Ukraine, Country Information
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Ukraine Ukraine at a Glance: 2002-03
COUNTRY REPORT Ukraine Ukraine at a glance: 2002-03 OVERVIEW Efforts by both pro- and anti-presidential forces to gain the upper hand in the parliamentary election due by March 2002 will increasingly dominate the political scene. The president, Leonid Kuchma, and his parliamentary allies are likely to succeed in using their superior administrative and media resources to limit the gains of their opponents. The government will remain in power until the 2002 election and is unlikely to roll back its predecessor’s reform achievements, although electoral politics will preclude further significant reforms. The economy will grow at a more moderate pace in 2002-03, following buoyant growth in 2001. Year-end inflation will rise slightly to 12% in 2002, owing to further price liberalisation and election- related policy loosening, before falling again in 2003. Sustained export growth will ensure current-account surpluses in 2002-03, although these will narrow because of strengthening import demand and continued real currency appreciation. Key changes from last month Political outlook • The former prime minister Viktor Yushchenko looks increasingly likely to try to build an alliance for the 2002 election that is more centre- than reform-based. Economic policy outlook • Multilateral financing has resumed as expected, and should now permit completion of Ukraine’s Paris Club debts. The narrowing of the budget surplus in August underlines the Economist Intelligence Unit’s forecast that the government is likely to end the year with a slight budget deficit. Economic forecast • Preliminary trade data for the start of the third quarter has prompted a slight revision in our trade surplus forecast for this year. -
The Role of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and the Kozaks in the Rusin Struggle for Independence from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 1648--1649
University of Windsor Scholarship at UWindsor Electronic Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Major Papers 1-1-1967 The role of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and the Kozaks in the Rusin struggle for independence from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 1648--1649. Andrew B. Pernal University of Windsor Follow this and additional works at: https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd Recommended Citation Pernal, Andrew B., "The role of Bohdan Khmelnytskyi and the Kozaks in the Rusin struggle for independence from the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: 1648--1649." (1967). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 6490. https://scholar.uwindsor.ca/etd/6490 This online database contains the full-text of PhD dissertations and Masters’ theses of University of Windsor students from 1954 forward. These documents are made available for personal study and research purposes only, in accordance with the Canadian Copyright Act and the Creative Commons license—CC BY-NC-ND (Attribution, Non-Commercial, No Derivative Works). Under this license, works must always be attributed to the copyright holder (original author), cannot be used for any commercial purposes, and may not be altered. Any other use would require the permission of the copyright holder. Students may inquire about withdrawing their dissertation and/or thesis from this database. For additional inquiries, please contact the repository administrator via email ([email protected]) or by telephone at 519-253-3000ext. 3208. THE ROLE OF BOHDAN KHMELNYTSKYI AND OF THE KOZAKS IN THE RUSIN STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE FROM THE POLISH-LI'THUANIAN COMMONWEALTH: 1648-1649 by A ‘n d r e w B. Pernal, B. A. A Thesis Submitted to the Department of History of the University of Windsor in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts Faculty of Graduate Studies 1967 Reproduced with permission of the copyright owner. -
Report No. 2: the Instigators Are Getting Away
