DOCSLIB.ORG

Bulgarian Democracy's Organization Weapon: Political Parties And

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Bulgarian Democracy's Organization Weapon: Political Parties And An improbable success story in the Balkans Bulgarian Democracy’s Organizational Weapon M. Steven Fish and Robin S. Brooks ne of the most remarkable—and least Muslims, and relations between the two groups in celebrated and understood—political stories Bulgaria were much worse during the Soviet era than Oof the postcommunist region is the relative those between the two groups in Yugoslavia. In short, success of democratization in Bulgaria. Not only has Bulgaria did not enter the postcommunist era as a democratization taken place but democracy has taken leading candidate for robust democratization. Yet hold. Bulgaria has avoided the slide toward democracy came nonetheless, and it appears to be authoritarianism that occurred in Russia, Ukraine, holding, perhaps even deepening. Belarus, Albania, Armenia, and all the countries of After the beginning of the regime change Central Asia in the second half of the 1990s. at the end of the 1980s, Bulgaria did develop one Explaining Bulgaria’s experience is difficult. Most of noteworthy asset: an array of reasonably strong polit- the usual explanations for success do not work. ical parties. Like Romania and Mongolia, arguably Bulgaria does not have a hardy democratic tradition. the postcommunist region’s two other pleasant The brand of Sovietism practiced in Bulgaria was surprises in the realm of democratization, Bulgaria similar to that found in the USSR. Dissent was dealt has had a relatively high rate of popular participation with harshly. In contrast with Hungary or Poland, no in parties. Seven percent of voting-age Bulgarians, 12 substantial political or economic liberalization percent of Romanians, and 20 percent of Mongolians occurred during the 1970s or 1980s. At the onset of belong to parties. The numbers are all high by post- the regime change, Bulgaria was poor even by regional communist standards and are far greater than in standards, and the economic trauma it endured during Russia and Ukraine, where rates of party member- the early years of transition was as severe as that ship are one or two percent (Marc Howard, experienced by Russia and Ukraine. Neighborhood Demobilized Societies: Understanding the Weakness of effects cannot be considered particularly auspicious. Civil Society in Post-Communist Europe [Ph.D. disserta- Bulgaria shares a long border with Serbia, and Sofia is tion, University of California, Berkeley, 1999]; M. located close to that border. To its south, Bulgaria is Steven Fish, “Mongolia: Democracy without bounded by Greece and Turkey; it is the only country Prerequisites,” Journal of Democracy 9, no. 3 [July to share a border with both. Bulgaria does not border 1998]). In Bulgaria, as in Romania and Mongolia, a West or Central European country. Nor does it have the communist-successor party or parties account for an ethnically homogeneous population. It has a large a substantial proportion of overall party membership, Turkish minority, geographically concentrated in the but major liberal or otherwise noncommunist- south, as well as substantial populations of Roma and successor parties emerged as well. It is difficult to Pomaks. The precommunist history of relations locate anything other than political parties to account between Bulgarians and Turks was bloodier than that for the Bulgarian (or for that matter, Romanian and between Serbs and the people now called Bosnian Mongolian) advantage in democratization. SUMMER 2000 63 In Bulgaria, the most impressive party to emerge identified with the UDF’s essentially liberal agenda. since the dawn of open politics is the Union of The fruits of these efforts showed in November 1996, Democratic Forces (UDF). It is not only the strongest when Petar Stoyanov, the UDF candidate and former party in Bulgaria; it is arguably the mightiest right- deputy minister of justice during the UDF’s brief spell center party in postcommunist Europe. Only Vaclav in power early in the decade, soundly defeated his BSP Klaus’s Civic Democratic Party even compares to the rival in presidential elections. The presidency, the UDF in terms of membership magnitude, organiza- powers of which are strictly limited in Bulgaria’s tional coherence, and depth of rootedness in society. parliamentary regime, had previously been occupied by Zhelyu Zhelev, the courageous former dissident Where the UDF came from who had enjoyed UDF’s support. After over a year and The UDF