, interpreted it as an appeal for reinforcements and on April .7 I-hey took their spears and clubs and beat their

guest to death in the very Iiut where he was, according Lo thc assurances

he had rece~vedfrom the Sadet., was dwaiting the latter with the g~iLs

which the aging chiel. claimed he wished to ofEer him. Three Annamite members of. his escort were massacred, and the bodies of Lhe vicrirr~s

were all consumed by fire in the s,iurie straw hut.

The mal-lout, who rnannged Lo escape, hastened to bring news of the

drama to ]'lei Koueng; Odend'llal's 1,'iotian servant sounded the alert in

Cheo Keo. Vincill ioni and his detachment soor1 arrivctl on the scencx

fro111 the region of Anlthc. Udrdin, Ll~e governor in lltirl~ic.,set- up tlre

station aL Plei Tur, very close to the village of the Patau Pui, To

begin with, Lhe Sadet managed to elude his pursuers; after being over-

taken by lnspector Reinhart, he Later surrenclered, The powers of Oi At

were passed on to 01 Tu. "At the present time the two ~nagicianchieEs,

who must in the past have enjoyed unquestioned authority, are totally

inactive" (71).

At the time of Odend'hal's assassination, the mandarins in the

service of Vientiane had shown neither the vigilance nor the favorable

dispositjon expected of them by the French authorities.

6. ORGhNIZATION OF TIIF: I-llFEERIANI)

On November 22, 1904, the Province of Darlac, administratively

part of Laos since 1893, was transferred to the control of Vietnam. -- (71) We Maitre, "Les RQgions MOT du Sud Indochinois," p. 38. Farther to the north, in Jarai country, the Province of Plei Ku was created. Abolished in 1907, this administrative district was not re-established until much later. Kontum at that time was no more than a subdistrict administered from Qui Nhon, Cheo Reo came under

Song Cau.

Vincillioni's rcle in the pacification of Ankhe was a crucial one,

This inspector managed not only to bring peace and order but also to inspire trust in the mountain people.

From the station at Plei Tur, which he had founded in 1905 and from which four roads soon radiated, Bardin brought a reign of peace that extended as far as the unruly tribe of the Badrong.

At about the same time the renaissance of the Rhade of Darlac began. The principal archLtects of this revival were Bourgeois and

Sabatier who took plundering tribes, continually at war with each other, and made them into the most sophisticated, important and best organized people in the entire hinterland.

7. THE PIONEERS

In 1899, Bourgeois founded a new Ban Don beside the Ya Limin,

There he won the support of Phet Lasa, a Laotian chief, and especially that of Kun Yu Nob, the former m'tau of the Mnong who till his death remained an intelLigent and invaluable right-hand man to the successive administrators of the Province of Darlac.

Bourgeois first gained the friendship of the Rhade-Kpa. After forcing Mewal to submit to his authority (Mewal's hut was 178 meters long!), and Me Kheune, too (both of whom were ~nscru~ulous'm'tau),he also planned to win over the Bih, who worked the paddyfields they had established in the valleys of the lower Krong Hana and the lower Krong

Kno. Having distinguished hirnse1.f by his resistance to the pillages of

Kharn Leu, Ngeuh, the victor of 1887, had retained his ascendancy over the Bih. Yersin, who had visited him in 1893 at Ban Treuah, had found in Ngeuh an enemy of the redoubtable Me Sao. In 1900, when Bourgeois tried to advance among the Bih, Ngeul.1 himself took charge of the resistance.

011 March I., 1900, Bourgeois seized IIan Tur and, the same day,

Ban Trap.

Forty-eight hours later, a fresh battle was fought: at Ban Treuah.

Ngeuh fled and toolc refuge in the mountains; Bourgeois was unable to follow.

I.'nlci.ng wi.th them a'l'l. their possessions, even dorm to the remains

02 t1lei.r .forebears, 250 Rih fami.l,i.es 2ol.l.owed thei.r chief into exile,

'Illley ~settl-ed%II the v:i rlrua1l.y rtniul~abited area of the middle Srepolc aud forbade Europeans t:o enter. Ngeuh died in 1.903,

'I'lic pos~:oii the 1ndochin.est. Guard e~;tab:Lished at: llan Don protec'tetl thc subdued regiol-1 agr.inr;t rai.tls by I,aoti.a~lor I

In terms of its c?ffectiveness, the work of llenri Maitre surpasses that of the ocller pacifiers, lfis energy and 11i.s scorn T0.r botl~ personal comfort and danger led liim al.ong the patrl~s i.n the mot~ntai.nous regions. :In ehe extensi.veness of his expl.orations he Ls the equal. of

Pavie, and Tor f11rt:y years his books have been recjuireti reac1j.ng for anyone wisl~ingto sl:ucly tlie people 01:' the i.nteri.or, As the r;oLo rewarii for this prodi.gious effort:, Maitre was to be murdered by the Mnonp

Nony i.n 1914.

Ilenri Maitre landed i.n Chj.na i.n 1902 at the age of 1.9. After servi.ng a spell. in the Cliincise Cust:oms he was transferred to the

Indochinese Civil Service and inmedi.ate1.y etnbarlced on a series of journeys into the unctxplorecl regions of southern Ir~doclli.na. In 1.914,

Ernest Outrey, who was conducti.ng his elect:ion carnpaj gn for the seat of representative for Cochin-Clii.na, hired him as his secretary. -110-

Setting off from Cochin-China, Maitre had first explored the land of the unsubdued Biet and Stieng, tIe founded the station at Pet Sa, that at Bou Mera, 30 kni. southeast 01 the nexus of. the Trois-Prontihres, and that at 130u Pou Sra, the early days of which are narrated in the

"Jungles Moi, "

Barely had the plans for the latter station been prepared, the explorer entrusted its construction and protection to a handful of mi-litiamen and he set: off himself to survey the Central Plateau whichlhad discovered, i.nclncIing

1-he sloping land that fa J.is away f coln these helgl.its Cowarcl Cochin-China,

'Co fallow him on 11j.s travals from Kratio to Phan ThLet, from Phan Thiet on

L o IZontum, Vcun Sa i and Tang 13iar1, one rleed on Ly copy out the ti tles to

Llle chapLcrs of lhc ".Jungles Moi ." 'Chis bootc, wl~icl~was awai-decl t 11e pti~eor the Socid~6de Gtiograph~e, is crani~necl with observations abouL

the Bill and the Prcng, the DSp, Ilchorlg, liodrnng, Ma, Fop and Sre, not

1 orgeLti ng the Sadet, those I egendary lord^, and even Llie "men with tei Ls, I'

Lhe intended exposGre of ~iIiLchwds to have such an upsetting effect on

the 'r~iditc col l~borators01 the "liulletin des Alnj 6 du Visux 13~0,"

BuC MJ~tra was reaching the close of his amazing career, Odund'hal

Il.rd dicd bcl luviiip LllaL Lli(? ]'at-au Pui war4 uboul to surramdar to him, 'I'o

gul rid oS Mni fril, llou 'Crang Lurig cleclded l.11aL he, too, wou1.d cry q~rjto.

