Chinese Influence Operations Bureaucracy
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Archaeological Observation on the Exploration of Chu Capitals
Archaeological Observation on the Exploration of Chu Capitals Wang Hongxing Key words: Chu Capitals Danyang Ying Chenying Shouying According to accurate historical documents, the capi- In view of the recent research on the civilization pro- tals of Chu State include Danyang 丹阳 of the early stage, cess of the middle reach of Yangtze River, we may infer Ying 郢 of the middle stage and Chenying 陈郢 and that Danyang ought to be a central settlement among a Shouying 寿郢 of the late stage. Archaeologically group of settlements not far away from Jingshan 荆山 speaking, Chenying and Shouying are traceable while with rice as the main crop. No matter whether there are the locations of Danyang and Yingdu 郢都 are still any remains of fosses around the central settlement, its oblivious and scholars differ on this issue. Since Chu area must be larger than ordinary sites and be of higher capitals are the political, economical and cultural cen- scale and have public amenities such as large buildings ters of Chu State, the research on Chu capitals directly or altars. The site ought to have definite functional sec- affects further study of Chu culture. tions and the cemetery ought to be divided into that of Based on previous research, I intend to summarize the aristocracy and the plebeians. The relevant docu- the exploration of Danyang, Yingdu and Shouying in ments and the unearthed inscriptions on tortoise shells recent years, review the insufficiency of the former re- from Zhouyuan 周原 saying “the viscount of Chu search and current methods and advance some personal (actually the ruler of Chu) came to inform” indicate that opinion on the locations of Chu capitals and later explo- Zhou had frequent contact and exchange with Chu. -
Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries the Size Of
Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries The size of China’s State-owned media’s operations in Africa has grown significantly since the early 2000s. Previous research on the impact of increased Sino-African mediated engagements has been inconclusive. Some researchers hold that public opinion towards China in African nations has been improving because of the increased media presence. Others argue that the impact is rather limited, particularly when it comes to affecting how African media cover China- related stories. This paper seeks to contribute to this debate by exploring the extent to which news media in 30 African countries relied on Chinese news sources to cover China and the COVID-19 outbreak during the first half of 2020. By computationally analyzing a corpus of 500,000 news stories, I show that, compared to other major global players (e.g. Reuters, AFP), content distributed by Chinese media (e.g. Xinhua, China Daily, People’s Daily) is much less likely to be used by African news organizations, both in English and French speaking countries. The analysis also reveals a gap in the prevailing themes in Chinese and African media’s coverage of the pandemic. The implications of these findings for the sub-field of Sino-African media relations, and the study of global news flows is discussed. Keywords: China-Africa, Xinhua, news agencies, computational text analysis, big data, intermedia agenda setting Beginning in the mid-2010s, Chinese media began to substantially increase their presence in many African countries, as part of China’s ambitious going out strategy that covered a myriad of economic activities, including entertainment, telecommunications and news content (Keane, 2016). -
Temporal Perception Deficits in Schizophrenia: Integration Is the Problem, Not Deployment of Attentions', Scientific Reports, Vol
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Birmingham Research Portal University of Birmingham Temporal perception deficits in schizophrenia Su, Li; Wyble, Brad; Zhou, Lai-Quan; Wang, Kui; Wang, Yu-Na; Cheung, Eric F C; Bowman, Howard; Chan, Raymond C K DOI: 10.1038/srep09745 License: Creative Commons: Attribution (CC BY) Document Version Publisher's PDF, also known as Version of record Citation for published version (Harvard): Su, L, Wyble, B, Zhou, L-Q, Wang, K, Wang, Y-N, Cheung, EFC, Bowman, H & Chan, RCK 2015, 'Temporal perception deficits in schizophrenia: integration is the problem, not deployment of attentions', Scientific Reports, vol. 5, 9745. https://doi.org/10.1038/srep09745 Link to publication on Research at Birmingham portal Publisher Rights Statement: This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. The images or other third party material in this article are included in the article’s Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in the credit line; if the material is not included under the Creative Commons license, users will need to obtain permission from the license holder to reproduce the material. Eligibility for repository: checked 09/09/2015 General rights Unless a licence is specified above, all rights (including copyright and moral rights) in this document are retained by the authors and/or the copyright holders. The express permission of the copyright holder must be obtained for any use of this material other than for purposes permitted by law. •Users may freely distribute the URL that is used to identify this publication. -
