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Bulgaria – the Difficult “Return to Europe”
European Democracy in Action BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT “RETURN TO EUROPE” TAMARA BUSCHEK Against the background of the EU accession of Bulgaria on 1st January 2007 and the first Bulgarian elections for the European Parliament on 20th May 2007, Tamara Buschek takes a closer look at Bulgaria’s uneven political and economic transition – at its difficult “return to Europe”. Graduated from Graz University (Austria) in 2003 with a Masters in Law [magistra juris] after finishing her studies in European and international law. After gaining a grant from the Chamber of Commerce in 2000 to complete an internship at the Austrian Embassy in London, she carried out research for her dissertation in criminal law – “The Prevention of Sexual Child Abuse – Austria/Great Britain” - in 2001 at the London School of Economics. She studied European and administrative law in Paris from 2001 to 2002 as part of an Erasmus year. She is quadrilingual (German, Bulgarian, English and French). « BULGARIA – THE DIFFICULT RETURN TO EUROPE » MAY 2007 Table of Contents Introduction P. 1 2.3 The current governmental coalition, 2005-2007 and the P. 21 presidential election in 2006 I – Background Information P. 3 III - The first European Parliament elections, 20 May 2007 P. 25 1.1 Hopes and Fears P. 3 Conclusion P. 30 1.2 Ethnic Minorities P. 5 1.3 Economic Facts P. 7 Annex P. 32 II – Political Situation- a difficult path towards stability P. 9 Annex 1: Key facts P. 32 2.1 The transition from 1989 till 2001 P. 9 Annex 2: Economic Profile P. 33 2.1.1 The legislative elections of 1990 and the first P. -
Bulgaria's Perpetual Stagnation Due to Its Negative National Narrative
Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2021 Maledictum Bulgaricus: Bulgaria’s Perpetual Stagnation Due to its Negative National Narrative and Political Nostalgia Yoana Sidzhimova Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Sidzhimova, Yoana, "Maledictum Bulgaricus: Bulgaria’s Perpetual Stagnation Due to its Negative National Narrative and Political Nostalgia" (2021). CMC Senior Theses. 2645. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2645 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont McKenna College Maledictum Bulgaricus: Bulgaria’s Perpetual Stagnation Due to its Negative National Narrative and Political Nostalgia submitted to Professor Zachary Courser by Yoana Nikolaeva Sidzhimova for Senior Thesis Full Year Thesis 2020 – 2021 May 3, 2021 1 Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank Professor Courser for his guidance throughout my entire journey at CMC. From sitting in his office for our first ever advisor meeting freshman year, having the pleasure to learn and work alongside him in CMC’s Policy Lab, and, finally, completing my thesis with his guidance, my experience at CMC would not have been the same without him there. Thank you for always pushing me and helping me understand the value in a ‘Big Think,’ having my best interests as a both a student and individual at heart, and, most importantly, reminding me the value in slowing down and taking a breather. I have learned so much from you in the past four years. -
Populism, Voters and Cleavages in Bulgarian Politics*
56 POLITOLOGICKÝ ČASOPIS / CZECH JOURNAL OF POLITICAL SCIENCE 1/2017 Populism, Voters and Cleavages in Bulgarian Politics* EMILIA ZANKINA** Abstract The growing success of populist parties from across the political spectrum in Europe calls for an examination of the link between populist parties and voters and the new (if new indeed) cleavages that such parties exploit. Scholars have pointed to the erosion of traditional cleavages as one rea- son for the success of populist parties. Such analysis fits well with the established democracies of Europe but has little application in the East European context. Traditional cleavages have taken root in few places in Eastern Europe before communist takeover and became even less relevant follow- ing four and a half decades of communist rule. With the fall of communist regimes across Eastern Europe, the only meaningful division within society was that of anti-communists and supporters of the old regime. Similarly, concepts of Left and Right had (and to a great extend continue to have) lit- tle relevance in the East European context where the Left came to be dominated by former commu- nist parties and the Right engulfed an ideologically incoherent opposition. The stronger the former communists were (such as in Bulgaria and Romania) the more fragmented the Right was, as it was the only available space for political competition. The present paper aims to examine voter support for populist parties in Bulgaria and analyze on the cleavages that those parties exploit or create. Thus, the paper examines the impact of populist parties on the political landscape in terms of the changes that those parties result in in voter behavior and cleavage formation. -
