Chronology of Key Events
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There Has Been No Bulgarian Tradition of Any Long-Standing Resistance to the Communist Regime
There has been no Bulgarian tradition of any long-standing resistance to the communist regime. There was neither any political opposition, nor any other kind of an influential dissident movement. Bulgaria never went through the purgatory of the Hungarian uprising of 1956, or the “Prague spring” of 1968. It is indeed difficult to find any counter arguments whatsoever against the cliché that Bul- garia was the closest satellite of the Soviet Union. The fundamental contradictions within the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) coalition were present from the very first day of its inception. There were Marxists who were longing for “socialism with a human face”, intellectuals with liberal ideas, social democrats and Christian democrats, conservatives and radical demo- crats, monarchists and republicans. The members of the center-right coalition did not delude themselves about their differences; they rather shared the clear un- derstanding that only a painful compromise could stand some chances against the Goliath of the totalitarian Bulgarian Communist Party (BKP). It was this unani- mous opposition to the communist regime and its legacy that made the coalition possible. But only for a limited period of time. The United Democratic Forces (ODS) government under Prime Minister Ivan Kostov (1997-2001) completed the reformist agenda of anti-communism. At the end of the ODS term of office, Bulgaria was a country with a functioning market economy, stable democracy, and a clearly outlined foreign policy course towards the country’s accession to the European Union and NATO, which was accepted by all significant political formations, the Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) included. -
Regional Dimension of Participation in Missions Abroad
Regional Dimension of Participation in Missions Abroad Rade Rajkovchevski, MSc and Dimitar Kirkovski, MA Abstract The events in the 90s had serious implications on the peace and stability in Europe and beyond. The collapse of the USSR and Yugoslavia; political instability and the initiation of democratic processes associated with transitional changes in post-socialist countries; the need to redefine national doctrines, including NATO's strategies; the intensifying effects of globalization associated with economic migration and refugee crises; increasing porosity of borders that allowed illegal crossings, trafficking of illicit goods and large influx of people to Europe considerably changed the security picture of the continent. In the areas that were recovering from the consequences of ethnic conflicts, the efforts of the international community to resolve the security issues between states turned out to be the appropriate solution for the acceleration of reforms in the security sector in the framework of fulfilling the requirements set for the Euro-Atlantic integration processes. In 2003 the Adriatic Charter was founded, following the pattern of the Vilnius group several years before in 2000. Thus, the region of Southeastern Europe, from users of services of foreign military missions, began contributing to world peace support missions. Although several years ago it was impossible, today the state representatives and army’ officials think loudly about forming a military unit of the Western Balkans countries which will have the task to train the Afghan security forces, maybe as soon as year 2012. Regional cooperation in the military missions is not an unknown practice in Europe. The Czech Republic and Slovakia, Scandinavian countries, Benelux and others regionally connected countries practiced sending their troops on joint missions decades ago. -
Nation-Building Versus State-Building in the Balkans. Lessons Learned
Nation-building Versus State-building in the Balkans. Lessons Learned Conference organized by the Center for Policy Studies and the Blue Bird "Agenda for Civil Society in South East Europe" Project Central European University, 30 November-1 December 2002 Nation-building Versus State-building in the Balkans. Lessons Learned Conference Report By Tania Gosselin 30 November Welcome Addresses Ben Slay, Director of the Regional Support Center, UNDP, Bratislava Petar Stoyanov, Former President of Bulgaria Ben Slay welcomed all participants and pointed out the continuing relevance of reflection and policy recommendations on the themes of nationalism and ethnic conflicts in the region. Not all conflicts have been entirely resolved yet; peacekeeping and stability forces are still in place in some countries of the Balkans, and their withdrawal could disrupt a fragile balance. The two up-coming enlargements: of Europe and NATO to some of the countries in the region, are seen as inseparable from the stabilization of the Western Balkans by their gradual integration into Europe. This long-term objective, stressed Ben Slay, requires a review of the lessons learned from the developments in the region during the last 10 years. He said that reviewing these lessons is the main task of the conference, A further reason for convening such conference, according to Ben Slay, explains the mix of people invited: academics, journalists, policymakers both from the international community and South-East European countries. It is to try to offer an account of what happened in the Balkans in the last 10 years by looking at the post- Communist world in its entirety: taking its successes and failures as providing a fruitful background for theoretically rich, but also empirically-relevant and policy- oriented explanations. -