started life as a mélange of over a dozen a half of organization building, UDF finally held its diminutive groups that coalesced loosely during the founding conference as a political party in February early phase of the regime change. It lost the first parlia- 1997. Kostov was elected chairman. mentary elections to the Bulgarian Socialist Party The party’s inaugural conference took place just (BSP), the main communist-successor party. It fared a week after the BSP government, under the pressure better in the 1991 elections and from November 1991 of mass demonstrations, agreed to hold early until September 1992 enjoyed a brief stint as the parliamentary elections. The UDF did not organize or leading party in government. It also did well in races initiate the torrent of civil unrest that swept Bulgaria for local offices, especially in urban areas. It subse- in early 1997. The demonstrations occurred in quently underwent hard times. It lost control of the response to economic disaster as well as the corruption government to the BSP in the fall of 1992 and ineptitude of the BSP government and were and was drubbed by them at the polls in 1994, locking largely spontaneous. But the UDF reacted quickly and it out of government for nearly a half decade. In local established some mastery over the unrest. The party’s elections in 1995 it suffered setbacks as well. During parliamentary leaders successfully forged a coalition of the early 1990s, the UDF was the major liberal force all parliamentary factions opposed to the BSP. In addi- in Bulgaria, but it did not succeed in either holding tion, UDF activists mobilized crowds, displaying power or building a sturdy organization. sympathy with the demonstrators and amplifying their This situation began to shift during the summer demands. Party leaders also restrained the mobs, of 1995. The leading force for change was Ivan successfully persuading a huge crowd not to invade the Kostov, an economist who had served as minister of parliament building in order to attack the hapless finance in the short-lived UDF government. Socialist politicians holed up inside. Thus the UDF Kostov intended to create a centralized, disciplined helped convert mass discontent into political power. In mass-membership political party out of the band of late April, in alliance with several tiny parties, the bantam groups that constituted the UDF. This UDF captured 52 percent of the popular vote and 57 involved inducing these groups to submerge their percent of the seats in parliamentary elections. The identities in a larger, hierarchical organization that Socialists and their partners, the Ecoglasnost move- identified itself as a right-center political party rather ment, finished with 22 percent of the vote and 24 than as a “democratic movement.” While building a percent of seats. The election ended an era of stulti- party apparatus and identity, Kostov and his allies also fying, sclerotic Socialist rule and established the UDF inserted their organization deeply into society. They as Bulgaria’s dominant political force and one of the founded party clubs around the country to boost most dynamic parties in postcommunist Europe. popular participation. They opened UDF cafés for young people, sports facilities for children, and reading How the UDF did it rooms for older folks. They forged close contacts with Other right-center parties in the postcommunist nonstate associations, including journalists’ groups, region have managed to win elections, but few human-rights organizations, and other groups that have ever established the rootedness in society and 64 EAST EUROPEAN CONSTITUTIONAL REVIEW political dominance that the UDF did in Bulgaria. Poland and Mongolia, have semipresidential regimes; How has the party done it? More specifically, how still others, such as Moldova and Lithuania, have can one account for the rise of so formidable a moderate presidential systems. All systems that adopted right-center party in Bulgaria? “superpresidential” constitutions—those that invest As with the emergence of democracy in general, modest capacity in the legislature and give the UDF’s emergence is not readily accounted for overwhelming powers to the president, such as by the standard explanations or expectations. The Russia, Kyrgyzstan, and Armenia—subsequently failed UDF is not a historical party. Unlike Slovakia’s to develop strong party systems. liberal Democratic Party and nationalist Slovak Institutional stimuli are important, but they National Party (SNP), Bulgaria’s UDF cannot clearly are also present in many other postcommunist claim precommunist lineage. It cannot draw on a polities whose party systems do not include a right- ready-made name, symbols, or other sources of center organization as formidable as the UDF. identification. Unlike Hungary’s liberal Alliance of The UDF’s prosperity is due largely to two other Free Democrats and Federation of Young Democrats, phenomena. The first is the character and trajectory of the UDF does not enjoy roots in a communist-era political competition since the beginning of the informal dissident movement. Nor has the UDF, in regime change. Specifically,