Thls Biet tr Lbesn~an, grearly ieared by tlie naighborLng tribes, is depicted

lor uc, :IS 3 nian of small sLaLure but stentorian voice, who claimed to be

able t.o tllnngc 111s l~irgci'ice inLo J. stag's head. What grudge could lie

liave borne the explorer? Po11 Trang Lung had c:arlier put Rou L'ou Sra to

the [lame, and, as a reprisal, K~iLrehad inflicted a very harsh punishment

on him, allnost ruining him in the process. Or perhaps the Biet was afraid

01: being made to atone for the ~tssassinationof the Cambodian of Bou

I'oli I

cla:Lul~cd) put up to it by German spies E.~:om Bnngkok? Could he have been

perturbed by the relations struck up between Maitre and ding, a giant

Nong? Pou Trang Lung eventually formed his own alliance with ~l'ding,who

was among the assassins, Be this as it may, on August 5, 1914, Maitre found the gates of Eonner Bunor closed to hi.m and was obliged to camp out-

side the palissade. Accordilig to scnile, t-he admi.ni.strator entered the

vi.llage at the invitation of his enemy's men, '!he better to celebrate a

"great peace sacrifice," the Nong laid ~lowt~tlieir arms and demanded that

Maitre order 1ii.s ow11 ~i.stoland the rifles of his inil.i.t:i.aiiien to be plcicecl

on the pil.e, At that moineut:, Pou llrarig Lungt who ]lad bee11 absent up to

then, a:I.legcd'l.y elit.,erecl trhe 111.it oiid slew the dei!ensc?,l.css Prenchriian (72).

0t:llers c3.ai.m tl~tit:. Maitre wa.s wr.i.t:ing when st:rucIt tltlwn 11:orii bel~lnd.

For yt?nxs afterwards, the dastardly deat:ll of L1ii.s pi.oneor, w11n con1.d

pride lii.m:;cl.f on having subtlued the Mnong of Ca~iillocli.l*and (:he (;op and Dip

of the I)o~ir~a~i.,was cle:;ti.necl to prol.ong tlle l~ost:.i.li.ty of tllc Noni; ;trr[l

Kehong, who were s;l.~spected of ccnupl.ici.ty i.n tlrc nssussi j.11~1t ion. l?ou 'l'ral~g

captured until. 1193.5, by Mu:jor Nyo. 12'di.rrg I)atl surrcntlorctl Ili.ii~:;ell: It11(:

saine year .

'L'hc: cl.osi.ng pagc?s of "3uny:l.c:s Moi" art-: satltlel.lecl l,y LIie .i~iill.Cft?rcnce

of tlie autlioril:i.es I:o thti I'ati? of tl~cp~!opI.(i of tlic lri.nt:c!;::l.;~iicI ,lritl by the:

wo~:ds, "Several. oC (:hc poiits c!st:alj:l.i.shed ant1 [:lit? provi.i~cc:; rourstlcd I~ave

~rani.sl~ecl"(73) .

Orily s l1andfu:l. of apes L:I.e::-.-13cstial:d, I:lke vc t:ernn who defea tctl Me Sao,

and later Saba t-i er csn tl~cI)i~r:l.ac pl.;~teau,and of cour:se tlie m.i.:;$;i.onari.es--.

wcre able t.o pursue [:he work tlley had undertaken, rnol:e oft:en t:l-ian not wS.th

- 8. ME SAO

Tlte story of Me Sao i.:Ll.ustrates t:l~e Ic-inil of c11;ios anti danger from

w!li.cil t:Iicsc iso'l.atctl organi.zers prot:ected tlze mountain people.

Tlie authors of 1:be day were lavi.sii wi.th tl>ei:r use of the t-i.t:Le "i

oC tl-ie Moi." Me: Sao was erle of tlie most f:ormi.clab:I.c i~udpernici.ons men to --- - (72) Version reco~inteclby Y T,iu, a survi.vor of the ni:issacre, ancl rccordcd by A~~l:oit~arcIii. (73) When :i.t was pr:onounced unfcnsi.ble to construct Cite proposed ra.il.roat1 between Da1.a t rind Cung Xom, on tAie Sorlg Darang, Ilj irj.ng, cl:c?ii l:ed in 3.899, was attached to Y,.i.nl~'C~~U:II~ j.1) 1903. At t:he same time, Dalat was j oi.ned to tlla province of I(11anh lIoa, The post at: Buciop on the frontier between CoChjn-Chi.na and Cambodia was sot up in :1.906, disnppeart!cl in 1908, and was rcoper~ed i.u 191.3. -112- whom it was applied. This Rhade adventurer went under the real rtanie of

Yi Yene.

1)urirtg liis youth Me Sao's famil.y, rel.atively poor, fel.1 foul of pill.agcrs and the future ''Ki11g of the Moi" was sold into slavery. After being ransoliied, he entered the servi-cc 01: a u,whose daughter lie married. Even this protection clid not save his property wliich 'he 1.ost

I:or n second time, and, around 1880, he took up a posi.t:i.on on a sma3.1

1inotinta:i.n between M'drac and Ban Me Illltuot, about 35 Izm. east of this station.

Lie dul~l>edklis hideou; "Me Sao"; those of his vi-ctims for whom he was unable

to cxt:ort: hi-gll ransoms he sold au sl.aves. L1i.s 1ci.nsliip with the mandarins

of I'1tt1 Yen ~incl IZhanh lloa Eaci.l.it:a i.ed f l1i.s kind of blrsiness . Very soon liis

g~-;iiiari.c:; were overCl.owi.r-ig wit11 rjce, ivory, and fore..; 1: produce, Yersin

1,;ii.L occ~it;ic~~ito cxpcri.ence tlte effrontery of tl1i.s bandit (74). lle was no

oirdi.il:iry outlaw ; a drunkard and opium adtlic t: , he ovarshadowed a 1.7. the.

otllcr m'tai~by his cruelt:y. llis wife used to ~,oi::o~ianyone whose propert:y

sho h~ddcsig~ls on, and between them they committed morc tliatz two hundred iiiurdert;.

BUL what constituted a nio.re serious prol)len\ for tlie public auti-1ori.ti.e~ was t.hat Me Sao silowed himself quite capable oE combining several villages

~cnclc,~:1ii.s aut11ori.ty. Moreover, llc manageti to exp1oi.t his location on

the bordurs of 1,c)tli Ai~nsm and L,aos wllen the .frolltLers were al.teretl. 137

hir; slircwd t;~ct:.ic of gaining the 1)rotcct:i.on of the Govcrnor oC 1'1-IU Yell

:P~:ovi.ncu, lie success.fully avoi.tled reprisals by the con~iuissi.oner of Stung

'r~:cng: "l'lte governor never Lai.led to take up the cudgels for the brigand,

wlto Loolc advanlage of this facL in order to step up his depredations sti Ll

fur t:her" (H. Mai tre) .