Statement by the Heads of State and Government Of
STATEMENT BY THE HEADS OF STATE AND GOVERNMENT OF ALBANIA, BULGARIA, CROATIA, ESTONIA, LATVIA, LITHUANIA, MACEDONIA, ROMANIA, SLOVAKIA AND SLOVENIA ON THE OCCASION OF NATO SUMMIT IN PRAGUE (25.11.2002) [1] We, the Heads of State and Government of Albania, Bulgaria, Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia, reaffirm that political solidarity and a commitment to the democratic values will continue to be the foundation of our cooperation with each other and with NATO allies. [2] In the two and a half years since we first met in Vilnius, Lithuania, we have sought to make our own contribution to a Europe that is free, and united by the fundamental principles of democracy, free market economy, and human rights. We have also set the goal of acting in solidarity in response to the new threats to the Euro-Atlantic community. To this end, we have joined NATO nations in operations from Kosovo to Kabul and have acted as members of the Alliance in the fight against terrorism. [3] We welcome the decision of the North Atlantic Council to invite Bulgaria, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Romania, Slovakia and Slovenia to begin accession talks with NATO. This decision is a success for all of our countries and a success for democracy. It is also a recognition of the tremendous efforts our countries put into reforms. We believe that Albania, Croatia and Macedonia are an essential part of the Euro-Atlantic community and should be invited to begin accession talks at the earliest opportunity. We are committed to accelerate the process of reform in each of our countries and to work together to support the aspiration of Albania, Croatia and Macedonia for membership in NATO. -
Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov
Post-Socialist Blues Within Real Existing Capitalism: Anti-Communism, Neoliberalisation, Fascism by Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of Sociology University of Alberta © Bozhin Stiliyanov Traykov, 2020 Abstract This project draws on Alex William’s (2020) contribution to Gramscian studies with the concept of complex hegemony as an emergent, dynamic and fragile process of acquiring power in socio- political economic systems. It examines anti-communism as an ideological element of neoliberal complex hegemony in Bulgaria. By employing a Gramcian politico-historical analysis I explore examples of material and discursive ideological practices of anti-communism. I show that in Bulgaria, anti-communism strives to operate as hegemonic, common-sensual ideology through legislative acts, production of historiography, cultural and educational texts, and newly invented traditions. The project examines the process of rehabilitation of fascist figures and rise of extreme nationalism, together with discrediting of the anti-fascist struggle and demonizing of the welfare state within the totalitarian framework of anti-communism. Historians Enzo Traverso (2016, 2019), Domenico Losurdo (2011) and Ishay Landa (2010, 2016) have traced the undemocratic roots of economic liberalism and its (now silenced) support of fascism against the “Bolshevik threat.” They have shown that, whether enunciated by fascist regimes or by (neo)liberal intellectuals, anti-communism is deeply undemocratic and shares deep mass-phobic disdain for political organizing of the majority. In this dissertation I argue that, in Bulgaria, anti- communism has not only opened the ideological space for extreme right and fascist politics, it has demoralized left political organizing by attacking any attempts for a politics of socio- economic justice as tyrannical. -
Nato Enlargement: Qualifications and Contributions—Parts I–Iv Hearings
S. HRG. 108–180 NATO ENLARGEMENT: QUALIFICATIONS AND CONTRIBUTIONS—PARTS I–IV HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS UNITED STATES SENATE ONE HUNDRED EIGHTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION MARCH 27, AND APRIL 1, 3 AND 8, 2003 Printed for the use of the Committee on Foreign Relations ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.access.gpo.gov/congress/senate U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 90–325 PDF WASHINGTON : 2003 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2250 Mail: Stop SSOP, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:42 Nov 12, 2003 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 90325 SFORELA1 PsN: SFORELA1 COMMITTEE ON FOREIGN RELATIONS RICHARD G. LUGAR, Indiana, Chairman CHUCK HAGEL, Nebraska JOSEPH R. BIDEN, JR., Delaware LINCOLN CHAFEE, Rhode Island PAUL S. SARBANES, Maryland GEORGE ALLEN, Virginia CHRISTOPHER J. DODD, Connecticut SAM BROWNBACK, Kansas JOHN F. KERRY, Massachusetts MICHAEL B. ENZI, Wyoming RUSSELL D. FEINGOLD, Wisconsin GEORGE V. VOINOVICH, Ohio BARBARA BOXER, California LAMAR ALEXANDER, Tennessee BILL NELSON, Florida NORM COLEMAN, Minnesota JOHN D. ROCKEFELLER IV, West Virginia JOHN E. SUNUNU, New Hampshire JON S. CORZINE, New Jersey KENNETH A. MYERS, JR., Staff Director ANTONY J. BLINKEN, Democratic Staff Director (II) VerDate 11-MAY-2000 17:42 Nov 12, 2003 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00002 Fmt 5904 Sfmt 5904 90325 SFORELA1 PsN: SFORELA1 CONTENTS Thursday, March 27, 2003—Part I Page Allen, Hon. George, U.S. Senator from Virginia, opening statement ................. -