China As a Hybrid Influencer: Non-State Actors As State Proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI
Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 JUNE 2021 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies COI HYBRID INFLUENCE COI JUKKA AUKIA Hybrid CoE Hybrid CoE Research Report 1 China as a hybrid influencer: Non-state actors as state proxies JUKKA AUKIA 3 Hybrid CoE Research Reports are thorough, in-depth studies providing a deep understanding of hybrid threats and phenomena relating to them. Research Reports build on an original idea and follow academic research report standards, presenting new research findings. They provide either policy-relevant recommendations or practical conclusions. COI Hybrid Influence looks at how state and non-state actors conduct influence activities targeted at Participating States and institutions, as part of a hybrid campaign, and how hostile state actors use their influence tools in ways that attempt to sow instability, or curtail the sovereignty of other nations and the independence of institutions. The focus is on the behaviours, activities, and tools that a hostile actor can use. The goal is to equip practitioners with the tools they need to respond to and deter hybrid threats. COI HI is led by the UK. The European Centre of Excellence for Countering Hybrid Threats tel. +358 400 253 800 www.hybridcoe.fi ISBN (web) 978-952-7282-78-6 ISBN (print) 978-952-7282-79-3 ISSN 2737-0860 June 2021 Hybrid CoE is an international hub for practitioners and experts, building Participating States’ and institutions’ capabilities and enhancing EU-NATO cooperation in countering hybrid threats, located in Helsinki, Finland. The responsibility for the views expressed ultimately rests with the authors. -
Xi Jinping's Address to the Central Conference On
Xi Jinping’s Address to the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs: Assessing and Advancing Major- Power Diplomacy with Chinese Characteristics Michael D. Swaine* Xi Jinping’s speech before the Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs—held November 28–29, 2014, in Beijing—marks the most comprehensive expression yet of the current Chinese leadership’s more activist and security-oriented approach to PRC diplomacy. Through this speech and others, Xi has taken many long-standing Chinese assessments of the international and regional order, as well as the increased influence on and exposure of China to that order, and redefined and expanded the function of Chinese diplomacy. Xi, along with many authoritative and non-authoritative Chinese observers, presents diplomacy as an instrument for the effective application of Chinese power in support of an ambitious, long-term, and more strategic foreign policy agenda. Ultimately, this suggests that Beijing will increasingly attempt to alter some of the foreign policy processes and power relationships that have defined the political, military, and economic environment in the Asia- Pacific region. How the United States chooses to respond to this challenge will determine the Asian strategic landscape for decades to come. On November 28 and 29, 2014, the Central Chinese Communist Party (CCP) leadership convened its fourth Central Conference on Work Relating to Foreign Affairs (中央外事工作会)—the first since August 2006.1 The meeting, presided over by Premier Li Keqiang, included the entire Politburo Standing Committee, an unprecedented number of central and local Chinese civilian and military officials, nearly every Chinese ambassador and consul-general with ambassadorial rank posted overseas, and commissioners of the Foreign Ministry to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and the Macao Special Administrative Region. -
China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy After the 19Th Party Congress
China's Domestic Politics and Foreign Policy after the 19th Party Congress Paper presented to Japanese Views on China and Taiwan: Implications for U.S.-Japan Alliance March 1, 2018 Center for Strategic & International Studies Washington, D.C. Akio Takahara Professor of Contemporary Chinese Politics The Graduate School of Law and Politics, The University of Tokyo Abstract At the 19th Party Congress Xi Jinping proclaimed the advent of a new era. With the new line-up of the politburo and a new orthodox ideology enshrined under his name, he has successfully strengthened further his power and authority and virtually put an end to collective leadership. However, the essence of his new “thought” seems only to be an emphasis of party leadership and his authority, which is unlikely to deliver and meet the desires of the people and solve the contradiction in society that Xi himself acknowledged. Under Xi’s “one-man rule”, China’s external policy could become “soft” and “hard” at the same time. This is because he does not have to worry about internal criticisms for being weak-kneed and also because his assertive personality will hold sway. Introduction October 2017 marked the beginning of the second term of Xi Jinping's party leadership, following the 19th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the First Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the CCP. Although the formal election of the state organ members must wait until the National People's Congress to be held in March 2018, the appointees of major posts would already have been decided internally by the CCP. -