The Gongadze Inquiry An investigation into the failure of legal and judicial processes in the case of Gyorgy Gongadze Supported by: • The International Federation of Journalists • The Institute of Mass Information • The National Union of Journalists of the UK and Ireland • The Gongadze Foundation Report no. 2: The instigators are getting away 1 Introduction This second report on the case of Gyorgy Gongadze, commissioned by the International Federation of Journalists, the Institute of Mass Information (Kyiv), the Gongadze Foundation and the National Union of Journalists of the UK and Ireland, updates our first report published in January 2005.1 It reviews developments in the investigation of the case between January and September 2005. Our main conclusion, set out in the last section, is that the investigation of the process by which Gongadze’s murder was ordered has suffered serious setbacks. Progress has been made in bringing to trial interior ministry officers who allegedly participated in Gongadze’s kidnap, and were present when he was murdered. But the investigation’s failures with respect to the links between these direct perpetrators and those who ordered the murder are so blatant and numerous that they can most likely be explained as the result of continued political interference and resistance. Senior political figures have stated publicly that the instigators of Gongadze’s murder are known to investigators, but no details have been made public; this has left the impression that these statements were part of the “public relations management” of the investigation, which was meanwhile directing its focus away from the instigators. Our most serious concerns relate to the case of General Olexiy Pukach, who was named by the general prosecutor’s office as the ringleader of the gang that killed Gongadze. -
About the International Renaissance Foundation
2006 About the International Renaissance Foundation An open society is a society based on the recognition of the fact that no one has a monopoly on the truth, that diff erent people have diff erent views and interests, that good arguments should be heard by society and that there is a need for institutions open to striving toward perfection, defending the rights of all peo- ple and giving them a chance to live together in peace and accord. Th e term “open society” was introduced by the philosopher Karl Popper in his book “Th e Open Society and Its Enemies” published in 1945. Th e main traits of an open society include the rule of law, a democratically elected government, institutions of civil society and protection of minority rights. Th e International Renaissance Foundation (IRF) has been active since 1990. It is an integral part of the Open Society In- stitute foundation network established by George Soros and incorporates national and regional foundations in more than thirty countries around the world, primarily in Central and Eastern Europe and in the former Soviet Union. Th e Founda- tion sees its mission in the fi nancial and institutional promotion of the building of an open democratic society in Ukraine by supporting civil initiatives vital for its development. Th e funds operated by IRF are mainly granted by its founder George Soros. Th e Foundation also relies on international donors and various Ukrainian and foreign organizations and individuals. Both the transparency of the Foundation’s spon- sorship and charitable activities and an understanding of its importance contribute to funds granted by IRF for building an open, democratic society being distributed by the society’s members represented in IRF’s Executive Board and Program Boards themselves. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1993, No.23
www.ukrweekly.com INSIDE: • Ukraine's search for security by Dr. Roman Solchanyk — page 2. • Chornobyl victim needs bone marrow transplant ~ page 4 • Teaching English in Ukraine program is under way - page 1 1 Publishfd by the Ukrainian National Association inc., a fraternal non-prof it association rainianWee Vol. LXI No. 23 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, JUNE 6, 1993 50 cents New York commemorates Tensions mount over Black Sea Fleet by Marta Kolomayets Sea Fleet until 1995. 