Bulgaria Country Report BTI 2003
Bulgaria Status Index 7.7 Management Index 6.4 (Democracy: 4.0 / Market Economy: 3.7) System of Government Parliamentary Population 8.0 Mio. Democracy GDP p. c. ($, PPP) 6,890 Voter turnout 67.03 (2002) Unemployment rate 19.5 % Women in Parliament 26.3 % HDI 0.795 Population growth -0.3 % UN-Education Index 0.91 Largest ethnic minority 9.4 % (1992) Gini-Index 31.9 Figures for 2001 – if not indicated otherwise. a) Annual growth between 1975 and 2001. Source: UNDP: Human Development Report 2003. 1. Introduction The beginning of the period under study coincided roughly with the formation of the Union of Democratic Forces (SDS) government under Ivan Kostov in early 1997. The previous Bulgarian Socialist Party (BSP) government under Zhan Videnov had run Bulgaria’s economy to ruin during its short mandate from January 25, 1995 to December 28, 1996, and was forced out by popular demand. Ivan Kostov’s SDS-led government, in power from May 23, 1997 to July 24, 2001, is, to date, the only government since 1990 to have completed a full term of office. Although it was able to bring stability to the country and its macroeconomic situation, the SDS-led government was ousted in the June 17, 2001 elections by former czar Simeon II Saxe-Coburg-Gotha and his three-month- old party the National Movement for Simeon II (NDSV). The SDS lost the election because it had been unable to improve economic conditions for the average person and because voters had placed unrealistic hopes in the former czar. This report concludes that, despite all apparent political and macroeconomic stabilization since the 1997 crisis, severe deficiencies remain in regard to the rule of law; administrative efficiency; and the fight against organized crime, corruption and mafia structures (Bulgaria ranks 45th in the Corruption Perception Index with a score of 4.0). -
Bulgaria: the Greatest Vacillations Simeon Djankov March 1, 2014 In
Bulgaria: The Greatest Vacillations Simeon Djankov March 1, 2014 In one of the most famous economics books, Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy, Joseph Schumpeter (1942) predicted the inevitable collapse of capitalism. I grew up in the last two decades of socialism in Bulgaria and as students we were repeatedly told that socialism would prevail in the whole world, and that in Bulgaria it would soon enter its ultimate form, communism. Then everything would be free and nobody would have to work, unless they wanted to. A strange thing to tell children. Luckily, few believed. In the summer of 1989 I finished high-school and took the entrance exams in international relations at the Karl Marx Institute of Economics in Sofia. In my graduating high-school class was also the grandson of the Secretary General of the Bulgarian Communist Party Todor Zhivkov. He, too, fancied a career in diplomacy. This was a problem. There were rigid quotas for entering international studies – for fear of students taking off to the West after graduation – and in that particular year there was only one slot allotted for diplomacy. As luck had it, Zhivkov Junior failed the exams and did what most offspring of totalitarian leaders had done before – went to study in Switzerland. And I entered the Karl Marx Institute. I did not stay long at the Karl Marx Institute, and neither did its name. In December 1988 during a speech at the United Nations Council in New York, Mikhail Gorbachev had declared that the Soviet Union would no longer intervene in the international affairs of other countries from the socialist bloc. -
NATO's Eastern Agenda in a New Strategic
NATO’s Eastern Agenda in a New Strategic Era F. Stephen Larrabee Prepared for the United States Air Force Approved for public release; distribution unlimited R Project AIR FORCE The research reported here was sponsored by the United States Air Force under Contract F49642-C-96-0001. Further information may be obtained from the Strategic Planning Division, Directorate of Plans, Hq USAF. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Larrabee, F. Stephen. NATO’s Eastern agenda in a new strategic era / F. Stephen Larrabee. p. cm. “MR-1744.” Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-8330-3467-7 (pbk.) 1. North Atlantic Treaty Organization—Military policy. 2. Former communist countries—Military relations—Europe. 3. Europe—Military relations—Former communist countries. 4. United States—Military policy. 5. World politics—21st century. I. Title. UA646.8.L37 2003 355'.031'0918210947—dc22 2003017570 Cover photo courtesy of NATO photos, www.nato.int. Press Point between President Vaclav Havel (right) and NATO Secretary General Lord Robertson (left) at the Prague Castle. RAND is a nonprofit institution that helps improve policy and decisionmaking through research and analysis. RAND® is a registered trademark. RAND’s publications do not necessarily reflect the opinions or policies of its research sponsors. Cover design by Stephen Bloodsworth © Copyright 2003 RAND All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by any electronic or mechanical means (including photocopying, recording, or information storage and retrieval) -