Load more

Recommended publications
  • VOLUME 1 • NUMBER 1 • 2018 Aims and Scope
    VOLUME 1 • NUMBER 1 • 2018 Aims and Scope Critical Romani Studies is an international, interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal, providing a forum for activist-scholars to critically examine racial oppressions, different forms of exclusion, inequalities, and human rights abuses Editors of Roma. Without compromising academic standards of evidence collection and analysis, the Journal seeks to create a platform to critically engage with Maria Bogdan academic knowledge production, and generate critical academic and policy Central European University knowledge targeting – amongst others – scholars, activists, and policy-makers. Jekatyerina Dunajeva Pázmány Péter Catholic University Scholarly expertise is a tool, rather than the end, for critical analysis of social phenomena affecting Roma, contributing to the fight for social justice. The Journal Tímea Junghaus especially welcomes the cross-fertilization of Romani studies with the fields of European Roma Institute for Arts and Culture critical race studies, gender and sexuality studies, critical policy studies, diaspora studies, colonial studies, postcolonial studies, and studies of decolonization. Angéla Kóczé Central European University The Journal actively solicits papers from critically-minded young Romani Iulius Rostas (editor-in-chief) scholars who have historically experienced significant barriers in engaging Central European University with academic knowledge production. The Journal considers only previously unpublished manuscripts which present original, high-quality research. The Márton Rövid (managing editor) Journal is committed to the principle of open access, so articles are available free Central European University of charge. All published articles undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial Marek Szilvasi (review editor) editorial screening and refereeing by at least two anonymous scholars. The Journal Open Society Foundations provides a modest but fair remuneration for authors, editors, and reviewers.
    [Show full text]
  • Bulgaria's Perpetual Stagnation Due to Its Negative National Narrative
    Claremont Colleges Scholarship @ Claremont CMC Senior Theses CMC Student Scholarship 2021 Maledictum Bulgaricus: Bulgaria’s Perpetual Stagnation Due to its Negative National Narrative and Political Nostalgia Yoana Sidzhimova Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Sidzhimova, Yoana, "Maledictum Bulgaricus: Bulgaria’s Perpetual Stagnation Due to its Negative National Narrative and Political Nostalgia" (2021). CMC Senior Theses. 2645. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2645 This Open Access Senior Thesis is brought to you by Scholarship@Claremont. It has been accepted for inclusion in this collection by an authorized administrator. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Claremont McKenna College Maledictum Bulgaricus: Bulgaria’s Perpetual Stagnation Due to its Negative National Narrative and Political Nostalgia submitted to Professor Zachary Courser by Yoana Nikolaeva Sidzhimova for Senior Thesis Full Year Thesis 2020 – 2021 May 3, 2021 1 Acknowledgements First, I would like to thank Professor Courser for his guidance throughout my entire journey at CMC. From sitting in his office for our first ever advisor meeting freshman year, having the pleasure to learn and work alongside him in CMC’s Policy Lab, and, finally, completing my thesis with his guidance, my experience at CMC would not have been the same without him there. Thank you for always pushing me and helping me understand the value in a ‘Big Think,’ having my best interests as a both a student and individual at heart, and, most importantly, reminding me the value in slowing down and taking a breather. I have learned so much from you in the past four years.
    [Show full text]
  • There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
    There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included.