60th anniversary of Famine Kyyiv Press Bureau More than half the fleet — 203 ships — has raised the ensign of St. Andrew, by Andrij Wynnyckyj inaccurate reports carried in the press," KYYIV — Ukrainian President the flag of the Russian Imperial Navy. ranging from those of New York Times Leonid Kravchuk has asked for a summit NEW YORK — On June 1, the New None of the fleet's Warships, however, reporter Walter Duranty written in the meeting with Russian leader Boris have raised the ensign. On Friday, May York area's Ukrainian Americans com 1930s, to recent Soviet denials and Yeltsin to try to resolve mounting ten memorated the 60th anniversary of the Western attempts to smear famine sions surrounding control of the Black (Continued on page 13) tragic Soviet-induced famine of І932- researchers. Sea Fleet. 1933 with a "Day of Remembrance," "Now the facts are on the table," Mr. In response, Russian Foreign Minister consisting of an afternoon symposium Oilman said. "The archives have been Andrei Kozyrev is scheduled to arrive in Parliament begins held at the Ukrainian Institute of opened in Moscow and in Kyyiv, and the Ukraine on Friday morning, June 4, to America, and an evening requiem for the Ukrainian Holocaust has been revealed arrange the meeting between the two debate on START victims held at St. -
General Information About Ukraine
General Information about Ukraine Introduction The purpose of this document is to give a general overview of Ukrainian economy and the city of Slavutych to potential investors. The information provided covers a broad range of subjects to help potential investors understand Ukraine’s developing economy and was gathered from a variety of sources, including the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency, World Bank, and International Monetary Fund. Ukraine is rich in culture, history and natural resources. The government of Ukraine is transforming its economic structure to a western market economy and continues solving problems related to this change. More detailed information about Slavutych, the hometown of Chornobyl Nuclear Power Plant workers, is provided. As the date of the Chornobyl NPP closure approaches, the Ukrainian government is taking steps toward economic diversification, including educating and attracting foreign and domestic investors. This guide aims to provide valuable information about investment opportunities, geography, people, government, and the economy of Ukraine and Slavutych. Geography Ukraine sits at a favorable strategic position between Europe and Asia and is the second-largest country in Europe. The contemporary city of Kyiv is Ukraine’s capital and one of the biggest cities in Europe. With a population of almost 3 million, it stands preeminent as the administrative, economic, research, cultural and educational center. The President, Supreme Council (Verhovna Rada), all ministries and government departments are all located in Kyiv. Location Eastern Europe, bordering the Black Sea, between Poland and Russia Time zone GMT +2:00 Area Total 603,700 sq. km (slightly smaller than Texas ) Land 603,700 sq. -
For Free Distribution
INTERNATIONAL PAGE EU AMBASSADOR TEIXEIRA PAGE IVAN MARCHUK: PAGE OPINION ON POLITICAL ON SCANDALOUS TRIALS A GREAT PAINTER INSPIRED PERSECUTION IN UKRAINE 10 AND THE ASSOCIATION AGREEMENT 16 BY HIS HOMELAND 42 № 9 (21) OCTOBER 2011 EUROPE MUST ACT NOW! www.ukrainianweek.com for free distribution featuring selected content from the economist |contents briefing focus PoLitics Europe Must The Collapse of Justice Damon Wilson Act Now! Lawyer Valentyna Telychenko on how Ukraine can The triangle talks about the cases against Yulia improve its image of Ukraine, Tymoshenko, Leonid Kuchma, Russia and the EU and Oleksiy Pukach who killed journalist Gongadze 4 6 10 David Kramer Steven Pifer Tango for Two and Freedom on official Kyiv Jose Manuel Pinto Teixeira House: We running out of on how the scandalous will continue room to maneuver trials in Ukraine can affect to tell the in the international Association Agreement truth arena prospects 12 14 16 neighbours economics Time to Shove Off Greek Consequences War and Myth The Soviet Union Ratification of the The real roots of was undermined by Association Agreement Ukraine’s energy stagnation and a sense of and FTA will depend dependence go back hopelessness. Is the same on whether political to the oligarchs thing happening again? repression stops 18 22 24 investigation society You’d Rather Be Dead Tour de Ukraine Who Is Scared While pharmaceutical Ukrainians switch of Ukrainian Hackers? groups fight for the to bicycles, pushing Ukrainian market, Ukraine’s supply local authorities to cybercriminals -
Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition Presidential Election in Ukraine Implications for the Ukrainian Transition
Helmut Kurth/Iris Kempe (Ed.) PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION IN UKRAINE IMPLICATIONS FOR THE UKRAINIAN TRANSITION KIEV – 2004 The following texts are preliminary versions. Necessary corrections and updates will be undertaken once the results of the election process are final. These preliminary versions are not for quotation or citation, and may only be used with the express written consent of the authors. CONTENTS Preface ................................................................................. 5 Timm Beichelt/Rostyslav Pavlenko Presidential Election and Constitutional Reforms in Ukraine ............................................................................ 7 Olaf Hillenbrand Consensus-Building and Good Governance – a Framework for Democratic Transition ........................... 44 Oleksandr Dergachov Formation of Democratic Consensus and Good Governance ....................................................... 71 Oleksandr Sushko/Oles Lisnychuk The 2004 Presidential Campaign as a Sign of Political Evolution in Ukraine....................................... 87 Iris Kempe/Iryna Solonenko International Orientation and Foreign Support of the Presidential Elections ............................................ 107 5 Preface Long before Kiev’s Independence Square became a sea of orange, it was clear to close observers that the presidential election in 2004 would not only be extremely close and hard fought, but also decisive for the country’s future development. Discussions -
Mr. Yuriy Lutsenko, Chairperson, Bloc Poroshenko Mr. Oleh Lyashko, Chairperson, Oleh Lyashko's Radical Party Mr. Igor Zdanov
Parliamentary Elections in Ukraine, 26 October 2014 DRAFT - PROGRAMME OF JOINT PARLIAMENTARY BRIEFINGS Fairmont Hotel, Kyiv, 24-25 October 2014 Friday, 24 October 10:00-10:15 Opening by the Heads of Parliamentary Delegations 10:15-10:45 Introduction by local offices Ambassador Vaidotas Verba, OSCE Project Co-ordinator in Ukraine Ambassador Vladimir Ristovski, Head of Office, Council of Europe Office in Ukraine Ambassador Jan Tombiński, Head Delegation, Delegation of the European Union to Ukraine Mr. Marcin Koziel, Head of Office, NATO Liaison Office in Ukraine 10:45-12:15 Briefing by the OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission 12:15-13:45 Lunch break 13:45-14:30 Mr. Mykhaylo Okhendovsky, Chairperson, Central Election Commission of Ukraine 14:30-17:30 Meetings with political party representatives 14:30-14:50 Mr. Yuriy Lutsenko, Chairperson, Bloc Poroshenko 14:50-15:10 Mr. Oleh Lyashko, Chairperson, Oleh Lyashko’s Radical Party 15:10-15:30 Mr. Igor Zdanov, President of Analytical Center “Open Politics”, Batkivshchyna Mr. Serhiy Vlasenko, Member of Parliament, Batkivshchyna Mr. Borys Tarasyuk, Member of Parliament, Batkivshchyna 15:30-15:50 Mr. Arseniy Yatsenyuk, Chairperson, People’s Front 15:50-16:10 Coffee Break 16:10-16:30 Mr. Petro Symonenko, Chairperson, Communist Party of Ukraine 16:30-16:50 Mr. Serhiy Tihipko, Chairperson, Strong Ukraine 16:50-17:10 Mr. Oleh Tyahnybok, Chairperson, Svoboda 17:10-17:30 Coffee Break 17:30-18:15 Panel with representatives of mass media Mr. Zurab Alasania, Director-General, National TV Company Mr. Mustafa Nayem, Editor-in;Chief, Hromadske TV Ms. Olga Herasymyuk, First Deputy Chairman, National Television and Radio Broadcasting Council Mr. -
The Crimean Tatar Question: a Prism for Changing Nationalisms and Rival Versions of Eurasianism*
The Crimean Tatar Question: A Prism for Changing Nationalisms and Rival Versions of Eurasianism* Andrew Wilson Abstract: This article discusses the ongoing debates about Crimean Tatar identity, and the ways in which the Crimean Tatar question has been crucial to processes of reshaping Ukrainian identity during and after the Euromaidan. The Crimean Tatar question, it is argued, is a key test in the struggle between civic and ethnic nationalism in the new Ukraine. The article also looks at the manner in which the proponents of different versions of “Eurasianism”—Russian, Volga Tatar, and Crimean Tatar—have approached the Crimean Tatar question, and how this affects the attitudes of all these ethnic groups to the Russian annexation of Crimea. Key words: Crimean