There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
THE 2016 REFERENDUM in BULGARIA Stoycho P. Stoychev
East European Quarterly Vol. 45, No. 3-4 pp. 187-194, September-December 2017 © Central European University 2017 ISSN: 0012-8449 (print) 2469-4827 (online) THE 2016 REFERENDUM IN BULGARIA Stoycho P. Stoychev Department of Political Science Sofia University “St. Kliment Ohridski” Outline The 2016 referendum was the first successful bottom-up initiative for a national referendum in Bulgaria since 1989. It was initiated by Slavi Trofonov, a popular TV showman, broadcasting in the primetime of one of the three national TV stations, bTV. Six questions were proposed, but the National Assembly reduced them to only three. The turnout did not meet the normatively required threshold for binding force of the result, but the referendum produced politically legitimate result and the legislature was obliged to consider the issue. A bill implementing the decisions of the referendum was introduced, but failed. Background Stanislav (Slavi) Trifonof started his career in television back in 1992. He quickly gained popularity and in 1996 was already a co-producer of the first and, by that time, only comedian show called “Canaleto”, which reflected upon sensitive societal and political issues in the transforming country. In 1997, Trifonov actively used the show to participate in the mass protests against the government of the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP), led by Zhan Videnov. In 1998, a scandal between the co-producers of Canaleto led to the breakdown of the team and Trifonov started a show on his own, called “Hashove”. It was abolished by the Bulgarian National Television (BNT) immediately after its first broadcast because of political satire on the Ivan Kostov government (bitelevision.com 2017; dnevnik.bg 1998) and continued weekly on “7 dni” a small cable television, but was broadcasted by other cable televisions as well. -
Bulgaria's Lessons and Policy Options
Conditions for Long-term Growth and Prosperity in the Balkans In Search of Growth: Bulgaria’s Lessons and Policy Options A Report by the Institute for Market Economics October 1999 Assenka Yonkova Svetlana Alexandrova Georgy Stoev Diana Kopeva Yordanka Gancheva Latchezar Bogdanov Tzveta Dimitrova Georgy Ganev Krassen Stanchev Zora Blagoeva This report was made possible with support from Freedom House, under the auspices of the Regional Networking Project, which is funded by the U.S. Agency for International Development. CONTENTS I. TRANSITION AND RECESSION II. FOREIGN TRADE LIBERALIZATION III. EXCHANGE RATE REGIME: DOES IT CONTRIBUTE TO GROWTH, OR NOT? IV. DEVELOPMENT OF FINANCIAL MARKETS V. PUBLIC DEBT DYNAMICS VI. DEVELOPMENT OF THE PRIVATIZATION PROCESS VII. BUSINESS ENVIRONMENT VIII. SOME INSTITUTIONAL ISSUES • PROPERTY REGISTERS IN BULGARIA: PROBLEMS AND PERSPECTIVES • PUBLIC PROCUREMENT • BANKRUPTCY PROCEDURES • COMMODITIES EXCHANGES AND WHOLESALE MARKETS IX. WHERE THE PROSPERITY COMES FROM? THE MARSHALL PLAN AND THE STABILITY PACT 2 INTRODUCTION 1999 is a year displaying the end of a decade of economic transition experienced in former communist countries in Central and Eastern Europe. In a broad sense, the first phase of transition implies liberalization of economic activities, macroeconomic stabilization, structural reform, privatization, improvement of enterprise management and efficiency, establishment of new institutional and legal framework, imposition of clear and transparent market-entry regulations, etc. The economic performance of Bulgaria during last decade of transition, similar to the other post-communist countries in the Balkans, has been worse that in Central European countries. The major factors contributing to such a performance were lack of political consensus and weak (or undermined) institutions. -
BULGARIAN REVIVAL INTELLIGENTSIA Natural