    [Show full text]
  • Chronology of Key Events
    Chronology of key events 1990 13 July 1990 With a Declaration of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Bulgaria accepts the invitation extended by NATO to establish regular diplomatic liaison. Mrs. Lea Cohen, Bulgarian Ambassador to Belgium, is authorized to maintain diplomatic liaison with NATO. 1991 4 April 1991 Establishment of the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria, the first non-governmental Atlantic association outside NATO member states. Since October 1992, the Atlantic Club of Bulgaria has been associated with the Atlantic Treaty Association (ATA), initially as an observer and later as an associate member. 12-14 June 1991 Dr Manfred Wörner pays the first official visit of NATO Secretary General to Bulgaria. 20 December 1991 Bulgaria participates as a co-founding state in the inaugural meeting of the North Atlantic Cooperation Council (NACC). 1994 14 February 1994 The President of Bulgaria, Zhelyu Zhelev, signs the Partnership for Peace Framework Document at NATO Headquarters. 25 November 1994 Bulgarian Deputy Foreign Minister Todor Churov visits NATO Headquarters. Bulgaria’s PfP Individual Partnership Program with NATO is formally accepted. 1995 28 September 1995 Bulgaria participates in a meeting at NATO Headquarters for a presentation of the conclusions of the Study on NATO Enlargement to NACC and PfP Cooperation partners. 16 October 1995 Bulgaria accedes to the Status of Forces Agreement between the NATO member states and the PfP countries (ratified by the National Assembly on 5 April 1996). 1996 1996-1998 Bulgaria participates in a number of meetings with NATO within the Intensified Dialogue with interested partners on NATO membership issues. 2-3 May 1996 NATO Secretary General Javier Solana visits Bulgaria.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hazards of Half-Measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization
    The Hazards of Half-measures: Perestroika and the Failure of Post-Soviet Democratization M. STEVEN FISH Abstract: Perestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world in the late twentieth century. Yet, it did not fulfill what was arguably its lofti- est promise—to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. The failure of democratization in post-Soviet Russia may be traced in part to two fateful short- comings in perestroika: the tepidity of Gorbachev’s economic reforms and Gor- bachev’s failure to empower popularly elected legislatures. Key words: democracy, democratization, economic reform, liberalization, national legislature, perestroika erestroika was the most dramatic chapter in the political history of the world P in the late twentieth century. For citizens of the USSR, it brought both hope and trauma. For the rest of the world, it provided liberation from the scourge of the cold war’s apocalyptic endgame scenario, which had defined international relations for four decades. Despite its momentousness, however, perestroika did not fulfill what was arguably its loftiest promise: to lay firm foundations for lasting popular rule in Russia. Mikhail Gorbachev may not have intended his reforms to lead to democ- racy, but by the time the Soviet regime unraveled in late 1991, democratization is what perestroika had brought about. At the dawn of the post-Soviet era, the three Baltic states had already forged open polities. Russia, Ukraine, Belarus, Kyrgyzstan, Georgia, Armenia, and Moldova had experienced significant democ- ratization as well. Yet, in the ensuing decade, Russia, among other post-Soviet countries, underwent a powerful political reversal.
    [Show full text]
  • The Extreme Right Wing in Bulgaria
    INTERNATIONAL POLICY ANALYSIS The Extreme Right Wing in Bulgaria ANTONIY TODOROV January 2013 n The extreme right wing (also known as the far right) consists of parties and organi- sations ideologically linked by their espousal of extreme forms of cultural conserva- tism, xenophobia and, not infrequently, racism. They are strong advocates of order imposed by a »strong hand« and they profess a specific form of populism based on opposition between the elite and the people. n The most visible extreme right organisation in Bulgaria today is the Attack Party, which has been in existence since 2005. Since its emergence, voter support for the Attack Party has significantly grown and in 2006 its leader, Volen Siderov, made it to the run-off in the presidential election. After 2009, however, the GERB Party (the incumbent governing party in Bulgaria) managed to attract a considerable number of former Attack supporters. Today, only about 6 to 7 percent of the electorate votes for the Attack Party. n In practice, the smaller extreme right-wing organisations do not take part in the national and local elections, but they are very active in certain youth milieus and among football fans. The fact that they participate in the so-called »Loukov March«, which has been organised on an annual basis ever since 2008, suggests that they might join forces, although in practice this seems unlikely. ANTONIY TODOROV | THE EXTREME RIGHT WING IN BULGARIA Contents 1. Historical Background: From the Transition Period to Now ....................1 2. Ideological Profile ......................................................3 2.1 Minorities as Scapegoats ................................................3 2.2 The Unity of the Nation and the Strong State ................................3 2.3 Foreign Powers .......................................................4 3.
    [Show full text]
  • ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
    APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions.