Bulgarian Democracy's Organization Weapon: Political Parties And
An improbable success story in the Balkans Bulgarian Democracy’s Organizational Weapon M. Steven Fish and Robin S. Brooks ne of the most remarkable—and least Muslims, and relations between the two groups in celebrated and understood—political stories Bulgaria were much worse during the Soviet era than Oof the postcommunist region is the relative those between the two groups in Yugoslavia. In short, success of democratization in Bulgaria. Not only has Bulgaria did not enter the postcommunist era as a democratization taken place but democracy has taken leading candidate for robust democratization. Yet hold. Bulgaria has avoided the slide toward democracy came nonetheless, and it appears to be authoritarianism that occurred in Russia, Ukraine, holding, perhaps even deepening. Belarus, Albania, Armenia, and all the countries of After the beginning of the regime change Central Asia in the second half of the 1990s. at the end of the 1980s, Bulgaria did develop one Explaining Bulgaria’s experience is difficult. Most of noteworthy asset: an array of reasonably strong polit- the usual explanations for success do not work. ical parties. Like Romania and Mongolia, arguably Bulgaria does not have a hardy democratic tradition. the postcommunist region’s two other pleasant The brand of Sovietism practiced in Bulgaria was surprises in the realm of democratization, Bulgaria similar to that found in the USSR. Dissent was dealt has had a relatively high rate of popular participation with harshly. In contrast with Hungary or Poland, no in parties. Seven percent of voting-age Bulgarians, 12 substantial political or economic liberalization percent of Romanians, and 20 percent of Mongolians occurred during the 1970s or 1980s. -
US-Adriatic Charter of Partnership: Securing the NATO Open Door Policy*
Grdešić, I., US-Adriatic Charter of Partnership: ..., Politička misao, Vol. XLI, (2004), No. 5, pp. 104–122 104 Regional Security Izlaganje sa znanstvenog skupa 355.356(100-622 NATO:4-69) Primljeno: 22. svibnja 2005. US-Adriatic Charter of Partnership: Securing the NATO Open Door Policy* IVAN GRDEŠIĆ Faculty of Political Science, University of Zagreb Summary The US-Adriatic Charter, an initiative in the spirit of the 1998 U.S.-Baltic Charter, was proposed jointly by the Presidents of Albania, Croatia, and Mace- donia to President Bush at the NATO Prague Summit in November 2002. It was signed by four ministers of foreign affairs in Tirana on 2 May 2003. The Charter as a diplomatic project had two objectives – to secure the open door NATO policy and to provide the framework for the cooperation and mutual support of candidate countries. It was successful on both accounts. The Charter partners made strong commitments in the areas such as democratic reforms and the creation of the con- ditions for NATO membership. An additional effect of the Charter has been the very palpable progress in the relationships of the countries of South East Europe by improving the security conditions in the region. The US-Adriatic Charter of Partnership is a successful example of cooperation among small states with com- mon interests. Key words: NATO, enlargement, South-East Europe, security, defense policy, USA, Adriatic Charter, Croatia, Vilnius group Mailing address: Fakultet političkih znanosti, Lepušićeva 6, HR 10000 Zagreb. E-mail: : [email protected] “I also pledged my part, and I believe for NATO's part as well, that NATO's doors will not close behind its first new members. -
President Clinton's Meetings & Telephone Calls with Foreign
President Clinton’s Meetings & Telephone Calls with Foreign Leaders, Representatives, and Dignitaries from January 23, 1993 thru January 19, 20011∗ 1993 Telephone call with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia, January 23, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin of Israel, January 23, 1993, White House Telephone call with President Leonid Kravchuk of Ukraine, January 26, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with President Hosni Mubarak of Egypt, January 29, 1993, White House Telephone call with Prime Minister Suleyman Demirel of Turkey, February 1, 1993, White House Meeting with Foreign Minister Klaus Kinkel of Germany, February 4, 1993, White House Meeting with Prime Minister Brian Mulroney of Canada, February 5, 1993, White House Meeting with President Turgut Ozal of Turkey, February 8, 1993, White House Telephone call with President Stanislav Shushkevich of Belarus, February 9, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with President Boris Yeltsin of Russia, February 10, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with Prime Minister John Major of the United Kingdom, February 10, 1993, White House Telephone call with Chancellor Helmut Kohl of Germany, February 10, 1993, White House declassified in full Telephone call with UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, February 10, 1993, White House 1∗ Meetings that were only photo or ceremonial events are not included in this list. Meeting with Foreign Minister Michio Watanabe of Japan, February 11, 1993,