BULGARIAN REVIVAL INTELLIGENTSIA Natural Philosophy System of Dr. Petar Beron Petar Beron was born at year 1800 in the town Kotel, “a miniature of Nuremberg”, in a rich family of handcrafts and merchants. In Kotel he received his primary education at the cell school of Stoiko Vladislavov and Raino Popovich. He went further to Bucharest where he entered the school of Greek educator Konstantin Vardalach. The latter, a famous for his time pedagogue and encyclopedist, had influenced a lot for the formation of Beron as scientist and philosopher. In 1824 Beron is compelled to leave Bucharest, because he participated in a “Greek plot”, and goes to Brashov, another Rumanian town, where he compiled “The Fish Primer”. This book was fundamental for the Reformation in Bulgaria and an achievement for the young scholar. In 1825 Beron enrolled as a student in Heidelberg University, Germany, where he proceeded philosophy until two years later when he transferred to Munich to study medicine. On the 9 July 1831, after successfully defending a doctoral dissertation, Beron was promoted Doctor in Medicine. Dissertation was in Latin and concerned an operation technique in Obstetrics and Gynecology. The young physician worked in Bucharest and Craiova, but after several years of general practice he quit his job and started merchandise. After fifteen years he made a fortune and went to Paris where he lived as a renter. Here he started a real scientific career. His scope was to entail all the human knowledge by that time and to make a natural philosophy evaluation by creating a new “Panepisteme”. His encyclopedic skills were remarkable. -
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist a Dissertation Submitted In
The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science in the Graduate Division of the University of California, Berkeley Committee in charge: Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair Professor Jason Wittenberg Professor Jacob Citrin Professor Katerina Linos Spring 2015 The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe Copyright 2015 by Kimberly Ann Twist Abstract The Mainstream Right, the Far Right, and Coalition Formation in Western Europe by Kimberly Ann Twist Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science University of California, Berkeley Professor Jonah D. Levy, Chair As long as far-right parties { known chiefly for their vehement opposition to immigration { have competed in contemporary Western Europe, scholars and observers have been concerned about these parties' implications for liberal democracy. Many originally believed that far- right parties would fade away due to a lack of voter support and their isolation by mainstream parties. Since 1994, however, far-right parties have been included in 17 governing coalitions across Western Europe. What explains the switch from exclusion to inclusion in Europe, and what drives mainstream-right parties' decisions to include or exclude the far right from coalitions today? My argument is centered on the cost of far-right exclusion, in terms of both office and policy goals for the mainstream right. I argue, first, that the major mainstream parties of Western Europe initially maintained the exclusion of the far right because it was relatively costless: They could govern and achieve policy goals without the far right. -
IDENTITY CONFLICT in BULGARIA: the DYNAMICS of NON-VIOLENCE By
IDENTITY CONFLICT IN BULGARIA: THE DYNAMICS OF NON-VIOLENCE by Osman Koray Ertaş A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of George Mason University in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Conflict Analysis and Resolution Committee: Committee Chair Graduate Program Director Dean, School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution Date: Fall Semester 2016 George Mason University Fairfax, VA Identity Conflict in Bulgaria: The Dynamics of Non-Violence A Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at George Mason University by Osman Koray Ertaş Master of Arts University of Sussex, 1997 Director: Karina Korostelina, Professor Department of Conflict Analysis and Resolution Fall Semester 2016 George Mason University Fairfax, VA This work is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noderivs 3.0 unported license. ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my dear sons Burak, Alp, and Kagan. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank many friends and supporters who have made this happen. The biggest credit should go to my advisor, Prof. Karina Korostelina, who patiently assisted me during this long and difficult period. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page List of Tables ................................................................................................................... vii List of Figures ................................................................................................................. viii List of Abbreviations -
Zornitsa Markova the KTB STATE