In 1905, l~owever, Besnard, Lhe Govcrnor oS Darlac, unmasked the band-

leader for wliat he was, wl~ereuponMe Sao took to the ju~lgle, where he

proclaimed a revoluti.on. llowever llis at:roci.ties hacl talcen a heavy toll

oC ltis prestige; his slaves and suppo.rters lla~ldedhint over to the authori-

tie:;, and he died in prison. ---- (7Li) Yers in, "Sept mois chez les ~oi,"E. et R., 1893. 9. rL'l1E: END OF THE SON PBONG

The criminal acts of Bolc Mao and his plundering expeditions against the cinnamon gatherers in tlte 'Cra My regi.on were remin.i.scent of those oE

Me Sao. The Mr~rcjuis of 1)arthkleniy once became i.nvolved j.n a slcirrnish wi.tli his band, wl-lose acti.v.i.ties pronipted reconnaissance surveys carried out by

Capt, Ilebay i11 190'2 and l.oter oc:cupat.i.on ol sotitheastern Quang Nnm.

Althougl~ i.t hacl etartc:d otrt as a .framework for order and appeasement, tlie organ%eati.on of the Son L'hong gratlually emerged as the appanage of a siugl.e f'nmi.ly, Gove,rnor-genera :I. Dou~~ler,wishing to put an end to tlic

iiiile~crttleiiceof the natives i.n cjue.sti.on and fro tlicic extraordinary regime, c)rt.lc~?adtl1:lt tilt! region be pc?nel:ratcii, llis i.11tent:i.m was to bri.ng the mouni.ai.n pcop1.e under t.l.ie ciil-ec I: co~~trolof t:lx Pr:etich prov.inci.al. nutliori. t: ies .

On October 10, 1.898 a repol-1: suhmitt:cd by Rot~llochcto tihe was; approvcd by t~l~cttillperor. 'Cl~c rcporl: reconunentied: "tlie e1:lru:i:nati.on of any

011s l:acl.c:s t:ha t migli t i.rnpede i:rade w.i.tli tlte Moi, pnr:ticular:ly the hos t of m:i.dtl:Le~~ic..r~l~c:l:weer~ the Moi ;?ud tlic An~i:~niitc?swho cxp1.o-i.t t:lie gul.li.b.i.l.i.ty

of the niouni-ai.n people." ?:he docunlent ifurttier czrl.:i.ecl for tlle aboli.t:ion

of the .royal.tii?:; payable i.11 lci.itci and Llleir replacemerit by a fixed tax l3ayablc in cash.

Iio%d:i.ng thc issue of tlle Sot1 Phong in abeyance Tor the time be:i.llg,

in view of t:he ves l:etl r.i.gllts, Ba~l:l.ocl~cadvocated immedi.ate settl.ement of

the stat:us of tile mounl:a.j..n people establ.i.:;hed between Qui Nhon and Binh

Thuan,

'1111is was how the @x L-ni of Binh Dinh came to be e3.irni.nated. The

--tllu a,t111,1i! bien and thong cliclk of Thuan Khanh province could be kept

on only as i.nterpreters aucl thenceLorward were paid a fi.xed salary. 'Chis

marked the end of the tribute in kind wl~iclihad given rise to such grave

abuse. Under no circu~i~stanceswere tlze former middlemen allowed to speak

on beba1.f of elie Moi, nor to collect the taxes.

It was stipulat:ed that: tlie m0unt:ai.n people should be made to cmie to

the provj.nci.a:L cap:i.taJ. i.n person to settle their admini.strati.ve afEai.rs, -13.4-

Markets supervised by the station co~nmanders would serve to fami.liarize the mountain people with the trading methods of the West, which were to precl.ude gifts, bontlses and other forms of cont.ributions, In the case of the debts to the Annamites incurred by the mountain people, efforts would be made to reduce their number, since they were the root cause of the

.viol.ence that so frequently turned the region .into a bl.oodbath.

In short, the new organization was aimed less "at seeking resources than at promoting the spread of our admi.nistrativc? procedures." It was applied immediately to Lang Bian, Darlac and the hinterland of Phu Yen.

L?ithi.n the territory of the Son Pllong itself, a station tnanned by fj.fty ii~i.li.tiamenwas estab:lislied i.11 the llra Bong region and placed under i:lle co~unianci of Inspector Fiaguet,

"'Vhe mctndarins 1.ooked askance at our i.ntervention i.n Moi. c11Ifaj.r~; more particularly in the feudal provi.nce of Quang Ngai, they regarded first supervi.sion by a French official. and later elimination o.E thcir udministrative authori.ty as serious tl.ireats to their imterests, 'Through the te they encouraged the Mo.i to disobedience; every Irime a French ofiicial went near the c7al1, so~iicAn~lavnitres were 1ii.dnapped or pil.laged; droves ol bufiialoes were stolen from the plni.ns, particularly i.n the vicinity of 1)uc l'lto, the former itron.gho1.d 01 the Son Plrong" (75).

Incldcn ts became i.ncrear;ingly frequent in the cani:oi~ of L'ho Triem; tit

the boundary between J3i.nli Din11 and (luang Ngai, the stati.on of An Lao,

1.o1.1ndetli.n Apri.1. 1.900, was p1.acccl untler the direct co~~trolof the Gove1:nor oE Qui. Nhon. The Son Phong thus 3.ost the southernn~ostpart of its terri-

tory.

When t:he agitation grew even worse in 2902, a delegation was establ.ished at Tra My and a station set up at Ba To to keep the tnountain people under control. Lang IZi, Mi.1111 Long arid Nuoc Vong subsequently received identical

I.rontrneiit. 'l.'lic prov ince was thus divi.dcc.1: purely Vietnamese aflZai.rs

conLi.nued to be conducted by tihe ~?rovincial,mnanclariizs, whereas the resi.dentts ..-----.- -

(75) %'rinquet, "Le Poste admini.stratif de Lang-Ki, " ]<.I,, 1.908, IT., p. 346. -1l.5- ofrice and the delegations reserved to themselves the task of administer-

ing the tribes of the hinterland. In 1905, the Son Phong, stripped of

its f omer attributes, was officially abol ished (76).

10, SABATIEli

Ln spite of its dran1iiti.c end, Sabatier's career was a remarkable

success story,

'i'.'his peer1e:;s iilan was not. niucli to 'l.ook at: he wore a mustache, looked

li.ke a floorwalker, and sported a severe, curving pince-nez bel-~i.ndwhich

had striking blue eyes. For n small. part of the 20th century Sabatieu: 11ad

L:l~ci l~c:ivil.ep,eof 1.i.vi.ng out his personal dream, One 'ouglit really to hav

seen 1l:i.m irz hi.s prov.i.nce, dispensing justice in the 1.an.gt~agewh:ich he hat1

rea~limatedand trrinscribed, just as he had codif:i.ed tlie custo~~~sof the

Rf~ade; travel.Lng along the pa tlls and roads thal: 11e had openecl I:o 13au Don,

Me 13ac or Ninh Hoa; ~upervisingthe hospital; settl.i.ng tile day-to-day issues

i.11 a village lost in the lieark o.f t;he forest:. SometLme after hi.s ignominious

rernoval, a colleague reproached 11iill for not maki~zg tllc~seroads wide enough,

to which he replied: 'IMy concern was to ~nakethem long." Ilhis I:irt?less inan

had created everytlli.ng, frail the electricity plant to the schoo'1.s and the

syllabi taught i.n t:llose schoo1.s. Before ad~unbstruclc v:isi.tor gaping at the

spectac1.e of 200 pupils walking in close order on thei.r hands as a finale

to a physical. education session, Sabatier 111used to himself, "Would they

be doing this if tlltiy hadn't seen me setting the example every morning?"