Tatars, Euromaidan, Eurasianism, national identity, nationalism—civic and ethnic Introduction In the period either side of the Russian annexation of Crimea, the Crimean Tatar issue has become a lodestone for redefining the national identities of all the parties involved. The mainstream Crimean Tatar movement has been characterized by steadfast opposition first to the Yanukovych regime in Ukraine and then to Russian rule. This position has strengthened its longstanding ideology of indigenousness and special rights, but it has also * The author is extremely grateful to Ridvan Bari Urcosta for his invaluable help with research for this article, to Bob Deen and Zahid Movlazada at the OSCE HCNM, to Professor Paul Robert Magocsi, and to the anonymous reviewers who made useful comments and criticisms. 1 2 ANDREW WILSON belatedly cemented its alliance with Ukrainian nationalism. Meanwhile, Ukraine’s would‐be new supra‐ethnic civic identity draws heavily on the Crimean Tatar contribution. -
The Ukrainian Bible and the Valuev Circular of July 18, 1863
Acta Slavica Iaponica, Tomus 28, pp. 1‒21 Articles The Ukrainian Bible and the Valuev Circular of July 18, 1863 Andrii Danylenko On July 18 of 1863, a circular sent by Pёtr Valuev,1 Russia’s minister of internal affairs, to the censorship committees imposed restrictions on Ukraini- an-language publications in the Russian Empire. In accordance with this docu- ment, the Censorship Administration could “license for publication only such books in this language that belong to the realm of fine literature; at the same time, the authorization of books in Little Russian with either spiritual content or intended generally for primary mass reading should be ceased.”2 The gen- esis of this circular, which was incorporated into a later act limiting Ukrainian- language publishing, namely, the so-called Ems Decree of May 18, 1876, has been the focus of numerous studies. Various historians (Fedir Savčenko, David Saunders, Alexei Miller, Ricarda Vulpius) tackled the emergence of the Valuev Circular from various points of view that appear sometimes complementary, sometimes kaleidoscopic, while covering loosely related aspects of the prob- lem. In this paper, the Valuev Circular will be addressed in the context of the appearance of modern translations of the Holy Scriptures into vernacular Ukrainian, thus expanding conventional approaches to the initiation of pro- hibitive measures against the Ukrainian language. ON THE GENESIS OF THE CIRCULAR Among circumstantial theories, premised on some secondary aspects of the genesis of the Valuev Circular, deserving of attention is Remy’s recent at- tempt to treat the appearance of anti-Ukrainian edicts as an incidental intru- sion of the individual into the historical chain of events. -
Neonazis & Euromaidan
Stanislav Byshok Alexey Kochetkov NEONAZIS & EUROMAIDAN From democracy to dictatorship [Second edition] 2014 Stanislav Byshok, Alexey Kochetkov NEONAZIS & EUROMAIDAN. From democracy to dictator- ship. [Second edi on]. “Whoever is not jumping is a Moskal” is a chant that women and men of diff erent ages who took to Kiev Independence Square in win- ter 2013-2014 repeated trying to get warm. They kept jumping and laughing, for nobody in the ‘brave new world’ of the Ukrainian revo- lu on under Stepan Bandera’s banner fancied gaining the character of a staunch enemy of Ukrainian statehood. Mass demonstra ons of “angry ci zens” in Ukraine had objec ve reasons. This was a protest against ineff ec ve and corrupt govern- ment, against police and bureaucra c abuse of power, against unclear and dead-end policies of the President and the Government. All na onal libera on movements use the popular ideas and po- li cal sen ments that dominate the society as their posi ve mani- festo. Thus, exclusively le -wing ideologies were mainstream in the Russian Empire in 1917, radical Islamism was most popular in Arab countries during the Arab spring of 2012, whereas na onalism, also radical, turned mainstream in the Ukraine of 2013-2014. The book describes the development of Ukraine’s na onal- ist groups since 1991 un l present day. It focuses on the history of the parliamentary right-wing radical Svoboda party and the non- parliamentary Right Sector movement. The authors study the ideol- ogy, psychology and methods of poli cal struggle of these structures.