Zornitsa Markova THE KTB STATE Sofia, 2017 All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or express written consent from Iztok-Zapad Publishing House. transmitted in any form or by any means without first obtaining © Zornitsa Markova, 2017 © Iztok-Zapad Publishing House, 2017 ISBN 978-619-01-0094-2 zornitsa markova THE KTB STATE CHRONICLE OF THE LARGEST BANK FAILURE IN BULGARIA — THE WORKINGS OF A CAPTURED STATE THAT SOLD OUT THE PUBLIC INTEREST FOR PRIVATE EXPEDIENCY CONTENTS LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS AND ACRONYMS / 12 EDITOR’S FOREWORD / 13 SUMMARY / 15 READER’S GUIDE TO THE INVESTIGATION / 21 1. HISTORICAL BACKGROUND / 23 DEVELOPMENTS IN THE BULGARIAN BANKING SECTOR THAT PRE-DATE KTB ..........................................................25 Headed for a Banking Crisis .................................................................................................. 26 Scores of Banks Close Their Doors................................................................................... 29 First Private Bank — Backed by the Powerful, Favoured by the Government ......................................................... 33 Criminal Syndicates and Their Banks — the Birth of a State within the State ...........................................................................35 A Post-Crisis Change of Players ..........................................................................................37 A FRESH START FOR THE FLEDGLING KTB ..................................................... 40 KTB SALE ..........................................................................................................................................42 -
Bulgaria Political Party '. Development Assistance Assessment & Program Design
BULGARIA POLITICAL PARTY '. DEVELOPMENT ASSISTANCE ASSESSMENT & PROGRAM DESIGN Preparedfor: U.S. Agency For International Development/Bulgaria Democracy & Local Governance Office Prepared by: Mark Hopkins, M.A. Sarah Birch, Ph.D. & John Mason, Ph.D. (Team Leader) Consultants for: Developmeut Associates, Inc. 1730 N. Lynn Street Arlington, VA 22209-2023 (703) 276-0677 April 29, 2002 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Acronyms 1lI Executive Summary iv Chapter 1: Introduction I A. Purpose I B. Background I C. Methodology and Research Perspective 2 D. Organization ofthe Report 4 Chapter 2: Constraints to Enhanced Party Electoral Competitiveness 5 A. The Setting 5 B. Cultural and Social Attitudes towards Political Parties 5 C. Legal Framework ofParties, Voting Systems and Elections 7 D. Impact ofLocal Elections on Party Behavior 8 E. Party Election Campaign Capacity 9 Chapter 3: Challenges to Formation of Effective Party Structures 12 A. Overall Organizational Status ofParties 12 B. Internal Organizational Development 13 C. Institutionalization ofParty Structure 15 D. Prospects for Party Reform IS E. The Needs ofWomen in Politics 16 F. Youth Needs 18 Chapter 4: Potential for Effective Party Governance 21 A. Outreach Capacity 21 B. Links to Advocacy Groups and the Media 27 C. Coalition-Building Experience 29 D. Role ofthe Opposition 29 Chapter 5: An Overview ofDonor Experience in Assisting Party Development 31 A. u.S. Experience in Direct Support ofParty Development 31 B. Other Donor Experience in Direct Support ofthe Political Party Process 34 C. USAID Experience in Indirect Support ofParty System Development.. 35 • D. Future Plans and Potential Donor Cooperation 38 PoliJical Party Deve1JJpment April 2002 in Bulgaria ....' Development Associates, Inc. -
Politics, Environment, and the Rule of Law in Bulgaria
Articles POLITICS, ENVIRONMENT, AND THE RULE OF LAW IN BULGARIA JAMES FRIEDBERG* BRANIMIR ZAIMOV** I. INTRODUCTION The newly aspiring pluralist democracies of Eastern and Central Europe seek civil societies governed by the Rule of Law' and natural environments cleansed of the toxins produced during the Soviet years. These two goals are related and both are uncertain of achievement. Observers from the West and participants from the East hailed the mostly peaceful revolutions of 1989-91 as signaling the advent of the Rule of Law, in triumph over the arbitrary bureaucratic discretion of Communist Party regimes.2 The Communist Party may have fallen throughout the region, but conditions are still problematic for a true Rule of Law. The evils of partisanship, corruption, and bureaucratic arbitrariness are often embedded in the political cultures of these countries, impeding the movement toward democracy and principled * Professor of Law, West Virginia University; Faculty Associate, W.V.U. Regional Research Institute; Co-Investigator, John D. and Katherine T. MacArthur Foundation Bulgarian Environmental Project. B.A. 1972, Temple University; J.D. 1975, Harvard Law School. Professor Friedberg thanks his research assistant, Asad Khan, for his help in editing this paper. Due to the scarcity of Bulgarian sources, the authors take full responsibility for all citations to Bulgarian language materials. ** International Law Department, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Bulgaria; currently First Secretary, Embassy of Bulgaria to the United Kingdom. Mr. Zaimov has contributed to this paper in his private, and not his official, capacity. 1. Kjell Engelbrekt, Toward the Rule of Law: Bulgaria, 1 RFE/RL Res. Rep.