    [Show full text]
  • Understanding Public Euroscepticism
    Firenze University Press www.fupress.com/qoe Understanding public Euroscepticism Citation: Simona Guerra (2020) Under- standing public Euroscepticism. Quad- Simona Guerra erni dell’Osservatorio elettorale – Ital- ian Journal of Electoral Studies 83(2): University of Surrey, United Kingdom, 0000-0003-3911-258X 45-56. doi: 10.36253/qoe-9672 E-mail: [email protected] Received: September 4, 2020 Abstract. Euroscepticism has become more and more embedded both at the EU and Accepted: December 17, 2020 national levels (Usherwood et al. 2013) and persistent across domestic debates (Ush- erwood and Startin 2013). This study presents an in-depth analysis of contemporary Published: December 23, 2020 narratives of Euroscepticism. It first introduces its question related to understanding Copyright: © 2020 Simona Guerra. This public Euroscepticism, following the British EU referendum campaign and outcome, to is an open access, peer-reviewed then present the established literature, and the analysis of the British case study. A sur- article published by Firenze Univer- vey run in Britain in May 2019 shows that, as already noted by Oliver Daddow (2006, sity Press (http://www.fupress.com/qoe) 2011), Euroscepticism is very much identifiable in the traditional narratives of Europe and distributed under the terms of the as the Other. Context accountability (Daddow 2006) is still cause for concern in Britain Creative Commons Attribution License, and by assuming a more positive view of a European Britain (Daddow 2006) does not which permits unrestricted use, distri- make the debate more informed. Images, narratives and specific issues to reform the bution, and reproduction in any medi- um, provided the original author and Eurosceptic toolbox into a more neutral, but informative, instrument could be applied source are credited.
    [Show full text]
  • Economic Liberalization and Its Impact on Human Development: a Comparative Analysis of Turkey and Azerbaijan Mayis G
    INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF ENVIRONMENTAL & SCIENCE EDUCATION 2016, VOL. 11, NO. 17, 9753-9771 OPEN ACCESS Economic liberalization and its impact on human development: A Comparative analysis of Turkey and Azerbaijan Mayis G. Gulaliyeva, Nuri I. Okb, Fargana Q. Musayevaa, Rufat J. Efendiyeva, Jamila Q. Musayevac, and Samira R. Agayevaa aThe Institute of Economics of Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences, Baku, AZERBAIJAN; bIbrahim Chechen University, Agri, TURKEY; cMingachevir State University, Mingachevir, AZERBAIJAN. ABSTRACT The aim of the article is to study the nature of liberalization as a specific economic process, which is formed and developed under the influence of the changing conditions of the globalization and integration processes in the society, as well as to identify the characteristic differences in the processes of liberalization of Turkey and Azerbaijan economies (using the method of comparative analysis of these countries' development indices). The objectives of this study: the characterization of the liberalization process as a specific economic process; a comparative analysis of the Turkey and Azerbaijan economic development conditions; the improvement of the theoretical justification of influence the process of economic liberalization on the development of society. The article presents the comparative analysis of the Turkey and Azerbaijan economic development conditions by using new research method as index of leftness (rightness) of economy. It was revealed that the Azerbaijan economy compared with the economy of Turkey is using more “right” methods of economy regulation. The Turkish economy is more prone to fluctuations in the studied parameters, at the same time, a main way of Turkish economy development is the direction towards increased liberalization, while the simultaneous growth of indicators of the human development.