2019 China Military Power Report
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China ANNUAL REPORT TO CONGRESS Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 Office of the Secretary of Defense Preparation of this report cost the Department of Defense a total of approximately $181,000 in Fiscal Years 2018-2019. This includes $12,000 in expenses and $169,000 in DoD labor. Generated on 2019May02 RefID: E-1F4B924 OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China Annual Report to Congress: Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2019 A Report to Congress Pursuant to the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, as Amended Section 1260, “Annual Report on Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China,” of the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2019, Public Law 115-232, which amends the National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2000, Section 1202, Public Law 106-65, provides that the Secretary of Defense shall submit a report “in both classified and unclassified form, on military and security developments involving the People’s Republic of China. The report shall address the current and probable future course of military-technological development of the People’s Liberation Army and the tenets and probable development of Chinese security strategy and military strategy, and of the military organizations and operational concepts supporting such development over the next 20 years. -
US-China Relations
U.S.-China Relations: An Overview of Policy Issues Susan V. Lawrence Specialist in Asian Affairs August 1, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41108 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S.-China Relations: An Overview of Policy Issues Summary The United States relationship with China touches on an exceptionally broad range of issues, from security, trade, and broader economic issues, to the environment and human rights. Congress faces important questions about what sort of relationship the United States should have with China and how the United States should respond to China’s “rise.” After more than 30 years of fast-paced economic growth, China’s economy is now the second-largest in the world after that of the United States. With economic success, China has developed significant global strategic clout. It is also engaged in an ambitious military modernization drive, including development of extended-range power projection capabilities. At home, it continues to suppress all perceived challenges to the Communist Party’s monopoly on power. In previous eras, the rise of new powers has often produced conflict. China’s new leader Xi Jinping has pressed hard for a U.S. commitment to a “new model of major country relationship” with the United States that seeks to avoid such an outcome. The Obama Administration has repeatedly assured Beijing that the United States “welcomes a strong, prosperous and successful China that plays a greater role in world affairs,” and that the United States does not seek to prevent China’s re-emergence as a great power. -
Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19Th Party Congress Tells Us
Li-wen Tung Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Prospect Foundation 2018 PROSPECT FOUNDATION Xi Jinping Stands at the Crossroads What the 19th Party Congress Tells Us Author: Li-wen Tung(董立文) First Published: March 2018 Prospect Foundation Chairman: Tan-sun Chen, Ph.D.(陳唐山) President: I-chung Lai, Ph.D.(賴怡忠) Publishing Department Chief Editor: Chung-cheng Chen, Ph.D.(陳重成) Executive Editor: Julia Chu(朱春梅) Wei-min Liu(劉維民) Editor: Yu-chih Chen(陳昱誌) Published by PROSPECT FOUNDATION No. 1, Lane 60, Sec. 3, Tingzhou Rd., Taipei, Taiwan, R.O.C. Tel: 886-2-23654366 This article is also available online at http://www.pf.org.tw All rights reserved. Except for the quotation of short passages for the purposes of criticism and review, no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. ISBN: 978-986-89374-6-8 Prospect Foundation The Prospect Foundation (hereafter as the Foundation), a private, non-profit research organization, was founded on the third of March 1997 in Taipei in the Republic of China on Taiwan. Strictly non-partisan, the Foundation enjoys academic and administrative independence. The Foundation is dedicated to providing her clients government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions with pragmatic and comprehensive policy analysis on current crucial issues in the areas of Cross-Strait relations, foreign policy, national security, international relations, strategic studies, and international business. The Foundation seeks to serve as a research center linking government agencies, private enterprises and academic institutions in terms of information integration and policy analysis. -