Tllere was no comfort, no wel.1-trained "boy" for him. 'Chere was no question

of 'i~avinga11 Annamite or Cllinesc servant brought i.n. Determined to keep

Darlac free from all intrusions Ertrnl the outside world, the head of the

province was not the type to start making exceptions to suit himself:

Darlac was fiis 1.ife. After he had been driven from it, he hung on for a

few more years of aimless existence, and died,

At least he still lives on i.n the hearts of the Kfiade, even among the

young people who nevex knew him: "Ae Ba Tik." Of all the things he ------(76) ibi.d., p. 346 et seq. -116- accomplisl~ed in fifty years spent in this land, perhaps that name will alone endure. Perhaps also that of "Ae Ma Chii," the unperturbable

A~ltomarchi, director of the schools, who left Bart Me Tliuot to enter the hospital, where he died. lie had edited the DiL Ilue) a col.lect:l.on of customs prepared by Sabatier, Newcoiners are ignorant of the ach.i.evements o.E

Sabati.er, the poet who fell in love with his adoptive land: "X,a Chansori de

Damsnn" and the tre~nendouslymovi.ng "Palavre du Darl.acn--who today has ever heard of them?

1)uring the period when ' t:lrese events were taking place, peol,le oftell lilced to cont:rast: Sabatier wit11 Pournier, ttie resident j.n Iconturn who c:onti.nuecl the worlc of E'cl tliers Vi.all.eton and Guerlacli, 1'oll.owi.ng their exti~irple, Ite openeil up t:lie territory, whereas Sabatier placed a relentless gunrcl ;it tlie gal:es of Ii%s, 'Ilhe Catllolic Annamitc~attractc:d other Catllolics from tl~cIbanlcs of the 1.3121. To tliern tlle arcs owes its prosperi.ty. With i.te varied and patiently trained manpower, I

Wi.tI1 poss-ibly sonicwlial: 3.e:;s I)ril%iance01: force of cllaracter, there were other Frenchmeii who si.m:Llnrly devoted t:lle.i.r careers to tlie emergence

01:' tho mou11tai.n regions of Centra:L Annain: ":'lkrusa1.4mny, Gcrbini.~,and

I.)eremesse, who for many years was Sabati.erls faithful. assi.stant. They inoved oli or cIi.ed, but their stay anlong the n~ountai.ntribe.s often brought

I ra]>l~i.nes!j.

:I.l. 'FIE SOU'UIfliIIN IIZN'IIRIILAND

The llistory of the territorj.ce of the south appeclrs Inore confused,

Near the frontier with Cochin-Ch:i.na, Patte surveyed tile land of the Stieng and i.n 1.904 founded the post at Nui. Bara. At about the saine time, Odkra, cliarged w.i.th the preparatory work for the constructi.on of a rai.:lroad l>el:weei~ Saigun and Ntia 'Ilrang, extended t1:i.s reconnaissance Lrips into the land of the Upper Donnsi and to the Blao Pass. IL is to the undyi.ug credit 6f this pioneer that he ncvcr once resorted 1:o armed force-, nor ever needed to for that matter. Tlie cielegation at Ilon Quan to tile nortli

-117- of Thu Dau Mot, and the posts at Nui Chua Chang (1902), Budop (1906) and

An Binh (1911) effectively marked the limits of French penetration on the eve of the 1914-18 war. At that time, only rare sorties were made into the heights bordering the Cochin-Chinese plains.

Some of the totally independent tribes did not lay down their arms. ltYo thirds of the territory of Rien Hoa remained unsubdued. The mountain people showed their hostility by opposing the passage of Lt. GBnin, who was traveling lrom the north in the direction of Bien Ifoa. It is recorded

Chit in 1900 the Marquis of Barth6lemy, who had left 'TI-an Ninh and traveled to wi~hi.11 five dayst march ol: Thu Dau Mot, was stopped by the Stier~gand

Lorced to retrace his sLeps toward Kratie.

The assassination of Maitre by the Nong led by Pou '.[:ran Lung in 1914 lay heavy on the consciences of t1ri.s tribe, as well as on the Uou Neur and the Biet, and for years "any step we take in their direction they cons true as heral.ding a punitive niission. Incited by the chief s--8oun

.Seng Chet, Xing and IZ'ding--who had organized the assassination at the time, all the villages i.n the region share the same fear" (Capt. De Crkvecoeur) . In 1915, Truffot, the Governor of Kratie, also met his death, at Sre

Chi. The Central I?l.ateau was abandoned, and Srelchtum evacuctt:ed. Fifty kilometers to the east of the Meltong, a line of stations strung out througll

Mil, Snoul, Sreping, Srede, and Sre Chi marked the line of retreat uf Lllc police forces. Beyond ti1i.s l.i.ne, Llle cmfortuna te tribesmen who had more or less welcomed the French presence were brought low, one after the other, by the rebels.

In 1922, the creation of the post at Chhoeung P3.al1 appeared to herald a llew push forward on our part, bttt this station had no influellce at all on the tribes living at the foot of the Central plal-.eau.

CHAPTER XIS

PACmICATION

In 1925, the rubber boom hastened renewed penetraticn, We shall be

forgiven if we refrain from recalling here the sordid scheming by which the "large interests" crucified Saba tier.

1. THE CIRCULAR OF JULY 30, 1923

Pasquier, who was the governor-general in Annam at the time, had a premonition of what the effects of the rush would be: "They are going," he

lamented, "to trample underfoot tribes that have just started to emerge

from centuries of torpor, If it is to be made beneficial, this influx of

energy and capital must be directed gradually into the proper channels.

We have been caught unawares, engrossed as we are with ot:her worries.

The.immediate result of the cupidity of the businessmen will be the destruc-

ti.on of all we have accoml~lished. It is very doubtful. whether prosperity

for the m0unta.i.n people can possibly be salvaged from these ru.i.izs,"

At any rate, Pasquier signed the circular of July 30, 1923, a brain-

child of Sabatier. 'The "guiding principles for the admi.ni.stration of the

Moi territories" appeared to constit:ute a guarantee of tile future of the

tri.bes. Lt turned out to be the signal for their m~xti.l.ati.on.

The document survives as the expression of the government's intentions

~5.~3-3-visthe tribes of the hinterland, and of the protect:ion which l.t

thought i.t owed to the nii.nor:ities who were faci.ng the dual. threat of oft:en

only half-baked capi.tal..ist ventures and of i.mperi.alist designs wl~osenon-

Western origins did nothing: to mitigate their ruthlessness.