    [Show full text]
  • ASSESSING ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION EPISODES: a SYNTHETIC CONTROL APPROACH Andreas Billmeier and Tommaso Nannicini*
    ASSESSING ECONOMIC LIBERALIZATION EPISODES: A SYNTHETIC CONTROL APPROACH Andreas Billmeier and Tommaso Nannicini* Abstract—We use a transparent statistical methodology for data-driven case We use a worldwide panel of economies over the period studies—the synthetic control method—to investigate the impact of eco- nomic liberalization on real GDP per capita in a worldwide sample of 1963 to 2005 and evaluate the effect of a binary indicator countries. Economic liberalization is measured by a widely used indica- of economic liberalization—derived by Sachs and Warner tor that captures the scope of the market in the economy. The methodology (1995) and extended, updated, and revised by Wacziarg and compares the postliberalization GDP trajectory of treated economies with the trajectory of a combination of similar but untreated economies. We find Welch (2003, 2008)—on the outcome, namely, the posttreat- that liberalizing the economy had a positive effect in most regions, but more ment trajectory of real GDP per capita. This binary indicator recent liberalizations, in the 1990s and mainly in Africa, had no significant has been widely used in cross-country studies and therefore impact. allows us to anchor our findings in the existing literature on the nexus between openness and income. Following Giavazzi I. Introduction and Tabellini (2005, p. 1298), we interpret it as a broad mea- sure of “comprehensive reforms that extend the scope of the HEORETICAL results in international economics and market, and in particular of international markets.” T growth theory largely point to a positive relationship Within the synthetic control framework, we ask whether between economic liberalization and economic welfare, but liberalizing the economy in year T leads to higher-growth confirming this prediction empirically has proven to be a performance in the years T +i (with i ∈[1, 10]) compared to Sisyphean job.
    [Show full text]
  • IDENTITY CONFLICT in BULGARIA: the DYNAMICS of NON-VIOLENCE By
    IDENTITY CONFLICT IN BULGARIA: THE DYNAMICS OF NON-VIOLENCE by Osman Koray Ertaş A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of George Mason University in Partial Fulfillment of The Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Conflict Analysis and Resolution Committee: Committee Chair Graduate Program Director Dean, School for Conflict Analysis and Resolution Date: Fall Semester 2016 George Mason University Fairfax, VA Identity Conflict in Bulgaria: The Dynamics of Non-Violence A Dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at George Mason University by Osman Koray Ertaş Master of Arts University of Sussex, 1997 Director: Karina Korostelina, Professor Department of Conflict Analysis and Resolution Fall Semester 2016 George Mason University Fairfax, VA This work is licensed under a creative commons attribution-noderivs 3.0 unported license. ii DEDICATION This dissertation is dedicated to my dear sons Burak, Alp, and Kagan. iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank many friends and supporters who have made this happen. The biggest credit should go to my advisor, Prof. Karina Korostelina, who patiently assisted me during this long and difficult period. iv TABLE OF CONTENTS Page List of Tables ................................................................................................................... vii List of Figures ................................................................................................................. viii List of Abbreviations
    [Show full text]
  • Nation-Building Versus State-Building in the Balkans. Lessons Learned
    Nation-building Versus State-building in the Balkans. Lessons Learned Conference organized by the Center for Policy Studies and the Blue Bird "Agenda for Civil Society in South East Europe" Project Central European University, 30 November-1 December 2002 Nation-building Versus State-building in the Balkans. Lessons Learned Conference Report By Tania Gosselin 30 November Welcome Addresses Ben Slay, Director of the Regional Support Center, UNDP, Bratislava Petar Stoyanov, Former President of Bulgaria Ben Slay welcomed all participants and pointed out the continuing relevance of reflection and policy recommendations on the themes of nationalism and ethnic conflicts in the region. Not all conflicts have been entirely resolved yet; peacekeeping and stability forces are still in place in some countries of the Balkans, and their withdrawal could disrupt a fragile balance. The two up-coming enlargements: of Europe and NATO to some of the countries in the region, are seen as inseparable from the stabilization of the Western Balkans by their gradual integration into Europe. This long-term objective, stressed Ben Slay, requires a review of the lessons learned from the developments in the region during the last 10 years. He said that reviewing these lessons is the main task of the conference, A further reason for convening such conference, according to Ben Slay, explains the mix of people invited: academics, journalists, policymakers both from the international community and South-East European countries. It is to try to offer an account of what happened in the Balkans in the last 10 years by looking at the post- Communist world in its entirety: taking its successes and failures as providing a fruitful background for theoretically rich, but also empirically-relevant and policy- oriented explanations.
    [Show full text]