The Long Shadow of Chinese Censorship: How the Communist Party’S Media Restrictions Affect News Outlets Around the World
The Long Shadow of Chinese Censorship: How the Communist Party’s Media Restrictions Affect News Outlets Around the World A Report to the Center for International Media Assistance By Sarah Cook October 22, 2013 The Center for International Media Assistance (CIMA), at the National Endowment for Democracy, works to strengthen the support, raise the visibility, and improve the effectiveness of independent media development throughout the world. The Center provides information, builds networks, conducts research, and highlights the indispensable role independent media play in the creation and development of sustainable democracies. An important aspect of CIMA’s work is to research ways to attract additional U.S. private sector interest in and support for international media development. CIMA convenes working groups, discussions, and panels on a variety of topics in the field of media development and assistance. The center also issues reports and recommendations based on working group discussions and other investigations. These reports aim to provide policymakers, as well as donors and practitioners, with ideas for bolstering the effectiveness of media assistance. Don Podesta Interim Senior Director Center for International Media Assistance National Endowment for Democracy 1025 F Street, N.W., 8th Floor Washington, DC 20004 Phone: (202) 378-9700 Fax: (202) 378-9407 Email: [email protected] URL: http://cima.ned.org Design and Layout by Valerie Popper About the Author Sarah Cook Sarah Cook is a senior research analyst for East Asia at Freedom House. She manages the editorial team producing the China Media Bulletin, a biweekly news digest of media freedom developments related to the People’s Republic of China. -
(And Misreading) the Draft Constitution in China, 1954
Textual Anxiety Reading (and Misreading) the Draft Constitution in China, 1954 ✣ Neil J. Diamant and Feng Xiaocai In 1927, Mao Zedong famously wrote that a revolution is “not the same as inviting people to dinner” and is instead “an act of violence whereby one class overthrows the authority of another.” From the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 until Mao’s death in 1976, his revolutionary vision became woven into the fabric of everyday life, but few years were as violent as the early 1950s.1 Rushing to consolidate power after finally defeating the Nationalist Party (Kuomintang, or KMT) in a decades- long power struggle, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) threatened the lives and livelihood of millions. During the Land Reform Campaign (1948– 1953), landowners, “local tyrants,” and wealthier villagers were targeted for repression. In the Campaign to Suppress Counterrevolutionaries in 1951, the CCP attacked former KMT activists, secret society and gang members, and various “enemy agents.”2 That same year, university faculty and secondary school teachers were forced into “thought reform” meetings, and businessmen were harshly investigated during the “Five Antis” Campaign in 1952.3 1. See Mao’s “Report of an Investigation into the Peasant Movement in Hunan,” in Stuart Schram, ed., The Political Thought of Mao Tse-tung (New York: Praeger, 1969), pp. 252–253. Although the Cultural Revolution (1966–1976) was extremely violent, the death toll, estimated at roughly 1.5 million, paled in comparison to that of the early 1950s. The nearest competitor is 1958–1959, during the Great Leap Forward. -
2016 Chinese Control and Decision Conference (CCDC 2016)
2016 Chinese Control and Decision Conference (CCDC 2016) Yinchuan, China 28-30 May 2016 Pages 1-625 IEEE Catalog Number: CFP1651D-POD ISBN: 978-1-4673-9715-5 1/11 Copyright © 2016 by the Institute of Electrical and Electronics Engineers, Inc All Rights Reserved Copyright and Reprint Permissions: Abstracting is permitted with credit to the source. Libraries are permitted to photocopy beyond the limit of U.S. copyright law for private use of patrons those articles in this volume that carry a code at the bottom of the first page, provided the per-copy fee indicated in the code is paid through Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Danvers, MA 01923. For other copying, reprint or republication permission, write to IEEE Copyrights Manager, IEEE Service Center, 445 Hoes Lane, Piscataway, NJ 08854. All rights reserved. ***This publication is a representation of what appears in the IEEE Digital Libraries. Some format issues inherent in the e-media version may also appear in this print version. IEEE Catalog Number: CFP1651D-POD ISBN (Print-On-Demand): 978-1-4673-9715-5 ISBN (Online): 978-1-4673-9714-8 ISSN: 1948-9439 Additional Copies of This Publication Are Available From: Curran Associates, Inc 57 Morehouse Lane Red Hook, NY 12571 USA Phone: (845) 758-0400 Fax: (845) 758-2633 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.proceedings.com Technical Papers Session SatA01: Adaptive Control (I) Date/Time Saturday, 28 May 2016 / 13:30-15:30 Venue Room 01 Chair Wei Wang, Beihang Univ. Co-Chair Shicong Dai, Beihang Univ. 13:30-13:50 SatA01-1 Neural-based adaptive output-feedback control for a class of nonlinear systems 1 Honghong Wang, Qingdao Univ.