After Doumer and Pattier Beau, Pasquier declared the time hacl come to

act as a "montagnard" nation and to pursue "a racial pol.icy." Thc aim was

to protect these tribes, whose aptitude for progress had been proved by

Darlac, against all outsiders; they should be placed in a position t:o

defend their Land, Until such time as they were capable of doing so on

their own, they sl~ouldbe p.ceserved "from contacts that are tantamount to

exploitation." Until then, the mountain people's "sole experience of French

might was when they saw it used to support the cldims bandied about by Cadadians, Laotians or Annamites; they had allowed these same foreigners to inveigle them into committing murders that have served to perpeeuate their dissidence ever since,"

The venture was to be characterized by tlie utmost flexibility. For each group the approach would be adapted to its degree of development: isolation suited Darlac, which by then was capable of pursuing its development using its own resources; it was out of t:he question, however, in

Lang Bian. In Kontum, the collaboration between the Bahnar and the

Vietnamese had stood the test, but to prevent the latter from seizing control of all the land it was essential to place certain limits on such cooperation. "In some places the administration is faced with patriarchy and in otliers with niatri.archy, w11j.l.e in yet others certain ,groups are reviving the clan system. These different .forms of society wi.ll be used as the starting point, as appropriate."

Some of the zones to be pacified (beyond the Psi., the Dak Sa3. and the

IZrong IZno) wou1.d be lcept strictly shut oTL,

'Che heads of provinces had instructions to codicy the customs of the tribes, as had been done in Darlac. Legends, folltlorc and supersi:i.tions were to he gathered and recorded.

'iiiie nomadi-c tri.beri given to sl.ow ~r~igratrionwould be settled by tlie cstahl~.silmentof .irri.gatecl ri.cefi.el.ds (77) and by planting fr~1i.ttrees ii ~:oz~ntlthe v.i.l.l.ages.

:lil:ade, parti.cc13.arl.y that in salt, would be protected from the sharp practices oE thc Eorei.gn traders: "l3y dint of threats, these traders force

[.he gullible Moi to accept outrageous deals which will eventually be settled by an abduction or by an incursion into the outlying villages of

I-lie Annamite region. I*

The I-leads of provinces were to direct the col.ori.i.zation effort,

"avoi.ding friction between t:he set l:l.crs and the na1:i~ves. I' Their conduct and their pre,sence "would bring the Moi. to understand that our policy -.-----. --- (77) One of the advantages of irrigated paddyfields is that- they leave the forest intact, whereas the Eood-gatherers ("d)ruin i.t. It is seldom easy to establish tllem in the .val.leys of the 1Iighlands. During the rains, the watercourses turn into torrents that tear out the seedlings and wash away the land that has been prepared; this is more than enough to discourage apprentice rice growers. toward them was not to drive them back to make room for other races."

Finally, special instruction given by the doctors and the pilot farming stations would help the men of the hinterland to acquire an awareness of their personality. The schoolchildren would study the customs of their tribes in their own language, in addition to simple arithmetic and the rudiments of agriculture. The teachers would be of the same race as their pupils. These were particularly wise precepts in regions where the children, so easily put to fright, fear nothing quite as much as the scornful irony of Eellow pupils or teachers who are conscious of belonging to a superior race.

2. AT THE FRONTIERS OF COCH'LN-CHINA--PROGRESS AND 1NCIDI":FTS

I-Iowever, the businessmen, backed by the French Parliament, speeded the pace of penetration. The mnetropoli.~suddenly became impatient and avid to grasp this Moi country that it was bare1.y discovering. Tt brooked neither discussion nor delay.

In the south new roads were opened: one, from the Nui Chua Chang to Vo Dat; another, leading froirr Bien Hoa to beyond the Nui Bara, was extended as far as' Budop; yet anothez was made to An Binlt.

ThiBbaut, the resi.dent of Rien Iloa, acting together witl-i OdBra, both of them humane men, paci.fi.etl the ~nountainsof tile Chrau and those of the

Che Ma, Almost the entire basin of the R.. Lagila was surveyed, subdued and administered, Three S1:icng cantons were established between Ba Ria and the Song Re river. Pkjor Carrier 1)uil.t the road to the eastern approaches of the Nui. Bara river for the account of an industrial company. The villages along the middle reaches of the Donnai were won over, and the rubber plantations began to spread.

Around 1931, the accomplishments of Gerber (78), the delegate at Rudop, began to attract attenti-on. Gerber is one of the few srlrvivors of the heroic band. To this very day, he has remained faithful to the region which, twenty years ago, he fixst won over. No one succeeded better than he in bringing peace into the very heart of the Stieng .vi.llages. Hi.s method was an object lesson in the ri.glit approach to adopt. He used to malce very

(78) Mr. C~rberhas published in BElTO (vol. XLV, 1.951-52) a really out- s tanding collection of St:ieng customs (Coutumier Stieng). frequent visits along the jungle paths. Before approaching an unsubdued

locality, he never failed to send on ahead a number ol: "montagnards" lc~-,own

to the local tribe, Even tl~en,he made i.t a rule never to set foot inside

a clissident village unless first invited to do so by its inhabitants. Once

accepted by them, he would tend to the sick and settle their disputes; he

1.istened to the grievances of the mountain people whose trust he had won,

and prevailed upon his militiame11 to respect the weak.

'Vwo drama tic incidents were unfortunat:ely to make Gcrber 's literits both better appreciated and better understood.

On Hay 26, 1.931, Gati-lle, the delegate at Snoul., who had been charged wii:lr b~~i.l.cl%ngtrlie road to [:he upper Chlil.ong val.ley, was sl.a:in by the Kong

juii c as tlie col~s1:ructionwork he was directing was reaching the upper rim

of Lrhc? Central 1'l;ilrenlt.

On October 29, 1933, death also came to gendarmerie sergeant Morhre,

near the Nui Biiril. A man of ext.reme kindness, Mochre llati to 1ii.s credit

the construction of 13.5 1~111. of new trails in ii Ei-ve-year period, Tlie

great: speed (31: this success lnadc the rebels uneasy. !ii.s murder was

pn~:ti.cuJ.arly Ilei~~ous.'Cwo days bofc,re 11:I.s deatrh, tl~e~;c:nciar~iie 11ad 11oen

vi:;i.l:etl I)y ILhc men wlio were pl.ol.i:i.tig to assnss:i.n;rle Ilirri. 'I:hey :islcecL I1i.ru

t:ci v.i.:i:i.i: t:llern. A tli.spuLe 1,etween two vi.ll.ages made i.t essent.i.al, he shou1.d

go, On the way !:liere, a3.1. went wel:i., but on tile way bnclc a11 ii~>ibushawaited

Iri.111~Ovcrco~ifi.dent:, Morbre llad only one ~nj.l.it:i.arnnn wit11 11i.111.

3111%~L::i.lnc tlie rebellion w11i.cl1 had been Eermenl i.ng s-ince 1914 nl.ong the

;~pp.roacl~esL:o the Central, 1I.ighlands f ina1l.y came i.llto the open, especi.al.ly

as the murders of Gatille and Morere called for -repri.sals: "Over allnos t

200 kin, froin niortii to south and 50 E~:oni east to west, all the Cribes are

j.11 open re.vo:l.t or are unsubdued." llowever, tlie I;i.ot, Mnong, Stieng and

Nong could not make up t:hc:i.r ni.i.nds to pooj. thei:e forces, a:Lt:l~oupll tiiis

ctid not preveni. lbc~mboo stakes from bei.ng pl.anted al.1 along tile trai.1.s.

Although orders frmi above had instructed them to deal severely with no one

but the food-ga therers, the ~tunitivecol.umns were iile t by showers of arrows.

The rebels were on the point of winning over the Riet and the Nong to their side, An assault mounted against Le Bolland camp was staved off by a stroke of good fortune, but Bou Coh and Bu Nard both faced attacks that were made all the more serious by the fact that the enemy were armed with

revolvers and rifles. The Mnong and the Stieng made common cause. From

Cambodia the leader of the Le Rolland station, established in 1932, had

reported that in the north of the districts of Bien Hoa and Thu Dau Mot

the tribes were preparing to revolt. The division of the rebel region

among Cambodia, Annam and Cochin-China had the effect of hampering our men in their actions. The Governor had wisely given the garrison at l3ou

Kralc entire {reedom of action, without regard for frontiers. The troops

froin Gochin-China also acted in combination with the garrisons of the Le

Rolland and Maitre stations, whi.cI~ were under the control of Cambodia.

These arrangements brought about n measure of relief.

Trai.ls ran all over t:he count:ry. Credit for tlicir co~istructionis '

due to Gerber, among others, as we3.l. as the mi:l.itian~enof the Darlac

plateau and Cambodia. All. of them met at the 'J'rois-Prouf:ikres station.

The meeting at this station (1933) of detachment:^ of lil~ade, Vietnamese and

Khmers, who fiad come from Eou Jell Urom, Budop and Lc Rol.l.and, respectively,

&me tile Biet, P\ehong, Gou Neur rind Noug food for thougilt, In the end,

thc appointment of a sole cormnatid Tor the three countries, coupled with

the vigor of tlie operations conducted up to that time, brought calm to

the region wi tl1i.n three months.

A year later a. surprise attack was made on the T,e 1Zoll.nnd station.

This time Pou Trang Lung 11ad stirred up the Bi.et. A bare twenty-five days

after the assau1.t of Eirch Lt, 1935, the same gar.rison was subjected to a

second attack, which also Eailecl. April. and May were marltecl by two

offensives against Gatille station, and on April 29 its defenders stood

in peril of their lives.

Unity of cornn~ndwas then re-es tablisl~ed. Once again, the revolt was

quashed. The death of Pou '1:rnng l:,ung, who had been capturecl by Major Nyo,

brought peace once more.

This last, and serious, crisis had the effect of shaking the auth0riti.e~

out oE the vacillation and lack of coordination that had triggered the revolt. -123-

After such vast expenditure of effort and so many bl.oody incidents, the decision was taken to act ''with some vigor and with clearly defined objectives, I' "This renewed resolve led to the submission of the most savage, warlike and independent Noi tribes who through the centuries had eluded all outside domination and ... managed to :lead a primitive life of anarchy and freedan in their mountains and forests,"

The only remaining task was to penetrate and subdue a few little-known, but reputedly warlike, tribes along the western slopes of the Annamitic

Chain between the Sf Kong and Se Bang I-Iieng ri.vers,

Prom that moment on, pacification was a dead issue as far as the publ-ic was concerned. Occasio~~al.ly,the iriount:ai.n people found tttemsel.ves d.i.spossessed of their food-gatheri.ng grounds, si.nce the pl.anters preferred then! t:o the jm1gl.e whi.ch they first had to clear. Final.l.y, the tribes which had hitherto held aloof from all. contact with the workings and doings of the outside world began to see their refuge hemmed about with Westerners and their novel, techniclues, so fascinating to such primi ti.ve eyes.

Keac tions were inevitable.

3. AGITRIC:ION IN IZONTUM

'Cltere i.s no way of relating all tl-tese i.ncidents in detail, but we must reci~1.R. the strange fcmienl:at%on t:hat oc:curred between 11936 ancl I938 around

i:he tc~rritoryof the Bahnar. Lt if; a matter of rc?corcl how pruclentl,y and coi~siclerate:lythe Ml.ssj.on had been opcni.ng up thi.s region For more than a cc11t11.r~)Init t:l~.is dicl not: prevent sor~~cioi the Bnhnar (Uonorn, Alakong) irom

bec om.i.ng in.vo:Lved i.n the events sumnmari.zcd bel.ow,

At the time, the governor i.n IZont~mn~was Mr. P. Guilleminet, an erudite

ethnologist as well as an outstanding administrator (79).

Cuil.l.eiminei: informs 1ii.s readers that a "ya" can reappear in human

Sorm. The nlan in wilon~ the spi.ri.t i.s incarnated i.s undisputec1l.y aclcr~owledged

to be capable of supcrhunian feats. News of: such a mi.rac1.e becomes embellished

(79) Paul Guil.leminet i.s the author of a Bahnar Di-ctionary and Grammar. 1li.s customary, published by E.F.E.O., has just come out. His articles in the U.I.I.E.H,, of which he was secretary, and i.n the B.A.V.B. provide researchers with extreme1.y relkible and invaluable information on the customs of the mountain people. -124- as it spreads, He also points out that "The people of the village where the prodigy was born, having seen him i.n his everyday life, are the only ones who do not share the universal enthusiasm," The reader will not have forgotten the different messiahs who succeeded each other on the plateaus since the time of the Ya Pu in 1.820.

In 1935, a man from'Phu Yen was assumed to be an incarnation of Set, the bearded one; St?t is the son of Uok Glai.11, the spirit of Thunder whom the Sadet had to thank for his magic sword.

It was suddenly rumored that this man's daughter-in-law had just given birth to a python. That such a phenomenon should be brought i.nto the world signi.fied an i~~m~i.ncntreturn to the golden age, No one would have to work any more, and thc Noi would once again beco~llemasters of their desti.n:i.es, Obviously, Ma Wj.h, the father of the prodi.gy, hacl no trouble at all i.11 :~ctail.irlgthe news. It spread first among the Jarai, and 1Ulade; i.u 1.937, procesr;ionc; of Rhe Croln Quang Wgai. and Ilontnil, peace-lo.v.ing i:'armers wl~olive east of IContum, brought their offeri.ri&s to ltlle vil.l.agc of the pychou. c11.i.l.d; unable to offer them anything else in return, Ma Wih gave them some bottles of nondescri,pt water. The pilgrims werc rewarded for their pains, and i1andsotnel.y at: tlia t : poised on the l:l~rcsl~ol.tlo l: the mon~entous events that were bound to happen, holders of the niirac:l.e water, and t:hcy alone, would bc protected against all disasters,

Wllevl they got bclc:b, those w11o owned 1~ott:I.e~were :;w;~~upedwith offers

~indsold t11e.i.r vi.als for 2, 1.0 or even 100 piastres; t:,l~i:j water showed LI~J at Ilji-ri.rlg, Faifoo and eve.n. Uass,lc, and everywhere its owners, united i.11 ti1ci.r possessi.or~of the "t:aLi.ii;lnan," formed a si.ngle sect, rei;pondi.rlg to the sarne words of command and siharing the sarne hopes. 'Clien agitators took a hanil, and tile Sedang, Die, Ilhe, Bonom ancl Ala1cong decided to wait no longer and brolce off al.1 relations with the 1:reiicll admini.st:ration. The

Sedang set tl~eexample by att.nclci.ng r;oriie 1nil.itiame~1c2~r:I.y i.rl iI.938,

Nortller~h Kontum, together with the mountain peop1.e of Birlh Dinh and I?hu

Yen, became di.saffected and, to stiL-1.c: any nagging desire they mi.ght have -125- for a later return to peace, they burned their villages behind them, The

Jarai, assured that a life of clover was just around the corner, had not troubled to sow their fields, and famine was alrcady ramp'5nt.

When Ma Wih stood trial, the court cl.~aredhim of responsibility for the trouble he had caused. Selling a little perfectly ordinary water to exploit the curiosity of an idle public can hardly be held a crime.

The jungle mentality, always latent, had caused all the trouble. Indeed, it Ls far from played out evcn today.

4. THE KFL4 TU

The trouble that had flared up in Kontu~n spread nortliward to the land of [:he Klla 'Tu,

'rhougli j.nitiated i.n 1.904 by lcief fer and i.11 part:icular by Sogny , the penetroL:ion ol: this 25,000-strong tribe 1:i.ving at the approaches to the

Ataouat was not :;ystemat:ical.l.y resumed until 3.935. Worlc on the construc- t:i.ol~ of road 14 (80) which was to link Iconturn with Quang Narn l~r:ovolcecl n

.resurgence of the attaclcs around the station at An Dien~. The ICha Tu

"inurder in order Lo appedsc Lhc cvil spirits," but also to preserve their

-indepe~rclencc. 'lliieir .tribe is one of those in which tiger-men appear. The UP uiurclers tliey caninit are never foll.owed/by thefts, ancl t:hcre appears to be z~othought of vengeance in tlle~nat all.: "'Chat: man is blessed with fore- fattiers whose lance:; have passed a hundred times througl~human flesh. Ile i.s the pri.cle of 11i.s vill.agc and the wo~nenfollcadmire hiin" (8l.),

1937 witnessed :L .fresh outl,.realc of cri.minal. ac ti;, The admini.strators of Quang Nam and t:he mil.i.tl.amen of Le Pichon acconipl%shed the twofoj.d feat of suppressing a rebel. rnovement that was threatening to grow more serious and of doing so with the aid of the cac lai and the Anna~ni-te woodsmen, wlio had become the best auxi.1.iar.i.e~ in the enti.re pacl.fication effort. -~-.~~-,---~~-~----- (80) Enjolras, "Reconnaissance de la rkgion de Moi Xe et du track de La route coloniale 14 entre 'fin-an et Dac Main," B.A.V.II., 1932, No. 4, 31. pages, 2 maps, numerous profiles.

(01) Le Pichon, "Les chasseurs de sang," B.A.V,II., 1938, No. 4, pp. 357-404. - 126-

I wanted to close this historical essay on the Moi country by describing a tribe which remained altogether independent until the eve of WorldWarTI.

The I(ha Tu are distinguished not only by the diversi.ty of the ethnic types Eound among them: "from the Negrito to the I~ldonesiantype and even to the American Apache, but also by the numerous points of simil.i.arity that ethnologists have noted between the civi.lization of this group and that of the peoples of the New Hebrides--their method of preserving meat, the use of comrnon house for tlre men, pigs' teeth used as jewelry" (82).

This brings us back to the bonds of affi-nity tl~atlirric ccrtain L-ri-bcs of

Indo-Chiila's hinterland with the i.nhabitants of many islands in the Paci.fi.c,

Attenti.on was drawn to this relationship at the beginning of this unfj.ni.shcd s tucly, wl.i:i.ch, to be comp1.e he, ought properly to have .iacludcd a cl~alster on the spread of colonization in the Ili.ghlands, There, rrlany "~nont-agnnrds," beizefiti.ng frorn conditions and goods which at: one t:i.me they would never have dreamed of, learned for the Ci.rst tinie about tlie West and the adv:tntages that its presence can bring.

-127- imywxa

The Japanese coup of Mixr?rch 9, 1945, was as disastrous for the mountain people as it was ior Llic presti gc of the Whites, Pol: four years the govern- mcnLkxi been doing its utmost to stave olf this disaster, the extent of which it could we11 foresee; there is seal-cely tiny need to go over the event:, Lliat led up to iL,

For the moc,t. ptrL, LLlc tribes of 1.11~ ilinLerl.and ware thrown of i l)al.anct! by tlic eusui.ug upheaval. Adinittetlly, s0111e villages and a few groups of: III~li. tiomen, w1ior;e 1nora1.e hat1 bet?n undc:rmi.lled by mon tlis of

~.tnrelunking prol>og;incia, e~llowc.ic1t:hemsalve:; to bt: cli.carrned by the Japanese t:~:oops and tl~cjr \riel-namese sympatl~i.zers, but .i.nriumerabl.e otl~clrsfought k~aclche~:oica:l.l.y, :iequitted tlic~nselveshonorably,, and, tl~ougl~they finally

1ai.d down kl~cirnrins, re:;ignecl t:hemselvcs to do-i.rig so only when all had hc:i!n :lost ancl when ordered to do so by t:h~? leadr?~::: to wl~on~they had ecma i.nc?ii loyal . 'r11o:je Fre~icl~lr~enwliom ehc oneniy had isolated ir~a few of iltc? vi.l.l.:iges irr!;~rtl :itray I'ol)orl.:; oS L11ese l'i.17~exp:l.oit::, and their ~i~t~riiorieri arc CLI 11.1. of' i:r:a t:i tutlt?. 011 tli~!~)'I.ti teaus, elie mil.i t:i.amcn and :;ol.tliers;

Iought ;I Ilolic:l.c:ss batt1.e. 'i'lic Iieroi.s~u of tl~eIihade unit.:; stationed at

Ilanoi. krew uns ti.nt.i.11g admi.ra l:i.on. It was almost: a:; i.f the "montngr~ards"

II;I~I some lcind of prenioniti.c)n Llmt the cfforts of t,wenty years tc) awaken t:he gclii.~.[sof: tlieir race were nl~out: to be wi.ped out..

']lo begit1 wi.tl~,n synip;itl~r:tic ant1 gcncrous wel.corne was cxtendctl to ttio:ie iironchrnen who escaped froin the iriterntnerit cmps to fight again i.n t:lle bu:;ll, In the long tun, hoticver , lleavy drawi-ngs by tile resi.s tance forces on the herds, Carrnyaril:; arid grain supplies of the mountain people, even in return for payment, provctl too heavy a burden for tile .vi.l.l.ages to bear. l'he Japanese and their ;tux.i.li.aries promised rewarti!; Tor any Prench~nan

Irancied over to tlicm. Soutli-wes t: of Ilue, the "montagnards" nevertileless reFrai.net1 from nt:trnclti.ng our nien; all (:he sanie, wtien rliey saw them staggering in arLcr

or Viet Minh occupation, in the absence of the French missionaries, the

Bahnar and Annamite priests kept the faith even in the most remote Catholic villages" (83).

At last, in the closing months of 1945, the French troops reached

Saigon. Their arrival had been awaited since before March 9, and particularly after the Japanese surrender. In December 1945, the %stPar East Brigade, whose ranks also included Cambodians and two Mnong and Rhade battalions,

reoccupied Ban Me ~hu'ot. By that time the Viet Minh had infiltrated everywhere: from Ninh I-Ioa as far as Nam Dinh, in Tonkin, they held the entire

co~ultry,deltas and plateaus. Many Jarai or Rhade chiefs, known to have

favored our cause, had been removed. With an eye to the main chance, a

lew turncoats h~dgone over to the enemy, but the Lroops of Ho Chi Minh

had been hard put to it to round up even a Eew "montagnards" to plant

'imoag their detachments-- just enough, in fact, to spread abroad the legcnd

of the mountain people having risen up against the "coLoniaList oppressors."

In poinL of fact, the Viet Minh had failed to keep the promises it had

bandied about at Lirst; taxes, which it had proclaimed would be abolished,

once again lay heavy on the people of the hinterland, who rapidly wearied

of the requisitions and tasks handed out by the "liberdtors." From the

time they re-entered Ban Me Tl~uot, therefore, the French troops encounLered

a steady flow of sharpshooters and militiamen anxious to resume their

service, while young Rhade, Mnong and Jarai demanded rifles with which

to fight alongside us. The smiling and eager welcome by the old Kun YU

Bon at Ban Don was a typical reflection of the disposition of the tribes

toward the returning Frenchmen. For many, their return heralded a

reiurn to the policy formerly followed by Sabatier.

The first stage was to reconquer all the ground lost since March 9.

The commander of the 1st Far East Brigade had only a small complement of

men left. The task was now to regain control of an area far larger than

the three sectors reoccupied by the bulk of the French troops in Tonkin and

(83) General J. Marchand, "Dans la Jungle moi," Peyronnet. -129-

Central Annam, This small handful of men could never have occupied the plateaus had the people not supported the troops in their efforts.

By December 1945 our units had halted their advance some forty lcilometers northeas!- of B~lnMe Thuot, at Ruon Ho, while the Chukti rnassii remained in enemy hands.

To the northwest, tlie 5th 13attalion of "montagnard" riflemen, advancing

Iron1 Stung Treng, 11dd reactled Uokeo; as it was the dry season, they were able to take the trail leading Srom Khone through Siem Pang and Veun Sai.

The agreentcnts of March 6, 1946 did nothing to stop the Viet Minh from seizing promineuL i2hade figures, nor, for LhCit inai tcar, irotn "intensifying their pressure on the Jarai Lribcs. One of our ~>~jtroLswas set upon jn a surprise at~dclt"(86). By wriy or I-cpr~sal,a pun~iivc tlcLathment wai desp'\l ~'iit~clwestward Low'1rr1 tilts source of the river li,r tl'lireo (N

T.t was it lie^^, 31: [$an ivlo 'r'lr~rol:, tlrnt; t:l;e 1"rerich lligli Coniruj.ssioner' arv%\ictd to atter~tl[..he great oat-11-t:aicing ceremony' (Le i:rarld Scrrnent) , Tile

splendor of (rlic?. event might wcl.1 [lave bce.n interprctcd as a sigu Tor LI return I:() tlie j:tlnc:raS. 1solici.e~oL 1.923. 'i'lie 1st llrignde a!: LIhat k-iiiie iitild t:llt: regi.c)n bountfcd to tile uortlr by a Li-nc: running Iroin M1i)rnc Huon

IJu l:o P1a j. 'I'u~lg'Vtrng, ant1 l%ok~O.

'I'tlc: c onvt:rgi.ng, two-pronged ;I t.tacic or .11~rlc? 21. was I.~~LLI~cIIc~s i~i~ul.ti~i~cou!jl.y

Iirolri 13uon lio in tlw. i!i~:jl ;111tl lloicc?o .i.u Lhe n(~rtlrwe:;t: Cwo MI~ildr: ~o~~tparlicli

ioolc cont1:ol. I;~~oriI

I)rcli rrvissj.f. l'ile i:oluni~~from 1:okeo ~:eachad Than Hinh de:;pi.t:e resistance nude worse by tlie presence oT .iapiinese troops. Operations proceeded in

t:he getlcrnl d i r~iction of Pl.eiku. At the :;ame time L~notlierdetaclin~cnt, which liati ~itlv;i~iceclas far :is t:lico Reo, a:l.so swung round toward I?l.cil

I)rolct: dowl-I t-iic? del-iinses t)E Cliu Ilodrung, south of Cliis city.

On Juiic 26, by w11i.cli I:iilr~ [lie troops Il;~d re;iclted ICo~itum, t-Ire Viet Minli

Enl'l. bnclc t:oward Quang Ngai via lCo11 Brai anti I

'i'hc [:act tliat dei'c?uclers 01; An IChc were sti.ff'ened wi.th .Japanese

advisors failed to prevent this ce11te.r frtm Cal.li.u[: in due colirse; this .----.-.-".-- --- (84) !:c:ricr;~l J . Marchand, 1.o~.c.i.i:, completed the reoccupation of the territory of the Jarai. Finally, beyond

Kontum, the expeditionary force gained control of Dak To and Dak Sut, in

Sedang country, and later of Dak Gle among the Die; the advance was pushed as Ear as the approaches to the territory of the Kha Tu.

The French teachers returned to their posts in the schools, and the missionaries went back to their parishes. Already, too, the planters were

fearlessly taking up their work again, all too often, alas, amid the devasta-

tion wrought by the enemy. The country began to look as it had before.

An offensive comcback Launched against An ICtie on October 6 ended with

the repuLse oE the enemy.

Tlie sitciati on appeared to be so well in hand that when the Viet Minh,

on December 19, made their violent attack on Da Nang and Hue, both cities were relieved by troops drawn from among the forces manning stations on

the plateaus. Yet onother attack on An Khe by tlie Viet Minh was also

finally beaten back on March 15.

All the ssme, guerrilla warfare was being stepped up behind our

positions, though the increasingly frequent assassinations and attacks on

convoys did not wealcen the a1,legiance of the mountain people. The out-

standing conduct of two Sedang sections garrisoned at ]Ton Plane; will. long

be remembered with emotion: not only did the garrison of this small post ward off an attack by the Viet Minh, but to make things worse it was also

bombed by French aircraft, which believed it to have fallen into enemy

hands. When after the I.as t bombs lucl fallen, the Viet Minh mounted their

attack, the Sedang countered with such lieavy and well directed fire that

the attack was halted.

No compl.et:e list can ever be made now of these heroic exploits--the

Sedang at Kon Plong; the Sedang st Ben Giang where, with the help of 60

Die tribesmen, they forced their way into the flaming post, after setting

out from Dak Gle to meet up with another detachment that had left from Guang

Nam with artillery support; the 3rd Battalion of "montagnards" in the area

of Phu Phong and Binh Dinh, in June and July 1947, and so forth. The -131- brief mention of them here merely serves to show how loyally the troops of

the hinterland responded to the call of the French commanders. ~rance's

credit lies jn tlie fact LhaL it embodied the hope of these people, wi~o

paid for th,it hope with their lives. No Frenchman should ever forget i C.